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LIBRARY 

Theological  Seminary, 

PRINCETON,  N.  J. 

Case , 

* . x, .  E464- 

Shelf, 

-  .M83 

lioolc, 

No  V »  1 

— 

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V 


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DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


THE 


RECORD: 


«{  %mtkm  Events, 


WITH 

DOCUMENTS,  NARRATIVES,  ILLUSTRATIVE  INCIDENTS, 

POETRY,  ETC. 


EDITED  BY 

FRANK  'MOORE, 

AUTHOR  OF  “DIARY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION.” 

AVITH 

AN  INTRODUCTORY  ADDRESS, 

* 

ON  THE  CAUSES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE,  AND  THE  GREAT  ISSUES  BEFORE  THE  COUNTRY 

By  EDWARD  EVERETT. 

FIRST  VOLUME. 

WITH  ELEVEN  PORTRAITS  ON  STEEL,  A  COLORED  MAP,  AND  VARIOUS  DIAGRAMS. 


NEW  YORK:  G.  P.  PUTNAM. 

C.  T.  EVANS,  General  Agent. 

1861. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1861,  by 
G.  P.  PUTNAM, 

in  the  Clerk’s  office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern  District  of 

New  York. 


JOHN  F.  TROW, 

PH INTER,  STEREOTYPER,  AND  ELECTROTYPES, 
46,  43  &  50  Greene  Street, 

New  York. 


PREFACE. 


In  the  initial  number  of  the  Rebellion  Recokd,  it  was  stated  that  the  work 
proposed  to  furnish,  “  in  a  digested  and  systematic  shape,  a  comprehensive  his¬ 
tory  of  this  struggle  ;  sifting  fact  from  fiction  and  rumor  ;  presenting  the  poeti¬ 
cal  and  picturesque  aspects,  the  notable  and  characteristic  incidents,  separated 
from  the  graver  and  more  important  documents.” 

It  was  observed  that  we  did  not  aim  either  to  “  supersede  or  to  keep  pace 
with  the  newspapers,  but  to  subject  them,  both  North  and  South,  to  the  cru¬ 
cible  of  time ;  following  them  at  such  distance  as  may  be  required  to  verify 
and  classify  all  that  is  best  -worth  preserving  out  of  the  immense  mass  of  lead¬ 
ers,  speeches,  letters,  and  reports,  which  crowd  the  daily  press ;  ”  “  every  im¬ 
portant  document  and  extended  narrative  being  given  in  consecutive  order,  and 
numbered,  with  references  from  the  Diary.” 

The  editor,  aiming  at  entire  impartiality,  has  collected,  from  every  quarter, 
whatever  appeared  to  be  of  general  interest,  in  any  way  connected  with  the 
great  topics  of  the  day,  or  likely  to  elucidate,  in  the  slightest  degree,  the 
questions  at  issue,  or  the  spirit  and  temper  of  the  people,  whether  loyal  or 
otherwise.  Thus  it  will  be  found  that  a  very  considerable  portion  of  the 
volume  is  occupied  with  “secession  documents,”  or  articles  from  the  “seces¬ 
sion  ”  press,  reprinted  verbatim,  without  alteration,  or  comment.  Every 
individual  who  has  spoken  or  written  with  effect  on  either  side,  or  “  on  the 
fence,”  has  been  placed  “  on  record,”  and  his  utterances  are  here  electrotyped 
for  the  benefit  of  future  generations. 

The  volume  is  paged  in  three  divisions,  viz.,  I.  Diary  of  Events ;  II.  Docu¬ 
ments  and  Narratives  ;  III.  Poetry,  Rumors,  Incidents,  etc.  A  full  Index  and 
a  Table  of  Contents  are  added  ;  and  the  whole  is  preceded  by  the  able  and  com¬ 
prehensive  address  by  Mr.  Edward  Everett,  discussing  with  even  more  than 


iv 


PREFACE. 


liis  accustomed  vigor,  eloquence,  and  force,  the  principles  and  conclusions  in¬ 
volved  in  this  great  contest. 

The  work  will  he  continued  during  the  rebellion,  and  will  embrace  its  en¬ 
tire  history.  The  concluding  numbers  will  contain  a  comprehensive  his¬ 
torical  sketch,  in  which  the  whole  story  will  be  presented  in  a  clear  and  con¬ 
nected  narrative  form.  To  do  this  properly  at  present,  in  the  midst  of  the  tur¬ 
moil,  and  the  conflicting  reports  and  opinions  of  the  day,  is  manifestly  impos¬ 
sible.  When  the  smoke  of  the  battle  shall  be  fairly  cleared  away ;  when  the 
results  shall  be  correctly  ascertained  ;  and  when  the  nation  is  restored,  as  all 
faith ful  citizens  believe  it  will  be  speedily,  to  a  peaceful  and  prosperous  Union, 
it  will  be  time  enough  to  trace  accurately  and  consecutively  the  outline  of  the 
most  extraordinary  and  unjustifiable  conspiracy  and  rebellion  which  the  world 
has  ever  witnessed. 

In  closing  this  volume,  the  Editor  acknowledges  his  obligations  to  the 
numerous  individuals  from  whom  he  has  received  valuable  assistance ;  and 
especially  to  the  officers  of  the  United  States  Army  and  Navy,  and  of  the 
various  State  Governments,  for  the  facility  with  which  he  has  been  enabled 
to  make  use  of  their  valuable  official  collections. 

New  York,  October ,  1861. 


The  following  omissions  in  the  “  Diary  of 
work : 

April  18. — Four  hundred  Pennsylvania  vol¬ 
unteers,  escorted  by  three  hundred  regular 
United  States  troops  from  Carlisle  Barracks, 
(Pa.,)  arrived  at  Washington  this  evening  at 
ten  o’clock,  and  bivouacked  at  the  capitol. — 
A.  Y.  Times ,  April  19. 

May  8. — An  act  to  prevent  the  collection 
of  debts  owing  by  citizens  of  Tennessee,  to 
citizens  of  non-slaveholding  States  during  hos- 


Events”  occurred  during  the  progress  of  the 

tilities,  passed  the  legislature  of  that  State. 
— A.  Y.  Herald ,  June  7. 

May  8. — Jefferson  Davis  submitted  to  the 
Confederate  Congress  the  correspondence  be¬ 
tween  Judge  John  A.  Campbell  and  Secretary 
Seward,  on  the  subject  of  the  evacuation  of 
Fort  Sumter,  and  a  “peaceful  adjustment  of 
the  pending  difficulties”  between  the  North 
and  South.  (Z*oc.  267.) 


REBELLION  RECORD 


CONTENTS 


OF  THE 


FIRST  YOLUIE. 


I. — DIARY  OF  EVENTS,. 


DIART. 

.Page  3 


II.— DOCUMENTS. 


DOC.  PAGE 


2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 
9. 

10. 

11. 

12. 

13. 

14. 

15. 

16. 

17. 

18. 

19. 

20. 
21. 
22. 

23. 

24. 

25. 

26. 
27. 
23. 

29. 

30. 

31. 

32. 

33. 

34. 

35. 

36. 


Maryland — Reply  of  Got.  Hicks  to  Mississippi 

Commissioner, . 

South  Carolina— Secession  Ordnance . 

South  Carolina — Declaration  of  Causes,  &c.,. . . 
Seward's  Speech  at  New  York,  Dec.  22, 1S60, . . 

Toombs'  Address  to  the  Georgians, . 

South  Carolina  Congressmen’s  Resignation,.. 

Evacuation  of  Fort  Moultrie, .  8 

Forts  Sumter  and  Moultrie, .  8 

Major  A nderson's  Movement, .  9 

Secretary  Floyd  to  the  President, .  10 

General  Wool's  Letters  on  the  Crisis, .  10 

South  Carolina  Commissioners  to  the  President, 

and  Reply, .  11 

Charleston  Mercury's  Appeal  to  Florida, .  16 

Euchanan's  Proclamation  of  a  Fast  Day, . 17 

Carrington' s  Call  to  Washington  Volunteers,. .  17 

Gov.  Hides'  Address, .  17 

Gov.  Ellis  to  Secretary  1. Jolt,  and  Reply, .  18 

Major  Anderson  to  Gov.  Pickens,  and  Reply,. .  19 

Alabama  Ordinance  of  Secession, .  19 

N.  T.  State  Resolutions, .  21 

Capt.  McGowan's  Report  of  Star  of  the  West,  21 

Georgia  Ordinance  of  Secession, .  21 

Jefferson  Davis's  Speech  on  leaving  the  Senate,  22 

Sherrard  Clemens'  Speech .  22 

London  Times  on  Disunion  Movement, .  25 

Toombs  to  Mayor  Wood,  and  Reply, . 26 

Louisiana  Secession  Ordinance, .  26 

The  U.  S.  Cutter  McClelland, .  27 

The  U.  S.  Mint  at  New  Orleans, .  27 

Texas  Ordinance  of  Secession, .  27 

Secretary  Fix's  Report, .  28 

Montgomery  Convention,  Delegates  to, . 29 

Constitution  of  Confederate  States, .  29 

Southern  Opinions .  30 

Memminger's  Speech  to  the  Convention, . 30 

Counting  the  Vote  for  President  of  U.  S., .  31 


. Document  Page 

37.  Jefferson  Davis's  “Inaugural”  Speech, .  31 

38.  President  Lincoln's  Journey,  &c.,. . . 32 

39.  Twiggs's  Treason — Property  stolen, .  35 

40.  Peace  Convention  at  Washington, .  35 

41.  Corwin's  Amendment  to  Constitution, .  36 

42.  President  Lincoln's  Inaugural  Address, . 36 

43.  The  Press  on  the  President’s  Inaugural, .  39 

44.  “  Confederate  States"  Army  Bill, . 40 

45.  London  News  on  Southern  Recognition . 41 

46.  Eraggs'  Order  stopping  Supplies  to  Fort  Pickens,  42 

47.  “  Confederate"  Commissioners  to  Seward,  and 

Reply, . 42 

48.  A.  II.  Stephens'  Speech  on  the  “  Corner 

Stone,” .  44 

49.  Vessel  fired  into  at  Charleston, .  49 

50.  U.  S.  Fleet  at  Charleston, .  49 

51.  Confederate  Commissioners'  Final  Letter  to 

Seward, .  49 

52.  Foi't  Sumter  Correspondence  and  Bombardment,  51 

53.  First  Defeat  of  the  Rebels, .  59 

54.  The  President  to  the  Virginia  Commissioners,.  61 

55.  New  York  City — the  feeling  in, .  61 

56.  Eeauregard' s  General  Orders, . 63 

57.  President  Lincoln's  Proclamation  for  75,000 

V oluntecrs,  and  Comments  of  the  Press, ....  64 
53.  Mayor  Wood's  Proclamation, .  69 

59.  Gov.  Letcher's  Proclamation, .  70 

60.  Virginia  Ordinance  of  Secession, .  70 

61.  Jeff.  Davis'  Proclamation — Letters  of  Marque, .  71 

61  Vs.  Tennessee,  Address  to  the  People  of, .  71 

62.  Lieut.  Jones'  Report  concerning  Harper’s  Ferry,  72 

63.  Louisville,  Ay.— Guthrie’s  and  Dixon’s  Speeches,  72 

64.  Major  Anderson's  Official  Report, . . 76 

65.  Maryland — Gov.  Hicks’  Proclamation.  Ealti- 

more — Mayor  Brown’s  Proclamation, . 76 

66.  N.  Y.  Chamber  of  Commerce. — Resolutions ....  77 

67.  President  Lincoln's  Blockade  Proclamation,.. . .  78 

68.  General  Scott's  General  Orders .  78 

69.  The  Baltimore  Biot, .  73 


vi 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


DOC.  PAGE 

70.  Baltimore — Mayor  Brown  to  Gov.  Andrew, 

and  Reply, .  80 

71.  F.  Y.  7th  Regiment — Departure  for  Wash¬ 

ington, .  80 

72.  Massachusetts  8th  Regiment— Officers,  Ac.,. . .  81 

73.  Fort  Moultrie — Report  in  Charleston  Courier ,  82 
731/2.  Few  York  Union  Meeting,  April  20,  18G1, . .  82 

Full  Reports  of  Speeches  by 


Gen.  Dix, 

D.  S.  Dickinson, 
Senator  Baker, 
John  Cochrane, 
Mayor  Wood, 


W.  M.  Evarts, 

David  Dudley  Field, 
W.  Curtis  Noj’es, 
Robt.  C.  Schenck, 

R.  J.  Walker, 


Henry  J.  Raymond,  Professor  Mitchell, 
Archbishop  Hughes,  Ex-Gov.  Hunt, 
James  T.  Brady,  S.  B.  Chittenden, 
Caleb  Lyon,  Hiram  Ketchum, 

Richard  O’Gorman,  Ira  P.  Davis, 
Samuel  Ilotaling,  W.  F.  Havemeyer, 


D.  S.  Coddington, 
Otto  Sackendorf, 
Gustavus  Struve, 
Solomon  L.  Hull, 
Royal  Phelps, 

F.  B.  Spinola, 
Thos.  C.  Fields, 
W.  J.  A.  Fuller, 
Gen.  Appleton, 


Frederick  Kapp, 
lingo  Wesendonck, 
Richard  Warren, 

0.  O.  Ottendorfer, 

M.  II.  Grinncll, 
Judge  Thompson, 
Edwards  Pierrepont, 
Joseph  P.  Simpson, 
C.  II.  Smith, 


Edmond  Blankman. 

74.  Massachusetts  4th  Regiment . 119 

75.  Pennsylvania— Gov.  Curtin’s  Proclamation,. .119 

76.  “Star  of  the  West,”  Seizure  of, . 119 

77.  Gosport  Favy  Yard,  Burning  of, . 119 

78.  Gen.  Scott's  Letter  to  Secretary  Floyd, . 121 

79.  Baltimore — Mayor  Brown’s  Statement . 123 

80.  Rhode  Island  Regiment;  Gov.  Sprague, . 124 

81.  Wendell  Phillips'  Speech,  April  22, . 125 

82.  Californians — Meeting  in  New  York, . 131 

83.  Liverpool  Times — Article  on  the  Conflict, . 132 

84.  Secretary  Seward  to  Gov.  Hicks, . 133 

85.  Baltimore — Attack  on  Massachusetts  Troops,.  133 

86.  Baltimore,  An  Embargo  at, . 134 

87.  A.  II.  Stephens'  Speech  at  Richmond,  April  22, 134 

88.  Few  York  Bar,  Meeting  of, . 135 

89.  John  Bell  and  E.  II.  Ewing's  Speeches, 

April  23, . . 

90.  Few  Orleans  Press,  Opinions  of, . 138 

91.  South  Carolina,  1st  Regiment  of, . 139 

92.  Robert  J.  Walker's  Speech,  April  23, . 139 

93.  F  Y.  8th,  loth,  and  Oth  Regiments,  depar¬ 

ture  of, . . 

9M/2.  Gov.  Hicks  and  Gen.  Butler’s  Correspond¬ 
ence, . 144 

Gov.  Magoffin  s  (Kentucky)  Proclamation,.. .  .144 

Gen.  Cass’  Speech  at  Detroit,  April  24, . 145 

Caleb  Cushing's  Speech,  April  24, . 145 

Gov.  Letcher's  Proclamation,  April  24, . 14G 

Van  Dorn's  Capture  of  N.  Y.  Troops  in  Texas,  146 
Geo.  Law’s  Letter, . 147 

100.  St.  Louis  Arsenal— How  the  Arms  were  Taken,  147 

101.  F.  Y.  7th  Regiment — Its  March, . 143 

102.  Gov.  Letcher's  Proclamation,  April  25, . 154 


94. 

95. 

96. 

97. 

98. 

99. 


DOC.  PACE 

103.  Gov.  Ellis’  (North  Carolina)  Proclamation,..  .155 


104.  Gov.  Burton's  (Delaware)  Proclamation, . 155 

105.  Few  Military  Departments, . 155 

10G.  F.  Y.  71  st  Regiment,  Letters  from, . 156 

107.  Washington — Oath  of  Allegiance . 158 

108.  Women  of  Few  York,  Address  to, . 158 

109.  Gov.  Hicks’  Message  to  Maryland  Legislature,  159 

110.  Blockade  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina, ....161 

111.  Edward  Everett's  Speech,  Boston,  April  27, ...161 

112.  Fort  Pickens,  Reinforcement  of, . 162 

113.  F.  Y.  S.  M.  5th  Regiment, . ..163 

114.  Vice-President  Hamlin’s  Speech,  New  York, 

April  24, . 163 

115.  Few  Orleans,  Review  of  Confederate  Troops  at,  164 

116.  F.  Y.  Firemen  Zouaves,  Departure  of, . 165 

117.  Jefferson  Davis’  Message,  April  29, . 16G 

11S.  Th e  Weverton  Letter, . 173 

119.  A  Sign  of  the  Times, . 175 

120.  A.  H.  Stephens'  Speech  at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  Ap.  30, 175 

121.  The  Palmetto  Guard,  Ac., . 177 

122.  28 th  Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  M . 178 

123.  Philadelphia  Letter  to  Gen.  Scott, . 178 

124.  Baptist  Convention  in  Georgia, . 179 

125.  Gen.  Harney’s  Letter, . 179 

126.  Albany  Burgess  Corps, . 181 

127.  South  Carolina  College  Cadets, . 181 

128.  Religious  Press  on  the  War, . 181 

129.  Gov.  Letcher's  Proclamation,  May  3, . 184 

130.  Few  York  to  be  Burned, . 185 

131.  President's  Proclamation, . 185 

132.  Commodore  Stewart’s  Letter  to  Childs, . 186 

133.  Rebel  Army  at  Pensacola, . 187 

134.  The  Attack  on  Washington ,  Fat.  Intelligencer,  188 

135.  Maryland  Commissioners’  Report, . 190 

136.  Few  Jersey  Troops — List  of  Officers . 191 


137.  Faulkner,  Dayton,  and  Seward’s  Correspond¬ 


ence,, 


192 


138.  President  Lincoln's  Letter  to  Marylanders,. .  .193 

139.  Tilghman  and  Prentiss’  Interview, . 194 

140.  “  Confederate ”  Declaration  of  War, . 195 

141.  Patriotic  Fund  Contributions, . 197 

142.  20^  Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  M.  (Ulster  Co.), .  198 

1-13.  Reverdy  Johnson's  Speech  at  Frederick,  Md.,  199 

144.  Tennessee  League, . 201 

145.  Edward  Everett's  Address  at  Roxbury,  Mass.,  205 

146.  Gen.  Butler’s  Orders  at  Relay  House, . 208 

14G1/;.  Motley’s  Letter  on  Causes  of  the  War, . 209 

147.  Secession  Military  Act, . 219 

14772-  A.  II.  Stephens'  Union  Speech  at  Milledge- 

ville,  Ga.,  Nov.  1-i,  1860, . 219 

148.  The  English  Press  on  the  Fall  of  Sumter, ....  228 

149.  A  Prayer  for  the  Times,  {Charleston  Fetes,).  .230 

150.  Vermont  Volunteers — 1st  Regiment . 231 

151.  President  Lincoln's  Proclamation  Suspending 

Habeas  Corpus  in  Florida, . 232 

152.  An  English  View  of  Civil  War  in  America, 

London  Fews . 232 

153.  Maryland  Legislature  Resolutions,  May  10,.. 234 

154.  St.  Louis — The  Riot  at,  May  10, . 234 

155.  Charleston — Blockade  of, . 236 

156.  Gen.  Hartley’s  Proclamation  in  Missouri, . 237 

157.  Connecticut — 1st  Regiment,  Col.  Terry, . 237 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


vu 


DOC.  TAGE 

15S.  Apportionment  of  Troops  to  the  States, . 237 

159.  Report  of  the  Southern  Baptist  Convention,.  .237 
ICO.  Major  Morris’s  Letter  to  Judge  Giles  at  Bal¬ 
timore, . 7 . 239 

161.  Senator  Bayard  on  Secession, . 240 

162.  Gen.  Harney's  Proclamation  in  Missouri, . 242 

163.  The  Confederate  Fast, . 243 

164.  East  Baltimore  Resolutions,  May  14, . 243 

165.  Gen.  Butler's  Proclamation  at  Baltimore,  May 

14, . 243 

166.  Gov.  Hicks’  Proclamation,  May  14, . 245 

167.  Connecticut  2d  Regiment, . 245 

163.  Queen  Victoria's  Proclamation  of  Neutrality, 

May  13, . 247 

169.  Bishop  W  hitting  ham' s  Circular  to  the  Clergy 

of  Maryland, . 253 

1691/a.  Taking  of  Fotosi,  Missouri, . 253 

170.  Senator  Mason’s  Letter  on  the  Virginia  Elec¬ 

tion . 254 

171.  Gen.  Butler's  Speech  at  Washington,  May  16,  254 

172.  Judge  Sprague's  Charge  on  Treason  and 

Piracy, . 255 

173.  Maine  2d  Regiment,  Volunteers, . 256 

174.  Gov.  Andrew  and  Gen.  Butler’s  Correspond¬ 

ence,  . 250 

1747a.  Secretary  Seward's  Letter  on  Treason,  May 

16, . 253 

175.  Submarine  Boat  at  Philadelphia,  May  17, _ 253 

1757a*  Arkansas  Secession  Ordinance, . 259 

176.  New  York  14tli  Regiment,  (Brooklyn,) . 260 

177.  Attack  on  Sewell’s  Point  by  U.  S.  Steamer 

Star, . 261 

178.  New  York  Bible  Society  Meeting,  May  19,. .  .262 

179.  North  Carolina  Ordinance  of  Secession, . 203 

180.  New  York  2d  Regiment,  S.  Militia, . 204 

181.  Gov.  Magoffin's  Proclamation  in  Kentucky, 

May  20, . 204 

182.  Tennessee  2d  Regiment, . 265 

183.  Confederate  Act  on  Debtors  to  U.  S.  Cred¬ 

itors, . 265 

184.  American  Affairs  in  Germany . 205 

185.  Sam  Houston's  Speech  at  Independence, 

Texas, . 206 

186.  Howell  Cobb's  Speech  at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  May  22,  268 

187.  Secretary  Cameron's  Letter  on  Volunteers, - 209 

188.  New  York  Volunteers,  2d  Regiment, . 269 

1887a*  Dr.  McClintock' s  Speech  at  Exeter  Hall, 

London, . 209 

189.  A.  II.  Stephens’  Speech  at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  May 

23, . 270 

190.  New  York  Volunteers,  5th  Regiment,  (Dur- 

yea’s  Zouaves,) . 270 

1907a.  Ohio  1st  and  2d  Regiments, . 271 

191.  Connecticut  3d  Regiment, . 272 

192.  Toombs'  Instructions  to  Privateers . 272 

193.  New  York  Volunteers,  7th  Regiment . 273 

194.  Jeff.  Davis'  Fast-Day  Proclamation, . 274 

195.  The  March  into  Virginia  and  Death  of  Ells¬ 

worth, . 274 

196.  New  York  Volunteers,  1st  Regiment, . 281 

197.  Maj.  Sprague’s  Letter  from  San  Antouio, . 282 


DOC.  PAGE 

1977a*  Joseph  Holt's  Letter  on  the  Pending  Revo¬ 
lution,  . 283 

19S.  Exportation  oi  Cotton — Confederate  Act, . 292 

1987a*  Bishop  A.  Potter's  Letter  to  a  Secessionist,. 292 

199.  Gen.  McClellan' s  Proclamation  in  Western 

Virginia, . 293 

200.  New  Hampshire  1st  Regiment, . 294 

201.  Judge  T hompson's  Proclamation  at  Wheeling,  295 

202.  Col.  Duryea’s  Proclamation  at  Hampton, . 296 

203.  New  York  Volunteers,  8tli  Regiment, . 296 

204.  Western  Virginia — Advance  of  Federal  Troops,  290 

2047a*  Senator  Douglas'  Last  Speech, . 298 

205.  Washington  Artillery  of  New  Orleans, . 300 

200.  New  York  Militia,  9th  Regiment, . SOI 

207.  Gen.  Cadwallader  and  Judge  Taney, . 301 

208.  Edw.  Bates'  Letters  to  J.  M.  Botts, . 304 

209.  New  York  and  Georgia — Correspondence  on 

Property, . 306 

210.  Garibaldi  Guard,  New  York  City  Regiment,  .307 

211.  Meeting  of  Baptists  at  Brooklyn,  May  29, _ 307 

212.  Military  Departments,  U.  S.  Army, . 310 

213.  To  Volunteer  Nurses — (War  Department,). ..  .310 

214.  Col.  Mann's  Regiment,  (Pennsylvania,) . 811 

2147a*  London  Daily  News  on  the  War,  May  29,..  .313 

215.  Contraband  Negroes — Gen.  Butler  and  Sec. 

Cameron, . 313 

210.  Maine  2d  Regiment  Volunteers, . 314 

217.  IF.  II.  Russell's  Letters  from  South  Carolina 

and  Georgia,  April  80-May  1, . 314 

218.  New  York  7th  Regiment  (S.  M.)  Papers, . 818 

219.  Maine  1st  Regiment  Volunteers, . 320 

220.  Fight  at  Acquia  Creek, . 320 

221.  Lieut.  Tompkins’  Skirmish  at  Fairfax  Court 

House, . 321 

222.  Jeff.  Davis’  Speech  at  Richmond,  June  1, ....822 
2227a*  Col.  Porterfield's  Proclamation  at  Phillippa,  324 

223.  Confederate  Post  Office  Circular, . 325 

224.  L.  IF.  Bliss'  Proclamation  in  Jefferson  Terr.,. 325 

225.  Central  Committee’s  Address  in  Northwestern 

Virginia, . 325 

22G.  New  York  Militia,  79th  Regiment, . 328 

227.  Senator  Rousseau's  Speech  in  Ky.  Senate,. . .  .329 
2277a*  Gen.  McDowell' s  Proclamation  on  Damages,  833 
22S.  Battle  at  Phillippa — Official  Reports,  &c., _ 335 

229.  Lord  J.  Russell's  Letter  on  Neutrality . 337 

230.  Gen.  Patterson's  Proclamation  at  Chambcrs- 

burgh, . 337 

231.  New  York — 1st  Regiment  Scott  Life  Guard,.  .387 

232.  Rector's  Proclamation  at  Fort  Smith, . 338 

233.  Price's  Proclamation  at  Jefferson  City, . 338 

234.  Beauregard’s  “  Beauty  and  Booty  ”  Proclama¬ 

tion, . 339 

235.  New  York  9th  Regiment  Volunteers,  (Haw¬ 

kins’,) . 339 

236.  C.  M.  Clay's  Letter  to  the  London  Times,  and 

Replies, . 340 

237-  Gov.  Letcher's  Orders  for  Destroying  Roads,.. 344 

238.  Maine  3d  Regiment,  (Col.  Howard,) . 344 

239.  J.  M.  Mason's  Speech  at  Richmond,  June  8,.  .346 

240.  Gov.  Hicks’  Proclamation,  June  7, . 347 

241.  Gen.  Morris'  Proclamation  at  Philippi, . 848 


viii 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


I 


l 


DOC.  PAGE 


242.  Vermont  1st  Regiment  Volunteers, . 348 

243.  Border  State  Convention  Addresses, . 350 

244.  Fight  at  Great  Bethel—  Official  Reports, . 356 

245.  Connecticut  4th  Regiment, . 362 

246.  Jeff.  Davis'  Letter  to  Maryland  Commis¬ 

sioners,  . 362 

246 '/2.  New  York  City  Home  Guard . 362 

247.  Gov.  Jackson's  Proclamation  in  Missouri,  June 

. . 363 

24S.  New  York  Volunteers,  20th  Regiment, . 364 

249.  New  York  Volunteers,  6th  Regiment,  (Wil¬ 

son’s,) . -366 

249 J/j.  John  P.  Kennedy's  Appeal  to  Maryland,. . .  .368 

250.  J.  S.  Carlisle’s  Speech  in  Virginia  Convention,  374 

251.  The  First  Privateer — The  Savannah . 375 

252.  Massachusetts  Volunteers,  1st  Regiment, . 377 


DOC.  PAGE 


253.  Germans  of  Kentucky,  Address  to, . 377 

254.  John  Jay’s  Address  in  Westchester  Co.,  N.  Y.,  378 

255.  Slaves  and  Slavery,  ( Boston  Courier ,) . 401 

256.  Declaration  of  the  People  of  Virginia, . 403 

257.  Gen.  Lyon’s  Proclamation  in  Missouri, . 404 

258.  Affair  at  Vienna,  Va. — Reports,  Ac., . 405 

258‘/2.  Battle  of  Booneville,  Mo., . 408 

259.  Col.  Boernstein’s  Proclamation  in  Missouri,..  .411 

260.  Gen.  Icon's  Proclamation  at  Booneville, . 412 

261.  Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  22d  Regiment, . 412 

262.  Duke  of  Newcastle’s  Order  on  Privateers, . 413 

263.  New  York  Volunteers,  14th  Regiment, . 413 

264.  Harper’s  Ferry — Reports,  Ac., . 415 

265.  Gov.  Call's  Letter  from  Florida, . 416 

266.  New  York  Volunteers,  18th  Regiment, . 426 

267.  Jeff  Davis’  Message,  May  8th, . 426 


III. — Poetry 


1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 

10. 

11. 

12. 

13. 

14. 

15. 

16. 

17. 

18. 

19. 

20. 
21. 
22. 

23. 

24. 

25. 

26. 

27. 

28. 

29. 

30. 

31. 


OO . 

34. 

85. 

36. 

37. 
33. 
39. 


PAGE 

..  1 


Shop  and  Freedom,  London  Punch, . 

The  Fight  at  Sumter,  C.  G.  Leland, .  1 

To  Massachusetts  Soldiers, .  2 

The  Flag  of  Fort  Sumter,  Bev.  S.  G.  Bulfmch,  2 
The  Battle  of  Morris  Island,  C.  G.  Leland,.. . .  2 

My  Country,  A.  C.  Cooper, .  3 

The  Stripes  and  Stars,  Edna  Dean  Proctor,... .  3 

A  Suggestion  to  Major  Anderson, .  4 

To  the  Men  of  the  North  and  West,  R.  1L. 

Stoddard, .  4 

Virginia  to  the  North, .  4 

Stars  in  My  Country’s  Sky,  L.  IL.  Sigourney,..  4 

North  Men,  Come  Out,  C.  G.  Leland, .  5 

Our  Star-gemmed  Banner,  "LI.  E.  T.,” .  5 

December  26,  1910,  Mrs.  J.  M.  Dorr, .  5 

Laisser  Aller,  F.  Lushington, .  13 

A  Volunteer  Song,  Rev.  J.  P.  Thompson,  D.D.,  13 
To  the  British  Rifle  Company,  G.  G.  W.  Morgan,  13 
The  Stars  and  Stripes,  F.  De  Haas  Janvier,.. .  14 
A  Vision  of  January  4,  Catherine  Ledyard,... .  14 

A  Northern  Rally,  John  Clancy, .  14 

Out  and  Fight,  C.  G.  Leland, .  15 

Massachusetts  Regiment,  Almira  Seymour,. . .  15 

The  Secession  Flag,  Josephine  Morss, .  15 

Up,  Brothers,  All!  “ Fannie  Fales ,” .  16 

Yankee  Doodle’s  Suggestions,  G.  W.  Westbrook,  16 

The  Stars  and  Stripes, .  79 

God  Save  our  Native  Land !  Jas.  Walden, .  17 

Our  Fatherland, .  27 

The  New  Year  and  the  Union,  Geo.  D.  Prentice,  17 

The  “  Seventh,”  Fitz-James  O'Brien .  17 

The  United  States  Flag,  IF.  Ross  Wallace, .  18 

National  Guard  Marching  Song,  A.  J.  H. 

Duganne, .  79 

Soxgs  of  the  Rebels:  War  Song, .  19 

On  Fort  Sumter, .  19 

A  New-Song  of  Sixpence,  Vanity  Fair, .  23 

The  Great  Bell  Roland,  Theo.  Tilton, .  29 

The  Sentinel  of  the  71st,  J.  B.  Bacon, .  29 

Work  to  Do,  R.  II.  Stoddard, .  29 

“All  We  Ask  is  to  be  Let  Alone,”  Hartford 

Courant, .  30 


40 

41 

42. 

43. 

44. 

45. 

46. 

47. 

48. 

49. 

50. 

51. 

52. 

53. 

54. 


56. 

57. 

58. 

59. 

60. 
61. 
62. 

63. 

64. 

65. 

66. 

67. 

68. 

69. 

70. 

71. 

72. 

73. 

74. 

75. 

76. 

77. 
73. 


. Page 

Original  Ode,  Charleston,  S.  C.,  July  4, .  30 

The  New  Birth,  IF.  IF.  Howe, .  31 

An  Appeal  for  the  Country,  Ellen  Key  Blunt, .  31 
“  Liberty  and  Union,  One  and  Inseparable,” 

"F.  A.  II,’’ .  31 

The  19th  of  April,  1861,  “ Lucy  Larcom," .  32 

Through  Baltimore,  Bayard  Taylor, .  32 

Under  the  Washington  Elm,  Oliver  Wendell 

Holmes, .  33 

Sumter, .  33 

The  Two  Eras,  L.  II.  Sigourney, .  34 

The  Sixth  at  Baltimore,  B.  P.  Shillaber, .  34 

Col.  Corcoran’s  Brigade,  “Enul,” .  34 

April  19,  1775-1861,  “H.  H  B.,” .  35 

All  Hail  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes !  G.  T.  Bourne,  35 

Songs  of  the  Rebels  :  The  War  Storm, .  35 

“  “  Illumination  of  Rich¬ 

mond,  M.  Copland,.  36 
“  “  Sumter  —  A  Ballad  of 

’61,  “E.  O.  M,” ....  36 

The  Other  “  Abou-Ben-Adhem,” .  38 

On,  Brothers,  On  1  S.  IF.  Brooks, .  45 

God  for  our  Native  Land,  G.  IF.  Bethune,  D.D  ,  45 

A  Poem,  by  “C.  F.,”  [67.  Frost,] . 45 

Arming  for  Battle,  IF.  C.  Richards, .  40 

A  Song  for  the  Union, .  46 

The  Northern  Volunteers,  Geo.  Boweryem .  47 

The  March  of  the  “Seventh,”  “  R.  S.  O.,” ....  4S 

A  Tale  of  1861,  E.  S.  Rand,  Jr., .  48 

To  Arms  1  M.  Perry  Lowe, .  50 

A  Bugle  Note,  “  Emily," .  50 

“Send  Them  Home  Tenderly,”  G.  W.  Bungay,  50 
Song  of  Columbia’s  Daughters,  E.  D.  Wright,  51 

The  Major  and  His  Men, .  51 

Our  National  Flag,  E.  S.  Smith, .  51 

Western  Virginia — Sherrard  Clemens, .  52 

The  Ballad  of  Cockey’s  Field, .  52 

The  Call  for  Volunteers,  G.  IF.  Bungay, .  53 

The  Departure,  IF.  G.  Richards, .  53 

April  15,  1861,  IF.  II.  Burleigh, .  61 

To  the  American  People,  Bayard  Taylor, . 61 

Volunteered,  Harper’s  Weekly, .  61 

War  Questions,  IF,  Ross  Wallace, .  62 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


ix 


POETRY,  PAGE 

79.  0  Let  the  Starry  Banner  Wave,  Bourne , .  62 

80.  Our  Country,  Geo.  Lunt, .  63 

81.  The  Gathering,  Boston  Transcript , .  63 

82.  The  Yankee  Volunteers, .  63 

83.  Songs  of  the  Rebels  :  Song  for  the  Times, 

“Z.  F,” .  64 

84.  “  “  The  Old  Rifleman,  F. 

Ticknor .  64 

85.  “  “  Our  Braves  in  Virginia,  65 

86.  u  “  Song  of  Southern  Wo¬ 

men,  Julia  Mildred ,.  65 

87.  “  u  A  Poem  for  the  Times, 

Thompson, .  65 

83.  “  “  “Rebels,” .  66 

89.  u  “  Virginia's  Message  to 

the  Southern  States,  66 

90.  “  “  The  Stars  and  Bars,  A. 

J.  Eequier, .  66 

91.  King  Cotton,  E.  II.  Stoddard, .  72 

92.  The  Heavenly  Omen,  E.  T.  P.  Beach, .  72 

93.  Song  of  the  Irish  Legion,  Jas.  Be  Mille, . 73 

94.  God  and  the  Right,  B.  J.  Bickson, .  73 

95.  Dixie,  T.  M.  Coolie, .  73 

96.  Stand  by  the  Flag, .  74 

97.  Zouaves’  Battle  Song,  J.  II.  TVainwright, . 74 

98.  Prophecy  of  the  Dead,  A.  T.  Jones, .  74 

99.  Our  Flag,  “  IF.,” .  75 

100.  The  Republic,  IF.  Oland  Bourne, . 75 

101.  “Eiti  Feste  Burg  ist  unser  Gott,”  J.  G.  Whit¬ 

tier, .  85 

101.  Sumter,  11  Ike," .  85 

102.  God  Protect  Us !  G.  G.  IF.  Morgan, .......  85 

103.  Tbe  Yard-Arm  Tree,  “  Vanity  Fair," . 86 

104.  The  Union,  Right  or  Wrong,  G.  P.  Morris,..  8G 

105.  War-Song  of  the  Free, .  86 

106.  Army  Hymn,  O.  Wendell  Holmes, .  87 

107.  Little  “  Rhody,” .  87 

108.  The  Will  for  the  Deed,  Caroline  A.  Mason,. .  87 

109.  Rule  Slaveownia,  London  Punch, .  88 

110.  To  Arms !  II.  A.  Moore, . 88 

111.  Babes  iu  the  Wood,  “C.C.," .  88 

112.  To  Ellsworth,  “J.  IF.  F.”  Washington, .  89 

113.  “  Sons  of  Northern  Sires,”  “  G.  S.  II,”  Boston,  89 

114.  The  Holy  War,  Mrs.  II.  B.  Stowe, .  89 

115.  Ink,  Blood,  and  Tears,  London  Punch, .  90 

116.  Fort  Sumter,  C.  E.  Leverett,  Jr., .  91 

117.  Songs  of  the  Rebels:  The  Star  of  the  West, 

Charleston  Mercury,.  92 

118.  “  “  A  Southern  Song  of 

Freedom,  “ J .  II.  II,”  92 

119.  “  “  Welcome  to  the  Invad¬ 

ers,  Charleston  Cou¬ 
rier .  93 

120.  “  “  Maryland,  Charleston 

Mercury, .  93 

121.  Scott  and  the  Veteran,  Bayard  Taylor, . 102 

122.  Elmer  E.  Ellsworth,  “A.  A.  A.,”  H.  Y.  Tribune,  102 

123.  Ode  to  North  and  South,  London  Punch,. 

124.  “Qui  Transtulit  Sustinct,”  L.  L.  Weld,.. 

125.  The  Volunteer,  Harvard  Mag., . 

126.  Camp  War-Song, . 

127.  The  Nation’s  Call,  J.  II.  Bern/ . 


POETRY,  PAGE 

128.  God  Keep  our  Army  Pure,  II.  A.  Moore, . 104 

129.  Redemption,  “  IF.  F.  Z.,” . 104 

130.  It  is  Great  for  our  Country  to  Die,  Percival,.  .105 

131.  Song  for  Battle,  “  C.  B.,” . 105 

132.  Songs  of  the  Rebels  :  North  Carolina  Call  to 

Arms,  Mrs.  Miller ,. .\0<o 

133.  “  “  Dixie,  Albert  Pike,..  .106 

134.  “  “  The  South  to  the  North, 

“C.  L.S.” . 107 

135.  “  “  Reveries  of  War,  “C. 

J.  II.,” . 107 

136.  “  «  Land  of  the  South, 

A.  F.  Leonard, . 108 

137.  “  “  Kentucky,  “Estelle,”..  108 

138.  Seceding  Virginia,  Mrs.  Sigourney, . 116 

139.  America  to  the  World,  Vanity  Fair, . 116 

140.  The  Voices  of  the  Hour,  “  S.  P.  B.” . 117 

141.  Bay  State  Song,  H.  T.  Tribune, . 117 

142.  Col.  Ellsworth,  Capt.  S-  Whiting, . 118 

143.  War-Song,  T.  P.  Eossiter, . 118 

144.  Battle  Anthem,  John  Heal, . 119 

145.  Number  One,  II.  B.  Sedgwick, . 119 

146.  New  Version  of  an  Old  Song,  Evening  Post,..  120 

147.  All  Forward,  Independent, . 120 

148.  To  the  Secession  Flag,  Waterford  Mail, . 121 

149.  The  Uprising  of  the  North,  J.  C.  Hagen,.. . .  .121 

150.  The  Married  Volunteer,  “  Sallie  S.  McC.,” _ 121 

151.  The  Massachusetts  Line,  Author  of  “  Hew 

Priest,” . 122 

152.  The  Seventy-Ninth,  Thos.  Frazer, . 122 

153.  Loyal  Delaware, . 122 

154.  Jefferson  D.,  II.  J.  Cornwell, . 123 

155.  The  Crisis,  J.  G.  Whittier . 123 

156.  Our  Orders,  Atlantic  Monthly, . 123 

157.  The  Rising  of  the  North,  Madison  State 

Journal, . 123 

158.  The  Bones  of  Washington,  London  Punch,. .  .127 

159.  Ode  for  1861,  II.  II.  Weld, . 133 

160.  The  Nation’s  Voice,  Eev.  M.  B.  Smith, . 133 

161.  The  Southern  Volunteer  to  his  Wife, . 133 

162.  Kentucky,  Mrs.  S.  H.  Oliver . 134 

163.  “All  of  Them,”  “ S.  B.  K.,”  H.Y.  Tribune,.  134 

164.  The  Rattlesnake  Banner,  “  IF.  M.  IF.,” . 135 

165.  The  Southern  Malbrook,  E.  II.  Stoddard . 135 

166.  Songs  of  the  Rebels:  Southern  War-Cry,  H. 

O.  Picayune, . 136 

167.  “  “  The  Ordered  Away, 

Mrs.  Jacobus, . 136 

168.  “  “  A  Southern  Song,  “Z. 

M,” . 136 

169.  “  “  To  the  Washington 

Artillery,  H.  O.  Delta,  Wl 

170.  “  “  Secession  Song, . 137 

171.  Patriotic  Song,  Bost.  Baily  Adv., . 140 

172.  The  Battle;  Cry, . 140 

173.  Hymn  for  a  Flag-Raising,  Mrs.  II.  B.  Stowe,.  .140 

174.  Soldier’s  Hymn  140 


102 

175.  Gen.  Harnnv 

....141 

103 

176.  The  Charg 

rfax, 

103 

Vanity  1 

L . 141 

103 

177.  To  the  3d  R 

142 

104 

178.  Good-Bye,  3 

. . 142 

X 


CONTEXTS  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


POETRY,  PAGE 

179.  The  Hempen  Cravat,  R.  II.  Stoddard. , . 142 

180.  Songs  of  the  Rebels  :  Pensacola— To  My  Son, 

by  “H.  S." . 145 

181.  “  “  A  Mother  sends  Three 

Sons,  “Z.  F.," . 145 

182.  tl  “  “A  Beautiful  Poem,” 

Jas.  B.  Hope, . 145 


POETRY,  PAGE 

183.  Songs  of  the  Rebels  :  A  War  Song  lor  Vir¬ 
ginia,  Rich.  Enq  146 

1S4.  “  *'  To  the  Tories  of  Vir¬ 

ginia,  Richmond  Ex.  147 

185.  The  Starry  Flag,  John  Savage . 149 

186.  “  E  Pluribus  Unum,”  Rev.  John  Pierpont, ....  150 

187.  The  Uprising  of  the  People,  E.  J.  Cutler,. . .  .151 


Incidents,  Rumors,  Etc. 


I. 

II. 

III. 

IV. 

V. 

VI. 

VII. 
VIII. 

IX. 

X. 
XI. 

XII. 

XIII. 

XIV. 

XV. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Portrait  of  Liect.-Gen.  WINFIELD  SCOTT, 

Map  of  the  UNITED  STATES, . 

Portrait  of  President  LINCOLN, . 

“  “  Major  R.  ANDERSON,  U.S.A . 

“  “  JEFFERSON  DAVIS, . 

“  “  Governor  SPRAGUE,  of  Rhode  Island, 

“  “  ALEX.  H.  STEPHENS . 

“  “  Major-Gen.  B.  F.  BUTLER,  .... 

“  General  S.  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War,  . 

“  “  Major-Gen.  JOHN  A.  DIX . 

“  “  Colonel  E.  E.  ELLSWORTH,  .... 

“  “  -  BEAUREGARD . 

“  “  General  JOHN  C.  FREMONT . 

“  “  General  GEORGE  B.  McCLELLAN,  . 

“  “  General  NATHANIEL  LYON,  U.S.A.,  . 


.  .  Frontispiece 

to  face  Diary,  p.  3 
.  13 
24 
.  30 
37 
.  40 
42 

.  .  .  .  52 

.  .  .  59 

.  .  .  .  80 

.  .  .  82 

.  .  .  .  85 

.  101 
.  .  .  .  104 


MAPS. 

WASHINGTON,  AND  ITS  VICINITY,  .... 
FORTRESS  MONROE,  AND  VICINITY, 

PART  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARYLAND,  AND  VIRGINIA, 
BALTIMORE,  AND  ITS  ENVIRONS. 

CHESAPEAKE  BAY,  Etc., . 

ACQUIA  CREEK,  AND  VICINITY,  .... 


.  Diary,  p.  31 
“  36 

.  “  52 

“  63 

.  “  75 

“  88 


INDEX 


EXPLANATION  OF  ABBREVIATIONS  IN  THE  INDEX. 

1st.  stands  for  Introductory  Address  ;  D.  for  I>iary  of  Events ;  Doc.  for  Documents;  and  P.  for  Poetry ,  Rumors, 
amd  Incidents. 


A 


PAGE 


A  Ballad  of  Major  Anderson,  P. 

Abbott  — ,  speech  at  Union  Meet¬ 
ing,  N.  Y.,  April  20,  Doc. 

“Abe's  Saturday;  or,  Washington 
Sixty  Days  Hence,”  a  play,  P. 

“  Abou-Ben-Adhem,”  another  ver¬ 
sion  of,  P. 

A  Bugle  Note,  by  Emily,  P. 

A  Contraband  Refrain,  P. 

Acton,  Benjamin,  plants  cotton  in 
New  Jersey,  P. 

Acquia  Creek,  Va.,  fight  at,  D. 
official  report  of  the  action,  Doc. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  D. 

Adams,  John,  Int. 

Adams,  N.  Y.,  D. 

Adams,  - •,  appointed  commis¬ 

sioner  from  S.  Carolina,  D. 

Adams,  Samuel,  of  1776,  D. 

“  Adjuster,”  the  bark,  seized,  D. 

Adrian,  • — — ,  of  New  Jersey,  his 
resolution  sustaining  Major  An¬ 
derson,  D. 

A  Fragment — Cabinet  Council,  P. 

*  Aid,"  the  steam-tug,  D. 

Aiken,  William,  notice  of,  P. 

Alabama,  commissioners  of,  at  Ra¬ 
leigh,  N.  C ,  D. 

convention  of,  D. 

delegates  advise  secession,  D. 
convention  of,  met,  D. 

Gov.  Hicks’  letter  to  the  commis¬ 
sioner  of,  D. 

adopts  ordinance  of  secession,  D. 
Jeff.  Davis’s  requisition  on,  D. 
third  regiment  of,  D. 

resolutions  of  the  Protestant  Epis¬ 
copal  church  of,  D. 

troops  of,  at  Pensacola,  D. 

troops  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  D. 
ordinance  of  secession  of.  Doc. 
negro  insurrections  in,  P. 

versus  South  Carolina,  P. 

Albany  Argus,  quotations  from,  D. 
Burgesses  Corps,  D.  52;  Doc. 
Albany,  N.  Y.,  war  spirit  at,  D. 

Albion,  N.Y.,  union  meeting  at,  D. 

D. 

Aldrich,  T.  Bailet,  P.  86, 

A  Lesson  to  Secessionists,  an  inci¬ 
dent  of  Fort  Monroe,  P. 

Alexandria,  Va.,  effect  of  Lincoln's 
war  proclamation  in,  D. 

critical  position  of.  May  14,  D. 
secession  flog  at,  captured,  D. 
prisoners  captured  at,  D. 


5 
117 

96 

83 

50 

126 

126 

87 

320 

15 

19 

40 

6 
70 
17 


11 

83 

13 

12 

8 

5 

11 

12 

12 

13 

21 

51 

65 

63 

73 

19 

12 

23 

81 

181 

26 

83 

42 

141 

144 

25 

69 

77 

95 


Southern  press  on  the  occupation 
of,  Doc.  276 

Alleghany  arsenal,  Pittsburg,  Pa., 

D.  9 

Alleghany  co.,  Md.,  loyalty  of,  D.  47 
Allen,  W.  H.,  col.  1st  regiment, 

N.  Y.  8.  V.,  D.  80 ;  Doc.  282 

at  Great  Bethel,  D.  98 

Allen,  Ethan,  his  parallel,  P.  95 
Allen  Greys,  of  Brandon,  Yt.,  P.  96 
“All  Hail  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes,” 
an  anecdote,  P.  85,  71 

All  Forward;  written  for  the  2d 
Regt.,  Conn.  Volunteers,  P.  120 
All  of  Them,  by  S.  R.  K.,  P.  134 

“All  that  wo  Ask  is  to  be  Let 
Alone,”  P.  80 

Altona,  Pa.,  military  of,  leave  for 
Harrisburg,  D.  27 

“  A  Marylander,”  adventures  of,  P.  100 
America,  causes  of  the  war  in,  D.  78 
“America  to  the  World,”  P.  116 

American  colonies,  were  they  a 
people  before  the  Revolution  ? 

Int.  11 

American  Flag,  D.  40 

unusual  display  of,  P.  80 

buried  at  Memphis,  D.  88 ;  P.  84 
Americans,  meeting  of,  in  Paris,  D.  85 
“American  Standard,”  newspaper 
in  Jersey  City,  threatened,  D.  28 
A  Mother  Sending  Three  Sons  to 
the  Army.  By  L.  F.  P.  145 

An  Appeal  for  the  Country,  P.  81 

Andrew,  J.  A.,  gov.  of  Mass.,  his 
despatch  to  the  authorities  of 
Baltimore,  D.  34 

notices  of,  D.  52,  53,  72,  106 

address  to  the  Mass,  legislature,  D.  70 
correspondence  with  Mayor 
.  Brown  of  Baltimore,  Doc.  80 
letter  to  Gen.  Butler,  April  25, 

Doc.  256 

Andrews,  Lt.-Col.,  of  Missouri,  D.  102 
Andkr80N,  Robert,  Major,  takes 
possession  of  Fort  Sumter,  D.  6 

to  be  resisted  by  the  rebels,  D.  8 

denounced  by  Southern  papers,  D.  7 

notices  of,  D.  8,  9,  14,  18,  21,  28, 

'  38,  62 

thanked  by  the  citizens  of  Chica¬ 
go,  D.  11 

his  course  sustained  by  Congress, 

D.  11 

confers  with  Gov.  Pickens,  D.  13 

at  Fort  Sumter,  D.  23 

evacuated  Fort  Sumter,  D.  25 

arrived  at  New  York,  D.  82 


receives  a  sword  from  the  citizens 
of  Taunton,  Mass.,  D.  85 

receives  the  thanks  of  the  gov¬ 
ernment,  D.  40 

correspondence  with  Gov.  Pick¬ 
ens  in  reference  to  the  Star  of 
the  West,  Doc.  19 

official  report  of  the  bombardment 
of  Fort  Sumter,  Doc.  76 

at  the  Union  meeting  in  New 
York,  April  20,  Doc.  105 

notices  of,  P.  4,  5,  7,  8 

New  York  merchant’s  plan  for 
relieving  him  at  Fort  Sumter, 


P. 

10 

notice  of, 

P. 

12 

at  Fort  Sumter, 

P. 

20 

the  guest  of  Beauregard, 

“  A  Proposition  to,  . 

P. 

P. 

27 

129 

saluted  by  the  rebels, 

P. 

54 

Anderson,  R.  H.,  CoL  C.  A., 

D. 

82 

Anecdotes,  of  the  Vt.  volunteer, 

D. 

65 

of  the  Kentucky  fifer, 

P. 

40 

of  the  Mass,  soldier  in  N.  Y., 

P. 

40 

of  a  Mass,  soldier  at  Baltimore, 

P. 

41 

of  an  old  volunteer  in  Indiana, 

P. 

70 

of  military  discipline, 

P. 

180 

A  new  Song  of  Sixpence, 

P. 

28 

Angelis,  G.  D.,  Doc.  806 

Annapolis,  Md.,  occupation  of,  D.  42 
traitors  hung  at,  P.  57 

the  Federal  troops  in,  P.  60 

railroad  celebration  in,  D.  69 

A  Northern  rally,  P.  14 

“  Another  Roman  Mother,”  P.  112 
A  patriotic  smith,  anecdote,  P.  112 
A  Poem,  by  C.  F  ,  P.  45 

A  Poem  for  the  Times,  P.  65 

A  Poem  which  needs  no  dedication, 
by  Jas.  Barron  Hope,  P.  145 

A  Poem  dedicated  to  the  Knavish 
Speculators  who  have  robbed 
Pennsylvania,  P.  115 

Appleton,  — ,  Gen.,  of  Mass.,  speech 
of,  at  Union  Meeting,  N.  Y., 
April  20,  Doc.  116 

Apportionment  of  troops  of  the 
Federal  government,  Doc.  287 
April  19th,  1775-1861,  P.  36 

April  15,  1S61,  W.  H.  Burleigh,  P.  61 
“  Argo,”  ship,  captured,  D.  78 

Arkansas,  secession  of.  D.  59 

admitted  to  the  Southern  Confed¬ 
eracy,  D.  72 

delegates  to  the  Southern  Con¬ 
gress,  D.  72 

repudiation  of,  P.  148 

secession  ordinance  ot,  Doc.  259 


li 


REBELLION  RECORD: 


Arlington  House,  Ya.,  the  head¬ 
quarters  of  Gen.  McDowell,  P.  101 
Arlington  Mills,  near  Alexandria, 

Va.,  skirmish  at,  D.  89 

“Arming  for  battle,”  P.  46 

Armistice,  rumored,  P.  5o 


Davis,  ^  t  £• 

Arnold,  J.,  Col.  8d  Conn.  Regt.,  D.  77 

Notice  of,  Doc.  27  2 

Articles  of  Confederation,  Int.  13 

Asulet,  (M.  C.,)  1  is  account  of  Con¬ 
traband  negroes,  P  •  HO 

Ashmore,  J.  D.,  of  S.  C.,  Doc.  8 
leaves  Congress,  D.  5 

Abtor,  Augusta  — ,  doc.  165 

John  Jacob,  Jr.,  Doc.  165 

A  Southern  Song,  by  L.  M.,  P.  136 
A  Suggeston  to  Major  Anderson,  P.  4 
A  Tale  of  1861,  by  E.  S.  Hand,  jr.,  P.  43 
“  Atlantic  ”  sailed  from  N.  Y.,  D.  21 
Auburn,  N.  Y„  Union  Meeting  at, 

D.  33 


Augusta,  Ga.,  arsenal  at,  surren- 

dered. 

D. 

16 

“AUnion  traveller,”  anecdote  of,  P. 

23 

A  Vision  of  January  4tb, 

P. 

14 

A  Volunteer  Song, 

P. 

13 

A  War-Song  for  Virginia, 

P. 

146 

“A  Welcome  to  the  Invader,” 

P. 

93 

A  Wonderful  Conversion, 

P. 

150 

B 

Babcock,  Samuel  D., 

D. 

77 

Babes  in  the  Wood,  by  C.  C., 

P. 

88 

Bacon,  J.  B., 

P. 

29 

Bacue,  A,  D , 

D. 

96 

Bailey,  Godard, 

D. 

5 

Baker,  Senator,  at  the  inaugura- 

tion  of  President  Lincoln, 

D. 

18 

—  Speech  of,  at  the  Union  Meet- 

ing,  N.  Y.,  April  20, 

Doc. 

86 

—  Col.  2d  Regt.  N.  J.  S.  M., 

Doc. 

131 

W.  C., 

P. 

142 

— ,  artist,  of  N.  Y., 

D. 

56 

— ,  Mrs.,  of  Washington, 

P. 

96 

Ball,  Capt.,  rebel, 

D. 

103 

Balloons,  reeonnoitering  in, 

D. 

103 

ascension  of  Prof.  Lowe, 

D. 

108 

Baltimore,  Md.,  effect  of  secession 

of  South  Carolina  at. 

D. 

4 

citizens  of,  approve  the  course  of 
Gov.  Ilicks,  D.  9 

a  “  Union  city,”  D.  12 

secession  meeting  at,  D.  20 

secession  flag  in,  torn  down,  D.  32 
Northern  troops  to  be  obstructed 
in,  D.  32 

proclamations  issued  in,  calling  on 


the  people  to  keep  the  peace, 

D. 

32 

riot  in,  April  19th,  D. 

33, 

39 

embargo  established  at, 

D. 

89 

conservative  influence  in, 

D. 

46 

flag-raising  at, 

D. 

53 

Union  ward  meetings  in, 

D. 

56 

the  gorillas  of. 

D. 

57 

Federal  troops  pass  through, 

D. 

61 

Southern  enlistments  leave, 

D. 

62 

United  States  troops  in, 

D. 

63 

munitions  of  war  seized  at,  D.  70,  71 


rioters  of  the  19th  April, 

D. 

72 

munitions  of  war  siezed  in, 

D. 

74 

powder  seized  in, 

D. 

93 

muskets  seized  in, 

D. 

94 

correspondence  in  reference  to 

the  riot,  April  19th, 

Doc. 

78 

“  the  rattlesnake’s  fangs.” 

Doc. 

79 

recapitulation  of  the  killed 

i  and 

wounded  in,  D.  39 ; 

Doc. 

133 

embargo  at, 

Doc. 

134 

a  secession  cockade  in. 

P. 

27 

anecdote  of  heroism  at  the 

riot 

in,  April  19, 1861, 

P. 

88 

and  Lexington,  a  remarkable  co- 

incidence. 

P. 

58 

incidents  of  the  riot  in. 

P. 

60 

Baltimore.  See  East  Baltimore. 

“Baltimore  Sun,” The, 

D. 

46 

Ballier,  Colonel, 

D. 

95 

Banks,  patriotism  of  the  New  Hamp¬ 
shire,  D.  28 

patriotism  of  the  New  Jersey,  D.  30 
patriotism  of  the  Connecticut,  D.  28 
correspondence  between  the 
banks  of  New  York  and  the 
Governor  of  Georgia.  D.  84 

meeting  of  the  commissioners  of 
the  Southern,  D.  93,  102 

Bank  of  Commerce  of  Providence, 

R.  I.,  D.  27 

Banks, N.P.,  appointed maj. -gen.  D.  85 
takes  commaml  at  Baltimore,  D.  100 
Baptists,  convention  of  Georgia,  D.  52 
notices  of,  D.  57,  83 

report  of  the  Southern  convention 
of,  D.  63 

Missionary  Union,  meeting  of,  D.  83 
mass  meeting  of  the,  at  Brooklyn, 

N.  Y.,  D.  84 

resolutions  of  the  Georgia,  Doc.179 
report  of  the  Southern  conven¬ 
tion  of.  Doc.  237 

report  and  resolutions  of  the,  at 
Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  May  29,  Doc.  807 
Bardwell,  James,  Rev.,  celebrated 
prayer  of,  D.  65 ;  Doc.  230 

Barnwell  R.  W.,  appointed  com¬ 
missioner  from  S.  Carolina,  D.  6 
delegate  to  Southern  Congress,  D.  10 
Barry,  A.  I.,  of  Mississippi,  D.  12 
Barry,  W.  F.,  Major,  D.  21 

Bartholomew,  I.  E.,  Rev.,  D.  61 
Bate,  W.  B.,  Col.  2d  Tenn.,  Doc.  265 
Bates,  Edward,  letters  to  John 
Minor  Botts,  D.  84 ;  Doc.  304 

Battle  Anthem,  by  John  Neal,  P.  119 
Bayard,  Jas.  A.,  censured,  D.  28,  103 
address  to  his  constituents,  D.  69 
letter  to  the  people  of  Delaware, 

Doc.  240 

Bay  State  Song,  P.  117 

Beach,  Elizabeth  T.  Porter,  P.  72 
Lines  to  Colonel  W.  If.  Allen,  1st 
Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  V.,  Doc.  2S2 
Beattie,  Rev.  D.,  Adieu  to  the 
Ohio  Soldiers,  P.  94 

Beauregard,  P.  G.  T.,  ordered  to 
Charleston,  8.  C.,  D.  18 

orders  intercourse  with  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter  to  cease,  D.  21 

his  staff  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  D.  22 
bombards  Fort  Sumter,  D.  23 

congratulates  his  troops  on  the  fall 
of  Fort  Sumter,  D.  25 

Tetires  from  the  command  at 
Charleston.  S.  C.,  D.  82 

arrived  at  Manassas,  Va.,  D.  91 
notice  of,  D.  93 

orders  relating  to  Captain  Ball,  D.  103 
general  orders  after  the  bombard¬ 
ment  of  Fort  Sumter,  Doc.  C3 
“  Booty  and  Beauty”  proclama¬ 
tion,  Doc.  339 

proclamation  compared  with  that 
of  General  Butler,  Doc.  839 

an  epigram,  P.  96 

the  ubiquity  of,  P.  96 

Bedford,  N.  Y.,  flag-raising  at,  D.  46 
Bedford  (Va.)  “Yankee  Catchers,” 

P.  71 

Beech,  A.  C.  &  A.  B.,  of  Nashville, 
Tenn.,  repudiate  their  debts,  P.  38 
Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  D.  38 

Bell,  John,  address  to  Tenn.,  D.  80 
a  traitor.  D.  41 

in  the  Washington  conspiracy,  D.  59 
speech  at  Nashville,  Tenn.,  Doc.  137 
Bellows,  H.W.,  D.D.,  D.  38, 96;  Doc.311 
Beman,  John,  hung,  P.  148 

Bkndix,  JonN  E..  Colonel  7th  Regi¬ 
ment,  N.  Y.  S.  V.,  D.  98 ;  Doc.  273 
Benjamin.  J.  P.,  secession  speech 
of,  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  D.  8 
his  “  failing”  at  college,  P.  20 

attorney-general.  C.  8.  A.,  corre¬ 
spondence  with  Captain  C.  Lee 
Moses,  P.  132 

Bennett,  James  Gordon,  Jr.,  com¬ 
missioned  in  the  revenue  ser¬ 
vice,  D.  71 

Bennett,  - ,  Colonel  28th  Regi¬ 
ment,  N.  Y.  8.  M.,  D.  51 


Benson,  Egbert,  Doc.  116 

Berk's  Station,  Ya.,  rebels  captured 
at,  D.  97 

Berlin,  Md.,  bridge  burned  at,  D.  96 
Berry,  Jesse  H.,  poem  by,  P.  104 
Berry,  Michael,  Captain ;  how  he 
escaped  from  the  South,  P.  139 
Betuune,  George  W.,  D.D.,  D.  38, 

54,  Doc.  119,  p.  46 

Betts,  S.  R.,  Doc.  135 

Bigler,  — ,  Senator,  D.  28;  P.  8 

Binghamton,  N.  Y.,  Union  meeting 
at,  D.  33 

Bininger,  A.  M.,  D.  39 

Binney,  Horace,  Doc.  178 

Birdseye,  J.  (!.,  of  California,  D.  38 
“Black  Republic,”  South  Carolina 
to  be  a,  P.  10 

Black, - ,  Gov.  of  Nebraska,  D.  62 

Blair,  M.,  Postmaster  -  general, 
stops  the  mails  between  8t. 
Louis  and  Memphis,  D.  70 

notice  of,  D.  76 

suspends  all  mail  service  in  the 
seceded  States,  D.  82 

Blair,  F.  P.,  Doc.  363;  D.  102 

Blankman,  Edmond,  speech  at 
Union  meeting.  N.  Y.,  Doc.  118 
Blenkek,  Louis,  Colonel,  Doc.  296 
Bliss,  L.  W.,  acting  Governor  of 
Jefferson  Territory ;  his  procla¬ 
mation  of  May  21,  D.  90;  Doc.  825 
Blockade,  the  Federal,  proclaimed, 

D.  32,  46,  48,  62,  73,  82 


Southern  opinion  of  the,  D.  75 

debate  on  the,  in  the  English 
House  of  Commons,  D.  83 

Blunt,  Ellen  Key,  P.  81 

Blunt,  George  W.,  D.  82 


Boernstein,  Henry,  Col.  2d  Rcgt. 
Missouri  Volunteers,  proclama¬ 
tion  of,  Juno  17,  D.  107 ;  Doc.  411 
Boggs,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  Bedford,  N.  Y., 

D.  46 

Bonham,  M.  L.,  of  South  Carolina, 
leaves  Congress,  D.  5;  Doc.  8 
brigadier-general,  (rebel,)  Doc.  189 
Bonney,  B  W.,  D.  94 

Booneville,  Mo.,  battle  of,  D.  107 

account  of  the  battle  at ;  rebel  ac¬ 
count  of  the  battle,  Doc.  410 

Border  State  convention,  at  Balti¬ 
more,  Maryland,  P.  4,  8 

meet  at  Frankfort,  Ky.,  D.  91 

address  of  the,  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  Doc.  850 

address  to  the  people  of  Ken¬ 
tucky,  Doc.  853 

Boreman,  Arthur  J.  D.  101 

Borland,  Solon,  Col.,  D.  43 

Boston,  Mass.,  patriotism  of  the 
Common  Council  of,  D.  80 

banks  of,  loan  10  per  cent,  on  their 
capital  to  government,  D.  80 
excitement  in,  on  receipt  of  the 
news  of  the  Baltimore  riot,  D.  84 
incident  at  a  police  court  in,  P.  44 
meeting  of  the  Suffolk  bar  at,  D.  48 
the  school  teachers  in,  D.  50 

to  be  burned,  D.  55 

Courier,  article  in,  on  the  increase 
of  slavery,  Int.  45 ;  Doc.  401 

Rifle  Company,  D.  68 

Transcript,  quotation  from,  D.  70 
Botts,  John  Minor,  Bates’  Let¬ 
ters  to,  D.  84 ;  Doc.  804 

Boudinot,  Elias  C.,  Doc.  260 

Bourne,  George  S.,  P.  35 

Bourne,  Wm.  Oland,  P.  62,  75 

Boweryem,  George,  P.  47 

Boyce,  W.  W.,  of  S.  C.,  leaves  Con¬ 
gress,  D.  5 

delegate  to  Southern  Conven¬ 
tion,  D.  10,  Doc.  8 

Boylston, - .  appointed  to  Beau¬ 
regard's  staff,  D.  22 

Bragg,  Braxton,  Gen.,  at  Pensa¬ 
cola,  D.  68 

his  order  entting  off  supplies  from 
Fort  Pickens,  Doc.  42 

“  Brass  Missionaries."  P.  112 

Brady,  James  T.,  letter  to  the  Union 
meeting,  New  York,  Doc.  92 


INDEX  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


iii 


Breckinridge,  Rev.  Dr.,  article  of, 
in  the  Danville  (Ky.)  Review, 
opposing  secession,  D. 

Breckinridge,  J.  C.,  protests 
against  the  war,  D. 

Brengle  Guard,  of  Frederick,  Md., 

Bresiiwood,  Capt.,  surrenders  the 
cutter  Robert  McClellan,  D. 

Brown,  George  M.,  of  Mobile,  Ala., 

Bridgeport,  Conn.,  Union  meeting 
at,  D. 

Briggs,  G.  N.,  Governor  of  Massa¬ 
chusetts,  D. 

Bright,  Mr.,  remarks  in  English 
House  of  Commons,  May  23, 

Doc.  303 

Bronson,  Greene  C.,  Doc.  135 

Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  D.  15 

Union  meeti  .g  at,  D.  42 

war  spirit  in,  D.  50 

steam  frigate,  ordered  to  Charles¬ 
ton,  8.  C.,  D.  9 ;  P.  10 

Navy  Yard,  the  threatened  attack 
upon,  P. 

Heights  Seminary,  D. 

Brooks,  Sarah  Warner,  P. 

Brooks,  William  M  ,  of  Ala.,  D. 

Broome  Co.,  (N.  Y.,)  volunteers,  D. 

Brown,  - ,  Governor  of  Georgia, 

demands  Augusta  arsenal,  D. 
prohibits  payment  to  Northern 
creditors,  D. 


21 

50 

45 

12 

67 

16 

45 


notices  of,  D.  72 ;  P.  9,  22 

attaches  the  Macon  and  Western 

Railroad, 

P. 

25 

Brown,  General,  at  Ft.  Pickens,  D. 

77 

Brown,  Major-General,  1812. 

,  D. 

59 

Brown,  George  William, 

Mayor 

of  Baltimore, 

D. 

87 

proclamation  of  April  18, 

Doc. 

77 

correspondence  with  Governor 

Andrew, 

Doc. 

80 

his  account  of  an  interview  with 

President  Lincoln, 

Doc. 

123 

Brown,  James  M.,  Capt. 

D. 

83 

Brown,  J.  N.,  ex-U.  S.  N., 

P. 

39 

Brown,  J.  B., 

D. 

60 

Brown,  John  C., 

Doc. 

123 

Brown,  John, 

D. 

90 

Brown,  John  Young, 

Doc. 

76 

Brown,  Neill  S., 

D. 

7 

address  to  Tennessee, 

D. 

80 

Brown  High  School  at  Newbury- 

port,  Mass., 

D. 

43 

Browne,  Wm.  M., 

P. 

24 

Brownell,  Francis  E., 

D. 

79 

Brownell,  Katy,  D. 

Brownell,  Martha  Francis,  D. 
Browxlow,  Parson,  his  definition 
of  the  height  of  impudence,  P. 
his  reply  to  Gen.  Pillow, 
anecdote  of  the  daughter  of, 
Bryan,  M.  K.,  Col., 

Bryant,  Mr.,  of  S.  C.,  D. 

Bryant,  Lieut.,  U.  8.  N.,  D. 

Bryce, - ,  Col.,  D. 


45 
45 

26 
P.  60 
P.  109 
D.  39 


Buchanan,  James,  President  of 
U.  8.,  D.  7 

receives  Hayne  of  8.  C.,  D.  14 

notice  of,  D.  59 

correspondence  with  Floyd,  Doc.  10 
correspondence  with  the  South 
Carolina  Commissioners,  Doc.  11 
recommendation  for  a  fast,  Dec. 

14,  1860,  Doc.  17 

agitated  at  the  surrender  of  Fed¬ 
eral  arms, 

favors  the  secessionists, 
not  to  reinforce  the  forts, 
his  administration  a  reign 
“  stealing,” 

his  favorites,  conspirators, 
another  “  Abou-Ben-Adhem,”  P. 

“  blabs  all  he  knows,” 

New  York  women's  letter  to, 
his  early  knowledge  of  the  seces 
sion  conspiracy, 

Twiggs’  letter  to, 

Buckingham, - ,  Gov.  of  Conn., 

proclaims  a  fast,  D.  5 

calls  for  volunteers,  D.  28 


P. 

8 

P. 

9 

P. 

9 

of 

P. 

23 

P. 

24 

P. 

88 

P. 

39 

P. 

42 

es- 

P. 

110 

P. 

131 

notice  of,  D.  42 

Budd,  Capt.,  of  the  steamer  Reso¬ 
lute,  destroys  rebel  shipping  on 
the  Potomac,  D.  99 

captures  the  schooner  “Buena 
Vista,”  D.  108 

Buena  Vista  Volunteers,  D.  56 

“Buena  Vista,”  schooner,  D.  108 
Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  patriotic  action  of 
the  Common  Council  of,  D.  46 
Bull,  Dyer,  Rev.,  of  New  Haven, 

P.  20 

Bungay,  G.  W„  P.  50 

“  Bungtown  Riflemen,”  P.  95 

Bunker  Hill,  battle  of,  celebrated 
at  Alexandria,  Va.,  D.  105 

celebrated  at  Boston,  D.  106 

celebrated  in  Virginia,  P.  125 

Burgvien,  E.,  Gen.,  D.  43 

Burgess,  John  I.,  D.  59 

Burlingame,  Anson,  at  Paris,  D.  85 
Burleigh,  W.  H.,  P.  61 

Burns,  William,  D.  29 

Burnet,  J.  B.,  wife  of,  D.  46 

Burnside,  A.  E., Colonel,  Rhode  Isl¬ 
and  Regiment,  Doc.  124 

Burton,  Wm.,  Gov.  of  Delaware,  D.  46 
proclamation,  April  26,  Doc.  155 
Benton's  six  footers,  anecdote  of,  P.  189 
Busbee,  George,  D.  105 

Bush  River,  Md.,  bridge  at,  burned, 

D.  35 

Butler,  B  F.,  Brig. -General,  D.  35 
congratulates  his  troops  on  their 
success  at  Annapolis,  D.  40 

takes  possession  of  Annapolis,  D.  42 
threatens  to  arrest  the  Maryland 
Legislature,  D.  45 

notices  of,  D.  49,  58,  61,  66,  69,  70, 
71,  74,  76,  80,  S3,  91 
appointed  Major-General,  D.  72,  73 
at  Fort  Monroe,  D.  75 

visits  Hampton,  Va.,  D.  78 

anecdote  of,  P.  56 

his  African  descent,  D.  86 

on  fugitive  slaves,  D.  86 

letter  to  Gov.  Hicks,  Doc.  144 

general  orders  at  Relay  House, 

M<L,  May  8,  Doc.  203 

proclamation  at  Federal  Hill, 
Baltimore,  of  May  14,  Doe.  243 
speech  at  Washington,  Doc.  254 
report  of  the  battle  of  Great 
Bethel,  Doc.  353 

letter  to  Gov.  Andrew,  Doc.  257 
letter  to  Gen.  Scott  on  “  Contra¬ 
bands,"  Doc.  813 

his  Union  sentiments  in  Jan.,  P.  9 
the  Picayune's  pedigree  of,  P.  123 
Butler,  George  II.,  Lieut.,  D.  76 
is  sent  for  the  remains  of  Major 
Wintkrop,  D.  105 

Butler,  Wm.  Allen,  D.  73,  Doc.  262 
Butteuworth,  Sergeant,  shot,  D.  78 
Buttrick,  — — ,  persons  of  the  name 
in  the  battle  of  Lexington  and 
the  riot  at  Baltimore,  P.  59 

Byington,  A,  H.,  D.  86 

C 

Caddo  Rifles,  the,  D.  44 

Cadwallader, - ,  Gen.,  threat¬ 
ened  by  a  mob,  D.  26 

at  Fort  McHenry,  D.  82 

arrest  of,  ordered,  D.  83 

notice  of,  D.  102 

his  action  at  Fort  McHenry,  Doc.  801 
Cady,  Daniel,  Judge,  P.  40 

“  Cahawba,”  steamship,  D.  44 

Cairo,  Ill.,  Federal  troops  at,  D.  42 
reasons  for  the  occupation  of,  I).  43 
the  occupation  of,  P.  78 

guns  planted  at,  D.  90 

brass  missionaries  at,  P.  112 

Calhoun,  J.  C.,  D.  4,  56 

on  the  Constitution,  Int.  20 

did  not  claim  a  constitutional 
right  of  secession,  Int.  22 

opinion  of  secession,  Int.  44 

“  The  Spotted  Hand,”  P.  7 

Calhoun,  privateer,  D  71 

prizes  of  the  D.  81 


California  ships  threatened,  D.  10 
citizens  of,  hold  a  v  ar  meeting  in 
N.  Y.,  D.  38;  Doc.  132 

Call,  It.  K.,  Gov.,  letter  to  J.  8. 

Littell,  of  Pennsylvania,  Doc.  416 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  Union  Meeting 
at,  D.  48 

Cameron,  Simon,  Secretary,  Gov. 
Magoffin's  reply  to,  D.  27 

Gov.  Letcher’s  reply  to,  D.  28 
Gov.  Ellis’  reply  to,  D.  29 

reply  of  Gov.  Harris  to,  D.  30 

Gov.  Jackson,  reply  to,  D.  30,  40 
denies  the  “  armistice  story,”  D.  52 
circular  in  reference  to  appoint¬ 
ment  of  army  officers,  D.  76 
response  of  Gov.  Rector  to,  D.  102 
letter  of,  on  the  organization  of 
the  Federal  army,  Doc.  269 

letter  to  Gen.  Butler  on  “contra¬ 
band  negroes,”  Doc,  314 

Cassius  M.  Clay’s  reply  to,  P.  39 
Campbell,  John  A.,  Judge,  U.  S. 
Supreme  Court,  resigned,  D.  54 
letter  to  Seward,  Doc.  426 

Camp  Jackson,  Mo.,  taken,  D.  66 
Canada,  spirit  of  the  press  of,  D.  51 
Canadian  opinions  of  the  war,  P.  139 
Canton,  Md.,  bridges  at,  burned,  D.  35 

Carey, - ,  Quartermaster  N.  Y. 

6th  Regiment.  D.  89 

Cary,  Major,  of  the  rebel  army,  D.  80 
Carlisle.  John  S.,  speech  at  Wheel¬ 
ing,  May  11,  D.  67 

in  the  Virginia  Convention,  D.  101 
Doc.  328 

speech  in  the  Wheeling  (Ya.)  Con¬ 
vention,  June  14,  Doc.  874 

conversation  with  Henry  A.  Wise, 

P.  40 

Carr,  Joseph  B.,  Col.  2d  Regiment 
N.  Y.  S.  V.,  Doc.  269 

W.  C.  N.,  D.  29 

Carrington,  Edward  C.,  his  call 
of  Jan.  5,  1861,  D.  10;  Doc.  17 
Carroll,  Edward,  oration  of,  D.  17 
“  Caspian,”  the  schooner,  D.  16 

Cass,  Lewis,  D.  29 ;  D.  43 

Gen.  Wool’s  letter  to,  on  the  ne¬ 
cessity  of  reinforcing  the  South¬ 
ern  forts,  Doc.  11 

speech  at  Detroit,  April  24,  Doc.  145 
Castle  Pinckney,  8.  C.,  taken  pos¬ 
session  of  by  rebels,  D.  7 

Commander  Pettigru  at,  D.  8 
Castleton,  V  t.,  Union  Meeting  at,  D.  45 
Catawba  Indians.  See  Indians. 

Catholics  of  the  South  refuse  fellow¬ 
ship  with  those  of  the  North,  D.  97 
“  C.  Colden  Murray,”  the  bark,  D.  17 
Chapin,  E.  H.,  D.D.,  P.  62 

Charleston  Courier;  its  opinion  of 
the  rebellion,  P.  149 

Charleston  Mercury  threatens  to 
take  the  forts,  D.  4 

discusses  sea-coast  defences,  D.  4 
suggests  the  seizure  of  forts,  D.  10 
urges  an  attack  on  Fort  Sumter, 

D.  16 

strictures  on  the  policy  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Government,  D.  21 

request  to  the  captains  of  Confed¬ 
erate  ships,  D.  39 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  people  of,  refuse 
to  allow  Federal  soldiers  to  be 
sent  to  the  forts,  D.  3 

act  of  secession  signed  at,  D.  4 
palmetto  flags  raised  in,  D.  7 

forts  at,  seized,  D.  7 

orders  in  reference  to  the  clear¬ 
ance  of  vessels  from,  D.  8 

citizens  of,  ordered  into  military 
service,  D.  10 

“  foreign  vessels”  at,  D.  17 

arsenal  at,  seized  by  rebels,  D.  8 
Washington's  birthday  in,  D.  17 
United  States  vessels  reported  off 
the  harbor  of,  I).  21 ;  Doc.  49 

people  of,  refuse  provisions  to 
Fort  Sumter,  D.  21 

warlike  preparations  at,  P.  10 
reported  panic  at,  P.  11 

floating  battery  at,  D.  22 


lr 


REBELLION  RECORD: 


bravery  of  the  troops  of,  D.  51 
schooner  fired  into  at,  P.  43 

harbor  of,  blockaded,  I).  67 ;  Doc.  236 
an  incident  at  the  forts  at,  P.  25 
plan  to  prevent  uneasiness  in,  P.  44 
an  incident  at,  on  the  eve  of  the 
battle  of  Fort  Sumter,  P. 
the  consul  at,  and  Seward,  P. 
Charlotte,  N.  C.,  mint  at,  seized,  D. 
Chatauqua  (N.  Y.)  Volunteers,  D. 
Cuesn'UT,  James,  Jr.,  delegate  to 
Southern  convention,  D. 

appointed  to  Beauregard’s  staff,  D. 
at  Fort  Sumter,  D. 

Chesnut  Hill,  Pa.,  D. 

Chester  County,  Pa.,  D. 

Chet  wood,  Hobart,  Rev.,  D. 
Chicago,  111.,  Union  resolutions  eff, 

Union  meeting  at,  D.  30, 

Child,  Willard,  D. 

Childs,  - ,  Captain,  the  Dayton 

Itiflo  Company,  D. 

CniLDS,  George  W.,  D.  56;  Doc.  186 
Cuipp,  W.,  D.  32 

Chippewa  Indians,  D. 

Chittenden,  H.  W.,  wife  of,  D. 
Chittenden,  S.  B.,  D.  32;  Doc. 
CniSHOLM,  Thomas,  D. 

Chowan  Association,  of  N.  C.,  D. 
Chumasero,  John  C.,  D.  103 

Cincinnati,  O.,  workingmen's  Union 
meeting  at,  D. 

Cisco,  John  J.,  P. 

Clancy,  John,  P. 

Clark,  Col.  19th  N.  Y.  Regt.,  D. 
Clarksburg,  Ya.,  citizens  of,  censure 
the  course  of  Gov.  Letcher,  D. 
Clay,  Cassius  M.,  at  Paris,  D.  85, 
letter  to  London  Times,  Doc.  846 
reply  of  the  London  Times,  Doc.  841 
London  News  on  letter  of,  Doc.  342 
anecdote  of,  P.  89 

Clay,  Henry,  speech  of,  1850,  Int.  31 
his  birthday  the  anniversary  of 
the  battle  of  Fort  Sumter,  P. 
Clemens,  Sherrard,  D. 

anecdote  of  his  speech,  22d  Janu¬ 
ary,  P.  21 ;  D. 

poem  on,  P. 

speech  in  the  House  of  Repre¬ 
sentatives,  Jan.  22(1,  1861,  Doc. 
Ci.erke,  T.  W„  Doc.  185 

Cleveland,  O ,  Union  meeting  at,  D.  27 
Cobb,  Howell,  elected  president 
of  the  Southern  Congress,  D. 
his  proposition  in  reference  to  the 
sale  of  cotton,  D. 

speech  at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  Doc. 
CoonRANE,  John,  D. 

speech  at  N.  York,  Apl.  20,  Doe. 
anecdote  of  Bigler  and,  P. 

Cocke,  PniLip  St.  George,  Briga¬ 
dier-General,  of  Virginia,  D. 
Cockeysville,  Md.,  rumored  descent 
on,  D.  38 ;  Doc 

Cockey’s  Field,  ballad  of,  P, 

Cocks,  John  G.,  his  proposition  to 
Major  Anderson,  P.  129 

Coddincton.  David  S.,  speech  at 
the  Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Doc.105 
Coe,  George  S.,  Doc.  806 

Coercion  might  bo  exercised  under 
the  Confederation,  Int. 

Coffee,  Andrew  Jackson,  P 
Colcock, - ,  collector  of  Charles¬ 

ton,  S.  C.,  his  orders  in  refer¬ 
ence  to  departure  of  vessels,  D. 
Coles, - .  Captain,  takes  posses¬ 
sion  of  Potosi,  Mo.,  D. 

Collamer, - ,  Senator,  of  Vt.,  D. 

Collier, - ,  Lieut,  of  U.  S.  M.,  D. 

Cologne  Gazette,  extract  from,  D. 
Colt,  Samuel,  his  patriotic  offer,  D. 
Columbia  Artillery,  arrived  at 
Charleston,  8.  C., 

Columbia,  Ark.,  negro  plot  in, 

Columbus,  Ky.,  secession  flag, 

Comstock, - .  Midshipman, 


78 

15 

82 

52 

22 


17 

76 

263 

46 

9G 

8 

53 

123 

52 


14 

133 


8 

71 

42 

53 

74 

52 

8 

92 


D. 

D. 

D.  101 
D.  57 


Confederate  Congress.  See  South¬ 
ern  Confederacy. 

Confederate  Navy.  See  Southern 
Confederacy. 


Conklino,  F.  A.,  D.  46 

Connecticut  Legislature  appropri¬ 
ates  $2,000,000  for  the  war,  D.  55 
First  Regiment  of,  D.  65;  Doc.  237 
Second  Rgt.  of,  D.  66,  70;  Doc.  245 
Third  Regiment  of,  D.  77 ;  Doc.  272 
Fourth  Regiment  of,  D.  100 ;  Doc.  362 
Conrad,  C.  M.,  D.  5 

Conrad’s  Ferry,  Md.,  skirmish  at,  D.  108 
Constitution,  school-ship,  D.  40 

escape  of,  D.  48 

Contraband  of  war,  “  constitution 
and  constipation,”  P.  68 

“  Contraband  negroes,”  D.  SO 

General  Ashley’s  account  of,  P.  110 
General  Butler’s  letter  to  General 
Scott  on,  Doc.  313 

Secretary  Cameron  to  Gen.  But¬ 
ler  on,  Doc.  314 

Conway,  William,  seaman,  loyal¬ 
ty  of,  approved  by  the  Navy 
Department,  D.  43 

Cooke,  Erastus,  D.  32 

Cooley,  T.  M.,  P.  73 

Coombs,  Leslie,  letter  of,  P.  81 

Cooper,  8.,  Adj.-Gen.  U.  S.  A.,  D.  18 
Copland,  Mary,  verses  by,  P.  86 
Corcoran,  Michael,  Colonel  69th 
Regt.,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  D.  53 

captures  secessionists,  D.  95 

69th  Regt.,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  Doc.  142 
lines  addressed  to,  P.  34 

Cornwell,  II.  S..  verses  by,  P.  123 
Corwin,  Moses  II.,  ’  D.  36 
Corwin,  Thomas,  his  amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  D.  18;  Doc.  36 
Coste,  N.  L.,  Capt.,  surrenders  the 
cutter  Aiken,  D.  7 

Cotton,  the  culture  of,  introduced 
under  protection,  Int.  29 

how  it  should  be  sold,  D.  76 

the  exportation  of,  prohibited  by 
the  Southern  Confederacy,  D.  81 
to  be  exported  from  Southern 
seaports,  D.  85 ;  D.  92 

act  of  the  Confederate  Congress 
on  the  exportation  of,  Doc.  292 
planted  in  New  Jersey,  P.  126 

“Cotton ’s  King,”  an  epigram,  P.  113 
Cowdin,  Robert,  Colonel  1st  Regt. 

Mass.  State  Vol.,  D.  104;  Doc.  377 
Crane,  John  J.,  Doc.  306 

Crawford,  Surgeon,  of  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter,  cures  Roger  A.  Pryor,  P.  27 
Creager,  B.  H.,  Rev.  Doc.  199 

Crittenden,  John  J.,  D.  8,  4,  97 
Crittenden,  — — •,  Col.  at  the  bat¬ 
tle  of  Philippi,  D.  91 ;  Doc.  833 
Cronstadt,  Russia,  secession  flag  in, 

D.  105 

Crowley,  Timothy,  anecdote  of,  P.  110 
Cullum,  Col.  U.  S.  A.,  D.  96 

Curtin,  Andrew  G.,  Gov.  of  Pa., 

D.  21 

proclamation  of,  Doc.  119 ;  D.  36,  39. 
Curtin,  Camp,  scene  at,  P.  41 

Curtis,  George  Ticknor,  letter 
to  Edward  Everett,  on  the  Con¬ 
stitution  of  the  U.  S.,  Int.  43 

Curry,  J.  L.,  commissioner  from 
Alabama,  D.  12 

Cushing,  Caleb,  speech  at  New- 
buryport,  Mass.,  D.  43;  Doc.  145 
Cutler^  Elbridob  Jefferson,  P.  161 


]> 


Daly,  Charles  P.,  Judge,  patriot¬ 
ism  of  his  wife,  D.  73 ;  Doc.  185 
speech  to  the  7th  Regt  ,N.Y.  S.V., 

Doc.  273 

“  Dana,”  U.  S.  schooner,  seized,  1).  14 

“Daniel  Webster,”  steamer,  D.  45 
Danville  (Ky.)  Review.  Dr.  Breck¬ 
inridge’s'  article  against  seces¬ 
sion.  in,  D.  99 

Dare,  Colonel,  D.  95 

Davis,  Edward  W„  D.  83 

Davis,  Ira  P.,  speech  at  N.  Y.,  Doc.  102 
Davis,  Jefferson,  retires  from  the 
U.  S.  senate,  D.  15 

elected  president  of  8.  C.,  D.  17 


inaugurated  at  Montgomery,  D.  IT 
inaugural  address  of,  Doc.  81 

appoints  his  cabinet,  D.  17,  1$ 

his  position  towards  Texas,  D.  19 
makes  a  military  requisition  on 
Alabama,  D.  21 

speech  of,  on  leaving  the  U.  S. 

senate,  Doc.  22 

his  proclamation  of  April  17th  of¬ 
fering  letters  of  marque,  Doc.  71 
war  message  of  April  29,  Doc.  167 
proclamation  for  a  fast,  Doc.  274 
arrival  at  Richmond,  May  29,  D.  84 
serenaded  at  Richmond,  D.  90 
instructions  to  privateers,  Doc.  272 
speech  at  Richmond,  June  1,  Doc.  322 
reply  to  the  President's  proclama¬ 
tion,  D.  26 

message  to  Southern  Congress, 
April  29,  D.  50 

an  epigram  on  his  proclamation 
for  a  fast,  P.  144 

approved  repudiation,  D.  74 

to  the  Md.  commissioners,  Doc.  362 
command  of  the  Southern  armv 
offered  to,  I5.  20 

“Not  a  Secessionist,”  P.  21 

wishes  a  “  cessation  of  hostilities,” 

D.  100 

his  advertisement  for  coffins,  P.  42 
Norwich  editors,  present  to,  P.  24 
at  Charleston,  Feb.  25,  P.  23 

compared  with  Lincoln,  P.  128 

a  method  of  disposing  of,  P.  181 
personal  appearance  of,  P.  24 

a  Boston  sculptor's  offer  for,  P.  96 
remarks  on  anti-slavery,  Int.  46 
supposed  correspondence  with 
Gov.  Magoffin,  I*.  125 

see  the  traitor's  plot,  P.  89 

epigram  on,  P.  118 

Davis, - ,  Lieut.,  at  Fort  Moul¬ 
trie,  D.  6 

Davis,  Varina,  wife  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  letter  from,  P.  71 

Day,  William  F.,  D.  84 

“  Daylight,”  steamer,  D.  48 

Dayton,  W.  L.,  D.  85;  Doc.  191 
Dayton,  O.,  Child’s  rifle  co.  of,  D.  S3 
Dean,  Gilbert,  Doc.  185 

Dean,  William,  Rhode  Island,  D.  45 
Declaration  of  Independence,  re¬ 
cognizes  a  People ,  Int.  11 

Delaware  refuses  to  join  the  S.C.,  D.  9 
added  to  the  military  department 


of  Washington, 

D. 

83 

volunteers  from, 

D. 

46 

De  Mille,  James, 

P. 

78 

Davison,  Mary  A. 

P. 

142 

De  Rusey.  Colonel,  rebel, 

D. 

105 

Detroit,  Mich.,  meetings  at,  D. 

25, 

43 

Devens,  Charles,  Major, 

D. 

37 

Dewey,  Orville,  D.  D., 

D. 

103 

Dickson,  David  L, 

P. 

73 

“  Dictator,”  one  wanted  in  Ya.. 

D. 

61 

Dickinson,  - ,  inventor  of  Wi- 

nans’  steam-gun,  D.  66 

Dickinson,  Daniel  S.,  D.  67 

speech  at  N.  Y.,  April  20,  Doc.  85 
Dickinson,  II.,  commissioner  of 
Mississippi,  invites  Delaware 
to  join  the  Southern  Confeder¬ 
acy,  D,  9 

District  of  Columbia,  organization 
of  the  militia  of,  D.  9, 112 

Dix,  D.  L.,  her  circular  address  to 
volunteer  nurses.  Doc.  810 

department  of  nurses,  D.  84 

Dix,  John  A.,  D.  16;  Doc.  27 

appointed  Major-General  of  State 
of  New  York,  D.  59 

speech  of,  at  N.  Y.,  April  20,  Doc.  82 
appointed  Major-General  in  the 
United  States  Army,  D.  103 

Doc.  862 

Dix,  Timothy,  D.  59 

“Dixie,”  D.  108 

origin  of  the  song  of,  ,  P.  118 

by  Albert  Pike,  P.  106 

the  Michigan  Patriots’  Song,  P.  78 
Dixon,  Archie,  speech  at  Louis¬ 
ville,  Ky.,  April  IS,  Doc.  74 

Dobbin,  Geobgk  W.,  D.  58;  Doc.  128 


INDEX  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


T 


Dodge,  William  E.,  D.  32;  Doc.  93 
“  Dodge,”  revenue  cutter  seized,  D.  18 

Dodge's, - ,  battery,  D.  92 

*•  Dolphin,”  cutter,  seized,  D.  10 

Donald,  Colonel,  of  Miss.,  a  home- 
spun  party  at  the  house  of,  P.  25 
Donklson,  Andrew  Jackson,  P.  138 
Dorchester,  Mass.,  liberality  of,  D.  58 
Dorr,  J.  C.  R.,  P.  & 

Doubleday, - ,  his  battery,  D.  92 

Douglas,  S.  A.,  his  opinion  of  the 
right  of  secession,  P.  41 

his  remarks  on  the  position  of 
General  Scott,  Doc.  121 

speech  at  Chicago,  III.,  Doc.  298 
speech  before  the  Illinois  Legisla¬ 
ture,  D.  45 

death  of,  D.  91 

dying  words  of,  P.  110 

Dover,  Delaware,  meeting  at,  D.  103 
Dover,  N.  H.,  Union  meeting  at,  D.  25 
Draper.  Simeon,  D.  52 

“Dr.  Watts  to  Jonathan,”  P.  99 
Duganne,  A.  J.  H.,  P.  19 

Dummer,  C.  II.,  D.  28 

Dumont,  E.,  report  of  the  battle  of 
Philippi,  Va,  Doc.  333 

Duncombe  T.  (Eng.),  D.  83 

speech  in  the  English  House  of 
Commons,  May  23,  Doc.  302 

Dunkirk,  N.  Y.,  meeting  at,  D.  35 
Duryea,  A.,  Col.,  D.  77,  82;  Doc.  271 
at  Hampton,  Va.,  D.  80 

proclamation  to  the  people  of 
Hampton,  Va.,  Doc.  296 

report  of  the  battle  at  Great 
Bethel,  Va.,  Doc.  358 

Duryea,  Lieut.,  D.  91 

D'Utassy,  Frederick  Geo.,  Col., 
Garibaldi  Guard,  D.  84;  Doc.  30T 


E 


Eagle  Henry,  commander  of  U.  S. 

steamer  Star,  Doc.  261 

East  Baltimore,  Md.,  Union  meet¬ 
ing  in,  D.  50,  69 

patriotic  resolutions  of,  Doc.  243 
East  Fairhaven,  Mass.,  secession 
flag  at,  P.  40 

Easton,  Md.,  expedition  to,  D.  96 
Eaton,  Rev.  Dr.,  D.  57 

Edinburgh  Review,  quoted,  Int.  5 
Edwards,  J.  W.,  D.  39;  Doc.  135 
Edwards’  Ferry,  skirmish  at,  D.  105 
Eiirman,  W.  G.  H.,  P.  60 

“Ein  Feste  Burg  ist  Unser  Gott,” 
Luther's  Hymn,  P.  85 

Einstein  Max.  Col.,  Twenty-Sec- 
o  id  Penn.  Regt.,  Doc.  412 

Electoral  Vote,  1861,  counting  the, 
at  Washington,  Doc.  31 

Elizabethtown,  N.  J.,  flag  raising 
at.  D.  84 

Ellieott's  Mills,  Ky.,  secessionists 
dispersed  at,  D.  95 

Elliott's  debates,  Int.  13 

Elliott,  8.  M.,  Lieut-Col.,  of  the 
N.  Y.  79th  Regt.,  D.  90;  Doc.  329 
Ellis,  John  W.,  Governor  of  North 
Carolina,  seizes  the  forts,  D.  9 
correspondence  with  Secretary 
Holt,  D.  12;  Doc.  IS 

his  reply  to  Sec.  Cameron,  D.  29 
calls  for  volunteers,  D.  37,  39 

deprecates  the  policy  of  President 
Lincoln,  D.46 

proclamation  of.  in  relation  to 
President  Lincoln’s  call  for 
troops,  Doc.  155 

Ellsworth's  Zouaves,  departure  of, 
from  New  York,  D.  59;  Doc.  165 
anecdotes  of,  P.  81 

arrival  at  Washington,  D.  53 

enter  Alexandria,  D.  78 

Kliswokth,  E.  E,  Col.,  killed  at 
Alexandria,  Va.,  D.  79  ;  Doc.  277 
letter  to  his  parents.  Doc.  281 

funeral  of,  at  Washington,  D.  80 
notices  of,  P.  89 ;  Doc.  165 

“  Colonel  Ellsworth,”  a  poem,  by 
Bain  Whiting,  P.  118 


“Elmer  E.  Ellsworth,”  an  extem¬ 
pore,  P.  102 

Ely,  Lieut.,  of  Penn.  Fifth,  editor 
of  the  “  Expedition,”  D.  97 

England,  Union  with  Ireland  and 
Scotland,  Int.  16 

will  recognize  the  S.  C.,  D.  16 
Consul  of,  at  Charleston,  P.  21 
effect  of  the  attack  on  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter,  in  D.  62 

rebel  commissioners  in,  P.  130 

debate  in  the  House  of  Commons 
on  American  affairs,  Doc.  301 
debate  in  the  House  of  Commons 
on  the  blockade,  D.  83 

action  of,  in  reference  to  priva¬ 
teers,  D.  91 

discussions  in  the  House  of  Lords 
in,  on  the  Queen’s  Proclamation 
of  Neutrality,  Doc.  247 

opinions  of  the  English  Press 

Doc.  251 

press  on  American  affairs,  Doc.  132 
opinion  of  the  civil  war,  Doc.  232 
London  News  on  the  war,  Doc.  311 
English  protest  against  Southern 
recognition,  Doc.  41 

EN8WORTH,  H.  B.,  D.  103 

“  Enul,”  poetry  by,  P.  34 

Epigrams,  on  Gen.  Wool’s  letter,  P.  20 
on  South  Carolina,  P.  70 

Episcopal  church,  of  New  York,  D.  46 
resolutions  of  the  Alabama,  D.  65 
action  of  the  Massachusetts,  D.  66 
of  Maryland,  D.  71 

See  Bishop  Whittingham. 

“  E  Pluribus  Unum,”  P.  150 

Erie,  Pa.,  war  resolutions  of,  D.  26 
“  Ethan  Spike”  on  the  secession  of 
Hornby,  P.  22 

Etheridge,  Emerson,  speech  at 
Louisville,  Ky.,  D.  82 

Eubank,  John  L„  secretary  of  the 
Virginia  convention,  Doc.  70 

Europe,  S.  C.  agents  in,  D.  76 

Bvarts,  W illiam  M.,  speech  at  the 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Doc.  92 

Everett,  Edward,  address  of,  at 
New  York,  July  4,1861,  Int.  5 

speech  at  Boston,  D.  48,  61 

speech  at  Chester  Square,  Boston, 
April  27,  Doc.  161 

address  at  Roxbury,  Mass.,  Doc.  2fi5 

Everett, - ,  Lieut.-Col.,  D.  102,  103 

Ewing,  Andrew,  Doc.  138 

Ewing,  Edwin  IT.,  a  traitor,  D.  41 
speech  at  Nashville,  Doc.  137 

“Expedition.”  a  newspaper  of  the 
Penn.  Fifth  Regiment,  D.  97 


Fairfax  Court  House,  Va.,  Lieut. 
Tompkins’  charge  at,  D.  89 

prisoners  recaptured  at,  D.  90 

official  reports  of  the  skirmish  at, 
May  31,  Doc.  321 

rebel  account  of,  Doc.  822 

incident  of,  P.  139 

Fales,  Fanny,  P.  16 

Fallon,  John  O.,  D.  52 

Fall  River,  Mass.,  meeting  in,  D.  34 
Farnham,  Noaii  L.,  appointed  col¬ 
onel  of  Fire  Zouaves,  D.  92 

Fast  day  in  the  Southern  Confede¬ 
racy,  D.  69 

in  the  United  States.  D.  10;  Doc.  17 
Faulkner,  C.  J.,  Minister,  letter  to 
Seward,  D.  59 ;  Doc.  191 

Fay,  Richard  S„  Major,  D.  76 

Fayetteville,  N.  C.,  arsenal  at,  seized 
by  Governor  Ellis,  D.  9,  39 

Fearing.  IIawkes,  Doc.  119 

Federal  Hill,  Baltimore,  U.  S.  en¬ 
campment  at,  D.  68 

Fei.t.owks,  Cornelius.  D.  5 

Fiddlestring  Notes,  by  Fidelia,  P.  149 
Field,  David  Dudley,  speech  at 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Doc.  113 
Fields,  T.  C.,  speech  at  Union 
meeting,  New  York,  April  20, 

Doc.  114 


Fillmore,  Millard,  D.  9,  66 

Finch, - ,  patriotism  of  the  family 

of,  P.  95 

“  Fire  Zouaves.”  See  Ellsworth,  D.  50 
anecdotes  of,  P.  95,  100 

Fisii,  Daniel,  arrested,  D.  42,  51 

Fisii,  Hamilton,  speech  at  the 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Doc.  95 
Fish,  Ross,  Doc.  132 

Fisher,  Eliza  Gray,  what  one  no¬ 
ble  woman  can  do,  P.  101 

First  Baptist  church,  New  York, 
flag-raising  on  the,  D.  57 

Fishing  bounties,  Int.  26 

Flemming,  Thomas  M.,  Dr.,  D.  97 
Fletcher,  A.  W.,  I’.  82 

Floating  battery  at  Charleston,  D.  22 
Florida,  convention  of,  meet,  D.  9 
convention  of,  on  the  right  to  se¬ 
cede,  D.  10 

adopts  ordinance  of  secession,  D.  18 
authorities  of,  seize  the  U.  S. 

schooner  Dana,  D.  14 

act  of  the  Legislature  of,  defining 
treason,  D.  19 

troops  of,  D.  29 

Floyd,  John  B.,  resigns,  IX  7 

cause  of  his  resignation,  D.  7 

New  York  Journal  of  Commerce’s 
apology  for,  P.  11 

banquet  to,  at  Richmond,  D.  13 
indicted  at  Washington,  D.  16 

correspondence  with  Buchanan  in 
reference  to  the  evacuation  of 
Fort  Moultrie,  Doc.  10 

“  Flunky,”  a  Yankee  word,  P.  128 

Folger, - ,  Judge,  D.  40 

“For  Bunker  Ilill”  sung  at  the 
camp  of  the  Massachusetts  5th, 
June  17,  P.  125 

Forney,  J.  W.,  poem  “To  Ells¬ 
worth,”  P.  89 

“  For  we’re  a  band  of  niggers,”  P.  115 
Foreigners,  rapid  enlistments  of,  D.  42 
Fort  Barrancas,  Florida,  seized,  D.  14 
Fort  Brown  surrendered,  D.  19 

Fort  Caswell  seized,  D.  12 

Fort  Corcoran,  flag-raising  at,  P.  149 
Fort  Johnson  seized,  D.  12 

Fort  Kearney,  Kansas,  seized,  D.  17 
guns  at,  spiked,  D.  66 

Fort  Macon,  N.  C.,  seized,  D.  9 

Fort  Morgan,  Mobile  Bay,  seized,  D.  10 
Fort  Moultrie  evacuated,  D.  6;  Doc.  8 
taken  possession  of  by  rebels,  D.  7,  9 

to  attack  Fort  Sumter,  P.  12 

is  repaired  by  the  rebels,  D.  18 
damage  done  at  the  bombardment 
of,  D.  35;  Doc.  82 

Fort  Pickens,  Fla.,  supplies  cut  off 
from,  D.  19 ;  Doc.  42 

incidents  at,  P.  43 

notices  of,  D.  20,  48,  56,  72,  77,  96 
a  southern  opinion  of  the  condi¬ 
tion  of,  April  23,  P  60 

a  novel  plan  to  capture,  P.  101 

the  saver  of,  in  prison,  P.  144 

reinforcement  of,  D.  42  ;  Doc.  162 
Fort  Pulaski,  at  Savannah,  Ga., 
seized  by  State  troops,  D.  9 
Fort  Smith,  Ark.,  incident  of  a  pal¬ 
metto  flag  raising  at,  P.  27 

seized  by  the  rebels,  D.  48 

Fort  Sumter,  taken  possession  of  by 
Major  Anderson,  D.  6 

notices  of,  D.  12, 19,  20, 

withdrawal  of  Federal  troops 
from,  demanded,  D.  14 

South  Carolina  offers  to  buy,  D.  16 
Charleston  Mercury  urges  an  at¬ 
tack  on,  D.  16 

plans  for  capturing,  D.  11 

bombardment  of,  D.  23 

explosion  at,  D.  25 

evacuated,  D.  24 

how  the  relieving  of,  was  pre¬ 
vented,  D.  83 

effect  of  the  attack  on,  in  Amer¬ 
ica,  D.  24 

effect  of  the  attack  on,  in  Eng¬ 
land,  IX  62 

English  press  on  the  fall  of,  Doc.  228 
the  killed  at,  P.  78,  79 


vi 


REBELLION  RECORD 


to  Northern  creditors,  D. 

troops  of,  for  Richmond,  Va,  D. 
troops  of,  at  Pensacola,  1), 

arms  of  the  6tate  of,  not  to  be 
carried  out  of  jurisdiction,  D. 
correspondence  between  the  gov¬ 
ernor  of,  and  the  banks  of  N.  Y., 

D. 

rising  of  slaves  in,  P. 

new  phase  of  the  seizures  of,  P. 
recruiting  for  the  army  of,  in  New 
York,  P. 

habeas  corpus  act  in,  P. 

See  New  York,  Doc. 

Minute  Men  of,  tender  services  to 
South  Carolina,  D. 


84 

9 

22 

25 

42 

806 


another  account  of  the  killed  at,  P.  97 
opinions  of  the  press  in  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  movement  of  Major 
Anderson  at,  Doc.  9 

action  of  the  N.  Y.  Chamber  of 
Commerce,  in  relation  to  the 
soldiers  of,  D.  95 

ridiculous  rumors  about,  P.  27,  44 
gallantry  of  Peter  Hart  at,  P.  41 
“  Fort  Sumter,”  a  heroic  poem  in 
three  cantos,  P.  91 

Fort  Washington,  Potomac  river, 
garrisoned,  D.  11 

Forts  and  fortresses,  P.  189 

Fortress  Monroe,  D.  10 

Fosdick,  Eichard  B.,  P.  56 

Fox, - ,  Capt.,  visit  to  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter,  D.  19;  P.26! 

Fourth  of  July  to  be  abolished,  P.  22  I 
Frankfort,  Ala.,  Union  resolutions 
of,  D.  19 

Frankfort,  Ky.,  Military  Institute, 
patriotic  old  filer  at,  P.  40 

Frazer,  Thomas,  P.  122 

Frederick,  Md.,  flag  presentation 
at,  D.  60 

“Freeborn,”  steamer,  captures  two 
schooners  in  the  Potomac,  D.  73 
Freedom  of  speech  at  the  South,  P.  40 
“  Free  Suffrage,”  J.  M.  Mason's  let¬ 
ter  on,  D.  71 

Fremont,  John  C.,  in  Paris,  D.  85 
Frieze,  Colonel,  of  E.  I.,  D.  37 

“From  the  South  to  the  North,”  P.  107 
Frost,  C.,  a  poem  by,  P.  45 

Fry,  James  B.,  Asst.  Adj.  Gen. 

U.  S.  A.  D.  83 ;  Doc.  833 

Fugitive  Slave  Law,  D.  3 

Fuller,  Eiciiard,  Dr.,  his  sympa¬ 
thies  with  the  South,  D.  63 

censured  by  the  Baptists,  D.  63 
patriotic  words  of,  in  I860,  P.  97 
Fuller,  W.  J.  A.,  speech  at  Union 
Meeting,  N.  Y.,  April  20,  Doc.  114 
“  Fun  among  the  Soldiers,”  P.  100 


G 


Gallatin,  James,  D.  82  ;  Doc.  306 
Galveston,  Texas,  seizure  of  the 
steamer  “Star  of  the  West,”  D.  29 
military  companies  formed  in,  D.  83 
Garibaldi  Guard  leave  N.  Y.,  D.  84, 
notice  of,  Doc.  307 

Gardner, - ,  Capt.,  D.  105 

Garland,  A.  H.,  D.  72 

Garnett, - ,  of  Ya.,  announced 

the  secession  of  S.  O.,  D.  4 

Gasconade  river,  Col.  Siegel  at,  D.  101 
Gatlin,  Major,  ~  D.  43 

Gayare,  Charles,  D.  5 

Gazzani,  E.  D.,  D.  55 

“General  Harney,”  lines  by  Lex¬ 
ington,  P.  141 

“  General  Parkhill,”  ship,  seized,  D.  74 
Geneva,  N.  Y.,  P.  40 

Georgia,  desires  co-operation,  D.  3 
address  of,  D.  8 

resolutions  of  the  Convention  of, 
in  response  to  the  resolutions  of 
the  legislature  of  New  York,  D.  15 
the  governor  of,  seizes  New  York 
ships,  D.  17 

“  bullying  ”  in  the  elections  of,  D.  12 
secession  of,  D.  15;  Doc.  21 

reasons  for  secession,  Int.  24 

Governor  of,  prohibits  payment 


Germans,  patriotism  of  the,  D. 

Streitf's  address  to  the,  Doc. 
Germany,  opinions  of  the  press  of, 
on  the  war  in  America,  Doc. 
Gibbes,  Dr.,  Surgeon-general  of 
South  Carolina,  D. 

report  on  the  casualties  at  Sum¬ 
ter,  D. 

Gibbs,  Wolcott,  D. 

Giles,  - ,  Judge,  of  Baltimore, 

difference  with  Maj.  Morris,  D. 

Gilpin, - ,  Dr.,  Doc. 

Gittings,  John  S.,  D. 

Gleeson,  John,  N.  Y.  09th,  P. 

Globe  Bank  of  Providence,  E.  I,  D. 
G.  M.  Smith,  prize  schooner,  D. 

God  and  the  Eight,  P. 

God  for  our  Native  Land,  P. 

God  Keep  our  Army  pure,  P. 
God  Protect  us,  P. 

God  Save  our  Native  Land,  P. 
Golden  Lead,  the  brig,  seized,  D. 
“  Good-bye,  Boys— Pin  going,”  P. 
Gosport  Navy  Yard,  Ya.,  D. 

incidents  of  the  burning  of,  P. 
how  it  was  saved  from  total  de¬ 
struction,  P. 

account  of  the  burning  of,  Doc. 
Gordon,  Lieut  ,  at  Fairfax  Court 
House,  Va.,  D. 

Gould, - ,  judge  of  Troy,  N.  Y., 

D. 

Grace  Church  in  N.  Y.,  American 
flag  raised  on  the  spire  of,  P. 
the  flag  on,  a  “  sign  of  the  times,” 

Doc. 

Grafton,  Ya.,  evacuated,  D. 

taken  possession  of  by  the  Federal 
troops,  D.  66, 


Gray, - ,  artist,  N.  Y., 

Gray,  William,  of  Boston, 
Great  Bethel,  Va.,  battle  of, 
Lieut.  Greble’s  gallantry  at, 
official  reports  of  the  battle 


D. 
D. 
D. 
P. 
at, 
Doc. 

Confederate  account,  Doc. 

Greatly  descended  men,  P. 

“  Great  pop-gun  practice,”  P. 

Greble, - -,  Lieut.,  at  the  battle 

of  Great  Bethel,  D. 

his  gallantry  at  Great  Bethel,  P. 

Green,  Samuel,  captured,  D. 

Gregory,  Mr.,  on  Southern  recog¬ 
nition,  Doc. 

remarks  in  the  British  House  of 
Commons,  D.  84;  Doc. 

Grinnell,  Joseph,  Doc. 

Grinnell,  Moses  H.  Doc.  109, 

Griswold,  A.  W.,  speech  to  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  the 
Mass.  8th  regt.  militia,  Doc. 

Gulf  City  Guaras  leave  Mobile,  D. 

Gunpowder  Creek,  Md.,  bridge  at, 
burned,  D. 

Guthrie,  James,  speech  at  Louis¬ 
ville,  Ky.,  April  18,  Doc. 

Guthrie,  T.  V.,  Col.  of  Ky.,  D. 

Gwin,  Wm.  M.  P. 

II 


“  Habana,”  steamer,  purchased  by 
the,  D.  29,  129 

Habeas  Corpus,  writ  of,  refused  by 
Major  Morris,  D.  69,  82 

Hagen,  J.  C.,  poem  by,  P.  121 

Hagerstown,  Md.,  flag  raising  at,  D.  47 


29 

877 

265 

21 

72 

96 

69 

131 

71 

131 

27 

68 

73 
45 

104 

85 

17 

17 

142 

36 

54 

127 

119 

89 

27 

56 

175 

82 

90 
56 
35 
93 

147 

856 

360 

109 
99 

98 

147 

97 

41 

803 

5 

110 


81 

44 


Federal  forces  at,  D.  107 

Haggerty',  Peter,  Capt.,  D. 

Haldeman, - ,  minister,  D. 

Hall, - ,  Judge,  charge  to  the 

grand  jury  at  Eochester,  D. 

IIallett,  B.  F.  D. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  Int. 

Hamilton,  Lieut. - ,  commander 

of  the  rebel  steam-tug  Aid,  D. 

Hamlin,  Hannibal,  a  “  free  ne¬ 
gro,”  P. 

vice-president  of  the  U.  S.,  D. 
speech  at  New  York,  Doc. 

Hammond,  James  II.,  candidate  for 
vice-president  of  Southern  con¬ 
federacy  D. 


76 

85 

84 

49 

IS 

13 

10 

17 

163 


14 


Hammond,  Thomas  S.,  rebel  D. 
Hampton  Bonds,  Va.,  blockaded,  D. 
Hampton,  Va.,  rebels  attempt  to 
destroy  the  bridge  at,  D. 

Colonel  Duryea's  proclamation  to 
tho  people  of,  Doc. 

Hardy,  A.  II.,  Commssioner  from 
Miss,  to  Maryland,  Doc. 


82 

53 

78 

296 

1 

9 


D. 

D. 

D. 


51 

5 

68 


Doc.  179 
Doc.  237 
Doc.  242 

D.  17 


SO 

73 


IIardee,  Colonel, 
his  Tactics  not  literary,  I’.  Ill 

Harney,  - ,  Gen.,  arrested,  D.  44 

released  by  the  rebels, 
his  loyalty, 
his  proclamation, 
notices  of,  D.  67,  69,  71,  78 

agreement  with  Gen.  Price,  D.  74 
letter  to  Col.  J.  O  Fallon, 
proclamation  of,  May  11, 
proclamation  of,  May  14, 

“  Harold,”  the  brig,  seized, 

Harper's  Ferry,  Md.,  arsenal  at,  de 
stroyed,  D. 

reinforcement  of  the  rebels  at,  D. 
Lieut.  Jones’s  official  report  of 
the  destruction  of  public  prop¬ 
erty  at,  Doc.  72 

evacuated  by  the  rebels,  D.  103 
American  flag  raised  at,  D.  104 

reasons  for  its  evacuation.  Doc.  415 

Harrington,  - ,  chancellor  of 

Delaware,  D.  103 

Harris,  Isham  G.,  Gov.  of  Tenn., 
his  reply  to  Cameron,  D.  89 
seizes  Tennessee  bonds,  D.  49 

announces  a  league  of  that  State 
with  tho  Confederates,  D.  61 
message  of  May  7,  Doc.  201 

Harrisburg,  Pa.,  first  rendezvous 
for  Pa.  troops,  D.  27 

IIarsen,  Jacob,  M.  D.,  Doc.  311 

Hart,  Peter,  at  Fort  Sumter,  P.  41 
Hart,  Eosweli,,  D.  108 

Hartford,  Conn.,  D.  28 

IIartyvell, - ,  Capt.,  of  Mobile, 

Ala.,  D.  44 

Harvard  Medical  School,  D.  52 

Havana,  Southern  Commissioners 
at,  P.  42 

the  Confederate  flag  in,  P.  55 

Have meyer,  Wm.  F.  Doc.  104 

IIayvkins,  Eusii  C.,  Colonel,  Ninth 
Bcgt.,  N.  Y.  S.  V.  D.  £3 ;  Doc.  839 
IIaxsey,  Tiiomas  B.,  D.  75 

Hayne,  Col.,  received  by  President 
Buchanan,  D.  14, 16 

IIeartt,  Jonas  C.,  D.  27 

Height  of  Imprudence,  Parson 
Brownlow’s  definition  of,  P.  26 
Henry,  Alexander,  of  Pa.,  Doc.  178 
Henry  - ,  mayor  of  Philadel¬ 

phia,  his  speech  to  a  mob,  I). 
address  to  Lieut.  Slemmer,  U. 

S.  A.,  D. 

Herrick,  Moses,  wounded,  D. 

“  II.  I.  Spearing,”  bark,  D. 

IIicks,  Gov.  of  Md.,  declines  to  re¬ 
ceive  Miss,  commissioner,  D. 
refuses  to  convene  Md.  legisla¬ 
ture,  D.  7 

supported  by  the  citizens  of  Bal¬ 
timore,  D.  9 

his  address  to  tho  people  of 
Maryland,  D.  11;  Doc.  17 

his  letter  to  tho  Alabama  com¬ 
missioner,  D.  12 

urges  the  withd rawal  of  troops 
from  Maryland,  1).  83 

message  to  Md.  legislature,  D.  48 
notices  of,  D.  82,  50,  58,  59,  70,  71 
proclamation  calling  for  arms,  D.  96 
reply  to  the  Miss,  comm'r.  Doc.  1 
proclamation  to  the  people  of  Ma¬ 
ryland,  April  18,  Doc.  76 

proposes  Lord  Lyons  as  a  me¬ 
diator,  Doc.  133 

letter  to  Gen.  Butler,  April  23, 

Doc.  144 

message  of,  April  27,  Doc.  159 

letter  to,  from  the  citizens  of 
Weverton,  Md  .  Doc.  175 

proclamation  of,  May  14,  Doc.  245 
proclamation  of,  ordering  the  sur¬ 
render  of  arms  to  tho  State,  Doc.  347 


26 

100 

46 

86 

8 


INDEX  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


vii 


Hill, - ,  Capt,  refused  to  surren¬ 

der  Fort  Brown,  Texas,  D.  18 
Hill,  Colonel,  rebel,  D.  105 

Hillman,  the  steamer,  D.  49 

Historical  Parallels,  P.  95 

Hitchcock,  Roswell  D.,  D.  73,  94 
remarks  at  the  New  York  Bible 
Society,  Doc.  263 

Hoag,  Joseph,  his  Latter-day  Pro¬ 
phecy,  P.  124 

Hoffman,  J.  T.,  Doc.  135 

“  Hog  and  Hominy,”  P.  96 

Hollidaysburg,  Pa.,  military  of, 
leave  for  Harrisburg,  D.  28 

Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell,  P.  33,  87 
Holt,  Joseph,  notice  of,  D.  10 

correspondence  with  Gov.  Ellis, 
of  N.  C.  D.  12 ;  Doe.  18 

expels  General  Twiggs,  D.  18 

letter  to  J.  F.  Speed,  D.  86 

on  the  pending  revolution,  Doc.  283 
Holt,  H.  D.,  M.  D.,  D.  28 

Homer,  Lieut.,  at  Mobile,  Ala.,  D.  19 
Homespun  Party,  in  Miss.,  P.  25 
Hooper,  Johnson  F.,  secretary  of 
the  Southern  Convention,  D.  17 
Hope,  James  Barron,  P.  145 

“  Hornby,”  Me.,  Ethan  Spike  on  the 
secession  of,  P.  22 

Hotaling,  Samuel,  D.  39;  Doc.  104 
Hotchkiss  <&  Sons  of  Sharon,  Ct., 

D.  42 

Houston,  Sam.,  proclaims  the  se¬ 
cession  of  Texas,  D.  18 

defines  his  position,  D.  74 

speech  at  Independence,  Texas, 

May  10,  Doc.  266 

Howard,  O.  O.,  Col.  Third  Maine 
Regiment,  Doc.  344 

Howe,  Elias,  Jr.,  notice  of,  D.  92 
Howe,  S.  G.,  M.  D.,  D.  96 

Howe,  W.  W.,  P.  30 

“  How  the  B's  stung  the  Chival¬ 
ry,”  P.  143 

Hubbard,  C.  D.,  Doe.  328 

Hubbard, - ,  artist,  N.  Y.,  D.  56 

Hudson,  II.  N.,  Rev.,  D.  43 

Hudson,  N.  Y.,  meeting  at,  D.  35 
Hughes.  John,  Archbishop  of  New 
York,  letter  to  the  Union  meet¬ 
ing.  New  York,  April  20,  Doc.  S9 
Hull,  Solomon  L.,  Doc.  108 

Hunt,  Washington,  speech  at  the 
Union  meeting,  Doc.  90 

Hunt,  Wilson  G.,  D.  94 

Hunter, - ,  Senator  of  Va.,  D.  49 

Huntington, - ,  artist,  N.  Y.,  D.  56 

Hyde,  P.  W.,  D.  45 

Hymn  for  a  Flag  Raising,  P.  140 


Iatan,  Mo.,  secession  flag  at,  D.  91 
“  If  any  one  attempts  to  haul  down 
the  American  flag,  shoot  him 
on  the  spot,”  Doc.  27 

“  Ike  ’’  Sumter,  a  poem  by,  P.  85 
Illinois,  troops  of,  seize  arms  in  the 
St.  Louis  Arsenal,  D.  44 

war  enthusiasm  of  the  people,  D.  45 
Independence,  Mo„  action  near,  D.  107 
Indiana,  alacrity  of  the  troops  of,  D.  58 
6th  Regt,  left  Cincinnati,  O.,  D.  86 
troops  at  Philippi,  D.  91 

Indiana  Zouaves,  notice  o t,  D.  95 
leave  Cumberland,  Md.,  D.  100 
Indian  Trust  Fund,  D.  5 

Indians,  the  Catawba  tribes  tender 
to  Gov.  Pickens,  D.  16 

notice  of,  D.  43 

stationed  at  Harper's  Ferry,  D.  77 
Cberokees  in  the  Southern  army, 

P.  126,  127 

iNGRAnAM,  D.  P„  Judge,  D.  40 

Ingraham,  Henry,  D.  27 

Ink,  Blood,  and  Tears,  the  taking  of 
Fort  Sumter,  '  P.  90 

Ireland,  union  with  England,  Int.  16 
Irish  Regular,  anecdote  of  an,  P.  57 
Irishmen,  among  the  rebels,  D.  103 
Ironton,  Mo.,  lead  seized  at,  D.  76 
Irvine,  Colonel,  D.  83 


Irving,  Jim,  notice  of,  P.  150 

Ithaca,  N.  Y.,  volunteers  from,  D.  56 
“  It  is  great  for  our  Country  to  die,” 

P.  105 

Ives,  T.  P.,  commissioned  in  the 
revenue  service,  D.  71 


Jacobus,  J.  J.,  Mrs.,  P.  136 

Jackson,  Claiborne  F.,  Gov.  of 
Mo.,  his  reply  to  Cameron,  D.  30 
secession  sympathies  of,  D.  55 

calls  for  50,000  troops,  D.  101 

evacuates  Jefferson  City,  Mo.,  D.  104 
notices  of,  D.  47,  107 

proclamation,  June  12,  Doe.  363 
Jackson,  Andrew,  The  Three 
Swords  presented  to,  P.  138 

notices  of,  Doc.  113,  115 

Jackson,  J.  W.,  the  assassin,  D.  79 
Jackson,  Nathaniel  J.,  CoL  First 
Maine  Regiment,  Doc.  320 

Jay,  C.  W.,  D.  15 

Jay,  John,  notice  of,  D.  46 

The  Great  Conspiracy,  an  address 
delivered  at  MountKisco,  N.  Y., 
July  4,  Doe.  878 

James  River,  Va.,  blockaded,  D.  53 
“  Jamestown,”  steamer,  seized,  D.  32 
Jameson,  Charles  D.,  Colonel  Sec¬ 
ond  Maine  Regiment,  Doc.  256 
Jamieson,  D.  F.,  D.  3 

Janvier,  Francis  De  Haas,  P.  14 
“  J.  C.  Swan,”  steamer,  seized,  D.  76 
Jefferson  City,  Mo.,  evacuated  by 
the  rebels,  D.  104 

“  Jefferson  D.”  P.  123 

Jefferson  Territory.  See  L.  W.  Bliss. 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  Int.  15, 19 

Jenifer,  Lieut.,  U.  S.  A.,  D.  39 
Jersey  City,  N.  J.,  Union  meeting 
at,  D.  28 

Johnson,  Andrew,  in  effigy,  D.  4 
insulted  at  Lynchburgh,  Va.,  D.  38 
narrow  escape  of,  P.  43 

Johnson,  Bradley  F.,  D.  65 

Johnson, - ,  Col.  1st  Reg't  N.  J. 

S.  M.,  D.  55 

Johnson,  Herschell  V.,  voted 
against  the  secession  of  Ga,,  D.  15 
Johnson,  Reverdy,  Int.  44;  D.  60 
speech  at  Frederick,  Md.,  Doc.  199 
Johnson,  R.  W.,  D.  72 

Jones,  Amanda  T.,  P.  74 

Jones,  Col.  Mass.  6th  Reg’t,  D.  53 

Jones,  - ,  judge  U.  S.  District 

Court  of  Alabama,  adjourned 
his  Court  forever,  D.  13 

Jones,  J.  Wesley,  speech  to  the 
soldiers  of  the  Mass.  Fifth,  P.  82 
Jones,  R.,  Lieut.,  at  Harper’s  Ferry, 

D.  80,  34,  54 

official  report  of  the  destruction 
of  the  arsenal  at  Harper’s  Ferry, 

Doc.  72 

Jones,  Thomas,  Gen.,  D.  39 

Jones,  William,  Capt.,  hung,  P.  38 
Jouett,  James  E.,  Lt,.  U.  8.  N.,  P.  21 
Journal  of  Commerce,  (N.  Y.,)  its 
apology  for  J.  B.  Floyd,  P.  11 
“  Julia  Mildred,”  P.  65 

Junkin,  Dr„  President  of  Washing¬ 
ton  College,  Ky.,  resigns,  P.  99 


K 

Kallman,  Colonel,  D.  105 

Kane,  Marshal,  refuses  to  deliver 
arms,  D.  71 

Kapp,  Frederic,  speech  at  the 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Doc.  106 
Keese,  J.  Lawrence,  killed,  D.  62 
Keitt,  L  M-,  delegate  to  Mont¬ 
gomery  Congress,  D.  10 

Kelly,  Colonel,  takes  possession  of 
Grafton.  Va„  D.  82,  86 

wounded  at  Philippi,  D.  9L 

notice  of,  D.  101 

Kensett,  J.  F.,  D.  56 

Kent,  Chancellor,  P.  26 


27 

80 

ss 

55 

74 

78 

97 


Kentucky,  reply  of  the  Governor 
of,  to  Secretary  Cameron,  D. 
the  position  of,  considered  by  the 
“National  Union,”  D. 

where  will  she  go  ?  P. 

the  Border  counties  of,  D. 

neutrality  olj  D. 

resolved  not  to  secede,  D. 

address  to  the  people  of,  by  John 
J.  Crittenden  and  ( there,  D. 
Leonard  Strieff's  address  to  the 
Germans  of,  Doc.  377 

“  Kentucky,”  a  poem,  by  “  Estelle,” 

P.  108 

“  Kentucky,”  by  Mrs.  Sophia  II. 

Oliver,  P.  134 

Kennedy,  John  P.,  notice  of,  D.  9 
an  appeal  to  Maryland,  Doc.  378 
Kenyon,  W.  S.,  D.  82 

Kerrigan,  J.  E.,  his  connection 
with  the  attack  on  the  Brook¬ 
lyn  Navy  Yard,  P. 

Kershaw,  - ,  Colonel,  D. 

Ketciiam,  Hiram,  speech  at  the 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Doc. 
Iveynton,  John,  P. 

Key  West,  forts  at,  to  be  seized,  D. 
Lincoln’s  proclamation  in  refer¬ 
ence  to,  D. 

Kilpatrick,  Judson,  Capt.,  D. 
report  of  the  battle  of  Great 
Bethel,  Va.,  Doc.  358 

Kilbuen,  B.  W.,  of  Littleton,  N.  II., 

P. 

Kimball,  Auguste  Cooper,  P. 

“  King  Cotton,”  a  poem,  P. 

King,  John  E.,  D. 

Kingston,  N.  Y.,  Union  meeting,  D. 
Kingwood,  Va.,  Union  meeting  at, 

D. 

Kirkland,  Charles  P.,  speech  to 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the 
14th  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  V., 

Doc.  413 

Kirkland,  C.  P.,  Jr.,  Doc.  156 

Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  D.  94 
Knoxville,  Ivy.,  riot  at,  D.  60 

Koch,  Ignatz,  Doc.  103 


21 

51 

98 

18 

10 

65 

98 


71 

8 

72 
82 
82 

56 


53 

29 

18 

95 


20 


Ladd,  Luther  C.,  killed  at  Balti¬ 
more,  D. 

Lafayette,  Ind.,  first  troops  left,  D. 
Laisser,  Aller,  P. 

Lake  Borgne,  La.,  D. 

Lamon,  - ,  Col.,  his  interview 

with  Gov.  Pickens  and  Beau¬ 
regard,  D. 

Lander, - ,  Col.,  at  Philippi,  Ya., 

Doc.  835 

Land  of  the  South,  P.  108 

Lane,  Joseph  H.,  appointed  Brig.- 
Gen.  in  the  U.  S.  A.,  D.  105 

Lane,  Joseph,  his  orthography,  P.  24 
Lang,  Louis,  D.  56 

Latham, - ,  Senator,  D.  66 

Latham,  G.  R.,  Doc.  823 

Law  and  Order. — in  the  North  and 
in  the  South,  P.  40 

Law,  George,  letter  to  the  Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  U.  S.,  D.43;  Doc.  147 

Lawrence,  George  W.,  D.  60 

Lawrence,  Mass.,  U nion  meeting,  D.  25 
war  contributions  of,  D. 

Lawrence, - ,  Col.,  D 

Lawyers — meeting  of  the  Bar  of 
New  York,  Doc.  135 

New  Orleans  Bar  in  arms,  P.  54 
Leavenworth,  E.  W.,  wife  of,  D.  46 
Lee,  Robert  E.,  D.  46 

appointed  commander-in-chief  of 
rebels,  Virginia,  D.  39,  65 

Lee,  Capt.,  U.  S.  N.,  P.  113 

LEion,  C.  C.,  D.  43 

Leffebts,  Marshall,  Col.,  D.  83 
Doc.  81,  318,319 
Leland,  Charles  Godfrey,  P.  5, 15 
Leonard,  A.  F.,  song  by,  P.  108 

Letcher,  John,  Governor  of  Vir¬ 
ginia.  condemns  the  action  of 
South  Carolina,  D.  12 


28 

38 


REBELLION  RECORD: 


viii 


his  reply  to  Cameron,  D.  28 

recognizes  the  independence  of 
the  Confederate  States,  D.  29 
attempts  on  Harper's  Ferry,  D.  80 
his  experience  with  the  patentee 
of  the  “  bullet-mould,”  D.  36 
censured  by  the  citizens  of  West¬ 
ern  Virginia,  D.  39 

releases  the  Northern  ships,  D.  43 
announces  the  transfer  of  Virginia 
to  the  Southern  Confederacy, 

D.  45,  4T,  55, 121 
proclamation  of  April  17th,  Doc.  70 
proclamation  of  April  24th,  Doc.  146 
proclamation  of  April  25th,  Doc.  154 
reclamation  of  May  3d,  Doc.  1S4 
is  orders  for  the  destruction  of 
railroad  bridges,  Ac.,  Doc.  344 
Letters  of  Marque,  D.  71,  78 

Jefferson  Davis’  proclamation 
offering,  Doc.  71 

“Charleston  Mercury”  on,  Doc.  71 
confederate  act  relative  to,  Doc.  195 
Davis’  instructions  for,  Doc.  272 
“  Let  us  alone,”  the  reason  why  the 
North  will  not,  P.  124 

Leverett,  Charles  Edward,  P.  91 
“  Lewis  Cass,”  revenue  cutter,  D.  16 
the  seizure  of,  Doc.  28 

Lewis,  Colonel,  of  Pa.,  D.  67 

Lexington,  Ky.,  Union  in,  D.  39 
Liberty,  Mo.,  arsenal  at,  seized,  D.  36 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  “  will  be  forced 
from  Washington,”  D.  5 

his  life  not  “  worth  a  week’s  pur¬ 
chase,”  D.  89 

arrival  at  Washington,  D.  17 

declared  president  of  the  U.  S.,  D.  17 
inauguration  of,  D.  IS 

how  his  inaugural  is  received,  D.  19 
refuses  to  receive  the  Southern 
commissioners,  D.  22 

receives  the  Virginia  commis¬ 
sioner,  D.  24 

Issues  a  proclamation  calling  for 
75,000  troops,  D.  25 

Its  effect  in  the  country,  D.  25 
Jeff.  Davis’  reply  to  the  procla¬ 
mation  of,  D  26 

denounced  by  Breckinridge,  D.  35 
consultation  with  Mayor  Brown, 

D.  37 

“an  usurper,”  D.  39 

his  proclamation  laughed  at,  D.  50 
supported  by  the  “Toronto  Globe,” 

D.  51 

interview  with  Maryland  legisla¬ 
tive  committee,  D.  57 

address  at  the  flag-raising  at 
Washington,  D.  76 

response  of  Gov.  Rector  to,  D.  101 
notices  of,  D.  54,  56,  58,  59,  65 
an  account  of  his  journey  from 
Harrisburg,  Pa.,  to  Washing 
ton,  Doc.  82 

conspiracy  to  assassinate,  Doc.  34 
inaugural  o£  Doc.  86 

how  his  inaugural  is  received  by 
the  people,  Doc.  89 

speech  to  the  Virginia  commis¬ 
sioners,  April  13,  Doc.  61 

proclamation  of  April  15th,  call¬ 
ing  for  75,000  troops,  Doc.  63 
opinions  of  the  press  of  his  pro¬ 
clamations,  Doc.  64 

proclamation  of,  announcing  the 
blockade,  D.  82 ;  Doc.  78 

George  Wm.  Brown’s  statement 
in  regard  to,  Doc.  123 

letter  from  George  Law  to,  Doc  147 
proclamation  blockading  North 
Carolina  and  Virginia,  Doc.  161 
proclamation  of  May  3,  Doc.  185 
letter  to  the  Md.  authorities.  Doc.  193 
proclamation  relative  to  Key 
West,  Tortugas,  and  Santa  Ro¬ 
sa,  Doc.  282 

described  by  “Once  a  Week,”  P.  12 
will  “not  compromise,”  P.  20 

his  position  described  by  the 
“Charleston  Mercury,”  p.  21 
one  of  his  stories,  P.  23 

*  Ole  Abe  in  a  terrible  fix,”  P.  25 


receives  a  five  dollar  note  of  the 


Union  Bank  of  South  Carolina, 


to  help  pay  expenses, 

P. 

27 

he  “keeps  his  own  counsels,” 

P. 

89 

“The  Beast,” 

P. 

42 

his  answers  to  the  Baltimore 

and 

Virginia  committees, 

P. 

54 

rebel  misrepresentations  of, 

P. 

54 

“First  Catch  the  Rabbit,” 

P. 

55 

absurd  stories  about, 

P. 

57 

all  ready  “  to  run,” 

P. 

70 

his  way  to  enlist  soldiers, 

P. 

81 

of  Quaker  proclivities, 

P. 

83 

a  rebel  fragment  concerning 

his 

cabinet. 

P. 

83 

see  “  Abe's  Saturday,” 

P. 

96 

compared  with  Jeff.  Davis, 

P. 

128 

his  “  foreign  relations  ”  in  the  con¬ 
federate  army,  P.  42,  131 

Lindsay,  John,  the  first  citizen  of 
“Independent”  Virginia,  P,  99 
Littell.  J.  S  ,  letter  of  Gov.  R. 

Iv.  Call,  of  Florida,  to,  Doc.  416 
Little  Bethel.  Va.,  battle  of,  D.  93 
“  Little  Rhody,”  P.  87 

Little  Rock,  Ark.,  arsenal  at,  D.  17 
Liverpool,  Eng.,  rebel  flag  in,  P.  114 
“Liverpool  Times,”  article  on  Uni¬ 
ted  States,  D.  88 

on  affairs  in  America,  Doc.  132 

“London  News,”  protest  of,  against 
the  recognition  of  a  Southern 
confederacy,  D.  19;  Doc.  41 

article  in  the,  defining  the  posi¬ 
tions  of  the  United  States  and 
the  Southern  Confederacy,  D.  66 
article  from,  on  the  war  in  Amer¬ 
ica,  D.  85;  Doc.  311 

“London  Times,”  article  on  the  dis¬ 
union  movement,  D.  16;  Doc.  25 
Russell,  the  correspondent  of,  D.  87 
Loomis,  A.  W.,  D.  25 

Lord,  Daniel,  Doc.  135 

Loeing,  A.,  Major,  D.  94 

Louisiana,  flag  and  seal  of,  P.  12 
troops  of,  take  possession  of  the 
United  States  marine  hospital, 
below  New  Orleans,  D.  13 

secession  of,  D.  16 

vote  of  the  Stato  on  secession,  D.  20 
ordinance  of  secession,  Doc.  26 
Louisville,  Ky.,  Union  meeting,  D.  32 
“Louisville  Journal,”  quotations 
from  the,  P.  23 

Loudon  and  Hampshire  Railroad, 

Va.,  train  attacked  on,  D.  105 
Lovering,  W.  C.,  Captain,  D.  35 
Lovejoy,  Owen,  anecdote  of,  P.  20 
Low,  John  II.,  D.  28 

Lowe,  T.  S.  C.,  reconnoitring  by,  I).  108 
Lowell,  Mass.,  patriotism  of,  D.  30 
Loyal  Delaware,  P.  122 

“  Lucy  Larcoin,”  poem  by,  P.  32 
“Lumpkiner,”  how  ho  would  fight 
a  Yankee,  P.  94 

Lunt,  George,  P.  63 

Llshington,  Franklin,  P.  13 

Luther's  Hymn,  P.  85 

Lynch,  - ,  Bishop  of  South  Caro¬ 

lina,  celebrates  the  fall  of  Sum¬ 
ter,  D.  25 

Lyon,  Caleb,  speech  at  the  Union 
meeting,  New  York,  April  20, 

Doe.  94 

Lyon,  Nathaniel,  Gen.,  answer 
to  the  St.  Louis  police  commis¬ 
sioners,  D.  59 

captures  Camp  Jackson,  near  St. 

Louis,  Mo.,  D.  66 

takes  possession  of  Potosi,  Mo., 

D.  71 

seizes  the  steamer  J.  C.  Swan,  D.  76 
his  parallel,  P.  95 

takes  possession  of  Jefferson  Citv, 

D.  104 

pursues  Gov.  Jackson,  D.  104 

at  the  battle  of  Boonevillte,  D.  107 
proclamation  of  June  17  to  the 
people  of  Missouri,  Doc.  404 

proclamation  to  the  people  of  Mis¬ 
souri,  June  18,  Doc.  412 

notices  of,  D.  106, 107,  363 


Lyons,  George,  Colonel,  Eighth 
Regiment,  N.  Y.  8.  M.,  Doc.  149 
Lyons.  Lord,  to  settle  the  national 
dispute,  D.  89,  101 

instructions  in  reference  to  Brit¬ 
ish  subjects,  D.  103 

offered  as  a  mediator.  Doc.  138 

Magoffin,  Beriah,  Gov.,  of  Ky., 
his  reply  to  Sec.  Cameron,  D.  27 
proclamation  of,  April  24,  D.  42 
notice  of,  D.  74 

supposed  correspondence  with 
Jeff.  Davis,  P.  125 

proclamation  of,  April  24,  Doc.  144 
epigram  on,  P.  149 

proclamation  of.  May  20,  Doc.  264 

Magratii, - ,  Lieutenant,  D.  17 

Magruder, - ,  Captain,  U.  S.  A., 

D.  102 

Colonel,  rebel,  D.  106 

Maine,  the  shipowners  of,  D.  60 

First  Regiment  of  Volunteers,  D.  87 
list  of  officers  of  the,  Doc.  820 
Second  Regiment  of,  D.  86 

Second  Regt.  of  Vols.,  D.  71  ;  Doc.  266 
Third  Regiment  of,  D.  96 

list  of  officers  of,  arrival  at  New 
York,  &c.  Doc.  344 

Mallins,  S.  Vale,  Corporal,  D.  10 

Mallory, - ,  Colonel,  his  slaves 

not  returned,  D.  80 

“Manhattan,”  the  bark,  compelled 
to  lower  the  secession  flag,  D.  28 
Manley,  Ann,  the  heroine,  P.  38 
Mann,  Dudley,  interview  with 
George  Peabody  in  London,  D.  76 
William  B.,  Col.,  Penn.,  Doc.  311 
Manieree,  B.  F.,  D.  94 

- ,  Judge,  of  Chicago,  D.  35 

Manning,  - — -,  appointed  to  Beau¬ 
regard's  staff,  D.  22 

Mansfield,  - — ,  General,  D.  78,  102 
“  Marion  Artillery,”  of  Charleston, 

S.  C.,  D.  51 

Marmaduke,  J.  S.,  Colonel,  D.  107 

Doc.  410 

Marr,  John  Q.,  killed  at  Fairfax 
Court  House,  Va.,  D.  89 ;  Doc.  822 
Marseillaise,  The,  D.  72 

Marsh,  Luther  R.,  Doc.  135 

Marshall,  Charles  H.,  Doc.  93 
Marshall,  Thomas  M„  D.  25 

“Martha  J.  Ward,” ship, seized,  D.  17 
Martial  law,  definition  of  P.  26 

Martinsburg.Va.,  Union  meeting,  D.  68 
Marriage  in  the  poor-house  of  Tole¬ 
do,  Ohio,  P.  39 

“  Mary  Clinton,”  ship,  captured,  D.  87 
Maryland,  disunionism  in,  D.  7,  8 

Governor  Hicks’  address  to,  D.  11 
added  to  the  military  department 
of  Washington,  D.  33 

citizens  of,  visit  President  Lin¬ 
coln,  D.  88 

Legislature  of,  meet,  D.  45 

secession  in,  defeated,  D.  50 

Legislative  committee  of,  D.  57 
the  Legislative  committee  of,  to 
President  Lincoln,  D.  67,  58 

asks  a  cessation  of  the  war,  D.  66 
report  of  the  commissioners  of  the 
Legislature  of,  relative  to  their 
visit  to  Montgomery,  Ala.,  D.  100 
a  “  unit  for  the  South,”  P.  69 

report  of  the  commissioners  of, 
appointed  to  confer  with  Presi¬ 
dent  Lincoln,  Doe.  190 

President  Lincoln’s  letter  to  the 
convention  of,  Doc.  193 

the  Legislature  of,  sympathizes 
with  the  South,  Doc.  233 

“  Maryland,”  a  ballad,  by  “  R.,”  P.  93 
Maryland  Guard  at  Richmond,  I).  96 
Mason,  Caroline  A.,  P.  87 

Mason,  J  M.,  extraordinary  letter 
of,  on  suffrage,  D.  71 

speech  at  Richmond,  Va.,  to  the 
soldiers  of  Md.,  D.  96  ;  Doc.  346 
on  the  election  in  Virginia,  Doc.  254 
reply  to  R.  C.  Winthrop,  P.  21 
Massachusetts,  Legislature  of,  ten¬ 
ders  aid  to  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment,  D.  16 


INDEX  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


IX 


military  begin  to  concentrate,  D.  28 
the  Episcopal  church  in,  D.  66 

the  war  spirit  in,  D.  48 

soldiers  of,  all  cobblers,  P.  81 

tribute  to  the  patriotism  of,  P.  67,  71 
how  she  is  enabled  to  send  troops, 

P.  70 

First  Regiment  of,  D.  60 

left  Boston,  D.  104 

officers  of  the,  Doc.  877 

arrive  at  Washington,  D.  107 
Fourth  Regiment  of,  landed  at 
Fortress  Monroe,  D.  85;  Doc.  119 
anecdote  of,  P.  28 

Fifth  Regiment  of,  D.  88,  92 

flag  presentation  to,  on  the 
march,  at  Washington,  P.  82 
Sixth  Regiment  of  Militia  passed 
through  Now  York,  D.  82 
attacked  in  Baltimore,  D.  83 
the  murdered  soldiers  of,  D.  53 
anecdote  of,  P.  57 

Eigh  h  Regiment  of,  D.  35 

at  Annapolis,  D.  40 

exploits  of  the  members  of,  P.  80 
anecdotes  of  the,  P.  55 

list  of  officers,  Doc.  81 

letter  and  resolutions  of  the  8th 
Regiment  of,  in  reference  to  the 
7th  Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  Doc.  318 
Maury,  M.  F..  his  treachery,  P.  40 
May,  R.  L.,  Lieut ,  U.  S.  N.,  Doc.  236 
McClellan,  George  B.,  appointed 
major-general,  D.  65,  72 

In  Western  Virginia,  D.  81 

proclamation  to  the  peoplo  of 
Western  Virginia,  May  26,  Doc.  293 
address  to  the  army,  Doc.  293 

rote  of  thanks  to,  D.  101 

“McClelland,”  cutter,  papers  re¬ 
lating  to  the  seizuro  of,  Doc.  27,  2S 
McClixtock,  John,  Dr.,  at  London, 

D.  76;  Doc.  269 


speech  in  Paris,  D.  85 

McConihe,  Isaac,  D.  27 

McCook,  A.  D.,  Colonel  First  Regi¬ 
ment,  Ohio  troops,  D.  77 ;  Doc.  271 

McCook, - ,  Dr.,  D.  25 

McCook, - ,  Midshipman,  D.  73 

McCullough,  Ben,  notices  of,  D.  22,  74 
a  favorite  of  Buchanan,  P.  24 

McCurdy,  R.  H.,  D.  32 ;  Doc.  82 

MoDougall, - .  Senator,  D.  66 

McDowell,  Irwin,  Gen.,  in  com¬ 
mand  in  Virginia,  D.  82,  S3,  Doc.  321 
proclaipation,  in  relation  to  dam¬ 
ages  caused  by  the  war,  Doc.  333 
his  head-quarters,  P.  101 

McEwin,  - ,  Mrs.,  heroic  action 

of,  P.  180 

McGowan,  JonN,  Capt.,  eommand- 


er  of  Star  of  the  West, 

D. 

11 

his  report  of  the  attack  on  the 

Star  of  the  West, 

Doc. 

21 

McGowan, - ,  appointed  to  Beau- 

regard's  staff, 

D. 

22 

McGuire,  J.  C\,  papers  of. 

Int. 

20 

MoKnigiit,  James,  Capt.,  of  Ring- 

gold  Artillery, 

D. 

27 

MoLane,  Rev.  Dr., 

D. 

38 

McLane,  Major, 

D. 

74 

McLaughlin.  Augustus, 

D. 

96 

McLaughlin,  Charles, 

P. 

56 

McLenan,  Alexander,  Rev., 

,  nnec- 

dote  of, 

P. 

54 

MoQuade,  James,  Col.,  14th 

Regi- 

inent  N.  Y.  S.  V., 

Doc.  415 

MoQuoid,  C.  C.,  D.  36 

McQueen, - .  of  S.  C.,  D.  5 

McQueen,  John,  Doc.  8 

McSpedon,  William,  captures  a 
secession  flag,  D.  77 

Meagher.  Thomas  Francis,  D.  72 
Means, - ,  appointed  to  Beaure¬ 
gard's  staff,  D.  22 

Mbmminger,  C.  G.,  delegate  to 
Southern  Congress,  D.  10 

presents  a  young  ladles’  flag  to 
Southern  Congress,  D.  17 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  South¬ 
ern  Confederacy,  D.  17 

speech  of,  in  the  Southern  Con¬ 
gress,  Feb.  9,  Doc.  80 


Memphis,  Tenn.,  secession  at,  D.  4 
Union  meeting  at,  D.  7 

American  flag  buried  at,  D.  88,  P.  84 
postal  facilities  with,suspended,  D.  70 
Merryman,  John,  arrested,  D.  82 
Taney’s  opinion  in  the  case  of,  D.  92 
Mexico,  troops  of,  to  attack  Texas,  P.  26 
Michigan,  First  Regiment,  enters 
Alexandria,  Va.,  D.  79 

Third  Regiment  Volunteers,  D.  102 
exploit  of  the  soldiers  of,  near 
Alexandria,  P.  113 

Michigan  City,  Ind.,  Union  meeting 
at,  D.  29 

Middletown,  N.  Y.,  Union  meeting 
at,  D.  29,  36 

Milledgeville,  Ga.,  rejoicings  at,  on 
account  of  the  secession  of  the 
State,  D.  15 

Military  departments  of  the  United 
States,  D.  46,  65,  83 ;  Doc.  155,  310 
Miller,  Col.,  4th  Regt.  N.  J.  S.  M., 

D.  55 

Miller,  Willis  L.,  Mrs.,  P.  106 

Minnesota,  flagship,  sailed  from  Bos¬ 
ton,  D.  61 

Mississippi,  commissioner  of,  at  Bal¬ 
timore,  D.  3 

commissioners  of,  at  Raleigh,  D.  3 
delegates  of,  advise  secession,  D.  11 
convention  of,  organized,  D.  12 
secession  of,  D.  13 

troops  of,  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  D.  73 
Mississippi  River,  the  North  will 
not  give  up  the  control  of,  Int.  40 
free  navigation  of,  guaranteed  by 
the  Southern  Confederacy, 
steamers  abandoned  on, 
blockade  of  the, 
lississippi,  the  frigate,  injured 
Missouri,  State  convention  of, 
secession  in, 
the  sovereignty  of, 
troops  organize  under  Gov.  J 
son, 

First  Regiment  of, 

Second  Regiment  of,  Doc.408,411 
movements  of  Gov.  Jackson  in,  D.  102 
Mitchell,  O.  M.,  speech  at.  the 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Doc.  103 
Mobile,  Ala.,  secession  of  South  Car¬ 
olina  celebrated  at,  D.  4 

secession  majority  in,  D.  5 

arsenal  at,  seized,  D.  10 

U.  States  supplies  seized  at,  D.  19 
effect  of  Lincoln's  war  procla¬ 
mation  in,  D.  25 

women  of,  D.  58 

harbor  of,  blockaded,  D.  82 

secession  celebration  at,  Doc.  20 
“  Molly’s  Dream,”  P.  128 

Monocacy  Bridge,  Md.,  attempt  to 
destroy,  D.  68 

Monroe,  James,  Int.  15 

Montague,  Lt.-Gov.,  of  Va.,  D.  14 
Montgomery,  A.,  Capt.,  D.  43 

Montgomery,  Ala.,  secession  flag 
raised  at,  D.  13 

Southern  convention  met  at,  D.  16 
list  of  delegates  to  the  Southern 
convention  at,  Doc.  29 

Moody,  Granville,  Rev.,  anecdote 
of,  P.  71 

Mooney,  T.  J.,  chaplain  of  the  C9th 
Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  P.  149 
Moore,  A  C.,  Capt.,  D.  78 

Moore,  - ,  Gov.,  of  Louisiana, 

calls  for  additional  troops, 

D.  41.44,  49 

Moorf,  n.  A.,  P.  88,  104 

Moore, - ,  British  Consul  at  Rich¬ 

mond,  his  unlawful  action,  P.  56 
Moran,  John,  Quartermaster,  D.  85 
Morgan,  Edwin  D.,  Gov.,  of  New 
York,  issued  a  call  for  troops  D.  32 
letter  to  the  bank  officers  of  New 
York.  Doc.  306 

notice  of,  P.  22 

Morgan,  George  G.  W.,  P.  13,  85 
Morgan,  Tracy  R.,  D.  67 

Morgan  and  Company,  of  Nashville, 
Tenn.,  good  example  of  P.  89 
Morris,  George  P.,  P.  86 


Morris,  W.  W.,  Major,  letter  to 
Judge  Giles  of  Baltimore,  Doc.  239 
Morris,  Thomas  A.,  Gen.,  procla¬ 
mation  at  Philippi,  Va.,  D.  96 
Brig.-Gen.,  Doc.  833 

proclamation  to  the  citizens  of 
Western  Virginia,  Juno  8,  Doc.  848 
Morris’  Island,  Charleston  harbor, 
batteries  at,  D.  8,  20 

Morrlsania,  N.  Y.,  Union  meeting 
at,  D.  40 

Morrison, - ,  Capt.,  of  the  cut¬ 
ter  Lewis  Cass,  D.  16 

Morrison,  James  M.,  Doc.  806 

Morrison,  J.  G.,  Jr.,  raises  the  U.S. 

flag  at  Harper's  Ferry,  Md.,  D.  104 
MORSS,  JOSEPHINE,  P.  15 

Mortinier,  Henry,  of  Md.,  Doc.  175 
Mort  in,  A.,  flag-raising  in  New 
York,  at  the  store  of,  P.  44 

Morton, - ,  Gov.,  of  Indiana,  D.  47 

Moses,  C.  Lee,  Capt.,  reply  to  J. 

P.  Benjamin,  P.  132 

Moss,  J.  W.,  chairman  of  Wheel¬ 
ing  (Va.)  convention,  D.  69 

Motley,  John  Lothrop,  causes  of 
the  war,  D.  78;  Doc.  209 

Mount  Vernon,  Ind.,  I).  30 

Moulton,  R.  G.,  See  Whitworth 
guns,  D.  77 

Munroe,  Timothy,  Col.  Mass.  Sth 
militia,  Doc.  81 

Murpiiy,  W.  D.,  D.  57 

Myers,  Theodore  Bailey,  D.  76,  91 
“  My  Country,”  P.  8 


D. 

17 

D. 

47 

IV 

D. 

82 

D. 

77 

Naar, - ,  Judge,  of  N.  J., 

D. 

15 

D. 

11 

Nagle,  Colonel, 

D. 

95 

D. 

55 

Napoleon  I., 

Int. 

41 

D. 

59 

Napoleon,  Ark.,  Government  stores 

sk- 

at,  seized, 

D. 

89 

D. 

73 

Napton,  Col.,  3d  Regt.  N.  J. 

S.  M., 

D. 

102 

D. 

55 

Nashville,  Tenn.,  first  cannon  cast 
at,  D. 

act  of  heroism  at,  P. 

“  National  Guard  Marching  Song,” 

P. 

“  National  Union,"  newspaper  of 
Ky.  ;  opinion  of  secession,  D.  30 
Naval  Brigade  at  Fort  Monroe,  D.  8S 
Navigation  laws,  Int.  26 

Neal,  John,  P.  119 

Nebraska  put  in  a  state  of  defence, 

D. 

Needham,  S.  n.,  died,  D.  47, 

Negroes,  actions  of  the  Delaware, 

in  the  rebel  army,  D. 

to  be  watched,  D. 

See  “  The  Cockado  Black  Dia¬ 
monds,”  P. 

Negro  insurrections  in  Alabama,  P. 
Newark,  N.  J.,  German  Union 
meeting  at,  D.  26—29 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  order  in 
reference  to  privateers, 

Doc.  10S, 

Newcomb,  O.,  patriotism  of  the 
family  of,  P. 

New  England  Society,  meeting  of, 
at  New  York,  D. 

New  Hampshire,  response  to  the 
President’s  call  for  troops,  D. 
patriotism  of  the  banks  of,  D. 
First  Regiment  of  volunteers.  D. 
departure  of  the.  Doc. 

New  Jersey,  banks  of,  D 

legislature  of.  D.  51 

troops  leave  Bordentown,  D. 
militia  of.  arrive  atWashington.  D. 


51 

180 

19 


52 

53 

113 

49 

84 

78 

12 


413 

44 


28 
28 
82 
294 
30 
,  60 
66 
69 

list  of  officors  of  the  1st,  2d.  3d, 
and  4th  regiments  of.  Doc.  191 

Now  Orleans,  La,  secession  of  8. 
Carolina  celebrated  at,  D.  4 

Southern  rights  mooting  at,  D.  6 

mint  at,  seized.  D.  16 

patriotic  woman  in,  P.  26 

opinions  of  the  press  of,  D.  41,  138 

U.  S.  vessels  seized  at,  D.  78 


X 


REBELLION  RECORD: 


ships  seized  at,  D. 

Confederate  resolutions  in  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  seizure  of  the  mint 


44 


at,  Doe.  27 

the  women  of,  D.  41,  56 

steamers  seized  at,  D.  49 

privateering  at,  D.  68 

Mrs.  Sarah  Sanford  tarred  and 
feathered  at,  D.  69 

military  review  at,  Doc.  164 

condition  of  society  in,  D.  86 

abolitionists  to  be  driven  from,  P.  60 
the  last  American  flag  in,  P.  144 
Newport  News,  cannonade  at,  D.  93 
Newport  (It.  I.)  artillery,  account 
of  the,  P.  94 

Newspapers — compelled  to  display 
the  American  flag,  D.  26,  27,  28 
New  Version  of  an  Old  Song,  re¬ 
spectfully  dedicated  to  the 
"  London  Times,”  P.  120 

New  York,  patriotic  resolutions  of 
the  legislature  of,  D.  14,  Doc.  21 
vessels  of  seized  at  the  South, 

D.  17 

volunteers  of  the  Western  coun¬ 
ties,  D. 

the  War  Bill  of,  D. 

troops  of,  called  out,  D. 

patriotism  of  the  people  of,  D. 
response  of  the  Georgia  Conven¬ 
tion  to  the  legislature  of,  D. 
address  to  the  women  of,  Doc.  158 
New  York  Bible  Society,  meeting 
of  the,  May  19,  D.  73,  Doc. 

New  York  (East)  Methodist  Confer¬ 
ence,  prayer  used  at  the,  D. 

“  New  York  Ladies’  Belief  Union.” 

D. 

Now  York  University,  flag-raising 
at,  D. 

New  York  Yacht  Club,  D. 

New  York  “  Evening  Post,”  D. 
New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
action  of,  relative  to  the  sol¬ 
diers  of  Forts  Sumter  and 
Pickens,  D. 

resolutions  of  the,  April  19,  Doc. 
blockade  resolutions  of,  Doc. 
New  York  Home  Guard  organized, 

D. 

New  York  city,  enrolment  of 
Union  volunteers  at,  D. 

seizure,  of  arms  at,  D.  16, 

meeting  of  the  merchants  of,  D. 
Union  meeting  at,  D.  35;  Doc.  82 
action  of  the  Common  Council  of, 

D.  89 

war  sermons  preached  in,  D.  88 
the  bench  and  bar  of,  D.  40,  Doc.  135 
meeting  of  British  residents  at,  D. 
meeting  of  the  citizens  of  the  17th 
Ward  in,  D. 

meeting  of  French  residents,  D. 
munitions  of  war  at,  seized,  D. 
state  of  feeling  in,  after  the  siege 
of  Fort  Sumter,  P.  27  ;  Doc. 

threatened  burning  of,  D.  55;  Doc. 
correspondence  between  the  gov¬ 
ernor  of,  and  bank  officers,  re¬ 
lative  to  the  proclamation  of 
the  governor  of  Georgia,  Doc. 
the  Home  Guard  at,  Doc.  362 

Democratic  office-holders,  P.  8 
“fourteen  hundred”  policemen 
required  in,  to  keep  down 
bread  riots,  P. 

conditions  of  peace  placarded  in, 

P. 

reign  of  terror  in,  P. 

mercenary  motives  of,  P. 

mob  law  triumphant  in,  P. 

New  York  State  Militia,  8econd 
Begiment  of,  D.  74 ;  Doc. 

Third  Begiment  of,  D. 

Fifth  Begiment  of,  Doe.  163 

left  N  Y.,  D.  49 

Sixth  Begiment,  departure  of,  D. 
Seventh  Begiment  of,  leaves  New 
York,  D.  34;  Doe. 

at  Annapolis,  D. 

arrived  at  W ashi  ngton,  D. 


262 

28 

48 

54 

51 

14 


95 

77 

78 

89 

9 

17 

82 


48 

45 

48 

48 

61 

185 


306 


24 

54 
56 

55 
70 

264 

92 


notices  of,  D.  46,  47,  83 

how  it  got  to  Washington,  Doc.  148 
religious  services  at  Washing¬ 
ton,  P.  57 

enters  Virginia,  D.  78 

officers  of  the,  Doc.  81 

anecdote  of  a  member  of  the,  P.  27 
return  to  New  York,  D.  87 

Eighth  Begiment  left  N.  Y.,  D.  42 
iist  of  officers  of  the,  Doc.  142 
Ninth  Begiment  enlist  for  three 
years,  D.  83;  Doc.  801 

Twelfth  Begiment  left  N.  Y.,  D.  37 
notice  of,  D.  35 

Thirteenth  Begiment  leaves  New 
York,  D.  42 

notices  of,  D.  70,  85 

list  of  officers  of,  Doc.  141 

expedition  to  Easton,  Md.,  D.  96 
anecdote  of  a  soldier  in  the,  P.  126 
Fourteenth  Begiment  leave  New 
York,  D.  73  ;  Doc.  260 

anecdote  of  a  blacksmith  in,  P.  112 

Nineteenth  Begiment,  D.  94,  95 

Twentieth  Begiment,  D  60 

departure  of  the,  Doc.  198 

Twenty-fifth  Begiment,  D.  39,  42,  52 
Twenty-eighth  Begiment,  D.  51,  58 
attacked  by  rebels,  D.  90;  Doc.  173 
Sixty-fifth  Begiment,  D.  46  j 

Sixty-ninth  Begiment  leaves  New 
York,  D.  42 

list  of  officers  of,  D.  73 ;  Doc.  141 
enters  Virginia,  D.  7S 

capture  cattle,  D.  95 

Seventy-first  Begiment  left  New 
Y'ork,  D.  37 

letters  from  the.  Doc.  156 

notice  of,  D.  46 

Seventy-ninth  Begiment,  D.  90 
list  of  officers  of.  Doc.  329 

N.  Y.  State  Volunteers,  1st  Begt., 
departure  of  the,  D.  80 ;  Doc.  281 
Second  Begiment,  D.  76;  Doc.  269 
Third  Begiment,  officers.  Doc.  337 
Fourth  Begiment,  officers,  Doc.  337 
Fifth  Begiment,  D.  67,  77 ;  Doc.  271 
Sixth  Begiment,  D.  102 ;  Doe.  366 
Seventh  Begiment,  D.  78;  Doc.  273 
Eighth  Begiment,  officers  of,  Doc.  296 
Ninth  Begiment,  D.  93 ;  Doc.  839  t 
Tenth  Begiment,  D.  92,  95  i 

Fourteenth  Begiment  of,  at  New 
York,  D.  108;  Doc.  413 

officers  of  the.  Doc.  415  1 

Eighteenth  Begiment,  D.  108 

Twentieth  Begiment,  D.  82,  102 

Doc.  866  1 

Ellsworth’s  Fire  Zouaves,  D.  50  | 
departure  of,  from  N.  Y.,  Doc.  165  I 
Nicholas,  Wilson  Cary,  Int.  19 

Nicholson, - ,  Judge,  speech  at 

Louisville,  Ky„  D.  82 

“Nina,”  guard-boat,  D.  6 

Norfolk,  Va.,  secession  meetirg  at, D.  4 
secessionists  at,  threaten  the  frig¬ 
ate  Brooklyn,  i  >.  9 

movements  of  secessionists  at,  D. 
harbor  of,  obstructed,  D. 

defences  in  the  harbor  of,  D. 
North,  the  Union  feeling  of  the, 
January  2,  P. 

the  predicted  sufferings  of  the,  P. 
the  fighting  resources  of  the,  P. 
subscriptions  to  the  war  in  the,  P.  59 
the  soldiers  of  the,  described  by 
the  Southern  press,  P.  70 

war  spirit  of  the,  illustrated,  P.  81 
religions  spirit  of  the,  P.  81 

peril  of  Southerners  at  the,  P.  139 
North  and  South,  how  they  will  ap¬ 
pear  when  rejoined,  P.  39 

“  North  American  Be. view,”  Int.  20 
“North  British  Eeview.”  on  the  fu¬ 
ture  of  the  United  States,  D.  86 
North  Carolina,  instructions  of,  to 
the  State  convention,  D.  3 

decides  to  secede,  D.  17 

ports  of,  blockaded,  D.  48 

First  Begiment  of  volunteors,  D.  58 
secession  of,  D.  73 

public  feeling  in,  P.  9 


insurrectionary  schemes  iD,  P.  10 
ordinance  of  secession  of,  Doc.  263 
ports  of,  blockaded,  Doc.  161 

North  Dutch  church  in  New  York, 
flag-raising  at,  D.  50 

Northern  army,  Southern  opinions 
of,  P.  39 

Northern  bravery,  Southern  ideas 
of,  P.  137 

Northern  Central  Bailroad,  Pa.,  at¬ 
tempt  to  destroy  the,  D.  68 

Northern  war  contributions,  D.  60 
Northern  debts  not  to  be  paid,  D.  74 
repudiated  by  the  South,  D.  94 
“Northmen,  Come  Out,”  P.  5 

Northrop,  Col.,  rebel  army,  D.  84 
Nortiirup,  II.  D.,  D.  88 

Norton,  F.  B.,  P.  3 

Norwich,  Conn.,  war  spirit  in,  D.  84 
“Norwich  (Conn.)  Bulletin,”  editor 
of,  and  Jeff  Davis,  P.  24 

Norwalk.  O.,  Union  meeting  at,  D.  27 
Noyes,  William  Curtis,  speech  at 
N.  Y.,  April  20,  Doc.  Ill 

“Number  One,”  by  II.  D.  Sedge- 
wick,  P.  119 

Nurses,  department  of,  U.  S.  A.,  D.  84 


O 


Oath  of  allegiance  administered  at 
Washington,  D.  22 

O’Brien,  Fitz-James,  account  of 
the  inarch  of  the  7th  Begiment, 

N.  Y.  S.  M.,  Doc.  143 

notice  of,  P.  17 

“  Ocean  Eagle”  captured  by  priva¬ 
teer,  D.  71 

“  Ode  for  1S61,"  by  II.  Hastings 
Weld,  P.  183 

“  Ode  to  the  North  and  South,”  P.  102 
O'Donnell,  William,  P.  56 

Ogden,  Judge,  of  N.  J.,  definition  of 
treason,  D.  60 

Ogdensburg,  N.  Y.,  Union  at,  D.  SS 
war  spirit  of,  P.  81 

O'Gor.man,  Biciiard,  Doc.  135 

speech  at  N.  Y  ,  April  20,  Doc.  102 
Ohio,  patriotism  of  the  people  of,  D.  37 
1st  and  2d  Begiments  arrive  at 
Washington,  D.  77 ;  Doc.  271 
troops  of,  at  Grafton,  Ya.,  D.  86 
troops  at  Philippi,  D.  91 

1st  Begiment  at  Vienna,  Va.,  D.  106 
Olden,  Gov.,  message  of,  D.  51 

notice  of,  D.  60 

Old  Saybrook,  CoDn.,  Union  demon¬ 
stration  at,  D.  72 

Old  Soutli  Church,  Boston,  Mass., 
flag  raised  on,  D.  53 

“Old  Virginia,”  an  extempore,  P.  82 
Oliver,  Sophia  II.,  P.  184 

“  Oh !  let  the  Starry  Banner  Wave,” 

P.  62 

“On!  Brothers,  On !”  P.  45 

“Once  a  Week,”  its  account  of 


10 

Abraham  Lincoln, 

P. 

12 

29 

“On  Fort  Sumter.” 

P.‘ 

19 

62 

Onondaga,  N.  Y.,  Begiment, 

D. 

56 

Opdyke,  George, 

D. 

32 

9  : 

Original  Ode,  sung  at  the 

Union 

9  1 

convention,  Charleston, 

S.  C., 

53 

July  4,  1831, 

P. 

SO 

Orr. - .  appointed  commissioner 

from  S  Carolina,  D. 

Osborne,  B.,  speech  in  the  English 
House  of  Commons,  May  23, 

Doe. 

Osgood,  Samuel,  D  D.,  D. 

Ottendorfek,  O.  O ,  speech  at  the 


302 

38 


Doc.  108 


Union  meeting,  N.  Y 

Ould, - ,  District  Attorney, 

“Our  Braves  in  Virginia,” 

“Our  Country,  a  poem,” 

“  Our  Fatherland,” 

“  Our  Flag,”  by  W  , 

“Our  National  Flag,” 

“  Our  Orders,”  from  the  “  Atlantic 

Monthly,”  P.  123 

“Our  Star-Gemmed  Banner,”  P.  5 

“Out  and  Fight,”  P.  15 


D. 

P. 

P. 

P. 

P. 

P. 


5 

65 

63 

17 

75 

51 


INDEX  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


xi 


Packard  Abner  B.,  Doc.  119 

“  Palmetto  Flag,”  the  newspaper  at 
Philadelphia,  threatened,  D.  26 
Palmetto  Guards,  hold  Charleston 
arsenal,  D.  8 

list  of  officers  of,  D.  62 

notices  of,  D.  51 ;  Doc.  171 

Palmer,  Rev.,  D.D.,  of  New  Or¬ 
leans,  D.  83 

address  to  the  Washington  artil¬ 
lery,  Doc.  300 

Park,  John  C.,  D.  49 

Park  Barracks,  N.  Y.,  an  incident 
at,  P.  112 

Paekes,  - ,  of  San  Francisco, 

Cal.,  Doc.  131 

Paris,  meeting  of  Americans  in,  D.  85 
Passaic  Academy,  patriotism  at,  D.  75 
Passaic,  N.  J.,  dag-raising  at,  D.  75,  142 
Patriotic  contributions,  Doc.  197 

Patriotic  Song,  P.  140 

Patten,  George  F.,  •  D.  60 

Patterson,  - ,  Gen.,  threatened 

by  a  mob,  D.  26 

notice  of,  D.  77 

at  Chatnbersburg,  Pa.,  D.  91,  92 

crosses  the  Potomac,  D.  107 

proclamation  of,  June  3d,  Doc.  337 
Patterson,  Colonel,  D.  61 

Patton, - ,  commissary  of  the  7th 

N.  Y.  Regiment  Militia,  adven¬ 
ture  of,  P.  77 

Pawnee,  U.  S.  gunboat,  D.  22 

Paxton.  James  W.,  Doc.  828 

Peabody,  Charles  A.,  Doc.  135 

Peabody,  Ephraim,  P.  63 

Peabody,  George,  D.  76 

Peace  Convention  organized  at 
Washington,  D.  C.,  D.  17 

its  plan  of  adjustment,  D.  18 

plan  of  the,  submitted  to  the  U.  S. 
Senate,  Feb.  27,  1S61,  Doc.  85 

Pendergrast, - ,  Commander,  D.  94 

Pennsylvania,  military  preparations 
in,  D.  22 

aroused ;  passes  the  war  bill,  D.  24 
added  to  the  military  department 
of  Washington,  D.  33 

volunteers  “first  at  Washington,” 

See  preface ;  IX  Cl 
troops  leave  Philadelphia,  D.  84 
troops  move  from  Chambersburg, 

Pa.,  D.  95 

regiments  at  Hagerstown,  Md.,  D.  107 
Northern  Central  Railroad  of,  D.  36 
lines  to  speculators  in,  P.  115 

First  Regiment  of  Artillery  of,  D.  Cl 
First  Regiment  of  Infantry,  D.  67 
at  Edward's  Ferry,  "  D.  105 
Fourth  Regiment  of,  D.  61 

Fifth  Regiment,  publish  a  news¬ 
paper,  I).  97 

attacked  by  the  rebels,  D.  103 

Seventh  Regiment  of,  D.  33 

Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  Regi¬ 
ments  of,  D.  91 

Twenty-second  Regiment  of.  Doc.  412 
Twenty-seventh  Regiment  of,  D.  108 
Colonel  Mann’s  Regiment  of, 

D.  85;  Doc.  311 
Pensacola,  Fla.,  forts  at,  D.  10 

Navy  Yard  at,  seized,  D.  14 

state  of  affairs  at,  May  9,  D.  66 
rebel  troops  at,  D.  68 

the  great  Dry  Dock  at,  D.  77 

state  of  the  rebel  army  at.  Doc.  186 
an  incident  of  the  surrender  of 
the  Navy  Yard  at,  P.  145 

“Pensacola” — To  my  son,  P.  145 
Peecival,  James  G.,  poem  by,  P.  105 
Perit,  Peletiah,  ’  D.  82 

Petersburg,  Va.,  secession  pole  de¬ 
stroyed  at,  D.  5 

Petiiorh,  - ,  Commander,  at 

Castle  Pinckney,  D.  8 

Pettigrew,  J.  S.  of  S.  C..  P.  8 

Pettits,  - ,  Gov.  of  Miss.,  pro¬ 

clamation  of,  organizing  the 
militia  of  the  State,  D.  19 

Peyton,  Bailie,  address  to  Ten¬ 
nessee,  D.  30 


Phelps,  Royal, 
Phelps,  J.  Wolcott, 


D.  32 ;  Doc.  109 
Col., 

D.  65;  Doc.  231 
D.  78 
of,  tender 


at  Hampton,  Va., 

Philadelphia,  banks 

money  to  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment, 

Union  pledge  at, 
war  feeling  in, 

citizens  of,  address  a  letter 
Gen.  Scott, 
to  be  burned, 

Buena  Vista  volunteers  of, 
Confederate  prizes  arrive  at, 
troops  at  Baltimore, 
submarine  boat  at,  D.  72;  Doc.  25S 
Philadelphia,  Wilmington  &  Balti¬ 
more  Railroad,  D.  37 

Philippi,  Va.,  battle  of,  D.  91 


D. 

25 

Prentice,  George  D., 

P. 

17 

D. 

26 

his  retort  lo  Gen.  Pillow, 

P. 

28 

D. 

34 

tells  where  Kentucky  will  go, 

P. 

38 

to 

his  reply  to  George  Lake, 

P.  99 

D. 

D. 

D. 

D. 

D. 


the  results  of  the  capture  at,  P.  114 
official  report  of  battle  at,  Doc.  833 
an  account  of  the  battle  at,  Doc.  835 
Phillips,  Wendell,  address  on 
the  “  Political  Lessons  of  the 
Hour,”  D.  15 

his  discourse  of  April  21,  Doc.  125 
Phoenix  Iron  Works,  New  Orleans, 

D.  57 

Pickens, - ,  Gov.,  proclaims  8. 

C.  an  independent  Slate,  D.  5 
authorizes  seizure  of  forts,  D.  7 
notices  of,  D.  8,  20,  22 

sanctions  the  attack  on  the  “  Star 
of  the  West,”  D.  13 

notice  of,  D.  14 

repudiates  Northern  debts,  D.  94 
reply  of,  to  Major  Anderson,  in 
reference  to  the  Star  of  the 
West,  Doc.  19 

“Pickens  Cadets,”  of  Charleston, 

S.  C.,  D.  17 

Tierce,  E.  W.,  Gen.,  appointed 
Brigadier-General,  D.  S3;  Doc.  356 
at  Great  Bethel,  Va.,  D.  98 

lettor  on  battle  at  Great  Bethel, 

Doc.  360 

Pierpont,  F.  H.,  Gov.  of  Western 
Va.,  D.  57,  67,  Doc. 


Pierpont,  John,  Rev., 
Pierrepont,  Edwards, 
Pike,  Albert,  song  by, 
Pillow,  Gideon,  Gen., 
reply  to, 

Brownlow’s  answer  to, 
Epigram  on, 

Pinckney, - ,  Colonel 


328 

150 

114 


P. 
Doc. 

P.  106 
Prentiss’ 

P. 

P.  129 
P.  149 
N.  Y.  6th 


28 


Regiment,  anecdote  of,  P.  71 
Piqua,  O.,  patriotism  of,  D.  29 

Pittsburg,  Pa.,  indignation  meet¬ 
ing  at,  in  reference  to  the  re¬ 
moval  of  arms,  D.  6 

Union  resolutions  of,  D.  6 

Union  meeting  at,  IX  25 

war  excitement  at,  D.  80 

contraband  notice  at,  D.  55 

Piracy — defined  by  Judge  Sprague, 
of  Mass.,  D.  71 

Plattsburg,  N.  Y.,  P.  81 

Plymley,  Jonathan,  on  contra¬ 
band,  P.  6S 

Point  of  Rocks,  Md.,  D.  96 

Poisoning  troops,  D.  101 

“Political  Lessons  of  the  Hour,” 
Wendell  Phillips's  Address,  D.  15 

Poore, - ■,  Capt.,  commander  of 

the  Brooklyn,  D.  84 

Porter.  George  M.,  D.  57 

Porterfield,  S.  A.,  Col.,  proclama¬ 
tion  of,  to  the  people  of  North- 
Western  Virginia,  Doc.  324,  844 
Portland,  Me.,  Union  at,  D.  16 

attempt  on  powder-house  at,  D.  52 
Postal  uffnirs,  Southern  opinions  of, 

D. 

mails  suspended  in  the  seceded 
States,  D. 

Confederate  orders  in  reference 
to  the  post-office,  D. 

See  Confederate  post-office. 

Potosl,  Mo.,  taken  possession  of.  D. 

account  of  tho  taking  of,  Doc.  253 
Potter.  Alonzo,  Bishop — letter  to 
a  secessionist.  Doc.  292 


Pratt,  George  W.,  Col.  26th  Regi¬ 
ment  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  D.  60 ;  Doc.  198 

Pratt, - ,  Gov.,  of  Md.,  D.  87 

Prayer,  Bard  well’s,  at  the  opening 
of  the  Tenn.  legislature,  D.  65 


“  Prayer  for  tho  Times,” 


Doc.  230 


Peentiss, - ,Gen.",  interview  with 

Col.  Tilghman,  D.  60;  Doc.  194 
reply  to  Col.  Wickliffe,  D.  95 

Trentiss, - ,  Rev.,  of  S.  C.,  D.  13 

Presbyterians,  loyalty  of  the,  D.  74 
Price,  Sterling,  Maj.-Gen.  (rebel), 
proclamation  of,  June  4,  Doc.  338 
his  plan  to  maintain  peace,  IX  74 
destroys  telegraphs  in  Mo.,  D.  104 
notices  of,  D.  7S,  93,  107 

“  Privateer  No.  1  ”  captured,  D.  104 
Privateers,  to  be  employed  by  the 
South,  P.  95 

activity  of,  in  New  Orleans, 

D.  68,  P.  131 

where  they  will  carry  their  prizes, 

P.  126 

England's  action  upon,  D.  91 

Duke  of  Newcastle’s  order,  Doc.  418 
account  of  the  capture  of  the 
“  first  privateer,”  Doe.  375 

Prizes,  D.  73,  76 

Proctor,  Edna  Dean,  P.  3 

Prophecy,  see  Joseph  Hoag. 

Prophecy  of  the  Dead,  P.  74 

“  Pro  Patria,”  inscribed  to  the  Sec¬ 
ond  New  Hampshire  Regiment, 
by  T.  Bailey  Aldrich,  P.  141 

I’rocdfit,  J.  W.,  a  rebel,  demands 
accommodation  in  N.  York,  P.  97 
Providence,  R.  I.,  the  banks  of,  D.  27 
Pryor,  Roger  A.,  takes  a  draught 
of  poison  at  Fort  Sumter,  P.  27 
Putnam,  George,  1).  D.,  D.  59 

Putnam,  Lieut.,  U.  S.  A.,  D.  83 


Quakers,  war  spirit  of  the, 
Quimby,  Col., 

Qitinn,  Michael,  U.  S.  N., 
“  Qui  transtulit  sustinet,” 


P.  2S 
I).  84 
D.  77 
P.  103 


K 


Rafina,  Father,  raises  the  6tars 
and  stripes,  D. 

Railroad  bridges  destroyed,  1). 

Raleigh,  N.  C.,  “alive  with  seces¬ 
sionists,”  D. 

Rand,  Edward  Sprague,  Jr.,  I’. 

Randolph,  James  T.,  D. 

Rapin’s  History  of  England,  Int. 

Rappahannock  River,  Va.,  block¬ 
aded,  D. 

Raymond,  Henry  J.,  speech  at  tho 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.  Doc. 

Reagan,  John  II.,  postmaster-gen¬ 
eral  Confederate  States,  Doc.  325 

Rebels  leave  Washington,  D.  47 

“  Rebels,”  a  poem,  P. 

Rebellion,  a  new  way  to  settle  it,  P. 

Reconstruction,  P. 

Rector,  II.  M.,  Gov.  of  Ark.,  D.  89, 
reply  to  Lincoln,  D.  101 ;  P. 

Rector,  W.  F.,  proclamation  of.  de¬ 
nying  the  authority  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Government  at  Fort  Smith, 

D.  92;  Doc.  838 

“  Redemption,”  by  W.  F.  L.,  P.  104 

“  Regiments  in  Buckram,”  P.  79 

Reid,  J.  D.,  D. 

Relav  House,  Md.,  Federal  troops 
it,  D. 

Religious  press,  spirit  of  tho,  D. 
on  the  state  of  the  country, 

Doc 

Religious  spirit  of  the  Northern 

army,  P. 

Renshaw,  F.  B.,  Lt.,  a  traitor,  D. 


40 

58 

57 

48 

69 

17 

73 

100 


66 

63 

24 

43 

44 


35 

58 

54 

181 

81 

43 


xil 


REBELLION  RECORD: 


6 
10 
Tl 
26 
45 
87 
54 

44 

97 

61 
53 
7 

25 
82 
48 
74 
56 
P.  143 
56 
113 


D. 

D. 

P. 


P. 

P. 


Repudiation,  Lines  on,  P.  148 

See  Southern  Repudiation. 
Requier,  A.  J.,  P.  66 

Ebucii,  Dewitt  C.,  killed  at  Wil¬ 
liamsport,  Md.,  D.  93 

“  Reveries  of  War,”  by  C.  J.  H.,  P.  107 
Rhett,  R.  B.,  Jr.,  proposes  a  south¬ 
ern  confederacy,  D. 

delegate  to  Southern  Congress,  D. 
Rhode  Island,  tribute  to,  P.  67, 

“  She  will  secede,”  P. 

uniform  of  the  regiments  of,  D. 
First  Regiment  of,  D. 

Marine  Artillery  of,  D.  84, 

troops  of,  pass  through  New 
York,  D. 

regiment  of,  build  a  floating 
bridge,  D. 

Rice,  Alexander  H.,  speech  at 
Eoxbury,  Mass,  D. 

Richards,  W.  C.,  P.  46, 

Richmond,  Va.,  secession  at,  D. 
effect  of  Lincoln's  war  proclama¬ 
tion  in,  D. 

Custom-house,  &c.,  seized  at,  D. 
the  rebel  army  at, 

Confederate  Congress  at, 
the  British  Consul  at, 
the  Southern  capital, 
reign  of  terror  in, 
anecdote  of  a  young  lady  in, 

Ringgold  Flying  Artillery  at  Read¬ 
ing,  Pa.,  D.  27 

Rives,  W.  C.,  delegate  to  Southern 
Congress,  D.  49 

speech  of,  at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  P.  95 
Rives,  W.  H.,  Dr.,  of  Ala.,  P.  94 
“  Robert  McClellan,”  the  revenue 
cutter,  surrendered,  D.  16 

Robins,  Harry,  the  wife  of,  P.  14S 

Robinson,  - ,  Judge,  of  Troy, 

N.  Y.,  D.  27 

Robinson, - ,  Judge,  of  Virginia, 

offers  the  command  of  the 
Southern  army  to  Gen.  Scott,  P.  41 
Robinson,  William,  D.  6 

Rochester,  N.  Y.,  abolition  meeting 
at,  D.  14 

flag-raising  at,  D.  103 

regiment  from,  D.  84 

Rock  Island,  Ill.,  D.  51 

Eomeyn,  W.  H.,  D.  32 

Romney  Va.,  rebels  surprised  at,  D.  101 
Roosevelt,  J.  J.,  Doc.  135 

Ross, - ,  speech  in  the  U.  8.  Sen¬ 
ate,  Feb.  14,  1808,  Int.  41 

Rossiter,  T.  P.,  P.  118 

Rodsseau, - ,  speech  in  the  Ky. 

Senate,  May  21,  D.  91 ;  Doc.  329 
Eoxbury,  Mass.,  flag  presentation 
at,  D.  50 

war  meeting  in,  D.  61 

patriotism  of  the  ladies  of,  P.  97 
Ruffin,  Edmund,  a  “blood-thirsty 
ruffian,"  P.  27 

Rugglks,  Samuel  B.,  speech  to  tho 
20th  Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  V., 

D.  102 ;  Doe.  365 
“  Rule  Slaveownia,”  P.  88 

Runyon,  Brig.-Gen.,  D.  55 

Russell,  Lord  John,  on  the  block¬ 
ade,  D.  83 

notices  of,  D.  91,  801,  303 

letter  of,  to  the  Lords  Commis¬ 
sioners  of  tho  Admiralty,  Doc.  387 
Russell,  S.  P.,  P.  18 

Russell,  W.  II ,  correspondent  of 
tho  “  London  Times,”  D.  87 
letters  to  the  “  London  Times”  on 
American  affairs,  April  80  and 
May  1,  Doc.  314 

his  important  suggestions  to  Col. 
nardee,  P.  94 

Russia,  position  of,  D.  105 

Rust,  A.,  D.  72 

S 

Backendorf,  Otto,  speech  at  the 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Don.  107 
Bag  1  harbor,  patriotism  of  the  citi¬ 
zens  of,  D.  42 

Salem  Zouaves,  the,  D.  61 


anecdote  of  the  bravery  of  the,  P.  40 
Sanders,  George  N.,  advises  tho 
secession  of  the  border  States,  P.  21 
his  method  to  prevent  anarchy,  P.  28 
his  despatch  concerning  the  seces¬ 
sion  of  Rhode  Island,  P.  26 

Sandkoud,  Maj.-Gen.,  tenders  the 
whole  force  of  New  York  mili¬ 
tia  for  the  support  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment,  D.  14 

placed  in  command  of  New  York 
troops  at  Washington,  D.  76 
relieved  by  Gen.  McDowell,  D.  82 
Sanford,  Edward  II.,  Captain,  pa¬ 
triotic  action  of  the  wife  of,  P.  43 
Sanford,  Sarah,  tarred  and  feath¬ 
ered,  D.  69 

San  Francisco,  Cal.,  Union  meeting 
at,  D.  66 

incident  in  the  marshal's  office 
at,  P.  109 

Santa  Rosa  Island,  Lincoln's  procla¬ 
mation  in  reference  to,  D.  66 
Sargent,  John,  D.  48 

Saunders,  S.  M„  D.  43 

Savannah,  Ga.,  Fort  Pulaski  at, 
seized  by  State  troops,  D.  9 
New  York  ships  at,  seized,  D.  17 
port  of,  blockaded,  D.  83 

American  flag  degraded  at,  P.  70 
“  Savannah  Republican”  criticizes 
Governor  Brown,  of  Ga.,  D.  72 
Sawyer's  rifled  cannon,  experiment 
at  the  Rip  Raps,  Va.,  D.  104 

Saxe, - ,  Marshal,  his  average  of 

the  casualties  in  war,  P.  95 

Schaffer.  Chauncey,  D.  46 

Schell,  Augustus,  P.  8 

Schenck,  Robert  C.,  appointed 
Brigadier-General,  D.  85 

notice  of,  D.  102 

speech  at  Iho  Union  meeting, 

New  York,  April  20,  Doc.  93 
official  report  of  the  ambuscade  at 
Vienna,  Va.,  Doc.  405 

Schenectady,  N.  Y.,  D.  10 

Union  meeting  at,  D.  85 

Sciiwarzwaelder,  - ,  Colonel 

5th  Eegt.,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  Doc.  103 
Scotland,  union  with  England,  Int.  16 
Scott  Life  Guard,  First  Regiment 
of,  left  New  York,  D.  92 

notice  of,  Doc.  837 

“  Scott  and  the  V eteran,”  a  poem,  P.  102 
Scott,  Robert  S.,  offered  a  place  in 
Lincoln’s  Cabinet,  P.  9 

Scott,  T.  Parkin,  D.  29 

Scott,  Winfield,  General,  notices 
of,  D.  9,  14,  22 

preparing  to  meet  secessionists  in 
Washington,  D.  10 

rumored  resignation  of,  D.  33 

his  telegraph  "  to  Senator  Critten¬ 
den,  D.  37 

notices  of,  D.  33  ;  P.  71 

congratulatory  letter  to,  D.  52 
the  South  docs  not  doubt  his  loy¬ 
alty  to  the  United  States,  D.  63 
his  residence  in  New  Jersey,  D.  84 
Southern  opinion  of,  D.  87 

general  orders  for  tho  protection 
of  railroads  in  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania,  Doc.  7S 

“  where  he  stands,”  Doc.  121 

his  views,  Doc.  1-2 

letter  to,  from  citizens  of  Phila¬ 
delphia,  Doc.  178 

threatens  to  resign,  P.  9 

his  advice  concerning  Snmter,  P.  25 
his  resignation  celebrated  at 
Natchez.  Miss.,  P.  28 

anecdote  of,  P.  2S 

is  offered  the  command  of  tho 
Confederates,  his  reply,  P.  41 
“The  Arch  Traitor,”  P.  42 

a  Virginia  estimate  of,  P.  67 

scurrilous  letter  to,  P.  97 

8eripture,  a  new  version  of,  P.  96 
Scudder,  J.  W„  D.  28 

Seceding  States  draw  their  quota  of 
arms  in  advance,  D.  13 

“  Seceding  Virginia,”  a  poem,  P.  116 
Secession,  is  it  revolution?  Int.  9 


granted  right,  Int.  9 

not  authorized  by  State  sovereign¬ 
ty,  Int.  15 

as  a  revolution,  Int.  22 

why  the  North  should  not  recog¬ 
nize,  Int.  37 

establishes  a  foreign  power  on  the 
continent,  *  Int.  38 

cost  of  Territories  claimed  by, 

Int.  39 

Mississippi  version  of,  D.  3 

S.  A.  Douglas’s  opinion  of,  P.  41 
ordinances,  of  Alabama,  Doc.  19 
of  Georgia,  Doc.  21 

of  Arkansas,  Doc.  259 

of  Louisiana,  Doc.  26 

of  Texas,  Doc.  27 

of  North  Carolina,  Doc.  263 

of  South  Carolina,  Doc.  2 

of  Virginia,  Doc.  70 

Secession  song,  “  Dixie  Land,"  P.  137 
Sedgwick,  H.  I).,  P.  119 

“  Send  them  home  tenderly,”  P.  60 
Seneca's  Mills,  Md.,  fight  at,  D.  103 
Sensation  press  compared  with  the 
Southern  press,  D.  92 

Servile  insurrection,  a  part  of  the 
Northern  programme,  I).  81 
notice  of,  D.  92 

a  significant  circular  in  reference 
to,  P.  144 

Seventh  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  pa¬ 
pers  relating  to  the,  Doc.  318 
Sewell's  Point,  Va.,  fight  at,  D.  73 
official  account  of,  Doc  261 

rebel  account,  Doc.  261 

Seward,  F.  W..  notice  of,  D.  52 
Sew'ard,  William  II.,  his  Union 
speech  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  D.  14 
6peech  at  N.  Y.,  Dec.  22,  Doc.  4 
correspondence  with  the  Confed¬ 
erate  commissioners,  D.  19;  Doc. 
refuses  to  receive  the  South  Caro¬ 
lina  commissioners,  D. 

correspondence  with  Faulkner, 

D.  59  ;  Doc.  191 
notices  of,  D.  4, 15,  54,  59,  72,  76,  81 
Confederate  commissioners’  final 
letter  to,  Doc. 

letter  to  Governor  Hicks,  in  ref¬ 
erence  to  the  proposed  media¬ 
tion  of  Lord  Lyons,  Doc.  138 

letter  on  treason,  Doc.  258 

anecdote  of,  P.  98 

his  head  to  be  placed  on  a  pike,  P.  9 
notice  of,  P. 

Seymour,  Almira,  P. 

Shannon,  P.  C.,  D. 

Sharp-shooters,  recommendation  for 
the  establishment  of,  P. 

SnERMAN, - ,  Gen.,  of  Texas,  D. 

Sherman’s  battery  passes  through 
Philadelphia,  D. 

at  Baltimore,  D. 

SnEPLEY,  - ,  Chief  Justice,  of 

Maine,  D.  16 

Siiillaber,  B.  P.,  P.  84 

Ship  Island,  fort  at,  destroyed,  D.  75 
Shiuab,  Major,  U.  S.  A.,  D.  96 

Shivers, - ,  Captain,  D.  44 

“  Shop  and  Freedom,”  P.  1 

Sibley,  Hiram,  D.  35 

Sickles,  Danif.l  E.,  Colonel,  D.  57 

Siegel, - ,  Colonel,  at  Gasconade 

River,  D 

Sigourney,  Lydia  H.,  P.  4,  32,  84, 

Sill,  - - ,  Deacon,  of  Old  Sav- 

brook.  Conn.,  I). 

Simpson  Joseph  P.,  Doc,  116 

Sioux  Indians,  D.  43 

Sixtieth  Psalm,  new  version  of,  P. 
Skowhegan,  Me.,  the  ladies  of,  P. 
Si.AiGnT,  N.  C.,  I>. 

Slave  representation.  Int. 

Slave-trade,  prohibition  of,  by  tho 
Confederates,  P. 

Slaves,  fugitive,  Int. 

returned  from  Fort  Pickens,  P. 
a  tax  upon  the,  D. 

to  be  murdered  by  the  abolition¬ 
ists,  D. 

assist  in  erecting  new  fortifica¬ 
tions,  D.  92 


42 

21 


49 


20 

15 

25 

84 

33 

42 

61 


101 

91 

72 


96 

28 

28 

35 

23 

45 

79 

75 

81 


INDEX  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


xiR 


contributions  of,  to  the  Confeder¬ 
ate  loan,  P.  94 

Slavery,  interference  with,  the  great 
greivance  of  the  South,  Int.  80 
the  South  opposed  to,  Int.  82 

dissertation  on,  Int.  83 

the  increase  of,  Int.  45 

strengthened  by  the  action  of  the 
North,  Int.  46 

the  “  Corner-Stone  ”  of  the  South¬ 
ern  Confederacy,  Doc.  45 

the  increase  of,  Doc.  45 

the  conservatism  of;  P.  180 

Sleeper,  J.  8.,  D.  50 

Slkmmer,  Lieut.,  D.  100 

Slocum,  J.  8.,  Major,  R.  I.  Regi¬ 
ment,  Doc.  124 

Smalley, - ,  Judge,  charge  to  the 

Grand  Jury  of  New  York,  D.  14 
Smead,  Abner,  Lieut.,  expelled 
from  the  U.  S.  Army,  D.  24 

Smidt,  John  C.  T.,  Doc.  135 

Smith— a  regiment  of  the  name,  P.  57 
Smith,  Abel,  Col.  13th  Regiment 
N.  Y.  S.  M.,  Doc.  143 

expedition  of,  Easton,  Md.,  D.  96 
Smith,  Albert  N.,  Lieut.,  Doc.  162 
Smith,  C.  H.,  speech  at  Union 
meeting,  New  York,  Doc.  117 
Smith,  Caleb  M.,  -  D.  76 

Smith,  Edwin  M.,  D.  52 

Smith,  Emeline  S.,  P.  51 

Smith,  Marshall  B.,  D.  75;  P.  133 

Smith, - ,  Rev.,  of  Wheeling,  D.  62 

Smith,  Samuel,  captures  a  seces¬ 
sion  flag,  D.  77 

Smythe,  Henry  A.,  D.  77 

Snyder,  Lieut.,  U.  S.  A.,  narrow 
escape  of,  at  Fort  Monroe,  P.  56 
"  Song  for  Battle,”  by  C.  B.,  P.  105 
“Song  for  the  Times,”  by  L.  F.,  P.  64 
“Song  for  the  Union,”  read  at  a 
meeting  at  Detroit,  P.  46 

“  Song  of  Columbia’s  Daughters,”  P.  51 
“Song  of  the  Irish  Legion,”  P.  73 
“Song  of  the  Southern  Women, ”P.  65 
“  Songs  of  the  Rebels,”  P.  19,  85,  64, 

91,  106,  136,  145 

“Sons  of  Northern  sires  arising,” 
by  G.  8.  H.,  P.  89 

Soule,  Pierre,  P.  54 

South  opposed  to  slavery,  Int.  32 
sentiment  of  the,  D.  85 

insecurity  of  life  in,  P.  10 

the  programme  of,  P.  22 

celebrations  at  the,  in  honor  of 
renowned  victories,  P.  23 

difficulty  of  travelling  in,  P.  60 
unreliability  of  the  news  at,  P.  61 
the  invasion  of,  ridiculed,  P.  79 
“Divine  Providence  with,”  P.  82,  132 
cannot  do  without  whiskey,  P.  84 
must  prepare  for  hard  times,  P.  101 
unconquerable  “in  her  own  terri¬ 
tory,”  P.  Ill 

for  what  it  fights,  P  112 

grumbling  at  the,  P.  114 

treatment  of  Northerners  in,  P.  131 
Divine  Providence  with  the,  P.  132 
South  Carolina,  members  of,  retire 
from  Congress,  D.  5 

cause  of  the  revolution,  Int.  24 
convention  of,  met,  D.  8 

is  for  civil  war,  D.  8 

secession  ordinance  passed,  Int.  5 

D.  4 

proclaimed  independent,  D.  5 
commissioners  to  the  Federal 
Government,  D.  6 

troops  tendered  to,  D.  7 

convention  of,  orders  the  fortifi¬ 
cation  of  Charleston  D.  8 

act  defining  treason  in,  D.  9 

commissioners  of,  leave  Washing¬ 
ton,  D.  9 

delegates  to  the  Southern  Con¬ 
gress,  D.  10 

convention  adjourned,  D.  11 

seizes  the  funds  of  the  Federal 
Government,  D.  12 

the  “  hasty  action  of”  condemned 
by  Governor  Letcher,  D.  12 
offers  to  buy  Fort  Sumter,  D.  16 


ratified  the  Confederate  Constitu¬ 
tion,  D.  20 

Episcopal  Bishop  of,  D.  25 

First  Regiment  of  Doc.  139 

left  for  Virginia,  D.  41 

fast  day  in,  D.  49 

troops  of,  at  Richmond,  D.  51 

troops  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  D.  73 
repudiates  Northern  debts,  D.  94 
secession  ordinance  of,  Doc.  2 
declaration  of  causes  which  in¬ 
duced  the  secession  of,  D.  4 ;  Doc.  3 
letter  of  the  Congressmen  of,  tak¬ 
ing  leave  of  the  Congress,  Doc.  8 
correspondence  between  commis¬ 
sioners,  and  Buchanan,  Doc.  11 
Palmetto  Guard,  Marine  Artillery, 
and  German  Artillery  of,  Doc.  177 
College  Cadets  of,  D.  53;  Doc.  181 
au  address  of  the  people  of,  assem¬ 
bled  in  convention,  Dec.,  1860, 
to  the  peoplo  of  the  slavehold¬ 
ing  States,  Doc.  S96 

spirit  of  the  young  men  of,  P.  8 
commissioners,  threats  of  the,  P.  9 
subscribers  to  State  loan,  P.  9 
to  be  a  “  black  Republic,”  P.  10 
William  Aiken  and  the  State  loan 
of  P.  12 

to  abolish  Fourth  of  July,  P.  22 
versus  Alabama,  P.  28 

epigram  on,  P.  70 

Southern  army,  greatly  descended 
men  in  the,  P.  109 

Southerners  and  Spartans,  P.  22 
Southern  Confederacy,  proposed  in 
South  Carolina  Convention.  D.  6 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President  of,  D.  14 

officers  of  the  cabinet  of  the,  D.  17 
organize  an  army,  D.  19 

commissioners  of,  refused  an  audi¬ 
ence,  D.  21 

new  flag  of  the,  P.  23 

call  for  troops  of  the,  D.  29 

purchase  steamerllabana,  D.  29 
troops  of,  taking  the  field.  D.  41 
Virginia  admitted  to  the,  D.  58 
league  with  Tennessee,  D.  61 

fast-day  in  the,  D.  69,  102 

bonds  of  the,  D.  72 

Arkansas  admitted  to,  D.  72 

agents  of,  in  Europe,  D.  76 

Commissioners  of  the,  in  Eng¬ 
land,  P.  100 

constitution  of  the,  Doc.  29 

powers  of  Congress  of  Doc.  80 
correspondence  between  theCom- 
missioners  of,  and  Secretary 
Seward,  Doc.  42 

final  letter  of  the  Commissioners 
of,  to  Secretary  Seward,  Doc.  49 
post-office  of,  ’  Doe.  325 

a  confederacy  of  “  Pickens  and 
Stealings,”  P.  2S 

Treasury  notes  of  the,  P.  41 

Commissioners  of  the,  “  snub¬ 
bed”  in  Havana,  P.  42 

national  hymn  of  the,  P.  88 

area  of  the,  P.  130 

“  Cousin  Sally,”  a  name  for,  P.  14S 
the  Army  Bill  of  Doc.  40 

the  army  of,  D.  48 

tho  armies  of,  P.  137 

contributions  to  the  loan  of  P.  94 
uniform  of  the  army  of,  P.  93 

Confederate  Congress,  Act  of,  de¬ 
claring  a  6tato  of  war, 

D.  60  ;  Doc.  195 
adjourned  to  Richmond,  D.  74 
prohibit  the  exportation  of  cot¬ 
ton,  D.  81 

Act  of  the,  to  raise  an  additional 
force.  &c..  Doc.  219 

resolution  of  for  a  fast,  Doc.243 
Act  of.  prohibiting  the  payment 
of  debts  due  the  North,  Doc.  265 
Act  relative  to  the  exportation  of 
cotton,  Doc.  292 

commended  for  the  declaration  of 
war,  P.  94 

Confederate  navy,  the  first  gun 
for  the,  D.  57 


“  Southern  Confederacy,”  the  edi¬ 
tor  of,  gives  his  opinion  of  the 
secession  election,  D.  13 

Southern  convention  organized,  D.  16 
agrees  to  a  constitution,  D.  IT 

list  of  delegates  to  the,  Doc.  29 
Southern  Marseillaise,  D.  3 

“  Southern  Monitor,”  newspaper, 

D.  26 

Southern  press,  opinions  of  an 
“  United  North,”  D.  64 

recommends  reticence,  D.  62,  92 
on  the  issues  of  the  war,  P.  67 
“  let  tho  devil  take  the  hind¬ 
most,”  P.  68 

ridiculous  rumors  published  in,  P.  70 
opinions  of  the,  P.  115 

See  “  Regiments  in  Buckram." 
Southern  repudiation, 

D.  35,  45 ;  P.  38,  42,  143,  See  Preface. 
Southern  rights,  D.  47 

“  Southern  Song  of  Freedom,”  P.  92 


P.  186 
D.  77 


“  Southern  War-Cry," 

Spalding,  Henry  F. 

Sparks,  Jared,  LL.D.,  Int. 

“  Sparrowgrass,”  P. 

Spartans  and  Southerners,  P. 

Speed,  J.  F.,  Holt’s  letter  to,  D. 

Spies  at  Washington,  P. 

Spinola,  F.  B.,  Senator,  speech  at 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  April 
20,  Doc.  112 

Sprague,  Wm.,  Judge,  of  Boston, 
opinion  of  piracy,  D. 

charge  of.  Doc. 

Sprague,  Wm.,  Governor  of  R.  I., 
notices  of,  D.  27,  37,  54  ;  P. 
his  “  Rhode  Islanders,”  Doc. 

“  A  Secessionist,”  P. 

lines  inscribed  to,  P. 

Sprague,  J.  T.,  Major  U.  S.  A.,  D. 
letter  on  affairs  in  Texas,  Doe.  232 

Spring,  Gardiner,  D.  D.,  prayer 
at  the  Union  meeting  in  New 
York,  Doc. 

Springfield,  Ill.,  Union  meeting,  D. 

St.  Johns,  Wm.  B.,  Capt.,  expelled 
from  the  U.  S.  army.  D. 

St.  Louis,  Mo.,  police  of  demand 
the  removal  of  U.  S.  troops,  I), 
orders  given  to  search  for  arms. 

&c.,  d; 

mistake  of  Col.  Hallman's  regi¬ 
ment  in,  D 

how  the  arms  were  taken  from 
the  arsenal  at.  Doc.  147 

riots  in,  D.  66 ;  Doc.  233 

“  St.  Nicholas,”  steamer,  D.  85 

Sc.  Paul’s  Church,  N.  Y.,  American 
flag  displayed  from,  D. 

“  Stand  by  the  Flag,”  P. 

Stanton,  Henry  B.,  P. 

Stanton, - ,  Gen.,  D. 

“  Star  of  the  West,”  steam  trans¬ 
port,  left  N.  Y.,  D. 

fired  upon  in  Charleston,  D. 
arrived  at  N.  Y.,  D. 

see  Major  Anderson,  Doc. 

Capt.  McGowan’s  report  concern¬ 
ing  the.  Doc. 

seized  at  Indianola,  Texas. 

D.  29 ;  Doc.  119 

putin  commission  in  Confederate 
navy,  D. 

“  Stars  and  Bars  "  advocated,  D. 

“  Stars  in  my  Country's  Sky,”  P. 

“Star-Spangled  Banner”  never  to 
be  surrendered  by  the  South.D. 
sung  at  the  Union  meeting,  N.  Y., 
April  20,  Doc.  117 

State  sovereignty  does  not  author¬ 
ize  secession,  Int. 

Steam-gun,  description  of  Winans’, 

Steele,  John  B.  D. 

Stephens,  A.  IT.,  speech  at  Mil- 
ledgeville,  Ga.,  Nov.  14,  Doc. 
quotation  from.  Int. 


14 

95 

22 

86 

143 


71 

255 

9-1 

124 

26 

46 

81 


82 

35 

24 

59 

72 

105 


33 

74 

40 

ia 

li 

ia 

14 

19 

21 


67 

20 

4 

20 


15 

98 

32 

219 

46 


voted  against 
Georgia, 

elected  Vice  -  President 
Southern  Confederacy, 

"  Corner-Stone,"  speech 


the  secession  of 
D. 
the 
I). 
of  at 


of 


15 

IT 


XIV 


REBELLION  RECORD 


Savannah,  Ga.,  March  21, 

D.  19  ;  Doc.  44 
personal  appearance  of,  P.  24 

offered  a  place  in  Lincoln's  cabi¬ 
net,  P.  9 

speech  at  Richmond,  Va.,  April 
22,  D.  40;  Doc.  134 

speech  at  Atlanta,  Ga ,  April  30, 

D.  51 ;  Doc.  115 
speech  at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  May  23, 

Doc.  2T0 

notice  of,  D.  76 

Stephens,  Linton,  his  action  on 
the  secession  of  Georgia,  D.  15 
Stetson,  C.  A.,  his  generosity,  P.  28 
Stevens,  .John  A.,  D.  82;  Doc.  806 
Steuben  Volunteers,  of  N.  Y.,  D.  78 
Stewart,  Charles,  Com.,  letter  to  G. 

W.  Childs,  D.  56;  Doc.  186 

Stewart,  A.  T.,  P.  55 

his  reply  to  J.  P.  Sprague,  of 
Memphis,  Tenn.,  P.  100 

Stiles,  J.  W.,  Colonel,  Ninth  Regi¬ 
ment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.  Doc.  301 

Stockbridee,  Mass.  D.  35 

Stoddard,  R.  II.,  poems  bv, 

P.  4,  29,  72,  135,  142 
Stokes,  James  II.,  Capt.,  Doc.  147 
Stone,  Charles,  Capt.,  notice  of,  to 
organize  militia  of  the  District 
of  Columbia,  D.  9 

notices  of,  D.  S3,  103 

Stone,  Wm.  O.,  D.  56 

Storrs, - ,  Dr.,  of  Brooklyn,  D.  50 

Stoughton,  E.  W.,  Doc.  135 

Stowe,  Harriet  Beecher,  P.  89 
Strafford,  Dr.,  of  Md.,  D.  69 

Streife,  Leonard,  address  to  the 
Germans  of  Kentucky,  Doc.  877 
Strong,  Charles  E.,  wife  of,  D.  102 
Strong,  George,  wife  of,  presents 
a  stand  of  colors  to  the  Sixth 
Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  V.,  Doc.  367 
Struve,  Gustavus,  speech  at  the 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Doc.  108 
Stryker,  Thomas  J.,  of  Trenton, 

N.  J.,  D.  15 

Sturgis.  Capt.,  D.  43 

Submarine  batteries  in  Virginia,  P.  128 
Submarine  boat  at  Philadelphia,  D.  72 
Suffolk  Bar,  Boston,  Mass.,  D.  49 
Sullivan’s  Island,  earthworks  on,  D.  8 
Sumter.  Fort,  the  investment  of,  D.  18 
intercourse  with,  cut  off,  D.  21 
the  question  of  reinforcing,  P.  25 
the  condition  of.  Doc.  26 ;  P.  8 
rumored  relief  of,  P.  22 

Capt.  Fox’s  visit  to,  P.  26 

to  be  taken  “  without  a  fight,”  P.  24 
the  fight  at,  P.  1 

the  killed  at,  P.  101 

6hot  and  shell  expended  during 
the  bombardment  of,  P.  77 

correspondence  preceding  the  at¬ 
tack  on,  Doc.  51 

the  bombardment  of,  Doc.  52 

opinions  of  the  press  on  the  bom¬ 
bardment  of,  Doc.  57 

feeling  in  New  York  after  the 
6iege  of,  Doc.  61 

Anderson’s  official  report  of  the 
bombardment  of,  Doc.  76 

the  sermon  preached  by  the  guns 
of,  P.  83 

anecdote  of  the  soldiers  in,  P.  12 
an  incident  of,  P.  115 

a  poem,  by  an  American,  P.  33 
“Ink,  Blood,  and  Tears,”  P.  90 
See  Fort  Sumter. 

a  ballad  of  1861,  T.  86 

a  poem  by  “  Ike,”  P.  85 

Swift,  Warren,  Rev.,  enlisted,  D.  33 
Syracuse,  N.  Y.,  women  of,  D.  46 
Regiment  of,  D.  84 


Talbot,  Lieut.,  U.  8.  A.,  D.  21 

Talbot,  William,  of  Md.,  D.  58 

Taliavero, - ,  Gen.,  D.  36;  Doc.  121 

Tallmadue,  Grier,  Capt.,  U.  S.  A. 

D.  76;  Doc.  296 


Taney,  Chief  Justice,  at  the  inaugu¬ 
ration  of  Lincoln,  D.  18 

bis  opinion  in  the  case  of  John 
Merryman,  D.  82,  92 

statement  in  the  case  of  Gen.  Cad- 
wallader,  Doc.  801 

Tarpan,  M.  W.,  Col.  First  Regt 
N.  H.  troops,  D.  82 ;  Doc.  294 
Tappen,  Charles  B.,  D.  89 

Tariff,  the,  Int  27 

Tap.r,  Campbell,  Doc.  328 

Tarring  and  feathering  at  New  Or¬ 
leans,  D.  C9 

at  East  Fairhaven,  P.  40 

Taunton,  Mass.,  citizens  of,  present 
Major  Anderson  a  sword,  D.  85 
Taylor,  Alfred  W.,  Col.  First  Scott 
Life  Guard,  Doc.  337 

Taylor,  Bayard,  poems  by,  P.  82,  102 
Taylor,  Colonel,  U.  8.  A.  See  The 
Traitor’s  Plot,  P.  30 

Taylor,  Thomas  House,  D.D.,  D.  33 
Telegraph,  seizures  of  the,  D.  73 
destroyed  by  rebels  in  Missouri,  D.  104 
first  message  from  a  balloon,  D.  108 
the  absurdities  of  the,  P.  57 

Tennessee,  address  to  the  citizens 
of,  D.  30 

address  to  the  people  of,  by  Nielo 
S  Brown  and  others,  Doc.  71 
declaration  of  independence  of, 
and  League  with  the  Southern 
Confederacy,  D.  61 ;  Doc.  201,  203 
repudiation  by  the  legislature  of. 

See  Preface ,  P.  143 

anecdote  of  a  traveller  in,  P.  23 
Second  Regt.  of  Volunteers  ar¬ 
rived  at  Richmond,  D.  74;  Doc.  265 
Terry,  Alfred  A.,  Co!.  First  Conn. 

Regiment,  D.  66,  68;  Doc.  237 
Texas,  Convention  of,  passed  an  act 

of  Secession,  D.  16,  18 

ordinance  of  secession  of,  Doc.  27 
Twiggs’  treachery  in,  D.  17,  18 

the  military  complications  in,  D.  19 
troops  from,  arrive  at  N.  Y.  D.  22 
threatened  by  Mexico,  P.  26 

U.  8.  troops  in,  captured,  D.  43 
The  Ballad  of  Cockey’s  Field,  P.  52 
“The  Battle  Cry,”  P.140 

“The  Battle  of  Morris  Island,”  a 
cheerful  tragedy,  P.  2 

“  The  Bones  of  Washington,”  P.  127 
“The  Call  for  Volunteers,”  P.  53 
The  Camp  War-Song,  P.  103 

“The  Charge  on  the  Twelve  Hun¬ 
dred  ;’’  or  the  Fairfax  Stampede, 

P.  141 

“The  Cockade  Black  Diamonds,’  P.  78 
“The  Crisis,”  by  J.  G.  Whittier,  P.  123 
“The  Departure,”  P.  63 

The  First  Defeat  of  the  Rebels,  Doc.  59 
The  Flag  of  Fort  Sumter,”  P.  2 
“  The  Gathering,”  P.  63 

“The  Great  Bell  Roland,”  P.  29 

“  The  Heavenly  Omen,”  P.  72 

“  The  Hempen  Cravat,”  by  R.  II. 

Stoddard,  P.  142 

“The  Holy  War,”  P.  89 

“  The  Illumination  of  the  City  of 
Richmond,”  P.  86 

“The  Leader,”  paper  in  Canada, 
extract  from,  D.  51 

“  The  Major  and  his  Men,”  P.  51 
“The  March  of  the  Seventh,”  by 
R.  8.  O.,  P.  48 

“The  Married  Volunteer,”  P.  121 
“  The  Massachusetts  Line,”  by  the 
author  of  “  The  New  Priest,” 

P.  122 

“The  Massachusetts  Regiments,” 

P.  15 

“  The  Nation’s  Call,”  P.  104 

“The  Nation’s  Voice, ’’  P.  133 

“The  Now  Birth,”  April  15th,  1861, 

P.  80 

“The  New  Nation,”  from  the  N.Y. 

Courier  and  Enquirer,  P.  77 
“The  New  Year  and  the  Union,” 

by  G.  W.  Prentice,  P.  17 

“  The  Nineteenth  of  April,  1861,” 
by  Lucy  Larcom,  P.  31 

1  “The  Northern  Volunteers,”  P.  46 


“  The  Old  Rifleman,”  P.  64 

“  The  Ordered  Away,”  P.  186 

“  The  Rattlesnake  Banner,"  P.  136 
The  Rattlesnake’s  Fangs,  an  article 
on  the  Baltimore  riot  of  April 
19,  Doc.  79 

“  The  Republic,”  by  W.  O.  Bourne 

P.  75 

“The  Rising  of  the  North,”  P.  123 
“The  Rising  of  the  People,”  poem, 
delivered  before  the  Phi  Beta 
Kappa  Society  of  Harvard  Uni¬ 
versity,  by  Elbridge  Jefferson 
Cutler,  P.  151 

“  The  Secession  Flag,”  P.  15 

“  The  Sentinel  of  the  Seventy -first,” 

P.  29 

“The  Seventh,”-  P.  17 

“The  Seventy-ninth,”  by  Thomas 
Frazer,  P.  122 

The  Shadow  and  the  Substance,  P.  128 
“The  Sixth  at  Baltimore,”  P.  84 
The  Soldier's  Hymn,  P.  140 

“  The  Southern  Malbrook,”  a  song 
of  the  Future,  P.  136 

“The  Southern  Yoiurteer’s  Fare¬ 
well  to  his  Wife,”  P.  138 

The  Spotted  Hand,  a  tale,  P.  7 

The  Star  of  the  West,  a  ballad,  P.  92 
The  Starry  Flag,  a  National  song, 
by  John  Savage,  P.  149 

“  The  Stars  and  Bars,”  P.  66 

“  The  Stars  and  Stripes,”  P.14,16 
“  The  Stripes  and  Stars,”  P.  8 

The  Traitor’s  Plot,  P.  39 

“The  two  Eras,  April  19,  1775,  and 
April  19, 1861,”  P.  34 

“The  Union,  Right  or  Wrong,”  P.  86 
“  The  United  States  Flag,”  P.  18 
“The  Uprising  of  the  North,”  P.  121 
“  The  Voices  of  the  Hour,”  P.  117 
“  The  Volunteer,”  P.  108 

“  The  War  Storm,”  P.  35 

“The  Will  for  the  Deed,”  P.  87 

“  The  Yankee  Y olunteers,”  P.  63 
“The  Yard- Ann  Tree,”  P.  86 

“  The  Zouave's  Battle  Song,”  P.  74 
Thomas,  Gen.,  D.  108 

Thomas,  John  L.,  D.  69 

Thomas, - ,  Judge,  of  Boston,  D.  49 

Thomasson,  H.  F.,  D.  72 

Thompson,  George  W.,  Judge,  D.  82 
proclamation,  at  Wheeling,  Va., 

May  28,  Doc.  295 

Thompson, - ,  judge,  speech  at 

Union  meeting,  N.Y.,  Doc.  113 
Thompson,  Joseph  P.,  D.  D., 
notices  of,  P.  18;  D.  88 

Thompson,  John  B.,  P.  65 

Thompson,  W.  P.,  D.  82 

Thompson,  - ,  Secretary,  commis¬ 

sioner  from  Mississippi,  D.  5 
resigned,  D.  12 

Tiiouvenel,  M ,  Doc.  191 

“Through  Baltimore,”  the  Voice  of 
Pennsvlvania  Volunteers,  P.  82 
Ticknor,  I’rank,  M.  D.,  P.  64 

Tilghman,  Lloyd,  Col.,  interview 
with  Col.  Prentiss,  D.  60;  Doc.  194 
Tilton,  Theodore,  P.  29 

“  To  Arms !  ”  by  M.  P.  Lowe,  P.  50 
“  To  Arms !  ”  by  II.  A.  Moore,  P.  68 
Tobacco,  a  Confederate  gun  charged 
with,  P.  79 

“To  Ellsworth,”  by  John  W.  For¬ 
ney,  P.  89 

“To  Massachusetts  Soldiers,”  P.  2 
Tompkins,  Chas.  H.,  Lieut,  charge 
at  Fairfax  Court  House,  Va.,  D.  89 
official  report  of  the  surprise  at 
Fairfax  Court  House,  Va.,  Doc.  321 

Tompkins, - ,  Col.  Rhode  Island 

Artillery,  D.  84 

Tompkins,  8.  W.  B.,  Col.,  Doc.  264 
“  Too  good  to  be  lost,”  P.  94 

Toombs,  Robert,  his  telegram,  D.  5 
his  arrest  spoken  of,  D.  12 

correspondence  with  Mayor  Wood, 

D.  16 ;  Doc.  26 
Secretary  of  State,  S.  C.,  D.  17 

Address  to  the  people  of  Georgia, 

Dec.  23,  1860,  Doc.  7 

Toronto  Globe,  extract  from,  D.  36 


INDEX  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


IT 


article  on  the  impatience  of  the 
North,  D.  51 

“To  the  American  People,”  by 
Bayard  Taylor,  P.  61 

“To  the  British  Rifle  Company,” 

P.  13 

“To  the  Flag  of  the  Southern 
American  Secessionists,  flying 
in  a  British  Port,”  P.  120 

“To  the  Men  of  the  North  and 
West.”  P.  4 

“  To  the  Third  Regiment  of  Maine,” 
by  W.  C.  Baker,  P.  142 

“To  the  Tories  of  Virginia,”  P.  14T 
“To  the  Washington  Artillery,”  P.  137 
Townsend,  Frederick,  Col.  3d 
Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  V.,  Doc.  337 
Townsend,  Martin  J.,  D.  27 

Tracy,  Charles,  address  to  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  the 
14th  N.  Y.  S.  V.,  Doc.  414 

Trappman,  William,  escapes  to 
Europe,  D.  101 

Treason,  what  it  is  in  South  Caro¬ 
lina,  D.  9 

defined  by  Judge  Ogden,  D.  60 
Trenton,  N.  J.,  Union  resolutions 
of;  D.  15 

Trescott, - ,  his  diplomatic  his¬ 
tory,  '  Int.  13 

Trimble, - ,  Gen.,  of  Baltimore, 

his  clearance  papers,  P.  80 

Trimble.  J.  R.,  Colonel,  Doc.  134 
Trinity  Church,  N.  Y.,  American 
flag  displayed  from,  D.  33 

Tripp, - ,  Capt,  D.  30 

Troy,  N.  Y.,  Union  meeting  at,  D.  27 

Tucker, - ,  Attorney-Gen  ,  D.  14 

Tucker,  St.  George,  of  Va.,  his 
Dissertation  on  Slavery,  Int.  33 
Twtogs,  David  E ,  Gen.,  surren¬ 
ders  U.  S.  property  in  Texas,  D.  17 
expelled  from  U  S  service,  D.  13 
his  treachery  approved,  D.  22 

a  favorite  of  Buchanan,  P.  24 

in  command  of  Louisiana  dept.  D.  86 
appointed  Major-General  in  tho 
Confederate  army,  D.  90 

notice  of,  D.  95 

amount  of  property  lost  by  tho 
treason  of,  Doc.  35 

his  letter  to  Buchanan,  P.  131 

Tyler,  B.  O.,  Captain,  U.  S.  A.,  D.  S3 
— — ,  Captain,  U.  S.  A.,  D.  63 

- ,  Captain  of  Boston  volun¬ 
teers,  D.  66 

Daniel,  Colonel  1st  Connecticut 
Regiment,  D.  105;  Doc.  245 

- ,  Corporal,  incident  of  his  ex¬ 
perience  at  Baltimore,  P.  109 
John,  notice  of,  D.  4 

president  of  the  Peace  Conven¬ 
tion,  D.  17 

his  residence  Hampton,  Va.,  D.  78 
secession  flag  taken  from  tho 
house  of,  D.  91 

Robert,  D.  26 

Ttng,  Stephen  II.,  D.D., 

D.  73,  94 ;  Doc.  263 
Tyrone,  Pa.,  Union  meeting  at,  D.  27 
military  of,  leave  for  Harrisburg, 

D.  23 

U 

Underwood, - ,  Lieutenant,  D.  7 

“Under  the  Washington  Elm,” 
Cambridge,  April  27,  1861,  P.  83 
Union  meeting,  at  N.  Y.  Doc.  — 
committee  of  finance  Doc.  93 

Union  Defence  Committee  of  New 
York,  Doc.  319 

“  United  North,”  Southern  opinions 
of,  D.  54 

United  States,  prosperous  condition 
of,  in  1S60,  Int.  5 

Constitution  of,  “a  suitable  basis 
for  that  of  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy,”  D.  6 

fast-day  in  the,  D.  10 

the  fleet  of,  off  Charleston,  D.  21 
is  the  government  of  tyrannical  ? 

Int.  22 


list  of  conspiracies  against,  P.  25 
vessels  of  the  navy  of  provided 
with  engines  to  throw  hot  wa¬ 
ter,  Ac.,  P.  59 

declarat  on  of  war  against  the,  by 
the  Southern  Congress,  D.  60 
“  London  News”  on  the  position 
of,  D.  66 

vessels  of,  seized  at  New  Orleans, 

D.  78 

the  future  of  D.  86 

address  to  the  people  of  by  citi¬ 
zens  of  Kentucky,  D.  97 

men  and  Confederates,  P.  24 

sanitary  commission  of,  D.  96 

troops  encamp  in  Baltimore,  D.  68 
apportionment  of,  D.  68  ;  Doc.  237 
enter  Virginia,  D.  78 

movements  from  St.  Louis,  D.  102 
attempt  to  poison,  D.  78 

United  States  Army,  the  oath  of 
allegiance  administered  to,  D.  65 
geographical  arrangement  of  D.  84 
“Charleston  Mercury’s”  opinion 
of  the,  D.  87 

United  States  Congress,  an  extra 
session  of,  called,  D.  25 

United  Turner  Rifles  leave  New 
York,  D.  102 

“  Up,  Brothers,  All,”  P.  16 

Utica,  N.  Y.,  Union  meeting  at,  D.  35 


Van  Buren,  W.  H.,  M.  D.,  D.  96 
Vance,  J.  C.,  Captain,  D.  78 

Van  Dorn, - ,  Colonel,  D.  43 

seizes  the  Star  of  the  West,  Doc.  119 
captures  U.  S.  troops  at  Saluria, 
Texas,  Doc.  146 

“  Vanity  Fair,”  Joseph  Lane's  letter 
to,  P.  24 

Van  Riper,  Benjamin.  D.  28 

V an  W yck,  Charles  II.,  D.  36 

Vermilyea, - ,  Rev.  Dr.,  Doc.  110 

Vermont,  1st  Regt.  of,  D.  65 ;  Doc.  231 
at  Hampton,  Va.,  D.  78 

experiences  of  the,  at  Fortress 
Monroe,  D.  97 

a  private  account  of  the  opera¬ 
tions  of  the,  at  Newport 
News,  Va.,  Doc.  348 

Victoria,  Queen,  proclamation  of 
neutrality  of,  Doc.  245 

Vicksburg,  Miss.,  artillery  ordered 


75 

77 

81 

82 

86 

90 

92 


r  I 


to,  by  tho  rebels,  D.  14 

Viele,  Egbert  L.,  Captain,  D.  48 
Vienna,  Va.,  ambuscade  at,  D.  106 
reports  of  the  surprise  at.  Doc.  405 
rebel  account  of  the  affair,  Doc.  407 
Vinton,  Francis  L.,D.D.,  prayer  at 
the  Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Doc.  95 
Virginia  attempts  to  establish  re¬ 
served  rights,  in  1787,  Int.  17 
resolutions  of  1798,  Int.  18 

See  W  estern  Virginia, 
disunionists  in,  D.  8 

regrets  an  attempt  at  secession, 

D.  20 

commissioners  from,  are  received 
by  tho  President,  D.  24 

State  Convention  of,  pass  the  se¬ 
cession  ordinance,  D.  29 

military  and  naval  commander  of, 

D.  89 

transferred  to  the  8.  C.  D.  45 

Unionists  flee  from,  D.  47 

ports  of,  blockaded,  D.  48 

delegates  to  the  Southern  Con¬ 
gress,  D.  49 

the  stay  law  of,  D.  50 

ladies  of,  in  Washington,  I).  50 
“  to  prepare  for  tho  conflict,”  D.  55 
admitted  to  the  8.  C.  D.  58 

wants  a  dictator,  D.  61 

to  be  divided,  D.  67 

Eastern  part  of  not  unanimous 
for  secession,  D.  68 

Union  convention  of,  met,  D.  69 
military  department  of  I).  73 

troops  of  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  D.  73 
military  maps  of  seized,  D.  74 ;  P.  125 


rebels  of,  captured,  D. 

rebeis  of,  capture  live  stock  near 
Georgetown,  D.  C.,  D. 

Southern  opinion  of  the  invasion 
of,  D. 

First  Regiment,  volunteers,  D. 
troops  of,  at  Grafton,  Va„  D. 
address  of  the  central  committee 
of  North-western,  D. 

affairs  in  North-eastern,  D. 
persons  prohibited  from  leaving 
the  State,  D.  93 

mode  of  levying  troops  in,  D.  93 
the  convention  of  Western,  D.  101 
ports  of,  blockaded,  Doc.  161 

to  the  North,  P.  4 

message  to  the  Southern  States,  P.  66 
description  of  the  flag  of,  P.  81 
the  battle-ground  of  the  South,  P.  84 
“  the  first  citizen  of.”  P.  99 

Bunker  Hill  day  celebrated  in,  P.  125 
President  Lincoln’s  speech  to  the 
commissioners  of  Doc.  61 

ordinance  of  secession  of  Doc.  70 
opinion  of  the  secession  of,  Doc.  71 
ordinance  for  the  adoption  of  the 
Provisional  Government  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy,  Doc.  154 
account  of  the  march  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  army  into,  D.  78;  Doc.  274 
“New  York  Times”  on  the  ad¬ 
vance  into,  Doc.  275 

Southern  Press  on  the  occupation 
of.  Doc.  276 

“  Virginia  Sentinel,”  The,  advocates 
reticence,  D.  46 

Voluntary  subscriptions  in  the 
North  for  the  War,  P.  59 

Volunteer  nurses — instructions  to 
the,  Doc.  310 

Volunteered,  a  poem,  P.  61 

VosBURGH,  Abram  S.,  Col.,  N.  Y. 

71st  S.  M.,  death  of,  D.  74, 77 


W 

Wade,  Benj.,  Senator,  speech  at 
Cleveland,  O,  D.  27 

Wainwrigiit,  J.  Howard,  P.  74 
Wakeman,  Burr,  D.  39 

Walden,  James,  P.  17 

Walker,  L.  Pope,  Secretary  of 
War,  S.  C.  D  17,  65 

Walker,  Robert  J.,  speech  at  the 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.  Doc.  88 
speech  of,  at  Brooklyn,  N.  Y., 
April  22,  D.  42 ;  Doc.  189 

Walker,  T.  R.,  D.  36 

Wallace, - ,  Col.  of  the  Indiana 

Zouaves,  D.  95 

at  Romney,  Va.,  D.  100 

Wallace,  William  Ross,  P.  18,  62 
Wallis,  S.  T.,  Doc.  123 

Wallis,  S.  Teakle,  P.  59 

W ALRATn,  Col.,  D.  84 

Wandel,  Jesse,  generosity  of,  P.  41 
War,  casualties  in,  average  of,  P.  95 
“  War  in  America,”  tho  “  London 
News  ”  on  the,  D. 

“  War  Questions  to  C.  M.  Clay,”  P. 
War-Song,  P. 

War-Song,  by  T.  P.  Rossiter,  P. 
War-Song  of  the  Free,  P. 

Ward,  J  II.,  Capt.,  U.  S.  N.,  at  tho 
bombardment  of  Acquia  Creek, 

Va,  D. 

report  of  the  action,  Doc.  320 

Wardp.op,  D.  W,  Col,  of  Mass,  D.  105 
Warner,  Andrew,  Col,  Doc.  862 
Warren,  Richard,  speech  at  the 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y,  Doc 
Warsaw,  Mo,  Southern  Rights 
meeting  held  at,  D.  47 

Wasiiburne,  - ,  Lieut-Col,  at 

Great  Bethel,  D.  98 

Washington.  D.  C,  secessionists  to 


85 
62 
19 

118 

86 


88 


108 


seize,  D.  8 

I  trouble  anticipated  at,  D.  9 

notice  of,  D.  10 

military  preparations  at,  I).  22 

threatened  raid  on,  D.  29 

the  capture  of,  advocated,  P.  42 


KVl 


REBELLION  RECORD. 


flag-raising  at,  D.  54,  76 

council  of,  resolutions  of,  D.  51 

scheme  to  attack,  D.  59 

u  Richmond  Whig  ”  on  the  prob¬ 
ability  of  capturing,  D.  74 

movement  of  troops  at,  D.  100 

movement  of  troops  from,  D.  102 

attack  on,  “never  intended  by 
the  rebels,”  D.  58;  Doc.  188 

the  “  terrible  condition  ’’  of,  de¬ 
scribed  by  Southern  women,  P.  55 
“Raleigh  Banner”  urges  the  at¬ 
tack  on,  P.  59,  60 

incident  of  camp  life  at,  P.  129 

Washington  Artillery  of  Charles¬ 
ton,  S.  C.,  Doc.  181 ;  D.  53 

of  New  Orleans,  Dr.  Palmer’s  ad¬ 
dress  to  the,  Doc.300;  D.  83 
“Washington  Elm,”  at  Cambridge, 
meeting  at  the,  D.  48 

Washington.  George,  rumored  re¬ 
moval  of  the  remains  of,  P.  127,  128 
poem  on  the  removal  of  the  re¬ 
mains  of,  P.  127 

“Washington  Home  Guard,”  of 
Alexandria,  Ya.,  D.  77 

Washington,  John  B.,  taken  at 
Fairfax  Court  House,  Ya.,  D.  90 
incident  of  his  capture,  P.  Ill 

Washington  Navy  Yard,  traitors 
arrested  at,  47 

Washington  Oath,  the,  Doc.  158 

Washita,  Fort,  D.  43 

Watkins,  W.  W.,  D.  72 

Waul,  General,  of  Texas,  D.  18 
Waverly,  N.  Y.,  Union  at,  D.  35 
“  Wayne  Guards,”  the,  of  Erie, 

Pa.,  D.  26 

Webber, - ,  Rev.,  D.  57 

Wedek,  Max,  Col.,  20th  Regiment, 

N.  Y.  S.  V.,  D.  102  ;  Doc.  366 
Webster,  Fletcher,  D.  37 

Weed,  Thurlow,  Doc.  5 

Welch, - ,  Rev.,  D.  D.,  D.  83 

Weld,  II.  Hastings,  Rev.,  P.  183 
Weld,  L.  L.,  poem  by,  P.  103 

Weller,  M.  L.,  Rev.,  a  soldier  in 
the  rebel  army,  P.  131 

Wells,  T.  D.,  D.  D.,  D.  88 

Wesendonck,  Hugo,  speech  at  the 
Union  meeting,  N.  Y.,  Doc.  107 
Wesleyan  Mission  Society  of  Lon¬ 
don,  Dr.  McClintock’s  speech 
at,  D.  7G 

Westbrook,  G.  W.,  P.  1C 

Westbrook,  Theodore  R.,  D.  32 
Westchester,  Pa.,  meeting  for  the 
enrolment  of  volunteers  at,  I>.  10 
Union  meeting  at,  D.  23 

Western  Pennsylvania  Regt.  passed 
through  Philadelphia,  D.  41 

Western  Virginia,  the  first  belli¬ 
gerent  issue  in,  D.  7S 

declaration  of  independence,  I).  105 
advance  of  the  Federal  army  into, 

Doc.  296 

address  of  the  Central  Committee 
to  the  people  of,  Doe.  325 

General  Morris’  proclamation  to 
the  people  of.  Doc.  848 

declaration  of  the  people  of,  re¬ 
presented  in  convention  in 
Wheeling,  June  17,  Doc.403 

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mens,  P.  52 

Weston  and  Williams,  of  Rich¬ 
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Weston,  S.  H.,  Rev.  Dr.,  preaches 
at  Washington,  P.  57 

address  to  the  officers  and  men 
of  the  Sixth  Regiment  N.  Y. 

8.  V-,  Doc.  366 


D. 

77 

D. 

95 

D. 

6 

D. 

12 

D. 

22 

D. 

24 

D. 

84 

P. 

96 

P. 

;ts- 

137 

D. 

25 

W etmore,  Prosper  M.,  D.  82 

Weverton,  Md.,  D.  50 

letter  from  the  citizens  of,  to 
Gov.  Hicks,  Doc.  175 

WnEAT,  James  8.,  Doc.  828 

“  Wheatland,”  Buchanan’s  resi¬ 
dence,  P.  9 

Wheeling,  Va.,  Union  meetings  at, 

D.  89,  67 

meeting  of  merchants  at,  D  44 
fast-day  at,  D.  62 

meeting  at,  D.  67 

Union  Convention  met  at,  D.  69 
Convention  of  Western  Virginia 
met  at,  D.  101 

Whiskey,  a  necessity  of  life  at  the 
South,  P.  8t 

White  Cloud,  the  Indian  Chief,  D.  43 
Whitehall,  N.  Y.,  D.  42 

Whiting,  Sam.,  Capt.,  P.  118 

Whitnet,  Addison  O.,  killed  at 
Baltimore,  D.  53 

Wiiitney,  Eli,  Int.  30 

Whittier,  John  G.,  P.  85,  123 

Wuittingham,  Wm.  R.,  Bishop  of 
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D.  71;  Doc.  252 

Whitworth  guns, 

Wickliffe,  Col.,  of  Ky., 

Wigfall, - ■,  notice  of, 

his  arrest  spoken  of, 
on  Beauregard’s  staff, 
at  Fort  Sumter, 
at  Richmond, 

a  Boston  sculptor's  offer  for, 
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Wilkins,  - ,  Judge,  at  Pitts¬ 

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Wilkinson,  Mrs.,  of  Pittsburg,  D.  25 
Willard,  C.  M.,  D.  45 

Willey,  W.  J.,  D.  94 

“  William  Aiken,”  the  revenue  cut¬ 
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Williams,  John  E.,  Doc.  806 

Williams,  Samuel  L.,  of  Stirling, 

Ky.,  P.  99 

Williams,  Thomas,  Doc.  116 

Williams,  Wm.  E.,  D.  D.,  Doc.  307 
Williamsport,  Md.,  D.  73 

rebels  at,  D.  89 

WTilmington,  Del.,  patriotism,  D.  7 
Union  meeting  at,  D.  28 

action  of  the  council  of,  D.  80 

North  Carolina,  forts  at,  seized  by 
Gov.  Ellis,  D.  9 

effect  of  Lincoln's  war  proclama¬ 
tion  in,  D.  25 

Ohio,  war  spirit  of,  D.  82 

Wilmot,  John  G.,  D.  69 

Wilson,  Andrew,  Doc.  828 

Wilson,  Colonel,  Second  Regiment, 

Ohio  troops,  D.  77 ;  Doc.  272 
Wilson,  William,  Colonel,  Sixth 
Regt.  N.Y.S.V.,  D.  102;  Doc.  866 
speech  at  the  departure  of  his 
regiment,  Doc.  367 

Wilson's  Zouaves  leave  N.  Y.,  D.  102 
Winans’  steam-gun,  described,  P.  98 
Winans,  Ross,  his  steam-gun  cap¬ 
tured,  D.  66 

arrested,  D.  59,  70 

W inan8,  Thomas,  notice  of,  P.  59 
IV  inser,  Lieut.,  D.  79 

Winslow,  Lanier  &  Co.,  of  New 
York,  D.  47 

Winthrop,  Theodore,  Major,  anec¬ 
dote  of,  D.  105 

at  Bethel,  Doc.  861 

Winthrop,  B.  R.,  D.  46 

Winthrop,  R.  C.,  anecdote  of;  P.  21 
Wiscassett,  Me.,  Union  at,  D.  62 


Wise,  Henry  A.,  speech  at  Rich¬ 
mond,  Va.,  June  1,  D.  90;  Doc.  82* 
in  the  Virginia  convention,  P.  40 
Withers,  T.  J.,  delegate  to  Mont¬ 
gomery  Congress,  D.  10 

Women,  patr.otism  of,  D.  56;  P.  26,  48 
of  Mobile,  Ala.,  D.  58 

address  to  the,  of  N.  Y.,  Doc.  158 
an  incident  of,  at  the  South,  P.  44 
the  “terrible  condition”  of 
Washington,  described  by 
Southern,  I’.  55 

act  as  spies  in  Washington,  P.  143 
Wood,  A.  M.,  Col.,  fourteenth 
Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  Doc.  260 

Wood,  - ,  Dr.,  U.  S.  A.,  D.  96 

Wood,  Fernando,  correspondence 
with  Toombs,  D.  16  ;  Doc.  26 
his  proclamation  of  April  15,  D.  27 

Doc.  69 

speech  at  the  Union  meeting. 
New  York,  April  20,  Doc.  89 
the  Irish  boy's  remark  to,  at  the 
New  York  Union  meeting,  P.  59 
Wood.  Wilmot,  D.  52 

Woodbury,  Charles  L.,  D.  87 
Woodiiouse,  Lf.yi,  Col.,  Fourth 
Conn.  Regiment,  Doc.  862 

Woodstock,  Vt.,  D.  42 

Woodward,  S.  II.,  Doc.  328 

Wool,  John  E.,  Gen.,  his  declara¬ 
tion  in  favor  of  Union,  D.  8 
Union  speech  at  Troy,  N.  Y.,  D.  27 
letters  to  a  friend,  Doc.  10 

epigram  on  the  letter  of,  P.  20 
Worcester,  Dr.,  of  Salem,  Mass., 
anecdote  of,  P.  96 

Worcester,  Mass.,  Third  Battalion 
of  Rifles  of,  D.  87 

the  young  soldier  from,  P.  80 

Worden, - •,  the  saver  of  Fort 

Pickens,  P.  144 

“Work  to  do,”  P.  29 

Wright,  D.  S.,  D.  53 

Wright,  Elizabeth  D,  P.  51 

Wright,  J.  C..  of  Ohio,  D.  17;  P.  28 
“  W.  R.  Kibby,”  the  brig,  D.  17 

Wyman,  Jeffries  W.,  D.  96 

Wyoming  (N.  Y.)  conference,  its 
substitute  for  the  slavery  reso¬ 
lution,  P.  95 


Xenia,  O.,  patriotism  of;  D.  80 


Yancey,  William  L.,  candidate  for 
President  of  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy.  D.  14 

“Yankee,”  steam-tug,  joined  the 
blockade,  D.  46 

“  Yankee  Doodle's  Suggestions,”  P.  16 
“  Yankees  will  be  Yankees,”  P.  79 
proposed  method  of  fighting,  P.  !M 
“Tin  Peddlers,”  P.  109 

Yates,  - ,  Gov.  of  Ill.,  his  proc¬ 
lamation,  D.  25 

reasons  for  the  occupation  of  Cai¬ 
ro,  D.  43 

Yonkers,  N.  Y.,  Home  Guard  of,  P.  95 
York,  Pa.,  review  at,  D.  68 

Yorktown,  Ya.,  Federal  expedition 
near,  D.  106 

Young  Men’s  Christian  Associa¬ 
tions  of  Baltimore,  D.  88 

of  New  York,  labors  in  behalf  of 
the  religious  wants  of  volun¬ 
teers,  D.  H 


INTEODU  0  T  I  O 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


address: 


BY  EDWARD  EYERETT. 


When  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1776,  issued  the 
ever  memorable  Declaration  which  we  commemorate  to-day,  they  deemed  that  a 
decent  respect  for  the  opinions  of  mankind  required  a  formal  statement  of  the 
causes  which  impelled  them  to  the  all-important  measure.  The  eighty-fifth  anni¬ 
versary  of  the  great  Declaration  finds  the  loyal  people  of  the  Union  engaged  in  a 
tremendous  conflict,  to  maintain  and  defend  the  grand  nationality,  which  was 
asserted  by  our  Fathers,  and  to  prevent  their  fair  Creation  from  crumbling  into 
dishonorable  Chaos.  A  great  People,  gallantly  struggling  to  keep  a  noble  frame¬ 
work  of  government  from  falling  into  wretched  fragments,  needs  no  justification 
at  the  tribunal  of  the  public  opinion  of  mankind.  But  while  our  patriotic  fellow- 
citizens,  who  have  rallied  to  the  defence  of  the  Union,  marshalled  by  the  ablest 
of  living  chieftains,  are  risking  their  lives  in  the  field ;  while  the  blood  of  your 
youthful  heroes  and  ours  is  poured  out  together  in  defence  of  this  precious  legacy 
of  constitutional  freedom,  you  will  not  think  it  a  misappropriation  of  the  hour,  if  I 
employ  it  in  showing  the  justice  of  the  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged,  and  the 
fallacy  of  the  arguments  employed  by  the  South,  in  vindication  of  the  war,  alike 
murderous  and  suicidal,  which  she  is  waging  against  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union. 

PROSPEROUS  STATE  OF  THE  COUNTRY  LAST  YEAR. 

A  twelvemonth  ago,  nay,  six  or  seven  months  ago,  our  country  was  regarded 
and  spoken  of  by  the  rest  of  the  civilized  wrorld,  as  among  the  most  prosperous  in 
the  family  of  nations.  It  was  classed  with  England,  France,  and  Russia,  as  one 
of  the  four  leading  powers  of  the  age.f  Remote  as  we  were  from  the  complica¬ 
tions  of  foreign  politics,  the  extent  of  our  commerce  and  the  efficiency  of  our  navy 
won  for  us  the  respectful  consideration  of  Europe.  The  United  States  were  par¬ 
ticularly  referred  to,  on  all  occasions  and  in  all  countries,  as  an  illustration  of  the 
mighty  influence  of  free  governments  in  promoting  the  prosperity  of  States.  In 
England,  notwithstanding  some  diplomatic  collisions  on  boundary  questions  and 
occasional  hostile  reminiscences  of  the  past,  there  has  hardly  been  a  debate  for 
thirty  years  in  parliament  on  any  topic,  in  reference  to  which  this  country  in  the 

*  Delivered,  by  request,  at  the  Academy  of  Music,  New  York,  July  4, 1SG1.  Large  portions  of  this  address 
were,  on  account  of  its  length,  necessarily  omitted  in  the  delivery. 

t  The  Edinburgh  Review  for  April,  1801,  p.  555. 


6 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


nature  of  things  afforded  matter  of  comparison,  in  which  it  was  not  referred  to  as 
furnishing  instructive  examples  of  prosperous  enterprise  and  hopeful  progress.  At 
home,  the  country  grew  as  by  enchantment.  Its  vast  geographical  extent,  aug¬ 
mented  by  magnificent  accessions  of  conterminous  territory  peacefully  made ;  its 
population  far  more  rapidly  increasing  than  that  of  any  other  country,  and  swelled 
by  an  emigration  from  Europe  such  as  the  world  has  never  before  seen ;  the  mu¬ 
tually  beneficial  intercourse  between  its  different  sections  and  climates,  each  sup¬ 
plying  what  the  other  wants ;  the  rapidity  with  which  the  arts  of  civilization  have 
been  extended  over  a  before  unsettled  wilderness,  and,  together  with  this  material 
prosperity,  the  advance  of  the  country  in  education,  literature,  science,  and  refine¬ 
ment,  formed  a  spectacle,  of  which  the  history  of  mankind  furnished  no  other  ex¬ 
ample.  That  such  was  the  state  of  the  country  six  months  ago  was  matter  of 
general  recognition  and  acknowledgment  at  home  and  abroad. 

THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  AND  ITS  RESULT3 

There  was,  however,  one  sad  deduction  to  be  made,  not  from  the  truth  of  this 
description,  not  from  the  fidelity  of  this  picture  for  that  is  incontestable,  but  from 
the  content,  happiness,  and  mutual  good  will  which  ought  to  have  existed  on  the 
part  of  a  Peojxle,  favored  by  such  an  accumulation  of  Providential  blessings.  I 
allude,  of  course,  to  the  great  sectional  controversies  which  have  so  long  agitated 
the  country,  and  arrayed  the  people  in  bitter  geographical  antagonism  of  political 
organization  and  action.  Fierce  party  contentions  had  always  existed  in  the  United 
States,  as  they  ever  have  and  unquestionably  ever  will  exist  under  all  free  elective 
governments  ;  and  these  contentions  had,  from  the  first,  tended  somewhat  to  a 
sectional  character.  They  had  not,  however,  till  quite  lately,  assumed  that  char¬ 
acter  so  exclusively,  that  the  minority  in  any  one  part  of  the  country  had  not  had 
a  respectable  electoral  representation  in  every  other.  Till  last  November,  there 
has  never  been  a  Southern  Presidential  Candidate,  wrho  did  not  receive  electoral 
votes  at  the  North,  nor  a  Northern  Candidate  who  did  not  receive  electoral  votes 
at  the  South. 

At  the  late  election  and  for  the  first  time,  this  was  not  the  case ;  and  conse¬ 
quences  the  most  extraordinary  and  deplorable  have  resulted.  The  country,  as  we 
have  seen,  being  in  profound  peace  at  home  and  abroad,  and  in  a  state  of  unexam¬ 
pled  prosperity — Agriculture,  Commerce,  Navigation,  Manufactures,  East,  West, 
North,  and  South  recovered  or  rapidly  recovering  from  the  crisis  of  1857 — power¬ 
ful  and  respected  abroad,  and  thriving  beyond  example  at  home,  entered  in  the 
usual  manner  upon  the  electioneering  campaign,  for  the  choice  of  the  nineteenth 
President  of  the  United  States.  I  say  in  the  usual  manner,  though  it  is  true  that 
parties  were  more  than  usually  broken  up  and  subdivided.  The  normal  division 
was  into  two  great  parties,  but  there  had  on  several  former  occasions  been  three ; 
in  1824  there  were  four,  and  there  were  four  last  November.  The  South  equally 
with  the  West  and  the  North  entered  into  the  canvass;  conventions  were  held, 
nominations  made,  mass  meetings  assembled  ;  the  platform,  the  press  enlisted  with 
unwonted  vigor  ;  the  election  in  all  its  stages,  conducted  in  legal  and  constitutional 
form,  without  violence  and  without  surprise,  and  the  result  obtained  by  a  decided 
majority. 

No  sooner,  however,  was  this  result  ascertained,  than  it  appeared  on  the  part 


SOUTH  CAROLINA  SECEDES  FROM  THE  UNION. 


7 


of  one  of  the  Southern  States,  and  her  example  was  rapidly  followed  by  others, 
that  it  had  by  no  means  been  the  intention  of  those  States  to  abide  by  the  result  of 
the  election,  except  on  the  one  condition,  of  the  choice  of  their  candidate.  The. 
reference  of  the  great  sectional  controversy  to  the  peaceful  arbitrament  of  the 
ballot  box,  the  great  safety  valve  of  republican  institutions,  though  made  with 
every  appearance  of  good  faith,  on  the  part  of  our  brethren  at  the  South,  meant 
but  this  :  if  we  succeed  in  this  election,  as  we  have  in  fifteen  that  have  preceded 
it,  well  and  good  ;  we  will  consent  to  govern  the  country  for  four  years  more,  as 
we  have  already  governed  it  for  sixty  years ;  but  we  have  no  intention  of  acquies¬ 
cing  in  any  other  result.  We  do  not  mean  to  abide  by  the  election,  although  we 
participate  in  it,  unless  our  candidate  is  chosen.  If  he  fails  we  intend  to  prostrate 
the  Government  and  break  up  the  Union ;  peaceably,  if  the  States  composing  the 
majority  are  willing  that  it  should  be  broken  up  peaceably ;  otherwise,  at  the  point 
of  the  sword. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA  SECEDES  FROM  THE  UNION. 

The  election  took  place  on  the  6th  of  November,  and  in  pursuance  of  the  ex¬ 
traordinary  programme  just  described,  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  acting  by  a 
Convention  chosen  for  the  purpose,  assembled  on  the  17th  of  December,  and  on 
the  20th,  passed  unanimously  what  was  styled  “  an  ordinance  to  dissolve  the  Union 
between  the  State  of  South  Carolina  and  other  States  united  with  her,  under  the 
compact  entitled  the  Constitution,  of  the  United  States  of  America.”  It  is  not  my 
purpose  on  this  occasion  to  make  a  documentary  speech,  but  as  this  so-called 
“  Ordinance  ”  is  very  short,  and  affords  matter  for  deep  reflection,  I  beg  leave  to 
recite  it  in  full : — 

“  W e,  the  People  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  in  Convention  assembled,  do 
declare  and  ordain,  and  it  is  hereby  declared  and  ordained,  that  the  ordinance 
adopted  by  us  in  Convention  on  the  23d  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1788,  whereby  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  ratified,  and  also  all  acts 
and  parts  of  acts  of  the  general  assembly  of  this  State,  ratifying  the  amendments 
of  the  said  Constitution,  are  hereby  repealed,  and  that  the  Union  now  subsisting 
between  South  Carolina  and  other  States,  under  the  name  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  is  dissolved.” 

This  remarkable  document  is  called  an  “  Ordinance,”  and  no  doubt  some  special 
virtue  is  supposed  to  reside  in  the  name.  But  names  are  nothing  except  as  they 
truly  represent  things.  An  ordinance,  if  it  is  any  thing  clothed  with  binding 
force,  is  a  Law,  and  nothing  but  a  Law,  and  as  such  this  ordinance,  being  in  direct 
violation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  is  a  mere  nullity.  The  Constitu¬ 
tion  contains  the  following  express  provision  :  “  This  Constitution  and  the  Laws 
of  the  United  States  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  the  treaties  made  or  which 
shall  be  made  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme  law 
of  the  land,  and  the  judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  any  thing  in  the 
Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.”  Such  being 
the  express  provision  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  the  people  of 
South  Carolina  adopted  in  1788,  just  as  much  as  they  ever  adopted  either  of  their 
State  Constitutions,  is  it  not  trifling  with  serious  things  to  claim  that,  by  the 
simple  expedient  of  passing  a  law  under  the  name  of  an  ordinance,  this  provision  and 


8 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


every  other  provision  of  it  may  be  nullified,  and  every  magistrate  and  officer  in 
Carolina,  whether  of  the  State  or  Union,  absolved  from  the  oath  which  they  have 
taken  to  support  it  ? 

But  this  is  not  all.  This  secession  ordinance  purports  to  “  repeal  ”  the  ordi¬ 
nance  of  23d  May,  1788,  by  which  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was 
.ratified  by  the  people  of  South  Carolina.  It  was  intended,  of  course,  by  calling  the 
act  of  ratification  an  ordinance  to  infer  a  right  of  repealing  it  by  another  ordinance. 
It  is  important,  therefore,  to  observe  that  the  act  of  ratification  is  not,  and  was  not 
at  the  time  called,  an  ordinance,  and  contains  nothing  which  by  possibility  can  be 
repealed.  It  is  in  the  following  terms : — 

“  The  Convention  [of  the  people  of  South  Carolina],  having  maturely  considered 
the  Constitution,  or  form  of  government,  reported  to  Congress  by  the  convention 
of  delegates  from  the  United  States  of  America,  and  submitted  to  them,  by  a  reso¬ 
lution  of  the  Legislature  of  this  State  passed  the  17th  and  18th  days  of  February 
last,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  ensure  domestic 
tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and 
secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  the  people  of  the  said  United  States  and  their 
posterity,  do,  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  the  people  of  this  State,  hereby  assent 
to  and  ratify  the  same.” 

Here  it  is  evident  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  instrument  which,  in  the  nature 
of  things,  can  be  repealed ;  it  is  an  authorized  solemn  assertion  of  the  People  of 
South  Carolina,  that  they  assent  to,  and  ratify  a  form  of  government,  which  is  de¬ 
clared  in  terms  to  be  paramount  to  all  State  laws  and  constitutions.  This  is  a 
great  historical  fact,  the  most  important  that  can  ever  occur  in  the  history  of  a 
people.  The  fact  that  the  People  of  South  Carolina,  on  the  23d  of  May,  1788, 
assented  to  and  ratified  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  in  order,  among  other 
objects,  to  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  for  themselves  and  “  their  posterity,”  can 
no  more  be  repealed  in  1861,  than  any  other  historical  fact  that  occurred  in  Charles¬ 
ton  in  that  year  and  on  that  day.  It  would  be  just  as  rational,  at  the  present  day, 
to  attempt  by  ordinance  to  repeal  any  other  event,  as  that  the  sun  rose  or  that  the 
tide  ebbed  and  flowed  on  that  day,  as  to  repeal  by  ordinance  the  assent  of  Carolina 
to  the  Constitution. 

Again :  it  is  well  known  that  various  amendments  to  the  Constitution  were  de¬ 
sired  and  proposed  in  different  States.  The  first  of  the  amendments  proposed  by 
South  Carolina  was  as  follows : — 

“  Whereas  it  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  rights  reserved  to  the  sev¬ 
eral  States  and  the  freedom  of  the  People  under  the  operation  of  the  General 
Government,  that  the  right  of  prescribing  the  manner,  times,  and  places  of  holding 
the  elections  of  the  Federal  Legislature  should  be  forever  inseparably  annexed  to 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States  ;  this  Convention  doth  declare  that  the  same  ought  to 
remain  to  all  posterity,  a  perpetual  and  fundamental  right  in  the  local,  exclusive  of 
the  interference  of  the  general  Government,  except  in  cases  where  the  Legislature  of 
the  States  shall  refuse  or  neglect  to  perform  or  fulfil  the  same,  according  to  the 
tenor  of  the  said  Constitution.” 

Here  you  perceive  that  South  Carolina  herself  in  1788  desired  a  provision  to 
be  made  and  annexed  inseparably  to  her  sovereignty,  that  she  should  forever  have 
the  power  of  prescribing  the  time,  place,  and  manner  of  holding  the  elections  of 


IS  SECESSION  A  CONSTITUTIONAL  RIGHT,  OR  IS  IT  REVOLUTION?  (| 

members  of  Congress  ; — but  even  in  making  this  express  reservation,  to  operate 
for  all  posterity,  she  was  willing  to  provide  that,  if  the  State  Legislatures  refuse 
or  neglect  to  perform  the  duty,  (which  is  precisely  the  case  of  the  Seceding  States 
at  the  present  day,)  then  the  General  Government  was,  by  this  South  Carolina 
amendment,  expressly  authorized  to  do  it.  South  Carolina  in  1788,  by  a  sort  of 
prophetic  foresight,  looked  forward  to  the  possibility  that  the  States  might  “  refuso 
or  neglect  ”  to  cooperate  in  carrying  on  the  Government,  and  admitted,  in  that  case, 
that  the  General  Government  must  go  on,  in  spite  of  their  delinquency. 

I  have  dwelt  on  these  points  at  some  length,  to  show  how  futile  is  the  attempt, 
by  giving  the  name  of  “  ordinance  ”  to  the  act,  by  which  South  Carolina  adopted 
the  Constitution,  and  entered  the  Union,  to  gain  a  power  to  leave  it  by  a  subse¬ 
quent  ordinance  of  repeal.* 

IS  SECESSION  A  CONSTITUTIONAL  EIGHT,  OE  IS  IT  EEVOLUTION  ? 

Whether  the  present  unnatural  civil  war  is  waged  by  the  South,  in  virtue  of  a 
supposed  constitutional  right  to  leave  the  Union  at  pleasure ;  or  whether  it  is  an 
exercise  of  the  great  and  ultimate  right  of  revolution,  the  existence  of  which  no  one 
denies,  seems  to  be  left  in  uncertainty  by  the  leaders  of  the  movement.  Mr.  Jef¬ 
ferson  Davis,  the  President  of  the  new  confederacy,  in  his  inaugural  speech  delivered 
on  the  18th  of  February,  declares  that  it  is  “an  abuse  of  language”  to  call  it  “a 
revolution.”  Mr.  Vice-President  Stephens,  on  the  contrary,  in  a  speech  at  Sa¬ 
vannah,  on  the  21st  of  March,  pronounces  it  “  one  of  the  greatest  revolutions  in  the 
annals  of  the  world.”  The  question  is  of  great  magnitude  as  one  of  constitutional 
and  public  law ;  as  one  of  morality  it  is  of  very  little  consequence  whether  tho 
country  is  drenched  in  blood,  in  the  exercise  of  a  right  claimed  under  the  Consti¬ 
tution,  or  the  right  inherent  in  every  community  to  revolt  against  an  oppressive 
government.  Unless  the  oppression  is  so  extreme  as  to  justify  revolution,  it  would 
not  justify  the  evil  of  breaking  up  a  government,  under  an  abstract  constitutional 
right  to  do  so. 

NEITHEP.  A  GRANTED  NOE  A  EESEEVED  EIGHT. 

This  assumed  right  of  Secession  rests  upon  the  doctrine  that  the  Union  is  a 
compact  between  Independent  States,  from  which  any  one  of  them  may  withdraw 
at  pleasure  in  virtue  of  its  sovereignty.  This  imaginary  right  has  been  the  subject 
of  discussion  for  more  than  thirty  years,  having  been  originally  suggested,  though 
not  at  first  much  dwelt  upon,  in  connection  with  the  kindred  claim  of  a  right,  on 
the  part  of  an  individual  State,  to  “  nullify  ”  an  Act  of  Congress.  It  would,  of 
course,  be  impossible  within  the  limits  of  the  hour  to  review  these  elaborate  dis¬ 
cussions.  I  will  only  remark,  on  this  occasion,  that  none  of  the  premises  from 
which  this  remarkable  conclusion  is  drawn,  are  recognized  in  the  Constitution,  and 
that  the  right  of  Secession,  though  claimed  to  be  a  “  reserved  ”  right,  is  not  expressly 
reserved  in  it.  That  instrument  does  not  purport  to  be  a  “  compact,”  but  a  Con¬ 
stitution  of  Government.  It  appears,  in  its  first  sentence,  not  to  have  been  entered 
into  by  the  States,  but  to  have  been  ordained  and  established  by  the  People  of  the 
United  States,  for  “  themselves  and  their  posterity.”  The  States  are  not  named  in 
it ;  nearly  all  the  characteristic  powers  of  sovereignty  are  expressly  granted  to  the 


*  Sco  Appendix  A. 


10 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


General  Government  and  expressly  prohibited  to  the  States,  and  so  far  from  re¬ 
serving  a  right  of  secession  to  the  latter,  on  any  ground  or  under  any  pretence,  it 
ordains  and  establishes  in  terms  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  the  Su¬ 
preme  Law  of  the  land,  any  thing  in  the  Constitution  or  Laws  of  any  State  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding. 

It  would  seem  that  this  is  as  clear  and  positive  as  language  can  make  it.  But 
it  is  argued,  that,  though  the  right  of  secession  is  not  reserved  in  terms,  it  must  be 
considered  as  implied  in  the  general  reservation  to  the  States  and  to  the  People  of 
all  the  powers  not  granted  to  Congress  nor  prohibited  to  the  States.  This  extraor¬ 
dinary  assumption,  more  distinctly  stated,  is  that,  in  direct  defiance  of  the  express 
grant  to  Congress  and  the  express  prohibition  to  the  States  of  nearly  all  the  powers 
of  an  independent  government,  there  is,  by  implication,  a  right  reserved  to  the 
States  to  assume  and  exercise  all  these  powers  thus  vested  in  the  Union  and  pro¬ 
hibited  to  themselves,  simply  in  virtue  of  going  through  the  ceremony  of  passing  a 
law  called  an  Ordinance  of  Secession.  A  general  reservation  to  the  States  of  powers 
not  prohibited  to  them,  nor  granted  to  Congress  is  an  implied  reservation  to  the 
States  of  a  right  to  exercise  these  very  powers  thus  expressly  delegated  to  Congress 
and  thus  expressly  prohibited  to  the  States  ! 

The  Constitution  directs  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall  have  power 
to  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  to  raise  and  support  armies,  to 
provide  and  maintain  a  navy,  and  that  the  President  of  the  United  States,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  make  treaties  with  foreign  powers. 

These  express  grants  of  power  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  are  fol¬ 
lowed  by  prohibitions  as  express  to  the  several  States : — 

“No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation,  grant  letters 
of  marque  or  reprisal :  no  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  duty 
of  tonnage,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agreement 
or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless 
actually  invaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay.” 

These  and  numerous  other  express  grants  of  power  to  the  General  Government, 
and  express  prohibitions  to  the  States,  are  further  enforced  by  the  comprehensive 
provision,  already  recited,  that  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  United  States  are 
paramount  to  the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the  separate  States. 

And  this  Constitution,  with  these  express  grants  and  express  prohibitions,  and 
with  this  express  subordination  of  the  States  to  the  General  Government,  has  been 
adopted  by  the  People  of  all  the  States;  and  all  their  judges  and  other  officers,  and 
all  their  citizens  holding  office  under  the  government  of  the  United  States  or  the 
individual  States,  are  solemnly  sworn  to  support  it. 

In  the  face  of  all  this,  in  defiance  of  all  this,  in  violation  of  all  this,  in  contempt 
of  all  this,  the  seceding  States  claim  the  right  to  exercise  every  power  expressly 
delegated  to  Congress  and  expressly  prohibited  to  the  States  by  that  Constitution, 
which  every  one  of  their  prominent  men,  civil  and  military,  is  under  oath  to  sup¬ 
port.  They  have  entered  into  a  confederation,  raised  an  army,  attempted  to  pro¬ 
vide  a  navy,  issued  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  waged  war,  and  that  war, — 
Merciful  Heaven  forgive  them, — not  with  a  foreign  enemy,  not  with  the  wild  tribes 
which  still  desolate  the  unprotected  frontier ;  (they,  it  is  said,  are  swelling,  armed 
with  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife,  the  Confederate  forces  ;)  but  with  their  own 


BEFORE  THE  REVOLUTION  THE  COLONIES  WERE  A  PEOPLE. 


11 


countrymen,  and  the  mildest  and  most  beneficent  government  on  the  face  of  the 
earth ! 

BEFORE  TIIE  REVOLUTION  THE  COLONIES  WERE  A  PEOPLE. 

But  we  arc  told  all  this  is  done  in  virtue  of  the  Sovereignty  of  the  States ;  as  if, 
(because  a  State  is  Sovereign,  its  people  were  incompetent  to  establish  a  government 
for  themselves  and  their  posterity.  Certainly  the  States  are  clothed  with  Sover¬ 
eignty  for  local  purposes ;  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  ever  possessed  it  in  any 
other  sense;  and  if  they  had,  it  is  certain  that  they  ceded  it  to  the  General  Govern¬ 
ment,  in  adopting  the  Constitution.  Before  their  independence  of  England  was 
asserted,  they  constituted  a  provincial  people,  (Burke  calls  it  “a  glorious  Em¬ 
pire,”)  subject  to  the  British  crown,  organized  for  certain  purposes  under  separate 
colonial  charters,  but,  on  some  great  occasions  of  political  interest  and  public  safety, 
acting  as  one.  Thus  they  acted  when,  on  the  approach  of  the  great  Seven  Years’ 
War,  which  exerted  such  an  important  influence  on  the  fate  of  British  America,  they 
sent  their  delegates  to  Albany  to  concert  a  plan  of  union.  In  the  discussions  of 
that  plan  which  was  reported  by  Franklin,  the  citizens  of  the  colonies  were  evi¬ 
dently  considered  as  a  People.  When  the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act  in  1765 
roused  the  spirit  of  resistance  throughout  America,  the  Unity  of  her  People  assumed 
a  still  more  practical  form.  “  Union,”  says  one  of  our  great  American  historians,* 
“  was  the  hope  of  Otis.  Union  that  ‘  should  knit  and  work  into  the  very  blood 
and  bones  of  the  original  system  every  region  as  fast  as  settled.’  ”  In  this  hope 
he  argued  against  writs  of  assistance,  and  in  this  hope  he  brought  about  the 
call  of  the  Convention  at  New  York  in  17G5.  At  that  Convention,  the  noble  South 
Carolinian  Christopher  Gadsden,  with  prophetic  foreboding  of  the  disintegrating 
heresies  of  the  present  day,  cautioned  his  associates  against  too  great  dependence 
on  their  colonial  charters.  “  I  wish,”  said  he,  “  that  the  charters  may  not  ensnare 
us  at  last,  by  drawing  different  Colonies  to  act  differently  in  this  great  cause. 
Whenever  that  is  the  case  all  is  over  with  the  whole.  There  ought  to  he  no  New 
England  man ,  no  New  Yorker,  known  on  the  Continent ,  hut  all  of  us  Americans .”f 

While  the  patriots  in  America  counselled,  and  wrote,  and  spoke  as  a  people, 
they  were  recognized  as  such  in  England.  “  Believe  me,”  cried  Colonel  Barre  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  “  I  this  day  told  you  so,  the  same  spirit  of  Freedom  which 
actuated  that  People  at  first  will  accompany  them  still.  The  people,  I  believe,  are 
as  truly  loyal  as  any  subjects  the  king  has,  but  a  People  jealous  of  their  liberties, 
and  who  will  vindicate  them,  should  they  be  violated.” 

When  ten  years  later  the  great  struggle  long  foreboded  came  on,  it  was  felt,  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  to  be  an  attempt  to  reduce  a  free  People  beyond  the  sea 
to  unconditional  dependence  on  a  parliament  in  which  they  were  not  represented. 
“  What  foundation  have  we,”  was  the  language  of  Chatham  on  the  27th  Jan.  1775, 
“  for  our  claims  over  America  ?  What  is  our  right  to  persist  in  such  cruel  and 
vindictive  measures  against  that  loyal ,  respectable  People  ?  How  have  this  respect¬ 
able  people  behaved  under  all  their  grievances  ?  Repeal,  therefore,  I  say.  But 
bare  repeal  will  not  satisfy  this  enlightened  and  spirited  People."1  Lord  Camden, 
in  the  same  debate,  exclaimed,  “  You  have  no  right  to  tax  America ;  the  natural 
rights  of  man,  and  the  immutable  laws  of  Nature,  are  with  that  Peopled  Burke, 


*  Bancroft’s  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  v.,  p.  292. 


t  Ibid.,  p.  835. 


12 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


two  months  later,  made  his  great  speech  for  conciliation  with  America.  “  I  do  not 
know,”  he  exclaimed,  “  the  method  of  drawing  up  an  indictment  against  a  whole 
People.”  In  a  letter  written  two  years  after  the  commencement  of  the  war,  he 
traces  the  growth  of  the  colonies  from  their  feeble  beginnings  to  the  magnitude 
which  they  had  attained  when  the  revolution  broke  out,  and  in  which  his  glowing 
imagination  saw  future  grandeur  and  power  beyond  the  reality.  “  At  the  first 
designation  of  these  colonial  assemblies,”  says  he,  “they  were  probably  not  in¬ 
tended  for  any  thing  more  (nor  perhaps  did  they  think  themselves  much  higher) 
than  the  municipal  corporations  within  this  island,  to  which  some  at  present  love 
to  compare  them.  But  nothing  in  progression  can  rest  on  its  original  plan ;  we 
may  as  well  think  of  rocking  a  grown  man  in  the  cradle  of  an  infant.  Therefore,  as 
the  Colonies  prospered  and  increased  to  a  numerous  and  mighty  people,  spreading 
over  a  very  great  tract  of  the  globe,  it  was  natural  that  they  should  attribute  to 
assemblies  so  respectable  in  the  formed  Constitution,  some  part  of  the  dignity  of 
the  great  nations  which  they  represented.” 

The  meeting  of  the  first  Continental  Congress  of  1774  was  the  spontaneous 
impulse  of  the  People.  All  their  resolves  and  addresses  proceed  on  the  assumption 
that  they  represented  a  People.  Their  first  appeal  to  the  Royal  authority  wras 
their  letter  to  General  Gage,  remonstrating  against  the  fortifications  of  Boston. 
“  W e  entreat  your  Excellency  to  consider,”  they  say,  “  what  a  tendency  this  con¬ 
duct  must  have  to  irritate  and  force  a  free  People,  hitherto  well  disposed  to  peace¬ 
able  measures,  into  hostilities.”  Their  final  act,  at  the  close  of  the  Session,  their 
address  to  the  King,  one  of  the  most  eloquent  and  pathetic  of  State  papers,  appeals 
to  him  “  in  the  name  of  all  your  Majesty’s  faithful  People  in  America.”  - 

TIIE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  RECOGNIZES  A  PEOPLE. 

But  this  all-important  principle  in  our  political  system  is  placed  beyond  doubt, 
by  an  authority  which  makes  all  further  argument  or  illustration  superfluous. 
That  the  citizens  of  the  British  Colonies,  however  divided  for  local  purposes  into 
different  governments,  when  they  ceased  to  be  subject  to  the  English  crown,  became 
ipso  facto  one  People  for  all  the  high  concerns  of  national  existence,  is  a  fact  em¬ 
bodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  itself.  That  august  Manifesto,  the 
Magna  Charta,  which  introduced  us  into  the  family  of  nations,  was  issued  to  the 
world,  so  its  first  sentence  sets  forth — because  “  a  decent  respect  for  the  opinions 
of  mankind  requires  ”  such  solemn  announcement  of  motives  and  causes  to  be 
made,  “  when  in  the  course  of  human  events  it  becomes  necessary  for  one  People 
to  dissolve  the  political  bonds  which  have  connected  them  with  another.”  Mr. 
Jefferson  Davis,  in  his  message  of  the  29th  of  April,  deems  it  important  to  remark, 
that,  by  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain,  “  the  several  States  were  each  by 
name  recognized  to  be  independent.”  It  would  be  more  accurate  to  say  that  the 
United  States  each  by  name  were  so  recognized.  Such  enumeration  was  necessary, 
in  order  to  fix  beyond  doubt,  which  of  the  Anglo-American  colonies,  twenty-five 
or  six  in  number,  were  included  in  the  recognition.*  But  it  is  surely  a  far  more 
significant  circumstance,  that  the  separate  States  are  not  named  in  the  Declaration 

*  Burke's  account  of  “the  English  settlements  in  America,”  begins  with  Jamaica,  and  proceeds  through  the 
West  India  Islands.  There  were  also  English  settlements  on  the  Continent,  Canada — and  Nova  Scotia, — which  it 
was  necessary  to  exclude  from  the  Treaty,  by  an  enumeration  of  the  included  Colonies. 


THE  ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION. 


1  ‘i 
io 

of  Independence,  that  they  are  called  only  by  the  collective  designation  of  the 
United  States  of  America ;  that  the  manifesto  is  issued  “  in  the  name  and  by  the 
authority  of  the  good  people  ”  of  the  Colonies,  and  that  they  are  characterized  in 
the  first  sentence  as  “  One  People.” 

Let  it  not  be  thought  that  these  are  the  latitudinarian  doctrines  of  modern 
times,  or  of  a  section  of  the  country  predisposed  to  a  loose  construction  of  laws 
and  Constitutions.  Listen,  I  pray  you,  to  the  noble  words  of  a  Southern  revolu¬ 
tionary  patriot  and  statesman  : — 

“  The  separate  independence  and  individual  sovereignty  of  the  several  States 
were  never  thought  of  by  the  enlightened  band  of  patriots  who  framed  the  Decla¬ 
ration  of  Independence.  The  several  States  are  not  even  mentioned  by  name  in  any 
part  of  it,  as  if  it  was  intended  to  impress  this  maxim  on  America,  that  our  Freedom 
and  Independence  arose  from  our  Union,  and  that  without  it  we  could  neither  be 
free  nor  independent.  Let  us  then  consider  all  attempts  to  weaken  this  Union,  by 
maintaining  that  each  State  is  separately  and  individually  independent,  as  a  species 
of  political  heresy,  which  can  never  benefit  us,  and  may  bring  on  us  the  most 
serious  distresses.”  *  These  are  the  solemn  and  prophetic  words  of  Charles  Cotes- 
worth  Pinckney  ;  the  patriot,  the  soldier,  the  statesman ;  the  trusted  friend  of 
Washington,  repeatedly  called  by  him  to  the  highest  offices  of  the  Government ; 
the  one  name  that  stands  highest  and  brightest,  on  the  list  of  the  great  men  of 
South  Carolina,  f 

THE  ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION. 

Not  only  was  the  Declaration  of  Independence  made  in  the  name  of  the  one 
People  of  the  United  States,  but  the  war  by  which  it  was  sustained  was  carried  on 
by  their  authority.  A  very  grave  historical  error,  in  this  respect,  is  often  com¬ 
mitted  by  the  politicians  of  the  Secession  School.  Mr.  Davis,  in  his  message  of 
the  29th  of  April,  having  called  the  old  Confederation  “  a  close  alliance,”  says : 
“  under  this  contract  of  alliance  the  war  of  the  revolution  was  successfully  waged, 
and  resulted  in  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain  of  1783,  by  the  terms  of 
which  the  several  States  were  each  by  name  recognized  to  be  independent.”  I  have 
already  given  the  reason  for  this  enumeration,  but  the  main  fact  alleged  in  the 
passage  is  entirely  without  foundation.  The  Articles  of  Confederation  were  first 
signed  by  the  delegates  from  eight  of  the  States,  on  the  9th  of  July,  1778,  more 
than  three  years  after  the  commencement  of  the  war,  long  after  the  capitulation 
of  Burgoyne,  the  alliance  with  France,  and  the  reception  of  a  French  Minister. 
The  ratification  of  the  other  States  was  given  at  intervals  the  following  years,  the 
last  not  till  1781,  seven  months  only  before  the  virtual  close  of  the  war,  by  the 
surrender  of  Cornwallis.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  was  “  the  Contract  of  Alliance  ” 
consummated.  Most  true  it  is,  as  Mr.  Davis  bids  us  remark,  that,  by  these  Arti¬ 
cles  of  Confederation  the  States  retained  “  each  its  sovereignty,  freedom,  and  inde¬ 
pendence.”  It  is  not  less  true,  that  their  selfish  struggle  to  exercise  and  enforce 
their  assumed  rights  as  separate  sovereignties  was  the  source  of  the  greatest  diffi¬ 
culties  and  dangers  of  the  Revolution,  and  risked  its  success  ;  not  less  true,  that  most 
of  the  great  powers  of  a  sovereign  State  were  nominally  conferred  even  by  these 

*  Elliott’s  Debates,  vol.  iv.,  p.  801. 

t  See  an  admirable  sketch  of  his  character  in  Trcscot’s  Diplomatic  History  of  the  Administrations  of  Wash¬ 
ington  and  Adams,  pp.  169 — 171. 


14 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


articles  on  the  Congress,  and  that  that  body  was  regarded  and  spoken  of  by  Wash¬ 
ington  himself  as  the  “Sovereign  of  the  Union.”  * 

But  feeble  as  the  old  Confederation  was,  and  distinctly  as  it  recognized  the 
sovereignty  of  the  States,  it  recognized  in  them  no  right  to  withdraw  at  their 
pleasure  from  the  Union.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  specially  provided  that  “  the 
Articles  of  Confederation  should  be  inviolably  preserved  by  every  State,”  and  that 
“  the  Union  should  be  perpetual.”  It  is  true  that  in  a  few  years,  from  the  inherent 
weakness  of  the  central  power,  and  from  the  want  of  means  to  enforce  its  authority 
on  the  individual  citizen,  it  fell  to  pieces.  It  sickened  and  died  from  the  poison  of 
what  General  Pinckney  aptly  called  “  the  heresy  of  State  Sovereignty,”  and  in  its 
place  a  Constitution  was  ordained  and  established  “  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect 
Union  ;  ”  a  Union  more  binding  on  its  members  than  this  “  contract  of  alliance,” 
which  yet  was  to  be  “  inviolably  observed  by  every  State ;  ”  more  durable  than 
the  old  Union,  which  yet  was  declared  to  be  “  perpetual.”  This  great  and  benefi¬ 
cent  change  was  a  Revolution — happily  a  peaceful  revolution,  the  most  important 
change  probably  ever  brought  about  in  a  government,  without  bloodshed.  The 
new  government  was  unanimously  adopted  by  all  the  members  of  the  old  Confed¬ 
eration,  by  some  more  promptly  than  by  others,  but  by  all  within  the  space  of 
four  years. 

THE  STATES  MIGHT  BE  COERCED  UNDER  THE  CONFEDERATION. 

Much  has  been  said  against  coercion ,  that  is,  the  employment  of  force  to  compel 
obedience  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  when  they  are  resisted  under  the  as¬ 
sumed  authority  of  a  State ;  but  even  the  old  Confederation,  with  all  its  weakness, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  most  eminent  contemporary  statesmen  possessed  this  power. 
Great  stress  is  laid  by  politicians  of  the  Secession  School  on  the  fact,  that  in  a 
project  for  amending  the  articles  of  Confederation  brought  forward  by  Judge  Pat¬ 
erson  in  the  Federal  Convention,  it  was  proposed  to  clothe  the  Government  with 
this  power  and  the  proposal  was  not  adopted.  This  is  a  very  inaccurate  statement 
of  the  facts  of  the  case.  The  proposal  formed  part  of  a  project  which  was  rejected 
in  toto.  The  reason  why  this  power  of  State  coercion  was  not  granted  co  nomine, 
in  the  new  Constitution,  is  that  it  was  wholly  superfluous  and  inconsistent  with  the 
fundamental  principle  of  the  Government.  Within  the  sphere  of  its  delegated 
powers,  the  General  Government  deals  with  the  individual  citizen.  If  its  power  is 
resisted,  the  person  or  persons  resisting  it  do  so  at  their  peril  and  are  amenable  to 
the  law.  They  can  derive  no  immunity  from  State  Legislatures  or  State  Conven¬ 
tions,  because  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States  are  the  Supreme  Law 
of  the  Land.  If  the  resistance  assumes  an  organized  form,  on  the  part  of  numbers  too 
great  to  be  restrained  by  the  ordinary  powers  of  the  law,  it  is  then  an  insurrection, 
which  the  General  Government  is  expressly  authorized  to  suppress.  Did  any  one 
imagine  in  1703,  when  General  Washington  called  out  15,000  men  to  suppress  the 
insurrection  in  the  Western  counties  of  Pennsylvania,  that  if  the  insurgents  had 
happened  to  have  the  control  of  a  majority  of  the  Legislature,  and  had  thus  been 
able  to  clothe  their  rebellion  with  a  pretended  form  of  law,  that  ho  would  have 
been  obliged  to  disband  his  troops,  and  return  himself  baffled  and  discomfited  to 
Mount  Vernon?  If  John  Brown’s  raid  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  instead  of  being  the 


*  Sparks’  Washington,  vol.  is.,  pp.  12,  23,  29. 


STATE  SOVEREIGNTY  DOES  NOT  AUTHORIZE  SECESSION. 


15 


project  of  one  misguided  individual  and  a  dozen  and  a  half  deluded  followers,  had 
been  the  organized  movement  of  the  States  of  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania,  do  the 
Secedcrs  hold  that  the  United  States  would  have  had  no  right  to  protect  Virginia, 
or  punish  the  individuals  concerned  in  her  invasion  1  Do  the  seceding  States 
really  mean,  after  all,  to  deny,  that  if  a  State  law  is  passed  to  prevent  the  rendition 
of  a  fugitive  slave,  the  General  Government  has  any  right  to  employ  force  to  effect 
his  surrender  1 

But,  as  I  have  said,  even  the  old  Confederation,  with  all  its  weakness,  was  held 
by  the  ablest  contemporary  statesmen,  and  that  of  the  State  rights  school,  to  pos¬ 
sess  the  power  of  enforcing  its  requisitions  against  a  delinquent  State.  Mr.  Jeffer¬ 
son,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Adams  of  the  11th  of  July,  178G,  on  the  subject  of  providing 
a  naval  force  of  150  guns  to  chastise  the  Barbary  Powers,  urges,  as  an  additional 
reason  for  such  a  step,  that  it  would  arm  “  the  Federal  head  with  the  safest  of  all 
the  instruments  of  coercion,  over  its  delinquent  members,  and  prevent  it  from  using 
what  would  be  less  safe,”  viz. :  a  land  force.  Writing  on  the  same  subject  to  Mr. 
Monroe  a  month  later,  (11  Aug.  17SG.)  he  answers  the  objection  of  expense  thus: 
“  It  will  be  said,  ‘  There  is  no  money  in  the  Treasury.’  There  never  will  be  money 
in  the  Treasury  till  the  Confederacy  shows  its  teeth.  The  States  must  see  the  rod , 
perhaps  it  must  be  fell  by  some  of  them.  Every  rational  citizen  must  wish  to  see 
an  effective  instrument  of  coercion,  and  should  fear  to  see  it  on  any  other  element 
than  the  water.  A  naval  force  can  never  endanger  our  liberties  nor  occasion  blood¬ 
shed  ;  a  land  force  would  do  both.”  In  the  following  year,  and  when  the  Confedera¬ 
tion  was  at  its  last  gasp,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  still  of  the  opinion  that  it  possessed  the 
power  of  coercing  the  States,  and  that  it  was  expedient  to  exercise  it.  In  a  letter  to 
Col.  Carrington  of  the  4th  of  April,  1787,  he  says:  “  It  has  been  so  often  said  as  to 
be  generally  believed,  that  Congress  have  no  power  by  the  Confederation  to  enforce 
any  thing,  for  instance,  contributions  of  money.  It  was  not  necessary  to  give  them, 
that  power  expressly,  they  have  it  by  the  law  of  nature.  When  two  parties  make  a 
compact ,  there  results  to  each  the  power  of  compelling  the  other  to  execute  it.  Com¬ 
pulsion  was  never  so  easy  as  in  our  case,  when  a  single  frigate  would  soon  levy  on 
the  commerce  of  a  single  State  the  deficiency  of  its  contributions.” 

Such  was  Mr.  Jefferson’s  opinion  of  the  powers  of  Congress,  under  the  “old 
contract  of  alliance.”  Will  any  reasonable  man  maintain  that  under  a  constitution 
of  government  there  can  be  less  power  to  enforce  the  laws  ? 

STATE  SOVEREIGNTY  DOES  NOT  AUTHORIZE  SECESSION. 

But  the  cause  of  secession  gains  nothing  by  magnifying  the  doctrine  of  the  Sov¬ 
ereignty  of  the  States  or  calling  the  Constitution  a  compact  between  them.  Calling 
it  a  compact  does  not  change  a  word  of  its  text,  and  no  theory  of  what  is  implied 
in  the  word  “  Sovereignty  ”  is  of  any  weight,  in  opposition  to  the  actual  provisions 
of  the  instrument  itself.  Sovereignly  is  a  word  of  very  various  signification.  It  is 
one  thing  in  China,  another  in  Turkey,  another  in  Russia,  another  in  France,  an¬ 
other  in  England,  another  in  Switzerland,  another  in  San  Marino,  another  in  the 
individual  American  States,  and  it  is  something  different  from  all  in  the  United 
Staten.  To  maintain  that,  because  the  State  of  Virginia,  for  instance,  was  in  some 
sense  or  other  a  sovereign  State,  when  her  people  adopted  the  Federal  Constitu¬ 
tion,  (which  in  terms  was  ordained  and  established  not  only  for  the  people  of  that 


16 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


day,  but  for  their  posterity,)  she  may  therefore  at  pleasure  secede  from  the  Union 
existing  under  that  Constitution,  is  simply  to  beg  the  question.  That  question  is 
not  what  was  the  theory  or  form  of  government  existing  in  Virginia,  before  the 
Constitution,  but  what  are  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  which  her  people 
adopted  and  made  their  own  ?  Does  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  permit 
or  forbid  the  States  to  enter  into  a  confederation  ?  Is  it  a  mere  loose  partnership, 
which  any  of  the  parties  can  break  up  at  pleasure,  or  is  it  a  Constitution  of  govern¬ 
ment,  delegating  to  Congress  and  prohibiting  to  the  States  most  of  the  primal  func¬ 
tions  of  a  sovereign  power  ; — Peace,  War,  Commerce,  Finance,  Navy,  Army,  Mail, 
Mint '  Executive,  Legislative,  and  Judicial  functions  ?  The  States  arc  not  named 
in  it ;  the  word  Sovereignty  does  not  occur  in  it ;  the  right  of  secession  is  as  much 
ignored  in  it  as  the  precession  of  the  Equinoxes,  and  all  the  great  prerogatives 
which  characterize  an  independent  member  of  the  family  of  nations  are  by  distinct 
grant  conferred  on  Congress  by  the  People  of  the  United  States  and  prohibited  to 
the  individual  States  of  the  Union.  Is  it  not  the  height  of  absurdity  to  maintain 
that  all  these  express  grants  and  distinct  prohibitions,  and  constitutional  arrange¬ 
ments,  may  be  set  at  nought  by  an  individual  State  under  the  pretence  that  she  was 
a  sovereign 'State  before  she  assented  to  or  ratified  them  ;  in  other  words,  that  an 
act  is  of  no  binding  force  because  it  was  performed  by  an  authorized  and  competent 
agent? 

In  fact,  to  deduce  from  the  sovereignty  of  the  States  the  right  of  seceding  from 
the  Union  is  the  most  stupendous  non  sequitur  that  was  ever  advanced  in  grave 
affairs.  The  only  legitimate  inference  to  bo  drawn  from  that  sovereignty  is  pre¬ 
cisely  the  reverse.  If  any  one  right  can  be  predicated  of  a  sovereign  State,  it  is 
that  of  forming  or  adopting  a  frame  of  government.  She  may  do  it  alone,  or  she 
may  do  it  as  a  member  of  a  Union.  She  may  enter  into  a  loose  pact  for  ten  years 
or  till  a  partisan  majority  of  a  convention,  goaded  on  by  ambitious  aspirants  to 
power,  shall  vote  in  secret  session  to  dissolve  it ;  or  she  may,  after  grave  delibera¬ 
tion  and  mature  counsel,  led  by  the  wisest  and  most  virtuous  of  the  land,  ratify  and 
adopt  a  constitution  of  government,  ordained  and  established  not  only  for  that  gen¬ 
eration,  but  their  posterity,  subject  only  to  the  inalienable  right  of  revolution  pos¬ 
sessed  by  every  political  community. 

What  would  be  thought  in  private  affairs  of  a  man  who  should  seriously  claim 
the  right  to  revoke  a  grant,  in  consequence  of  having  an  unqualified  right  to  make 
it  ?  A  right  to  break  a  contract,  because  he  had  a  right  to  enter  into  it  ?  To  what 
extent  is  it  more  rational  on  the  part  of  a  State  to  found  the  right  to  dissolve  the 
Union  on  the  competence  of  the  parties  to  form  it ;  the  right  to  prostrate  a  govern¬ 
ment  on  the  fact  that  it  was  constitutionally  framed  ? 

PARALLEL  CASES  :  IRELAND,  SCOTLAND. 

But  let  us  look  at  parallel  cases,  and  they  arc  by  no  means  wanting.  In  the 
year  1S00,  a  union  was  formed  between  England  and  Ireland.  Ireland,  before  she 
entered  into  the  union,  was  subject,  indeed,  to  the  English  crown,  but  she  had  her 
own  parliament,  consisting  of  her  own  Lords  and  Commons,  and  enacting  her  own 
laws.  In  1S00  she  entered  into  a  constitutional  union  with  England  on  the  basis 
of  articles  of  agreement,  jointly  accepted  by  the  two  parliaments.*  The  union  was 


Annual  Resistor,  xlii.,  p.  193 


VIRGINIA  VAINLY  ATTEMPTS  TO  ESTABLISH  A  RESERVED  RIGHT. 


17 


opposed  at  the  time  by  a  powerful  minority  in  Ireland,  and  Mr.  O’Connell  suc¬ 
ceeded,  thirty  years  later,  by  ardent  appeals  to  the  sensibilities  of  the  people,  in 
producing  an  almost  unanimous  desire  for  its  dissolution.  He  professed,  however, 
although  he  had  wrought  his  countrymen  to  the  verge  of  rebellion,  to  aim  at  noth¬ 
ing  but  a  constitutional  repeal  of  the  articles  of  union  by  the  parliament  of  Great 
Britain.  It  never  occurred  even  to  his  fervid  imagination,  that,  because  Ireland 
was  an  independent  government  when  she  entered  into  the  union,  it  was  competent 
for  her  at  her  discretion  to  secede  from  it.  What  would  our  English  friends,  who 
have  learned  from  our  Secessionists  the  “  inherent  right  ”  of  a  disaffected  State  to 
secede  from  our  Union,  have  thought,  had  Mr.  O’Connell,  in  the  paroxysms  of  his 
agitation,  claimed  the  right  on  the  part  of  Ireland,  by  her  own  act,  to  sever  her 
union  with  England  ? 

Again,  in  1700,  Scotland  and  England  formed  a  Constitutional  Union.  They 
also,  though  subject  to  the  same  monarch,  were  in  other  respects  Sovereign  and 
independent  Kingdoms.  They  had  each  its  separate  parliament,  courts  of  justice, 
laws,  and  established  national  church.  Articles  of  union  were  established  between 
them  ;  but  all  the  laws  and  statutes  of  either  kingdom  not  contrary  to  these  articles, 
remained  in  force.*  A  powerful  minority  in  Scotland  disapproved  of  the  Union  at 
the  time.  Nine  years  afterward  an  insurrection  broke  out  in  Scotland  under  a 
prince,  who  claimed  to  be  the  lawful,  as  he  certainly  was  the  lineal,  heir  to  the 
throne.  The  rebellion  was  crushed,  but  the  disaffection  in  which  it  had  its  origin 
•was  not  wholly  appeased.  In  thirty  years  more  a  second  Scottish  insurrection  took 
place,  and,  as  before,  under  the  lead  of  the  lineal  heir  to  the  crown.  On  neither 
occasion  that  I  ever  heard  of,  did  it  enter  into  the  imagination  of  rebel  or  loyalist, 
that  Scotland  was  acting  under  a  reserved  right  as  a  sovereign  kingdom,  to  secede 
from  the  Union,  or  that  the  movement  was  any  thing  less  than  an  insurrection  ; 
revolution  if  it  succeeded  ;  treason  and  rebellion  if  it  failed.  Neither  do  I  recollect 
that,  in  less  than  a  month  after  either  insurrection  broke  out,  any  one  of  the  friendly 
and  neutral  powers  made  haste,  in  anticipation  even  of  the  arrival  of  the  ministers 
of  the  reigning  sovereign,  to  announce  that  the  rebels  “  would  be  recognized  as  bel¬ 
ligerents.” 

VIRGINIA  VAINLY  ATTEMPTS  TO  ESTABLISH  A  RESERVED  RIGHT. 

In  fact,  it  is  so  plain,  in  the  nature  of  things,  that  there  can  be  no  constitutional 
right  to  break  up  a  government  unless  it  is  expressly  provided  for,  that  the  politi¬ 
cians  of  the  secession  school  are  driven  back,  at  every  turn,  to  a  reserved  right.  I 
have  already  shown  that  there  is  no  such  express  reservation,  and  I  have  dwelt  on 
the  absurdity  of  getting  by  implication  a  reserved  right  to  violate  every  express 
provision  of  a  constitution.  In  this  strait,  Virginia,  proverbially  skilled  in  logical 
subtiltics,  has  attempted  to  find  an  express  reservation,  not,  of  course,  in  the  Con¬ 
stitution  itself,  where  it  does  not  exist,  but  in  her  original  act  of  adhesion,  or  rather 
in  the  declaration  of  the  “  impressions  ”  under  which  that  act  was  adopted.  The 
ratification  itself  of  Virginia,  was  positive  and  unconditional.  “  We,  the  said  dele¬ 
gates,  in  the  name  and  behalf  of  the  People  of  Virginia ,  do,  by  these  presents,  assent 
and  ratify  the  Constitution  recommended  on  the  17th  day  of  September,  17S7,  by 
the  Federal  Convention,  for  the  government  of  the  United  Stales,  hereby  announcing 


n 


*  Rap  in's  History  of  Englamlj  yol.  iv.,  p.  711-6. 


18 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


to  all  thoso  whom  it  may  concern,  that  the  said  Constitution  is  binding  upon  the 
said  People ,  according  to  an  authentic  copy  hereunto  annexed.  Done  in  Convention 
this  26th  day  of  June,  1788.” 

This,  as  you  perceive,  is  an  absolute  and  unconditional  ratification  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution  by  the  People  of  Virginia.  An  attempt,  however,  is  made,  by  the  late 
Convention  in  Virginia,  in  their  ordinance  of  secession,  to  extract  a  reservation  of  a 
right  to  secede,  out  of  the  declaration  contained  in  the  preamble  to  the  act  of  ratifi¬ 
cation.  That  preamble  declares  it  to  bean  “  impression  ”  of  the  people  of  Vir¬ 
ginia,  that  the  powers  granted  under  the  Constitution,  being  derived  from  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  may  be  resumed  nv  them,  whenever  the  same  shall  be  per¬ 
verted  to  their  injury  or  oppression.  The  ordinance  of  secession  passed  by  the 
recent  convention,  purporting  to  cite  this  declaration,  omits  the  words  by  them,  that 
is,  by  the  People  of  the  United  States,  not  by  the  people  of  any  single  State,  thus 
arrogating  to  the  people  of  Virginia  alone  what  the  Convention  of  1788  claimed 
only,  and  that  by  way  of  “  impression,”  for  the  People  of  the  United  States. 

By  this  most  grave  omission  of  the  vital  words  of  the  sentence,  the  Convention, 

I  fear,  intended  to  lead  the  incautious  or  the  ignorant  to  the  conclusion,  that  the 
Convention  of  1788  asserted  the  right  of  an  individual  State  to  resume  the  powers 
granted  in  the  Constitution  to  the  General  Government ;  a  claim  for  which  there  is 
not  the  slightest  foundation  in  Constitutional  history.  On  the  contrary,  when  the 
ill-omened  doctrine  of  State  nullification  was  sought  to  be  sustained  by  the  same 
argument  in  1830,  and  the  famous  Virginia  resolutions  of  1798  were  appealed  to 
by  Mr.  Calhoun  and  his  fiiends,  as  affording  countenance  to  that  doctrine,  it  was 
repeatedly  and  emphatically  declared  by  Mr.  Madison,  the  author  of  the  resolutions, 
that  they  were  intended  to  claim,  not  for  an  individual  State,  but  for  the  United 
States,  by  whom  the  Constitution  was  ordained  and  established,  the  right  of  reme¬ 
dying  its  abuses  by  constitutional  ways,  such  as  united  protest,  repeal,  or  an 
amendment  of  the  Constitution.*  Incidentally  to  the  discussion  of  nullification,  he 
denied  over  and  over  again  the  right  of  peaceable  secession  ;  and  this  fact  was  well 
known  to  some  of  the  members  of  the  late  Convention  at  Richmond.  When  the 
secrets  of  their  assembly  arc  laid  open,  no  doubt  it  will  appear  that  there  were 
some  faithful  Abdiels  to  proclaim  the  fact.  Oh,  that  the  venerable  sage,  second  to 
none  of  his  patriot  compeers  in  framing  the  Constitution,  the  equal  associate  of 

II  amilton  in  recommending  it  to  the  People;  its  great  champion  in  the  Virginia 
Convention  of  1788,  and  its  faithful  vindicator  in  1830,  against  the  deleterious 
heresy  of  nullification,  could  have  been  spared  to  protect  it,  at  the  present  day, 
from  the  still  deadlier  venom  of  Secession  !  But  ho  is  gone;  the  principles,  the 
traditions,  and  the  illustrious  memories  which  gave  to  Virginia  her  name  and  her 
praise  in  the  land,  are  no  longer  cherished  ;  the  work  of  Washington,  and  Madison, 
and  Randolph,  and  Pendleton,  and  Marshall  is  repudiated,  and  nullifiers,  precipita¬ 
tors,  and  seceders  gather  in  secret  conclave  to  destroy  the  Constitution,  in  the  very 
building  that  holds  the  monumental  statue  of  the  Father  of  his  Country  ! 

TIIE  VIRGINIA  RESOLUTIONS  OF  1703. 

Having  had  occasion  to  allude  to  the  Virginia  resolutions  of  179S,  I  may  ob¬ 
serve  that  of  these  famous  resolves,  the  subject  of  so  much  political  romance,  it  is 


*  Maguire's  Collection,  p.  213. 


THE  VIRGINIA  RESOLUTIONS  OF  1193. 


19 


time  that  a  little  plain  truth  should  be  promulgated.  The  country,  in  1T98,  was 
vehemently  agitated  by  the  struggles  of  the  domestic  parties,  which  about  equally 
divided  it,  and  these  struggles  were  urged  to  unwonted  and  extreme  bitterness,  by 
the  preparations  made  and  making  for  a  war  with  France.  By  an  act  of  Congress, 
passed  in  the  summer  of  that  year,  the  President  of  the  United  States  was  clothed 
with  power  to  send  from  the  country  any  alien  whom  he  might  judge  dangerous  to 
the  public  peace  and  safety,  or  who  should  be  concerned  in  any  treasonable  or  secret 
machinations  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  This  act  was  passed 
as  a  war  measure ;  it  was  to  be  in  force  two  years,  and  it  expired  by  its  own  limit¬ 
ation  on  the  25th  of  June,  1800.  War,  it  is  true,  had  not  been  formally  declared  ; 
but  hostilities  on  the  ocean  had  taken  place  on  both  sides,  and  the  army  of  the 
United  States  had  been  placed  upon  a  war  footing.  The  measure  was  certainly 
within  the  war  power,  and  one  which  no  prudent  commander,  even  without  the 
authority  of  a  statute,  would  hesitate  to  execute  in  an  urgent  case  within  his  own 
district.  Congress  thought  fit  to  provide  for  and  regulate  its  exercise  by  law. 

Two  or  three  weeks  later  (14th  July,  1798)  another  law  was  enacted,  making 
it  penal  to  combine  or  conspire  with  intent  to  oppose  any  lawful  measure  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  or  to  write,  print,  or  publish  any  false  and 
scandalous  writing  against  the  Government,  either  House  of  Congress,  or  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  In  prosecutions  under  this  law,  it  wras  provided 
that  the  Truth  might  be  pleaded  in  justification,  and  that  the  Jury  should  be  judges 
of  the  law  as  well  as  of  the  fact.  This  law  was  by  its  own  limitation  to  expire  at 
the  close  of  the  then  current  Presidential  term. 

Such  are  the  famous  alien  and  sedition  laws,  passed  under  the  Administration 
of  that  noble  and  true-hearted  revolutionary  patriot,  John  Adams,  though  not  re¬ 
commended  by  him  officially  or  privately  ;  adjudged  to  be  constitutional  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  ;  distinctly  approved  by  Washington,  Patrick 
Henry,  and  Marshall ;  and,  whatever  else  may  bo  said  of  them,  certainly  preferable 
to  the  laws  which,  throughout  the  Seceding  States,  Judge  Lynch  would  not  fail  to 
enforce  at  the  lamp-post  and  tar-bucket  against  any  person  guilty  of  the  offences 
against  which  these  statutes  were  aimed. 

It  suited,  however,  the  purposes  of  party  at  that  time,  to  raise  a  formidable 
clamor  against  these  laws.  It  was  in  vain  that  their  Constitutionality  was  affirmed 
by  the  Judiciary  of  the  United  States.  “  Nothing,”  said  Washington,  alluding  to 
these  laws,  “  will  produce  the  least  change  in  the  conduct  of  the  leaders  of  the 
opposition  to  the  measures  of  the  General  Government.  They  have  points  to 
carry  from  which  no  reasoning,  no  inconsistency  of  conduct,  no  absurdity  can 
divert  them.”  Such,  in  the  opinion  of  Washington,  was  the  object  for  which  the 
Legislatures  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky  passed  their  famous  resolutions  of  1798, 
the  former  drafted  by  Mr.  Madison,  and  the  latter  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  sent  to  a 
triend  in  Kentucky  to  be  brought  forward.  These  resolutions  were  transmitted  to 
the  other  States  for  their  concurrence.  The  replies  from  the  States  which  made 
any  response  were  referred  the  following  year  to  committees  in  Virginia  and  Ken¬ 
tucky.  In  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  an  elaborate  report  was  made  by  Mr. 
Madison,  explaining  and  defending  the  resolutions ;  in  Kentucky  another  resolve 
reaffirming  those  of  the  preceding  year  was  drafted  by  Mr.  Wilson  Cary  Nicholas, 
not  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  stated  by  General  McDuffie.  Our  respect  for  the  dis- 


20 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


tinguished  men  who  took  the  lead  on  this  occasion,  then  ardently  engaged  in  the 
warfare  of  politics,  must  not  make  us  fear  to  tell  the  truth,  that  the  simple  object 
of  the  entire  movement  was  to  make  “  political  capital  ”  for  the  approaching  elec¬ 
tion,  by  holding  up  to  the  excited  imaginations  of  the  masses  the  Alien  and  Sedi¬ 
tion  laws,  as  an  infraction  of  the  Constitution,  which  threatened  the  overthrow  of 
the  liberties  of  the  People.  The  resolutions  maintained  that,  the  States  being 
parties  to  the  Constitutional  compact,  in  a  case  of  deliberate,  palpable,  and  danger¬ 
ous  exercise  of  powers  not  granted  by  the  compact,  the  States  have  a  right  and  are 
in  duty  bound  to  interpose  for  preventing  the  progress  of  the  evil. 

Such,  in  brief,  was  the  main  purport  of  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions. 
The  sort  of  interposition  intended  was  left  in  studied  obscurity.  Not  a  word  was 
dropped  of  secession  from  the  Union.  Mr.  Nicholas’s  resolution  in  1799  hinted  at 
“  nullification  ”  as  the  appropriate  remedy  for  an  unconstitutional  law,  but  what 
was  meant  by  the  ill-sounding  word  was  not  explained.  The  words  null,  void, 
and  of  no  effect,”  contained  in  the  original  draft  of  the  Virginia  resolutions,  were, 
on  motion  of  John  Taylor  of  Caroline,  stricken  from  them,  on  their  passage  through 
the  assembly ;  and  Mr.  Madison,  in  his  report  of  1799,  carefully  explains  that  no 
extra  constitutional  measures  were  intended.  One  of  the  Kentucky  resolutions 
ends  with  an  invitation  to  the  States  to  unite  in  a  petition  to  Congress  to  repeal 
the  laws. 

These  resolutions  were  communicated,  as  I  have  said,  to  the  other  States  for 
concurrence.  From  most  of  them  no  response  was  received  ;  some  adopted  dis¬ 
senting  reports  and  resolutions ;  not  one  concurred.  But  the  resolutions  did 
their  work — all  that  they  were  intended  or  expected  to  do — by  shaking  the  Ad¬ 
ministration.  At  the  ensuing  election,  Mr.  Jefferson,  at  whoso  instance  the  entire 
movement  was  made,  was  chosen  President  by  a  very  small  majority  ;  Mr.  Madison 
was  placed  at  the  head  of  his  administration  as  Secretary  of  State  ;  the  obnoxious 
laws  expired  by  their  own  limitation ;  not  repealed  by  the  dominant  party,  as  Mr. 
Calhoun  with  strange  inadvertence  asserts  ;  *  and  Mr.  Jefferson  proceeded  to  ad¬ 
minister  the  Government  upon  constitutional  principles  quite  as  lax,  to  say  the 
least,  as  those  of  his  predecessors.  If  there  was  any  marked  departure  in  his 
general  policy  from  the  course  hitherto  pursued,  it  was  that,  having  some  theoret¬ 
ical  prejudices  against  a  navy,  ho  allowed  that  branch  of  the  service  to  languish. 
By  no  Administration  have  the  powers  of  the  General  Government  been  more 
liberally  construed — not  to  say  further  strained — sometimes  beneficially,  as  in  the 
acquisition  of  Louisiana,  sometimes  perniciously  as  in  the  embargo.  The  resolu¬ 
tions  of  1798,  and  the  metaphysics  they  inculcated,  were  surrendered  to  the  cob¬ 
webs  which  habitually  await  the  plausible  exaggerations  of  the  canvass  after  an 
election  is  decided.  These  resolutions  of  1798  have  been  sometimes  in  Virginia 
waked  from  their  slumbers  at  closely  contested  elections  as  a  party  cry  ;  the  re¬ 
port  of  the  Hartford  Convention,  without  citing  them  by  name,  borrows  their 
language ;  but  as  representing  in  their  modern  interpretation  any  system  on  which 
the  Government  ever  was  or  could  be  administered,  they  were  buried  in  the  same 
grave  as  the  Laws  which  called  them  forth. 

Unhappily  during  their  transient  vitality,  like  the  butterfly  which  deposits  its 
egg  in  the  apple  blossoms  that  have  so  lately  filled  our  orchards  with  beauty  and 

*  Mr.  Calhoun's  Discourse  on  the  Constitution,  p.  35D. 


THE  VIRGINIA  RESOLUTIONS  OF  1798. 


21 


perfume — a  gilded  harmless  moth,  whose  food  is  a  dew  drop,  whose  life  is  a  mid¬ 
summer’s  day — these  resolutions,  misconceived  and  perverted,  proved,  in  the  minds 
of  ambitious  and  reckless  politicians,  the  germ  of  a  fatal  heresy.  The  butterfly’s 
egg  is  a  microscopic  speck,  but  as  the  fruit  grows,  the  little  speck  gives  life  to  a 
greedy  and  nauseous  worm,  that  gnaws  and  bores  to  the  heart  of  the  apple,  and 
renders  it,  though  smooth  and  fair  without,  foul  and  bitter  and  rotten  within.  In 
like  manner,  the  theoretical  generalities  of  these  resolutions,  intending  nothing  in 
the  minds  of  their  authors  but  constitutional  efforts  to  procure  the  repeal  of  ob¬ 
noxious  laws,  matured  in  the  minds  of  a  later  generation  into  the  deadly  para¬ 
doxes  of  1830  and  1860 — kindred  products  of  the  same  soil,  venenorum  ferax; — 
the  one  asserting  the  monstrous  absurdity  that  a  State,  though  remaining  in  the 
Union,  could  by  her  single  act  nullify  a  law  of  Congress ;  the  other  teaching  the 
still  more  preposterous  doctrine,  that  a  single  State  may  nullify  the  Constitution. 
The  first  of  these  heresies  failed  to  spread  far  beyond  the  latitude  where  it  was 
engendered.  In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  the  great  acuteness  of  its  inventor, 
(Mr.  Calhoun,)  then  the  Vice-President,  and  the  accomplished  rhetoric  of  its 
champion,  (Mr.  llayne,)  failed  to  raise  it  above  the  level  of  a  plausible  sophism. 
It  sunk  forever  discredited  beneath  the  sturdy  common  sense  and  indomitable  will 
of  Jackson,  the  mature  -wisdom  of  Livingston,  the  keen  analysis  of  Clay,  and  the 
crushing  logic  of  Webster. 

Nor  was  this  all :  the  venerable  author  of  the  Resolutions  of  1798  and  of  the 
report  of  1799  was  still  living  in  a  green  old  age.  His  connection  with  those  State 
papers  and  still  more  his  large  participation  in  the  formation  and  adoption  of  the 
Constitution,  entitled  him,  beyond  all  men  living,  to  be  consulted  on  the  subject. 
No  effort  was  spared  by  the  Leaders  of  the  Nullification  school  to  draw  from  him 
even  a  cpialified  assent  to  their  theories.  But  in  vain.  lie  not  only  refused  to  admit 
their  soundness,  but  he  devoted  his  time  and  energies  for  three  laborious  years  to  the 
preparation  of  essays  and  letters,  of  which  the  object  was  to  demonstrate  that  his 
resolutions  and  report  did  not,  and  could  not  bear  the  Carolina  interpretation.  He 
earnestly  maintained  that  the  separate  action  of  an  individual  State  was  not  contem¬ 
plated  by  them,  and  that  they  had  in  view  nothing  but  the  concerted  action  of  the 
States  to  procure  the  repeal  of  unconstitutional  laws  or  an  amendment  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution.* 

With  one  such  letter  written  with  this  intent,  I  was  myself  honored.  It  filled 
ten  pages  of  the  journal  in  which  with  his  permission  it  was  published.  It  unfolded 
the  true  theory  of  the  Constitution  and  the  meaning  and  design  of  the  resolutions, 
and  exposed  the  false  gloss  attempted  to  be  placed  upon  them  by  the  Nullifiers, 
with  a  clearness  and  force  of  reasoning  which  defied  refutation.  None,  to  my 
knowledge,  was  ever  attempted.  The  politicians  of  the  Nullification  and  Secession 
school,  as  far  as  I  am  aware,  have  from  that  day  to  this  made  no  attempt  to  grapple 
with  Mr.  Madison’s  letter  of  August,  1830.f  Mr.  Calhoun  certainly  made  no  such 
attempt  in  the  elaborate  treatise  composed  by  him,  mainly  for  the  purpose  of  ex¬ 
pounding  the  doctrine  of  nullification.  lie  claims  the  support  of  these  resolutions, 
without  adverting  to  the  fact  that  his  interpretation  of  them  had  been  repudiated 

•  A  very  considerable  portion  of  the  important  volnme  containing  a  selection  from  tho  Madison  papers,  and 
printed  “exclusively  for  private  distribution”  by  J.  C.  McGuire,  Esq.,  in  1S53,  is  taken  up  with  theso  letters  and 
essays. 

t  North  American  Review,  vol.  xxxi.,  p.  5S7. 


22 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


by  their  illustrious  author.  lie  repeats  his  exploded  parodoxes  as  confidently,  as 
if  Mr.  Madison  himself  had  expired  with  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  and  left  no 
testimony  to  the  meaning  of  his  resolutions ;  while,  at  the  present  day,  with  equal 
confidence,  the  same  resolutions  are  appealed  to  by  the  disciples  of  Mr.  Calhoun 
as  sustaining  the  doctrine  of  secession,  in  the  face  of  the  positive  declaration  of 
their  author,  when  that  doctrine  first  began  to  be  broached,  that  they  will  bear  no 
such  interpretation. 

ME.  CALIIOUN  DID  NOT  CLAIM  A  CONSTITUTIONAL  EIGHT  OF  SECESSION. 

In  this  respect  the  disciples  have  gone  beyond  the  master.  There  is  a  single 
sentence  in  Mr.  Calhoun’s  elaborate  volume  in  which  he  maintains  the  right  of  a 
State  to  secede  from  the  Union.  (Page  SOI.)  There  is  reason  to  suppose,  how¬ 
ever,  that  he  intended  to  claim  only  the  inalienable  right  of  revolution.  In  1828, 
a  declaration  of  political  principles  was  drawn  up  by  him  for  the  State  of  South 
Carolina,  in  which  it  was  expressly  taught,  that  the  people  of  that  State  by  adopt¬ 
ing  the  Federal  Constitution  had  “  modified  its  original  right  of  sovereignty , 
whereby  its  individual  consent  was  necessary  to  any  change  in  its  political  con¬ 
dition,  and  by  becoming  a  member  of  the  Union,  had  placed  that  power  in  the 
hands  of  three-fourths  of  the  States,  [the  number  necessary  for  a  Constitutional 
amendment,]  in  whom  the  highest  power  known  to  the  Constitution  actually  re¬ 
sides.”  In  a  recent  patriotic  speech  of  Mr.  Rcvcrdy  Johnson,  at  Frederick,  Md., 
on  the  7th  of  May,  the  distinct  authority  of  Mr.  Calhoun  is  quoted  as  late  as  1S44 
against  the  right  of  separate  action  on  the  part  of  an  individual  State,  and  I  am 
assured  by  the  same  respected  gentleman,  that  it  is  within  his  personal  knowledge, 
that  Mr.  Calhoun  did  not  maintain  the  peaceful  right  of  secession.* 

SECESSION  AS  A  DEVOLUTION. 

But  it  may  be  thought  a  waste  of  time  to  argue  against  a  Constitutional  right 
of  peaceful  Secession,  since  no  one  denies  the  right  of  Revolution  ;  and  no  pains 
utc  spared  by  the  disaffected  leaders,  while  they  claim  indeed  the  Constitutional 
right,  to  represent  their  movement  as  the  uprising  of  an  indignant  People  against 
an  oppressive  and  tyrannical  Government. 

13  THE  GOVEENMENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OPEEESSIVE  AND  TYEANNICAL  ? 

An  oppressive  and  tyrannical  government !  Let  us  examine  this  pretence  for 
a  few  moments,  first  in  the  general,  and  then  in  the  detail  of  its  alleged  tyrannies 
and  abuses. 

This  oppressive  and  tyrannical  Government  is  the  successful  solution  of  a  prob¬ 
lem,  which  had  tasked  the  sagacity  of  mankind  from  the  dawn  of  civilization  ;  viz. : 
to  find  a  form  of  polity,  by  which  institutions  purely  popular  could  be  extended 
over  a  vast  empire,  free  alike  from  despotic  centralization  and  undue  preponder¬ 
ance  of  the  local  powers.  It  was  necessarily  a  complex  system  ;  a  Union  at  once 
federal  and  national.  It  leaves  to  the  separate  States  the  control  of  all  matters 
of  purely  local  administration,  and  confides  to  the  central  power  the  management 
of  Foreign  affairs  and  of  all  other  concerns  in  which  the  United  family  have  a  joint 
interest.  All  the  organized  and  delegated  powers  depend  directly  or  very  nearly 


*  Sco  Appendix  B. 


IS  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  TYRANNICAL? 


so  on  popular  choice.  This  Government  was  not  imposed  upon  the  People  by  a 
foreign  conqueror ;  it  is  not  an  inheritance  descending  from  barbarous  ages,  laden 
with  traditionary  abuses,  which  create  a  painful  ever-recurring  necessity  of  reform  ; 
it  is  not  the  conceit  of  heated  enthusiasts  in  the  spasms  of  a  revolution.  It  is  the 
recent  and  voluntary  frame-work  of  an  enlightened  age,  compacted  by  wise  and 
good  men,  with  deliberation  and  care,  working  upon  materials  prepared  by  long 
Colonial  discipline.  In  framing  it,  they  sought  to  eombine  the  merits  and  to  avoid 
the  defects  of  former  systems  of  government.  The  greatest  possible  liberty  of  tho 
citizen  is  the  basis ;  just  representation  the  ruling  principle,  reconciling  with  rare 
ingenuity  the  federal  equality  of  the  States,  with  the  proportionate  influence  of 
numbers.  Its  legislative  and  executive  magistrates  are  freely  chosen  at  short 
periods  ;  its  judiciary  alone  holding  office  by  a  more  permanent,  but  still  sufficiently 
responsible,  tenure.  No  money  flows  into  or  out  of  tho  Treasury  but  under  the 
direct  sanction  of  the  representatives  of  the  People,  on  whom  also  ail  tho  great 
functions  of  Government  for  peace  and  war,  within  the  limits  already  indicated, 
are  devolved.  No  hereditary  titles  or  privileges,  no  distinction  of  ranks,  no 
established  church,  no  courts  of  high  commission,  no  censorship  of  tho  press,  are 
known  to  the  system  ;  not  a  drop  of  blood  has  ever  flowed  under  its  authority  for 
a  political  offence ;  but  this  tyrannical  and  oppressive  Government  has  certainly 
exhibited  a  more  perfect  development  of  equal  republican  principles,  than  has  ever 
before  existed  on  any  considerable  scale.  Under  its  benign  influence,  the  country, 
every  part  of  the  country,  has  prospered  beyond  all  former  example.  Its  popula¬ 
tion  has  increased  ;  its  commerce,  agriculture,  and  manufactures  have  flourished  ; 
manners,  arts,  education,  letters,  all  that  dignifies  and  ennobles  man,  have  in  a 
shorter  period  attained  a  higher  point  of  cultivation  than  has  ever  before  been 
witnessed  in  a  newly  settled  l'egion.  The  consequence  has  been  consideration  and 
influence  abroad  and  marvellous  well-being  at  home.  The  world  has  looked  with 
admiration  upon  the  Country’s  progress  ;  we  have  ourselves  contemplated  it,  per¬ 
haps,  with  undue  self  complacency.  Armies  without  conscription  ;  navies  without 
impressment,  and  neither  army  nor  navy  swelled  to  an  oppressive  size  ;  an  over¬ 
flowing  treasury  without  direct  taxation  or  oppressive  taxation  of  any  kind ; 
churches  without  number  and  with  no  denominational  preferences  on  the  part  of  tho 
State  ;  schools  and  colleges  accessible  to  all  the  people ;  a  free  and  a  cheap  press  ; 
— all  the  great  institutions  of  social  life  extending  their  benefits  to  the  mass  of  the 
community.  Such,  no  one  can  deny,  is  tho  general  character  of  this  oppressive 
and  tyrannical  government. 

But  perhaps  this  Government,  however  wisely  planned,  however  beneficial  even 
in  its  operation,  may  have  been  rendered  distasteful,  or  may  have  become  oppres¬ 
sive  in  one  part  of  the  country  and  to  one  portion  of  the  people,  in  consequence  of 
the  control  of  affairs  having  been  monopolized  or  unequally  shared  by  another 
portion.  In  a  Confederacy,  the  people  of  one  section  are  not  well  pleased  to  be 
even  mildly  governed  by  an  exclusive  domination  of  the  other.  In  point  of  fact 
this  is  the  allegation,  the  persistent  allegation  of  the  South,  that  from  the  founda¬ 
tion  of  the  Government  it  has  been  wielded  by  the  people  of  tho  North  for  their 
special,  often  exclusive,  benefit,  and  to  the  injury  and  oppression  of  the  South.  Let 
us  see.  Out  of  seventy-two  years  since  the  organization  of  the  Government,  the 
Executive  chair  has,  for  sixty-four  years,  been  filled  nearly  all  the  time  by  Southern 


24 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


Presidents ;  and  when  that  was  not  the  case,  by  Presidents  possessing  the  confidence 
of  the  South.  For  a  still  longer  period,  the  controlling  influences  of  the  Legislative, 
and  Judicial  departments  of  the  Government  have  centred  in  the  same  quarter..  Of 
all  the  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  central  power  in  every  department,  far  more  than 
her  proportionate  share  has  always  been  enjoyed  by  the  South.  She  is  at  this 
moment  revolting  against  a  Government,  not  only  admitted  to  be  the  mildest  and 
most  beneficent  ever  organized  this  side  Utopia,  but  one  of  which  she  has  herself 
from  the  first,  almost  monopolized  the  administration. 

CAUSE  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  ALLEGED  BY  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

Put  are  there  no  wrongs,  abuses,  and  oppressions,  alleged  to  have  been  suffered 
by  the  South,  which  have  rendered  her  longer  submission  to  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment  intolerable,  and  which  are  pleaded  as  the  motive  and  justification  of  the 
revolt  ?  Of  course  there  are,  but  with  such  variation  and  uncertainty  of  statement 
as  to  render  their  examination  difficult.  The  manifesto  of  South  Carolina  of  the 
20th  of  Dee.  last,  which  led  the  way  in  this  inauspicious  movement,  sets  forth  noth¬ 
ing  but  the  passage  of  State  laws  to  obstruct  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves.  The 
document  does  not  state  that  South  Carolina  herself  ever  lost  a  slave  in  consequence 
of  these  law's,  it  is  not  probable  she  ever  did,  and  yet  she  makes  the  existence  of 
these  law's,  which  are  wholly  inoperative  as  far  as  she  is  concerned,  and  which 
probably  never  caused  to  the  entire  South  the  loss  of  a  dozen  fugitives,  the  ground 
for  breaking  up  the  Union  and  plunging  the  country  into  a  civil  war.  But  I  shall 
presently  revert  to  this  topic. 

Other  statements  in  other  quarters  enlarge  the  list  of  grievances.  In  the  month 
of  November  last,  after  the  result  of  the  presidential  election  was  ascertained,  a 
very  interesting  discussion  of  the  subject  of  secession  took  place  at  Milleclgeville, 
before  the  members  of  the  Legislature  of  Georgia  and  the  citizens  generally,  be¬ 
tween  two  gentlemen  of  great  ability  and  eminence,  since  elected,  the  one  Secretary 
of  State,  the  other  Vice-President  of  the  new  Confederacy  ;  the  former  urging  the 
necessity  and  duty  of  immediate  secession ; — the  latter  opposing  it.  I  take  the 
grievances  and  abuses  of  the  Federal  Government,  which  the  South  has  suffered  at 
the  hands  of  the  North,  and  which  w'erc  urged  by  the  former  speaker  as  the  grounds 
of  secession,  as  I  find  them  stated  and  to  some  extent  answered  by  his  friend  and 
fellow-citizen  (then  opposed  to  secession)  according  to  the  report  in  the  Millcdgc- 
villc  papers. 

CAUSES  ALLEGED  BY  GEORGIA:  TIIE  FISHING  BOUNTIES. 

And  what,  think  you,  was  the  grievance  in  the  front  rank  of  those  oppressions 
on  the  part  of  the  North,  which  have  driven  the  long-suffering  and  patient  South  to 
open  rebellion  against  “  the  best  Government  that  the  history  of  the  world  gives 
any  account  ot  ”  ?  It  was  not  that  upon  which  the  Convention  of  South  Carolina 
relied.  You  will  hardly  believe  it ;  posterity  will  surely  not  believe  it.  “  We 
listened,”  said  Mr.  Vice-President  Stephens,  in  his  reply,  “  to  my  honorable  friend 
last  night,  (Mr.  Toombs,)  as  he  recounted  the  evils  of  this  Government.  The  Jirst 
was  the  fishing  bounties  paid  mostly  to  the  sailors  of  JYcio  England .”  The  bounty 
paid  by  the  Federal  Government  to  cncourago  the  deep-sea  fisheries  of  the  United 
States  ! 


CAUSES  ALLEGED  BY  GEORGIA:  TIIE  FISHING  BOUNTIES. 


25 


You  are  aware  that  this  laborious  branch  of  industry  has,  by  all  maritime 
States,  been  ever  regarded  with  special  favor  as  the  nursery  of  naval  power.  The 
fisheries  of  the  American  colonies  before  the  American  Revolution  drew  from  Burke 
one  of  the  most  gorgeous  bursts  of  eloquence  in  our  language, — in  any  language. 
They  were  all  but  annihilated  by  the  Revolution,  but  they  furnished  the  men  who 
followed  Manly,  and  Tucker,  and  Biddle,  and  Paul  Jones  to  the  jaws  of  death.  Re¬ 
viving  after  the  war,  they  attracted  the  notice  of  the  First  Congress,  and  were 
recommended  to  their  favor  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  Secretary  of  State.  This  favor 
was  at  first  extended  to  them  in  the  shape  of  a  draw-back  of  the  duty  on  the  various 
imported  articles  employed  in  the  building  and  outfit  of  the  vessels  and  on  the 
foreign  salt  used  in  preserving  the  fish.  The  complexity  of  this  arrangement  led  to 
the  substitution  at  first  of  a  certain  bounty  on  the  quantity  of  the  fish  exported; 
afterwards  on  the  tonnage  of  the  vessels  employed  in  the  fisheries.  All  administra¬ 
tions  have  concurred  in  the  measure  ;  Presidents  of  all  parties, — though  there  has 
not  been  much  variety  of  party  in  that  office, — have  approved  the  appropriations. 
If  the  North  had  a  local  interest  in  these  bounties,  the  South  got  the  principal  food 
of  her  laboring  population  so  much  the  cheaper ;  and  she  had  her  common  share  in 
the  protection  which  the  navy  afforded  her  coasts,  and  in  the  glory  which  it  shed  on 
the  flag  of  the  country.  But  since,  unfortunately,  the  deep-sea  fisheries  do  not  exist 
in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  nor,  as  in  the  “  age  of  Pyrrha,”  on  the  top  of  the  Blue  Ridge, 
it  has  been  discovered  of  late  years  that  these  bounties  are  a  violation  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution  ;  a  largess  bestowed  by  the  common  treasury  on  one  section  of  the  coun¬ 
try,  and  not  shared  by  the  other ;  one  of  the  hundred  ways,  in  a  word,  in  which  the 
rapacious  North  is  fattening  upon  the  oppressed  and  pillaged  South.  You  will 
naturally  wish  to  know  the  amount  of  this  tyrannical  and  oppressive  bounty.  It  is 
stated  by  a  senator  from  Alabama  (Mr.  Clay)  who  has  warred  against  it  with  per¬ 
severance  and  zeal,  and  succeeded  in  the  last  Congress  in  carrying  a  bill  through 
the  Senate  for  its  repeal,  to  have  amounted,  on  the  average,  to  an  annual  sum  of 
200,005  dollars  !  Such  is  the  portentous  grievance  which  in  Georgia  stands  at  the 
head  of  the  acts  of  oppression,  for  which,  although  repealed  in  one  branch  of  Congress, 
the  Union  is  to  be  broken  up,  and  the  country  desolated  by  war.  Switzerland 
revolted  because  an  Austrian  tyrant  invaded  the  sanctity  of  her  firesides,  crushed 
out  the  eyes  of  aged  patriots,  and  compelled  her  fathers  to  shoot  apples  from  the 
heads  of  her  sons;  the  Low  Countries  revolted  against  the  fires  of  the  Inquisition, 
and  the  infernal  cruelties  of  Alva ;  our  fathers  revolted  because  they  were  taxed  by 
a  parliament  in  which  they  were  not  represented  ;  the  Cotton  States  revolt  because 
a  paltry  subvention  is  paid  to  the  hardy  fishermen  who  form  the  nerve  and  muscle 
of  the  American  Navy. 

But  it  is  not,  we  shall  bo  told,  the  amount  of  the  bounty,  but  the  principle,  as 
our  fathers  revolted  against  a  three-penny  tax  on  tea.  But  that  was  because  it  was 
laid  by  a  parliament  in  which  the  Colonies  were  not  represented,  and  which  yet 
claimed  the  right  to  bind  them  in  all  cases.  The  Fishing  Bounty  is  bestowed  by  a 
Government  which  has  been  from  the  first  controlled  by  the  South.  Then  how 
unreasonable  to  expect  or  to  wish,  that,  in  a  country  so  vast  as  ours,  no  public  ex¬ 
penditure  should  be  made  for  the  immediate  benefit  of  one  part  or  one  interest 
that  cannot  be  identically  repeated  in  every  other.  A  liberal  policy,  or  rather  the 
necessity  of  the  case,  demands,  that  what  the  public  good,  upon  the  whole,  requires, 


26 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


should  under  constitutional  limitations  be  dene  where  it  is  required,  offsetting  the 
local  benefit  which  may  accrue  from  the  expenditure  made  in  one  place  and  for  one 
object,  with  the  local  benefit  from  the  same  source,  in  some  other  place  for  some  other 
object.  More  money  was  expended  by  the  United  States  in  removing  the  Indians 
from  Georgia,  eight  or  ten  times  as  much  was  expended  for  the  same  object  in  Florida, 
as  has  been  paid  for  Fishing  Bounties  in  seventy  years.  For  the  last  year,  to  pay 
for  the  expense  of  the  post-office  in  the  seceding  States,  and  enable  our  fellow-citi¬ 
zens  there  to  enjoy  the  comforts  of  a  newspaper  ard  letter  mail  to  the  same 
extent  as  they  are  enjoyed  in  the  other  States,  three  millions  of  dollars  were 
paid  from  the  common  Treasury.  The  post-office  bounty  paid  to  the  seceding 
States  exceeded  seventeen  fold  the  annual  average  amount  of  the  Fishing  Bounty 
paid  to  the  North.  In  four  years  that  excess  would  equal  the  sum  total  of  the 
amount  paid  since  1792  in  bounties  to  the  deep-sea  fishery  !  This  circumstance 
probably  explains  the  fact,  that  the  pride  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  was  not 
alarmed  at  having  the  mails  still  conveyed  by  the  United  States,  three  or  four 
months  after  the  forts  had  been  seized,  the  arsenals  emptied,  and  the  mints  plun¬ 
dered. 

NAVIGATION  LAWS. 

The  second  of  the  grievances  under  which  the  South  is  laboring,  and  which,  ac¬ 
cording  to  Mr.  Stephens,  was  on  the  occasion  alluded  to  pleaded  by  the  Secretary 
of  State  of  the  new  Confederacy  as  a  ground  for  dissolving  the  Union,  is  the  Naviga¬ 
tion  Laws,  which  give  to  American  vessels  the.  exclusive  enjoyment  of  our  own 
coasting  trade.  This  also  is  a  policy  coeval  with  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  universally  adopted  by  maritime  powers,  though  relaxed  by  England 
within  the  last  few  years.  Like  the  fishing  bounty,  it  is  a  policy  adopted  for  the 
purpose  of  fostering  the  commercial  and  with  that  the  naval  marine  of  the  United 
States.  All  administrations  of  all  parties  have  favored  it;  under  its  influence  our 
commercial  tonnage  has  grown  up  to  be  second  to  no  other  in  the  world,  and  our 
navy  lias  proved  itself  adequate  to  all  the  exigencies  of  peace  and  war.  And  are 
these  no  objects  in  a  national  point  of  view?  Are  the  seceding  politicians  really 
insensible  to  interests  of  such  paramount  national  importance  ?  Can  they,  for  the 
sake  of  an  imaginary  infinitesimal  reduction  of  coastwise  freights,  be  willing  to  run 
even  the  risk  of  impairing  our  naval  prosperity  ?  Arc  they  insensible  to  the  fact 
that  nothing  but  the  growth  of  the  American  commercial  marine  protects  the  entire 
freighting  interest  of  the  country,  in  which  the  South  is  more  deeply  interested  than 
the  North,  from  European  monopoly  ?  The  South  did  not  always  take  so  narrow 
a  view  of  the  subject.  When  the  Constitution  was  framed,  and  the  American  Mer¬ 
chant  Marine  was  inconsiderable,  the  discrimination  in  favor  of  United  States  ves¬ 
sels,  which  then  extended  to  the  foreign  trade,  was  an  object  of  some  apprehension 
on  the  part  of  the  planting  States.  But  there  were  statesmen  in  the  South  at  that 
day,  who  did  not  regard  the  shipping  interest  as  a  local  concern.  “  So  far,”  said 
Mr.  Edward  Rutledge,  in  the  South  Carolina  Convention  of  178S,  “  from  not  pre¬ 
ferring  the  Northern  States  by  a  navigation  act,  it  would  be  politic  to  increase  their 
strength  by  every  means  in  our  power ;  for  we  had  no  other  resource  in  our  day 
of  danger  than  in  the  naval  force  of  our  Northern  friends,  nor  could  we  ever  expect 
to  become  a  great  nation  till  we  were  powerful  on  the  waters.”*  But  “  powerful 


Elliott's  Debates,  vol.  iv.,  p.  209. 


TIIE  TARIFF. 


27 


on  the  waters  ”  the  South  can  never  be.  She  has  live  oak,  naval  stores,  and  "allant 
officers ;  but  her  climate  and  its  diseases,  the  bars  at  the  mouth  of  nearly  ail  her 
harbors,  the  Teredo ,  the  want  of  a  merchant  marine  and  of  fisheries,  and  the  char¬ 
acter  of  her  laboring  population,  will  forever  prevent  her  becoming  a  great  naval 
power.  Without  the  protection  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States,  of  which  the 
strength  centres  at  the  North,  she  would  hold  the  ingress  and  egress  of  every  port 
on  her  coast  at  the  mercy,  I  will  not  say  of  the  great  maritime  States  of  Europe, 
but  of  Holland,  and  Denmark,  and  Austria,  and  Spain — of  any  second  or  third-rate 
power,  which  can  keep  a  few  steam  frigates  at  sea. 

It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that  there  is  a  sad  congruity  between  the  conduct 
of  our  seceding  fellow-citizens  and  the  motives  which  they  assign  for  it.  They 
attempt  a  suicidal  separation  of  themselves  from  a  great  naval  power,  of  which  they 
are  now  an  integral  part,  and  they  put  forward,  as  the  reason  for  this  self-destruc¬ 
tive  course,  the  legislative  measures  which  have  contributed  to  the  growth  of  the 
navy.  A  judicious  policy  designed  to  promote  that  end  has  built  up  the  commer¬ 
cial  and  military  marine  of  the  Union  to  its  present  commanding  stature  and 
power ;  the  South,  though  unable  to  contribute  any  thing  to  its  prosperity  but  the 
service  of  her  naval  officers,  enjoys  her  full  share  of  the  honor  which  it  reflects  on 
the  country,  and  the  protection  which  it  extends  to  our  flag,  our  coasts,  and  our 
commerce,  but  under  the  influence  of  a  narrow-minded  sectional  jealousy,  she  is 
willing  to  abdicate  the  noble  position  which  she  now  fills  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth  ;  to  depend  for  her  very  existence  on  the  exigencies  of  the  cotton  market, 
to  live  upon  the  tolerance  of  the  navies  of  Europe,  and  she  assigns  as  leading  causes 
for  this  amazing  fatuity,  that  the  Northern  fisheries  have  been  encouraged  by  a 
trifling  bounty,  and  that  the  Northern  commercial  marine  has  the  monopoly  of  the 
coastwise  trade.  And  the  politicians,  who,  for  reasons  like  these,  almost  too  frivo¬ 
lous  to  merit  the  time  we  have  devoted  to  their  examination,  arc  sapping  a  noble 
framework  of  government,  and  drenching  a  fair  and  but  for  them  prosperous  coun¬ 
try  in  blood,  appeal  to  the  public  opinion  of  mankind  for  the  justice  of  their  cause, 
and  the  purity  of  their  motives,  and  lift  their  eyes  to  Heaven  for  a  blessing  on 
their  arms ! 

THE  TARIFF. 

But  the  tariff  is,  with  one  exception,  the  alleged  monster  wrong — for  which 
South  Carolina  in  1S32  drove  the  Union  to  the  verge  of  a  civil  war,  and  which,  next 
to  the  slavery  question,  the  South  has  been  taught  to  regard  as  the  most  grievous 
of  the  oppressions  which  she  suffers  at  the  hands  of  the  North,  and  that  by  which 
she  seeks  to  win  the  sympathy  of  the  manufacturing  States  of  Europe.  It  was  so 
treated  in  the  debate  referred  to.  I  am  certainly  not  going  so  far  to  abuse  your 
patience,  as  to  enter  into  a  discussion  of  the  constitutionality  or  expediency  of  the 
protective  policy,  on  which  I  am  aware  that  opinions  at  the  North  differ,  nor  do  I 
deem  it  necessary  to  expose  the  utter  fallacy  of  the  monstrous  paradox,  that  duties, 
enhancing  the  price  of  imported  articles,  arc  paid,  not  by  the  consumer  of  the  mer¬ 
chandise  imported,  but  by  the  producer  of  the  last  article  of  export  given  in  ex¬ 
change.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  for  this  maxim,  (the  forty-bale  theory  so  called,) 
which  has  grown  into  an  article  of  faith  at  the  South,  not  the  slightest  authority 
ever  has  been,  to  my  knowledge,  adduced  from  any  political  economist  of  any 
school.  Indeed,  it  can  be  shown  to  be  a  shallow  sophism,  inasmuch  as  the  consumer 


28 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


must  bo,  directly  or  indirectly,  th e  producer  of  the  equivalents  given  in  exchange  for 
the  article  he  consumes.  But  without  entering  into  this  discussion,  I  shall  make  a 
few  remarks  to  show  the  great  injustice  of  representing  the  protective  system  as 
being  in  its  origin  an  oppression,  of  which  the  South  has  to  complain  on  the  part 
of  the  North. 

Every  such  suggestion  is  a  complete  inversion  of  the  truth  of  history.  Some 
attempts  at  manufactures  by  machinery  were  made  at  the  North  before  the  Revo¬ 
lution,  but  to  an  inconsiderable  extent.  The  manufacturing  system  as  a  great 
Northern  interest  is  the  child  of  the  restrictive  policy  of  1807 — 1S12,  and  of  the 
war.  That  policy  was  pursued  against  the  earnest  opposition  of  the  North,  and  to 
the  temporary  prostration  of  their  commerce,  navigation,  and  fisheries.  Their 
capital  was  driven  in  this  way  into  manufactures,  and  on  the  return  of  peace,  the 
foundations  of  the  protective  system  were  laid  in  the  square  yard  duty  on  cotton 
fabrics,  in  the  support  of  which  Mr.  Calhoun,  advised  that  the  growth  of  the  manu¬ 
facture  would  open  a  new  market  for  the  staple  of  the  South,  took  the  lead.  As 
late  as  1821  the  Legislature  of  South  Carolina  unanimously  affirmed  the  constitu¬ 
tionality  of  protective  duties,  though  denying  their  expediency, — and  of  all  the 
States  of  the  Union  Louisiana  has  derived  the  greatest  benefit  from  this  policy  ;  in 
fact,  she  owes  the  sugar  culture  to  it,  and  has  for  that  reason  given  it  her  steady 
support.  In  all  the  tariffi  battles  while  I  was  a  member  of  Congress,  few  votes 
were  surer  for  the  policy  than  that  of  Louisiana.  If  the  duty  on  an  article  imported 
is  considered  as  added  to  its  price  in  our  market,  (which,  however,  is  far  from  being 
invariably  the  case,)  the  sugar  duty,  of  late,  has  amounted  to  a  tax  of  five  millions 
of  dollars  annually  paid  by  the  consumer,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Louisiana  planter. 

As  to  its  being  an  unconstitutional  policy,  it  is  perfectly  well  known  that  the 
protection  of  manufactures  was  a  leading  and  avowed  object  for  the  formation  of  the 
Constitution.  The  second  law,  passed  by  Congress  after  its  formation,  was  a  rev¬ 
enue  law.  Its  preamble  is  as  follows :  “  Whereas  it  is  necessary  for  the  support 
of  Government,  for  the  discharge  of  the  debts  of  the  United  States,  and  the  encour¬ 
agement  and  protection  of  manufactures,  that  duties  be  laid  on  goods,  wares,  and 
merchandise  imported.”  That  act  was  reported  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
by  Mr.  Madison,  who  is  entitled  as  much  as  any  one  to  be  called  the  father  of  the 
Constitution.  While  it  was  pending  before  the  House,  and  in  the  first  week  of  the 
first  session  of  the  first  Congress,  two  memorials  were  presented  praying  for  pro¬ 
tective  duties;  and  it  is  a  matter  of  some  curiosity  to  inquire,  from  what  part  of 
the  country  this  first  call  came  for  that  policy,  now  put  forward  as  one  of  the  acts 
of  Northern  oppression,  which  justify  the  South  in  flying  to  arms.  The  first  of 
these  petitions  was  from  Baltimore.  It  implored  the  new  Government  to  lay  a 
protecting  duty  on  all  articles  imported  from  abroad,  which  can  be  manufactured  at 
home.  The  second  was  from  the  shipwrights,  not  of  New  York,  not  of  Boston,  not 
of  Portland,  but  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  praying  for  “such  a  general  regula¬ 
tion  of  trade  and  the  establishment  of  such  a  Navigation  Act,  as  will  relieve  the 
particular  distresses  of  the  petitioners,  in  common  with  those  of  their  fellow-ship¬ 
wrights  throughout  the  Union  ”  !  and  if  South  Carolina  had  always  been  willing  to 
make  common  cause  with  their  fellow-citizens  throughout  the  Union,  it  would  not 
now  be  rent  by  civil  war. 


THE  COTTON  CULTURE  INTRODUCED  UNDER  PROTECTION. 


29 


THE  COTTON  CULTURE  INTRODUCED  UNDER  PROTECTION. 

But  the  history  of  the  great  Southern  staple  is  most  curious  and  instructive, 
llis  Majesty  “  King  Cotton,”  on  his  throne,  does  not  seem  to  be  aware  of  the  in¬ 
fluences  which  surrounded  his  cradle.  The  culture  of  cotton,  on  any  considerable 
scale,  is  well  known  to  be  of  recent  date  in  America.  The  household  manufacture 
of  cotton  was  coeval  with  the  settlement  of  the  country.  A  century  before  the 
piano-forte  or  the  harp  was  seen  on  this  continent,  the  music  of  the  spinning- 
wheel  was  heard  at  every  fire-side  in  town  and  country.  The  raw  materials  were 
wool,  flax,  and  cotton,  the  last  imported  from  the  West  Indies.  The  colonial  sys¬ 
tem  of  Great  Britain  before  the  Revolution  forbade  the  establishment  of  any  other 
than  household  manufactures.  Soon  after  the  Revolution,  cotton  mills  were  erected 
in  Rhode  Island  and  Massachusetts,  and  the  infant  manufacture  was  encouraged  by 
State  duties  on  the  imported  fabric.  The  raw  material  was  still  derived  exclusively 
from  the  West  Indies.  Its  culture  in  this  country  was  so  extremely  limited  and  so 
little  known,  that  a  small  parcel  sent  from  the  United  States  to  Liverpool  in  1784 
was  seized  at  the  custom-house  there,  as  an  illicit  importation  of  British  colonial 
produce.  Even  as  late  as  1794,  and  by  persons  so  intelligent  as  the  negotiators  of 
Jay’s  treaty,  it  was  not  known  that  cotton  was  an  article  of  growth  and  export  from 
the  United  States.  In  the  twelfth  article  of  that  treaty,  as  laid  before  the  Senate, 
Cotton  was  included  with  Molasses,  Sugar,  Coffee,  and  Cocoa,  as  articles  which 
American  vessels  should  not  be  permitted  to  carry  from  the  islands  or  from  the 
United  Stales  to  any  foreign  country. 

In  the  Revenue  law  of  1789,  as  it  passed  through  the  House  of  Representatives, 
cotton,  with  other  raw  materials,  was  placed  on  the  free  list.  When  the  bill  reached 
the  Senate  a  duty  of  3  cents  per  pound  was  laid  upon  cotton,  not  to  encourage,  not 
to  protect,  but  to  create  the  domestic  culture.  On  the  discussion  of  this  amendment 
in  the  House,  a  member  from  South  Carolina  declared  that  “  Cotton  was  in  con¬ 
templation  ”  in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  “  and  if  good  seed  could  be  procured  he 
hoped  it  might  succccdP  On  this  hope  the  amendment  of  the  Senate  was  concurred 
in,  and  the  duty  of  three  cents  per  pound  was  laid  on  cotton.  In  1791,  Hamilton, 
in  his  report  on  the  manufactures,  recommended  the  repeal  of  this  duty,  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  “  a  very  serious  impediment  to  the  manufacture  of  cotton,”  but 
his  recommendation  was  disregarded. 

Thus,  in  the  infancy  of  the  cotton  manufacture  of  the  North,  at  the  moment 
when  they  were  deprived  of  the  protection  extended  to  them  before  the  Constitution 
by  State  laws,  and  while  they  were  struggling  against  English  competition  under 
the  rapidly  improving  machinery  of  Arkwright,  which  it  was  highly  penal  to 
export  to  foreign  countries,  a  heavy  burden  was  laid  upon  them  by  this  protecting 
duty,  to  enable  the  planters  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  to  explore  the  tropics 
for  a  variety  of  cotton  seed  adapted  to  their  climate.  For  seven  years  at  least,  and 
probably  more,  this  duty  was  in  every  sense  of  the  word  a  protecting  duty.  There 
was  not  a  pound  of  cotton  spun,  no  not  for  candle-wicks  to  light  the  humble 
industry  of  the  cottages  of  the  North,  which  did  not  pay  this  tribute  to  the  South¬ 
ern  planter.  The  growth  of  the  native  article,  as  wo  have  seen,  had  not  in  1794 
reached  a  point  to  bo  known  to  Chief  Justice  Jay  as  one  of  actual  or  probable 
export.  As  late  as  1796,  the  manufacturers  of  Brandywine  in  Delaware  petitioned 


30 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


Congress  for  the  repeal  of  this  duty  on  imported  cotton,  and  the  petition  was  re^ 
jected  on  the  Report  of  a  Committee,  consisting  of  a  majority  from  the  Southern 
States,  on  the  ground,  that  “  to  repeal  the  duty  on  raw  cotton  imported  would  be 
to  damp  the  growth  of  cotton  in  our  own  country.”  Radicle  and  plumule,  root  and 
stalk,  blossom  and  boll,  the  culture  of  the  cotton  plant  in  the  United  States  was 
in  its  infancy  the  foster-child  of  the  Protective  System. 

When  therefore  the  pedigree  of  King  Cotton  is  traced,  ho  is  found  to  be  the 
lineal  child  of  the  tariff;  called  into  being  by  a  specific  duty  ;  reared  by  a  tax  laid 
upon  the  manufacturing  industry  of  the  North,  to  create  the  culture  of  the  raw 
material  in  the  South.  The  Northern  manufacturers  of  America  were  slightly  pro¬ 
tected  in  1789  because  they  were  too  feeble  to  stand  alone.  Reared  into  magni¬ 
tude  under  the  restrictive  system  and  the  war  of  1812,  they  were  upheld  in  1S1G 
because  they  were  too  important  to  be  sacrificed,  and  because  the  great  staple  of 
the  South  had  a  joint  interest  in  their  prosperity.  King  Cotton  alone,  not  in  his 
manhood,  not  in  his  adolescence,  not  in  his  infancy,  but  in  his  very  embryo  state, 
was  pensioned  upon  the  Treasury, — before  the  seed  from  which  lie  sprung  was 
cast  “  in  the  lowest  parts  of  the  earth.”  In  the  book  of  the  tariff  “  his  members  were 
written,  which  in  continuance  were  fashioned,  when  as  yet  there  were  none  of 
them.” 

But  it  was  not  enough  to  create  the  culture  of  cotton  at  the  South,  by  taxing  the 
manufactures  of  the  North  with  a  duty  on  the  raw  material ;  the  extension  of  that 
culture  and  the  prosperity  which  it  has  conferred  upon  the  South  arc  due  to  the 
mechanical  genius  of  the  North.  What  says  Mr.  Justice  Johnson  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  and  a  citizen  of  South  Carolina?  “  With  regard  to  the 
utility  of  this  discovery  ”  (the  cotton  gin  of  Whitney)  “  the  court  would  deem  it  a 
waste  of  time  to  dwell  long  upon  this  topic.  Is  there  a  man  who  hears  us  that  has 
not  experienced  its  utility  ?  The  whole  interior  of  the  Southern  States  was  lan¬ 
guishing,  and  its  inhabitants  emigrating,  for  want  of  some  object  to  engage  their 
attention  and  employ  their  industry,  when  the  invention  of  this  machine  at  once 
opened  views  to  them  which  set  the  whole  country  in  active  motion.  From  child 
hood  to  age  it  has  presented  us  a  lucrative  employment.  Individuals  who  were 
depressed  in  poverty  and  sunk  in  idleness,  have  suddenly  risen  to  wealth  and 
respectability.  Our  debts  have  been  paid  off,  our  capitals  increased,  and  our  lands 
trebled  in  value.  We  cannot  express  the  weight  of  obligation  which  the  country 
owes  to  this  invention  ;  the  extent  of  it  cannot  now'  be  seen.” — Yes,  and  when  hap¬ 
pier  days  shall  return,  and  the  South,  awakening  from  her  suicidal  delusion,  shall 
remember  who  it  was  that  sowed  her  sunny  fields  with  the  seeds  of  those  golden 
crops  with  which  she  thinks  to  rule  the  world,  she  will  cast  a  veil  of  oblivion  over 
the  memory  of  the  ambitious  men  who  have  goaded  her  to  her  present  madness, 
and  will  rear  a  monument  of  her  gratitude  in  the  beautiful  City  of  Elms,  over  the 
ashes  of  her  greatest  benefactor — Eli  Wiiitxey. 

interference  witii  slavery  tee  great  alleged  grievance. 

But  the  great  complaint  of  the  South,  and  that  which  is  admitted  to  be  the  im¬ 
mediate  occasion  of  the  present  revolt,  is  the  alleged  interference  of  the  North  in 
the  Southern  institution  of  slavery  ;  a  subject  on  which  the  sensibilities  of  the  two 
sections  have  been  so  deeply  and  fearfully  stirred,  that  it  is  nearly  impossible  to 


INTERFERENCE  WITH  SLAVERY  TIIE  GREAT  ALLEGED  GRIEVANCE.  31 


speak  words  of  impartial  truth.  As  I  have  already  stated,  the  declaration  of  South 
Carolina,  of  the  causes  which  prompted  her  to  secede  from  the  Union,  alleged  no 
other  reason  for  this  movement  than  the  enactment  of  laws  to  obstruct  the  surren¬ 
der  of  fugitive  slaves.  The  declaration  does  not  state  that  South  Carolina  ever  lost 
a  slave  by  the  operation  of  these  laws,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  a  dozen  from  all 
the  States  have  been  lost  from  this  cause.  A  gross  error  on  this  subject  pervades 
the  popular  mind  at  the  South.  Some  hundred  of  slaves  in  the  aggregate  escape 
annually  ;  some  to  the  recesses  of  the  Dismal  Swamp  ;  some  to  the  everglades  of 
Florida  ;  some  to  the  trackless  mountain  region,  which  traverses  the  South  ;  some 
to  the  Mexican  States  and  the  Indian  tribes ;  some  across  the  free  States  to 
Canada.  The  popular  feeling  of  the  South  ascribes  the  entire  loss  to  the  laws  of  the 
free  States,  while  it  is  doubtful  whether  these  laws  cause  any  portion  of  it.  The 
public  sentiment  of  the  North  is  not  such,  of  course,  as  to  dispose  the  community 
to  obstruct  the  escape  or  aid  in  the  surrender  of  slaves.  Neither  is  it  at  the  South. 
No  one,  I  am  told,  at  the  South,  not  called  upon  by  official  duty,  joins  in  the  hue 
and  cry  after  a  fugitive ;  and  whenever  he  escapes  from  any  States  south  of  the 
border  tier,  it  is  evident  that  his  flight  must  have  been  aided  in  a  community  of 
slave-holders.  If  the  North  Carolina  fugitive  escapes  through  Virginia,  or  the  Ten¬ 
nessee  fugitive  escapes  through  Kentucky,  why  are  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  alone 
blamed  1  On  this  whole  subject  the  grossest  injustice  is  done  to  the  North.  She 
is  expected  to  be  more  tolerant  of  slavery  than  the  South  herself ;  for  while  the 
South  demands  of  the  North  entire  acquiescence  in  the  extremest  doctrines  of  slave 
property,  it  is  a  well-known  fact,  and  as  such  alluded  to  by  Mr.  Clay  in  his  speech 
on  the  compromises  of  1850,  that  any  man  who  habitually  traffics  in  this  property 
is  held  in  the  same  infamy  at  Richmond  and  New  Orleans  that  he  wrould  be  at 
Philadelphia  or  Cincinnati.* 

While  South  Carolina,  assigning  the  cause  of  secession,  confines  herself  to  the 
State  laws  for  obstructing  the  surrender  of  fugitives,  in  other  quarters,  by  the 
press,  in  the  manifestoes  and  debates  on  the  subject  of  secession,  and  in  the  official 
papers  of  the  new  Confederacy,  the  general  conduct  of  the  North,  with  respect  to 
Slavery,  is  put  forward  as  the  justifying,  nay,  the  compelling  cause  of  the  revolu-. 
tion.  This  subject,  still  more  than  that  of  the  tariff,  is  too  trite  for  discussion,  with 
the  hope  of  saying  any  thing  new  on  the  general  question.  I  will  but  submit  a  fewr 
considerations  to  show'  the  great  injustice  which  is  done  to  the  North,  by  repre¬ 
senting  her  as  the  aggressor  in  this  sectional  warfare. 

The  Southern  theory  assumes  that,  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu¬ 
tion,  the  same  antagonism  prevailed  as  nowr  between  the  North  and  South,  on  the 
general  subject  of  Slavery;  that,  although  it  existed  to  some  extent  in  all  the 
States  but  one  of  the  Union,  it  was  a  feeble  and  declining  interest  at  the  North, 
and  mainly  seated  at  the  South  ;  that  the  soil  and  climate  of  the  North  w'ere  soon 
found  to  be  unpropitious  to  slave  labor,  while  the  reverse  wras  the  case  at  the 
South  ;  that  the  Northern  States,  in  consequence,  having,  from  interested  motives, 
abolished  Slavery,  sold  their  slaves  to  the  South,  and  that  then,  although  the  exist¬ 
ence  of  Slavery  was  recognized,  and  its  protection  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution, 
as  soon  as  the  Northern  States  had  acquired  a  controlling  voice  in  Congress,  a  per¬ 
sistent  and  organized  system  of  hostile  measures,  against  the  rights  of  the  owners 


*  See  Appendix,  C. 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


82 

of  slaves  in  the  Southern  States,  was  inaugurated  and  gradually  extended,  in  viola¬ 
tion  of  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  as  well  as  of  the  honor  and  good  faith 
tacitly  pledged  to  the  South,  by  the  manner  in  which  the  North  disposed  of  her 
slaves. 

Such,  in  substance,  is  the  statement  of  Mr.  Davis  in  his  late  message  ;  and  he 
then  proceeds,  seemingly  as  if  rehearsing  the  acts  of  this  Northern  majority  in 
Congress,  to  refer  to  the  anti-slavery  measures  of  the  State  Legislatures,  to  the 
resolutions  of  abolition  societies,  to  the  passionate  appeals  of  the  party  press,  and 
to  the  acts  of  lawless  individuals,  during  the  progress  of  this  unhappy  agitation. 

THE  SOUTH  FORMERLY  OPPOSED  TO  SLAVERY. 

Now,  this  entire  view  of  the  subject,  with  whatever  boldness  it  is  affirmed,  and 
with  whatever  persistency  it  is  repeated,  is  destitute  of  foundation.  It  is  demon¬ 
strably  at  war  with  the  truth  of  history,  and  is  contradicted  by  facts  known  to 
those  now  on  the  stage,  or  which  arc  matters  of  recent  record.  At  the  time  of  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and  long  afterwards,  there  was,  generally  speaking, 
no  sectional  difference  of  opinion  between  North  and  South,  on  the  subject  of  Sla¬ 
very.  It  was  in  both  parts  of  the  country  regarded,  in  the  established  formula  of 
the  day,  as  “  a  social,  political,  and  moral  evil.”  The  general  feeling  in  favor  of 
universal  liberty  and  the  rights  of  man,  wrought  into  fervor  in  the  progress  of  the 
Revolution,  naturally  strengthened  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  throughout  the  Union. 
It  is  the  South  which  has  since  changed ,  not  the  North.  The  theory  of  a  change  in 
the  Northern  mind,  growing  out  of  a  discovery  made  soon  after  17S9,  that  our  soil 
and  climate  were  unpropitious  to  Slavery,  (as  if  the  soil  and  climate  then  were 
different  from  what  they  had  always  been,)  and  a  consequent  sale  to  the  South  of 
the  slaves  of  the  North,  is  purely  mythical — as  groundless  in  fact  as  it  is  absurd  in 
statement.  I  have  often  asked  for  the  evidence  of  this  last  allegation,  and  I  have 
never  found  an  individual  who  attempted  even  to  prove  it.  But  however  this  may 
be,  the  South  at  that  time  regarded  Slavery  as  an  evil,  though  a  necessary  one, 
and  habitually  spoke  of  it  in  that  light.  Its  continued  existence  was  supposed  to 
depend  on  keeping  up  the  African  slave  trade  ;  and  South  as  well  as  North,  Vir¬ 
ginia  as  well  as  Massachusetts,  passed  laws  to  prohibit  that  traffic ;  they  were, 
however,  before  the  revolution,  vetoed  by  the  Royal  Governors.  One  of  the  first 
acts  of  the  Continental  Congress,  unanimously  subscribed  by  its  members,  was  an 
agreement  neither  to  import,  nor  purchase  any  slave  imported,  after  the  first  of 
December,  1774.  In  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  as  originally  drafted  by 
Mr.  Jefferson,  both  Slavery  and  the  slave  trade  were  denounced  in  the  most  un¬ 
compromising  language.  In  1777  the  traffic  was  forbidden  in  Virginia,  by  State 
law,  no  longer  subject  to  the  veto  of  Royal  Governors.  In  1784,  an  ordinance  was 
reported  by  Mr.  Jefferson  to  the  old  Congress,  providing  that  after  1800  there 
should  be  no  Slavery  in  any  Territory,  ceded  or  to  be  ceded  to  the  United  States. 
The  ordinance  failed  at  that  time  to  be  enacted,  but  the  same  prohibition  formed  a 
part  by  general  consent  of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  for  the  organization  of  the  north¬ 
western  Territory.  In  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  published  in  that  year,  Mr.  Jefferson 
depicted  the  evils  of  Slavery  in  terms  of  fearful  import.  In  the  same  year  the 
Constitution  was  framed.  It  recognized  the  existence  of  Slavery,  but  the  word 
was  carefully  excluded  from  the  instrument,  and  Congress  was  authorized  to  abol- 

*j  7  O 


TIIE  SOUTH  FORMERLY  OPPOSED  TO  SLAVERY. 


33 


ish  the  traffic  in  twenty  years.  In  179G,  Mr.  St.  George  Tucker,  law  professor  in 
William  and  Mary  College  in  Virginia,  published  a  treatise  entitled,  “a  Disser¬ 
tation  on  Slavery,  with  a  proposal  for  the  gradual  abolition  of  it  in  the  State  of 
Virginia.”  In  the  preface  to  the  essay,  he  speaks  of  the  “  abolition  of  Slavery 
in  this  State  as  an  object  of  the  first  importance,  not  only  to  our  moral  character 
and  domestic  peace,  but  even  to  our  political  salvation.”  In  1797  Mr.  Pinkney,  in 
the  Legislature  of  Maryland,  maintained  that  “  by  the  eternal  principles  of  justice, 
no  man  in  the  State  has  the  right  to  hold  his  slave  a  single  hour.”  In  1803,  Mr. 
John  Randolph,  from  a  committee  on  the  subject,  reported  that  the  prohibition  of 
Slavery  by  the  ordinance  of  1787,  was  “  a  measure  wisely  calculated  to  promote  the 
happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  North-western  States,  and  to  give  strength  and 
security  to  that  extensive  frontier.”  Under  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  importation  of 
slaves  into  the  Territories  of  Mississippi  and  Louisiana  was  prohibited  in  advance 
of  the  time  limited  by  the  Constitution  for  the  interdiction  of  the  slave  trade. 
When  the  Missouri  restriction  was  enacted,  all  the  members  of  Mr.  Monroe’s  Cab¬ 
inet — Mr.  Crawford  of  Georgia,  Mr.  Calhoun  of  South  Carolina,  and  Mr.  Wirt 
of  Virginia — concurred  with  Mr.  Monroe  in  affirming  its  constitutionality.  In 
.1832,  after  the  Southampton  massacre,  the  evils  of  Slavery  were  exposed  in  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia,  and  the  expediency  of  its  gradual  abolition  maintained,  in 
terms  as  decided  as  were  ever  employed  by  the  most  uncompromising  agitator. 
A  bill  for  that  object  wras  introduced  into  the  Assembly  by  the  grandson  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  and  warmly  supported  by  distinguished  politicians  now  on  the  stage. 
Nay,  we  have  the  recent  admission  of  the  Vice-President  of  the  seceding  Confed¬ 
eracy,  that  what  he  calls  “  the  errors  of  the  past  generation.,”  meaning  the  anti¬ 
slavery  sentiments  entertained  by  Southern  statesmen,  “  still  clung  to  many  as 
late  as  twenty  years  ago.” 

To  this  hasty  review  of  Southern  opinions  and  measures,  showing  their  ac¬ 
cordance  till  a  late  date  with  Northern  sentiment  on  the  subject  of  Slavery,  I  might 
add  the  testimony  of  Washington,  of  Patrick  Henry,  of  George  Mason,  of  Wythe, 
of  Pendleton,  of  Marshall,  of  Lowndes,  of  Poinsett,  of  Clay,  and  of  nearly  every 
first-class  name  in  the  Southern  States.  Nay,  as  late  as  1849,  and  after  the  Union 
had  been  shaken  by  the  agitations  incident  to  the  acquisition  of  Mexican  territory, 
the  Convention  of  California,  although  nearly  one-half  of  its  members  were  from 
the  slaveholding  States,  unanimously  adopted  a  Constitution,  by  which  slavery  was 
prohibited  in  that  State.  In  fact,  it  is  now  triumphantly  proclaimed  by  the  chiefs 
of  the  revolt,  that  the  ideas  prevailing  on  this  subject  when  the  Constitution  was 
adopted  were  fundamentally  wrong;  that  the  new  Government  of  the  Confederate 
States  rests  upon  exactly  the  opposite  ideas  ;  that  its  foundations  are  laid  and  its 
corner-stone  reposes  upon  the  great  truth,  that  the  negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white 
man ;  that  Slavery — subordination  to  the  superior  race — is  his  natural  and  normal 
condition.  This  our  new  Government  is  the  first  in  the  history  of  the  world 
based  upon  this  physical,  philosophical,  and  moral  truth.”  So  little  foundation  is 
there  for  the  statement,  that  the  North,  from  the  first,  has  been  engaged  in  a  strug¬ 
gle  with  the  South  on  the  subject  of  Slavery,  or  has  departed  in  any  degree  from 
the  spirit  with  which  the  Union  was  entered  into,  by  both  parties.  The  fact  is 
precisely  the  reverse. 


34 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


NO  ANTI-SLAVERY  MEASURES  ENACTED  BY  CONGRESS. 

Mr.  Davis,  in  his  message  to  the  Confederate  States,  goes  over  a  long  list  of 
measures,  which  he  declares  to  have  been  inaugurated,  and  gradually  extended,  as 
soon  as  the  Northern  States  had  reached  a  sufficient  number  to  give  their  repre- 
sentatives  a  controlling  voice  in  Congress.  But  of  all  these  measures,  not  one  is  a 
matter  of  Congressional  legislation,  nor  has  Congress,  with  this  alleged  controlling 
voice  on  the  part  of  the  North,  ever  either  passed  a  law  hostile  to  the  interests  of 
the  South,  on  the  subject  of  Slavery,  nor  failed  to  pass  one  which  the  South  has 
claimed  as  belonging  to  her  rights  or  needed  for  her  safety.  In  truth,  the  North, 
meaning  thereby  the  anti-slavery  North,  never  has  had  the  control  of  both  Houses 
of  Congress,  never  of  the  judiciary,  rarely  of  the  Executive,  and  never  exerted 
there  to  the  prejudice  of  Southern  rights.  Every  judicial  or  legislative  issue  on 
this  question,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  final  admission  of  Kansas,  that  has 
ever  been  raised  before  Congress,  has  been  decided  in  favor  of  the  South ;  and  yet 
she  allows  herself  to  allege  “  a  persistent  and  organized  system  of  hostile  measures 
against  the  rights  of  the  owners  of  slaves,”  as  the  justification  of  her  rebellion. 

The  hostile  measures  alluded  to  are,  as  I  have  said,  none  of  them  matters  of 
Congressional  legislation.  Some  of  them  are  purely  imaginary  as  to  any  injurious 
effect,  others  much  exaggerated,  others  unavoidably  incident  to  freedom  of  speech 
and  the  press.  You  are  aware,  my  friends,  that  I  have  always  disapproved  the 
agitation  of  the  subject  of  Slavery  for  party  purposes,  or  with  a  view  to  infringe 
upon  the  Constitutional  rights  of  the  South.  But  if  the  North  has  given  cause  of 
complaint,  in  this  respect,  the  fault  has  been  equally  committed  by  the  South. 
The  subject  has  been  fully  as  much  abused  there  as  here  for  party  purposes  ;  and 
if  the  North  has  ever  made  it  the  means  of  gaining  a  sectional  triumph,  she  has  but 
done  what  the  South,  for  the  last  twenty-five  years,  has  never  missed  an  occasion 
of  doing.  With  respect  to  every  thing  substantial  in  the  complaints  of  the  South 
against  the  North,  Congress  and  the  States  have  afforded  or  tendered  all  reason¬ 
able,  all  possible  satisfaction.  She  asked  for  a  more  stringent  fugitive  slave  law  in 
1850,  and  it  was  enacted.  She  complained  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  although 
adopted  in  conformity  with  all  the  traditions  of  the  Government,  and  approved  by 
the  most  judicious  Southern  statesmen ;  and  after  thirty-four  years’  acquiescence  on 
the  part  of  the  people,  Congress  repealed  it.  She  wished  for  a  judicial  decision  of 
the  territorial  question  in  her  favor,  and  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
in  contravention  of  the  whole  current  of  our  legislation,  so  decided  it.  She  insisted 
on  carrying  this  decision  into  effect,  and  three  new  Territories,  at  the  very  last 
session  of  Congress,  were  organized  in  conformity  to  it,  as  Utah  and  New  Mexico 
had  been  before  it  was  rendered.  She  demanded  a  guarantee  against  amendments 
of  the  Constitution  adverse  to  her  interests,  and  it  was  given  by  the  requisite  ma¬ 
jority  of  the  two  Houses.  She  required  the  repeal  of  the  State  laws  obstructing 
the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  although  she  had  taken  the  extreme  remedy 
of  revolt  into  her  hands,  they  were  repealed  or  modified.  Nothing  satisfied  her, 
because  there  was  an  active  party  in  the  cotton-growing  States,  led  by  ambitious 
men  determined  on  disunion,  who  were  resolved  not  to  be  satisfied.  In  one  in¬ 
stance  alone  the  South  has  suffered  defeat.  The  North,  for  the  first  time  since  the 
foundation  of  the  Government,  has  chosen  a  President  by  her  unaided  electoral 


REPRESENTATION  OF  THREE-FIFTHS  OF  THE  SLAVES. 


35 


vote ;  and  that  is  the  occasion  of  the  present  unnatural  war.  I  cannot  appropriate 
to  myself  any  portion  of  those  cheers,  for,  as  you  know,  I  did  not  contribute,  by 
my  vote,  to  that  result ;  but  I  did  enlist  under  the  Banner  of  “  the  Union,  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws.”  Under  that  Banner  I  mean  to  stand, 
and  with  it,  if  it  is  struck  down,  I  am  willing  to  fall.  Even  for  this  result  the 
South  has  no  one  to  blame  but  herself.  Her  disunionists  would  give  their  votes 
for  no  candidate  but  the  one  selected  by  leaders  who  avowed  the  purpose  of  effect¬ 
ing  a  revolution  of  the  cotton  States,  and  who  brought  about  a  schism  in  the  Dem¬ 
ocratic  party  directly  caclulated,  probably  designed,  to  produce  the  event  which 
actually  took  place,  with  all  its  dread  consequences. 

REPRESENTATION  OF  THREE-FIFTHS  OF  THE  SLAVES. 

I  trust  I  have  shown  the  flagrant  injustice  of  this  whole  attempt  to  fasten  upon 
the  North  the  charge  of  wielding  the  powers  of  the  Federal  Government  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  South.  But  there  is  one  great  fact  connected  with  this  subject, 
seldom  prominently  brought  forward,  which  ought  forever  to  close  the  lips  of  the 
South,  in  this  warfare  of  sectional  reproach.  Under  the  old  Confederation,  the 
Congress  consisted  of  but  one  House,  and  each  State,  large  and  small,  had  but  a 
single  vote,  and  consequently  an  equal  share  in  the  Government,  if  Government  it 
could  bo  called,  of  the  Union.  This  manifest  injustice  was  barely  tolerable  in  a 
state  of  war,  when  the  imminence  of  the  public  danger  tended  to  produce  unanimity 
of  feeling  and  action.  When  the  country  was  relieved  from  the  pressure  of  the 
war,  and  discordant  interests  more  and  more  disclosed  themselves,  the  equality  of 
the  States  became  a  positive  element  of  discontent,  and  contributed  its  full  share 
to  the  downfall  of  that  short-lived  and  ill-compacted  frame  of  Government. 

Accordingly,  when  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  formed,  the  great 
object  and  the  main  difficulty  was  to  reconcile  the  equality  of  the  States,  (which 
gave  to  Rhode  Island  and  Delaware  equal  weight  with  Virginia  and  Massachusetts,) 
with  a  proportionate  representation  of  the  people.  Each  of  these  principles  was 
of  vital  importance  ;  the  first  being  demanded  by  the  small  States,  as  due  to  their 
equal  independence,  and  the  last  being  demanded  by  the  large  States,  in  virtue  of 
the  fact  that  the  Constitution  was  the  work  and  the  Government  of  the  people,  and 
in  conformity  with  the  great  law  in  which  the  Revolution  had  its  origin,  that  repre¬ 
sentation  and  taxation  should  go  hand  in  hand. 

The  problem  was  solved,  in  the  Federal  Convention,  by  a  system  of  extremely 
refined  arrangements,  of  which  the  chief  was  that  there  should  be  two  Houses  of 
Congress,  that  each  State  should  have  an  equal  representation  in  the  Senate,  (vot¬ 
ing,  however,  not  by  States,  but  per  capita ,)  and  a  number  of  representatives  in 
the  House  in  proportion  to  its  population.  But  here  a  formidable  difficulty  pre¬ 
sented  itself,  growing  out  of  the  anomalous  character  of  the  population  of  the  slave¬ 
holding  States,  consisting  as  it  did  of  a  dominant  and  a  subject  class,  the  latter  ex¬ 
cluded  by  local  law  from  the  enjoyment  of  all  political  rights,  and  regarded  simply 
as  property.  In  this  state  of  things,  was  it  just  or  equitable  that  the  slaveholding 
States,  in  addition  to  the  number  of  representatives  to  which  their  free  population 
entitled  them,  should  have  a  further  share  in  the  government  of  the  country,  on 
account  of  the  slaves  held  as  property  by  a  small  portion  of  the  ruling  class  ? 
While  property  of  every  kind  in  the  non-slaveholding  States  was  unrepresented, 


S6 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


was  it  just  that  this  species  of  property,  forming  a  large  proportion  of  the  entire 
property  of  the  South,  should  he  allowed  to  swell  the  representation  of  the  slave¬ 
holding  States  ? 

This  serious  difficulty  was  finally  disposed  of,  in  a  manner  mutually  satisfactory, 
hy  providing  that  Representatives  and  direct  Taxes  should  he  apportioned  among 
the  States  on  the  same  basis  of  population,  ascertained  by  adding  to  the  whole 
number  of  free  persons  three-fifths  of  the  slaves.  It  was  expected  at  this  time  that 
the  Federal  Treasury  would  be  mainly  supplied  by  direct  taxation.  While,  there¬ 
fore,  the  rule  adopted  gave  to  the  South  a  number  of  representatives  out  of  propor¬ 
tion  to  the  number  of  her  citizens,  she  would  bo  restrained  from  exercising  this 
power  to  the  prejudice  of  the  North,  by  the  fact  that  any  increase  of  the  public 
burdens  would  fill  in  the  same  increased  proportion  on  herself.  For  the  additional 
weight  which  the  South  gained  in  the  presidential  election,  by  this  adjustment,  the 
North  received  no  compensation. 

But  now  mark  the  practical  operation  of  the  compromise.  Direct  taxation, 
instead  of  being  the  chief  resource  of  the  Treasury,  has  been  resorted  to  but  four 
times  since  the  foundation  of  the  Government,  and  then  for  small  amounts ;  in 
179S  two  millions  of  dollars,  in  1S13  three  millions,  in  1815  six  millions,  in  181G 
three  millions  again,  in  all  fourteen  millions,  the  sum  total  raised  by  direct  taxation 
in  seventy-two  years,  less  than  an  average  of  200,000  dollars  a  year.  What  num¬ 
ber  of  representatives,  beyond  the  proportion  of  their  free  population,  the  South 
has  elected  in  former  Congresses  I  have  not  computed.  In  the  last  Congress  she 
was  represented  by  twenty  members,  in  behalf  of  her  slaves,  being  nearly  one- 
eleventh  part  of  the  entire  House.  As  the  increasing  ratio  of  the  two  classes  of 
population  has  not  greatly  varied,  it  is  probable  that  the  South,  in  virtue  of  her 
slaves,  has  always  enjoyed  about  the  same  proportionate  representation  in  the 
House,  in  excess  of  that  accruing  from  her  free  population.  As  it  has  rarely  hap¬ 
pened  in  our  political  divisions  that  important  measures  have  been  carried  by  large 
majorities,  this  excess  has  been  quite  sufficient  to  assure  the  South  a  majority  on 
all  sectional  questions.  It  enabled  her  to  elect  her  candidate  for  the  Presidency  in 
1800,  and  thus  effect  the  great  political  revolution  of  that  year,  and  is  sufficient  of 
itself  to  account  for  that  approach  to  a  monopoly  of  the  Government  which  she  has 
ever  enjoyed. 

Now,  though  the  consideration  for  which  the  North  agreed  to  this  arrangement, 
may  be  said  to  have  wholly  failed,  it  has  nevertheless  been  quietly  acquiesced  in. 
I  do  not  mean  that  in  times  of  high  party  excitement  it  has  never  been  alluded  to 
as  a  hardship.  The  Hartford  Convention  spoke  of  it  as  a  grievance  which  ought  to 
be  remedied  ;  but  even  since  our  political  controversies  have  turned  almost  wholly 
on  the  subject  of  slavery,  I  am  not  aware  that  this  entire  failure  of  the  equivalent, 
for  which  the  North  gave  up  to  the  South  what  lias  secured  to  her,  in  fact,  the 
almost  exclusive  control  of  the  Government  of  the  country,  has  been  a  frequent  or  a 
prominent  subject  of  complaint. 

So  much  for  the  pursuit  by  the  North  of  measures  hostile  to  the  interests  of  the 
South ; — so  much  for  the  grievances  urged  by  the  South  as  her  justification  for 
bringing  upon  the  country  the  crimes  and  sufferings  of  civil  war,  and  aiming  at  the 
prostration  of  a  Government  admitted  by  herself  to  be  the  most  perfect  the  world 
has  seen,  and  under  which  all  her  own  interests  have  been  eminently  protected  and 


WHY  SHOULD  WE  NOT  RECOGNIZE  THE  SECEDING  STATES? 


37 


favored ;  for  to  complete  the  demonstration  of  the  unreasonableness  of  her  com¬ 
plaints,  it  is  necessary  only  to  add,  that,  by  the  admission  of  her  leading  public 
men,  there  never  was  a  time  when  her  “  peculiar  institution  ”  was  so  stable  and 
prosperous  as  at  the  present  moment.* 

WHY  SHOULD  WE  NOT  RECOGNIZE  THE  SECEDING  STATES? 

And  now  let  us  rise  from  these  disregarded  appeals  to  the  truth  of  history  and 
the  wretched  subtiltics  of  the  Secession  School  of  Argument,  and  contemplate  the 
great  issue  before  us,  in  its  solemn  practical  reality.  “  Why  should  we  not,”  it  is 
asked,  “  admit  the  claims  of  the  seceding  States,  acknowledge  their  independence, 
and  put  an  end  at  once  to  the  war  ?  ”  “  Why  should  we  not  ?  ”  I  answer  the 

question  by  asking  another  :  “  Why  should  we?  ”  What  have  we  to  gain,  what  to 
hope  from  the  pursuit  of  that  course?  Peace?  But  we  were  at  peace  before- 
Why  are  we  not  at  peace  now?  The  North  has  not  waged  the  war,  it  has  been 
forced  upon  us  in  self-defence ;  and  if,  while  they  had  the  Constitution  and  the 
Laws,  the  Executive',  Congress,  and  the  Courts,  all  controlled  by  themselves,  the 
South,  dissatisfied  with  legal  protections  and  Constitutional  remedies,  has  grasped 
the  sword,  can  North  and  South  hope  to  live  in  peace,  when  the  bonds  of  Union  are 
broken,  and  amicable  means  of  adjustment  are  repudiated  ?  Peace  is  the  very  last 
thing  which  Secession,  if  recognized,  will  give  us ;  it  will  give  us  nothing  but  a 
hollow  truce, — time  to  prepare  the  means  of  new  outrages.  It  is  in  its  very  nature 
a  perpetual  cause  of  hostility  ;  an  eternal  never-cancelled  letter  of  marque  and 
reprisal,  an  everlasting  proclamation  of  border-war.  How  can  peace  exist,  when  all 
the  causes  of  dissension  shall  be  indefinitely  multiplied ;  when  unequal  revenue 
laws  shall  have  led  to  a  gigantic  system  of  smuggling;  when  a  general  stampede  of 
slaves  shall  take  place  along  the  border,  with  no  thought  of  rendition,  and  all  the 
thousand  causes  of  mutual  irritation  shall  be  called  into  action,  on  a  frontier  of  1,500 
miles  not  marked  by  natural  boundaries  and  not  subject  to  a  common  jurisdiction 
or  a  mediating  power?  We  did  believe  in  peace,  fondly,  credulously,  believed 
that,  cemented  by  the  mild  umpirage  of  the  Federal  Union,  it  might  dwell  forever 
beneath  the  folds  of  the  Star-Spangled  Banner,  and  the  sacred  shield  of  a  common 
Nationality.  That  was  the  great  arcanum  of  policy  ;  that  was  the  State  mystery 
into  which  men  and  angels  desired  to  look  ;  hidden  from  ages,  but  revealed  to 
us  : — 

Which  Kings  and  Prophets  waited  for, 

And  sought,  but  never  found  : 

a  family  of  States  independent  of  each  other  for  local  concerns,  united  under  one 
Government  for  the  management  of  common  interests  and  the  prevention  of  internal 
feuds.  There  was  no  limit  to  the  possible  extension  of  such  a  system.  It  had 
already  comprehended  half  of  North  America,  and  it  might,  in  the  course  of  time, 
have  folded  the  continent  in  its  peaceful,  beneficent  embrace.  We  fondly  dreamed 
that,  in  the  lapse  of  ages,  it  would  have  been  extended  till  half  the  Western  hemi¬ 
sphere  had  realized  the  vision  of  universal,  perpetual  peace.  From  that  dream  we 
have  been  rudely  startled  by  the  array  of  ten  thousand  armed  men  in  Charleston 
Harbor,  and  the  glare  of  eleven  batteries  bursting  on  the  torn  sky  of  the  Union, 
like  the  comet  which,  at  this  very  moment,  burns  “  In  the  Arctic  sky,  and  from  his 

*  See  Appendix,  D. 


38 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


horrid  hair  shakes  pestilence  and  war.”  These  batteries  rained  their  storm  of  iron 
hail  on  one  poor  siege-worn  company,  because,  in  obedience  to  lawful  authority,  in 
the  performance  of  sworn  duty,  the  gallant  Anderson  resolved  to  keep  his  oath. 
That  brave  and  faithful  band,  by  remaining  at  their  post,  did  not  hurt  a  hair  of  the 
head  of  a  Carolinian,  bond  or  free.  The  United  States  proposed  not  to  reenforce, 
but  to  feed  them.  But  the  Confederate  leaders  would  not  allow  them  even  the  poor 
boon  of  being  starved  into  surrender;  and  because  some  laws  had  been  passed 
somewhere,  by  which  it  was  alleged  that  the  return  of  some  slaves  (not  one  from 
Carolina)  had  been  or  might  be  obstructed,  South  Carolina,  disclaiming  the  protec¬ 
tion  of  courts  and  of  Congress,  which  had  never  been  withheld  from  her,  has  in¬ 
augurated  a  ruthless  civil  war.  If,  for  the  frivolous  reasons  assigned,  the  seceding 
States  have  chosen  to  plunge  into  this  gulf,  while  all  the  peaceful  temperaments  and 
constitutional  remedies  of  the  Union  were  within  their  reach,  and  offers  of  further 
compromise  and  additional  guarantees  were  daily  tendered  them,  what  hope,  what 
possibility  of  peace  can  there  be,  when  the  Union  is  broken  up,  when,  in  addition 
to  all  other  sources  of  deadly  quarrel,  a  general  exodus  of  the  slave  population 
begins,  (as,  beyond  all  question,  it  will,)  and  nothing  but  war  remains  for  the  set¬ 
tlement  of  controversies  1  The  Vice-President  of  the  new  Confederacy  states  that 
it  rests  on  slavery  ;  but  from  its  very  nature  it  must  rest  equally  on  war ;  eternal 
war,  first  between  North  and  South,  and  then  between  the  smaller  fragments  into 
which  some  of  the  disintegrated  parts  may  crumble.  The  work  of  demons  has 
already  begun.  Besides  the  hosts  mustered  for  the  capture  or  destruction  of 
Washington,  Eastern  Virginia  has  let  loose  the  dogs  of  war  on  the  loyal  citizens 
of  Western  Virginia  ;  they  are  straining  at  the  leash  in  Maryland  and  Kentucky  ; 
Tennessee  threatens  to  set  a  price  on  the  head  of  her  noble  Johnson  and  his  friends ; 
a  civil  war  rages  in  Missouri.  Why,  in  the  name  of  Ilcaven,  has  not  Western 
Virginia,  separated  from  Eastern  Virginia  by  mountain  ridges,  by  climate,  by  the 
course  of  her  rivers,  by  the  character  of  her  population,  and  the  nature  of  her  in¬ 
dustry,  why  has  she  not  as  good  a  right  to  stay  in  the  Union  which  she  inherited 
from  her  Washington,  as  Eastern  Virginia  has  to  abandon  it  for  the  mushroom 
Confederacy  forced  upon  her  from  Montgomery  ?  Arc  no  rights  sacred  but  those  of 
rebellion  ;  no  oaths  binding  but  those  taken  by  men  already  foresworn  ;  are  liberty 
of  thought,  and  speech,  and  action  nowhere  to  be  tolerated  except  on  the  part  of 
those  by  whom  laws  are  trampled  under  foot,  arsenals  and  mints  plundered,  gov¬ 
ernments  warred  against,  and  where  their  patriotic  defenders  arc  assailed  by  fero¬ 
cious  and  murderous  mobs  1 

SECESSION  ESTABLISHES  A  FOREIGN  POWER  ON  TnE  CONTINENT. 

Then  consider  the  monstrous  nature  and  reach  of  the  pretensions  in  which  we 
are  expected  to  acquiesce ;  which  are  nothing  less  than  that  the  United  States  should 
allow  a  Foreign  Power,  by  surprise,  treachery,  and  violence,  to  possess  itself  of 
one-half  of  their  territory  and  all  the  public  property  and  public  establishments 
contained  in  it ;  for  if  the  Southern  Confederacy  is  recognized,  it  becomes  a  Foreign 
Power,  established  along  a  curiously  dove-tailed  frontier  of  1,500  miles,  command¬ 
ing  some  of  the  most  important  commercial  and  military  positions  and  lines  of 
communication  for  travel  and  trade ;  half  the  sea-coast  of  the  Union  ;  the  naviga¬ 
tion  of  our  Mediterranean  Sea,  (the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  one-third  as  large  as  the  Medi- 


IMMENSE  COST  OF  THE  TERRITORIES  CLAIMED  BY  SECESSION. 


39 


terranean  of  Europe,)  and,  above  all,  the  great  arterial  inlet  into  the  heart  of  the 
Continent,  through  which  its  very  life-blood  pours  its  imperial  tides.  I  say  we  are 
coolly  summoned  to  surrender  all  this  to  a  Foreign  Power.  Would  we  surrender 
it  to  England,  to  France,  to  Spain  ?  Not  an  inch  of  it ;  why,  then,  to  the  Southern 
Confederacy?  Would  any  other  Government  on  earth,  unless  compelled  by  the 
direst  necessity,  make  such  a  surrender?  Does  not  France  keep  an  army  of 
100,000  men  in  Algeria  to  prevent  a  few  wandering  tribes  of  Arabs,  a  recent  con¬ 
quest,  from  asserting  their  independence  ?  Did  not  England  strain  her  resources 
to  the  utmost  tension,  to  prevent  the  native  Kingdoms  of  Central  India  (civilized 
States  two  thousand  years  ago,  and  while  painted  chieftains  ruled  the  savage  clans 
of  ancient  Britain)  from  reestablishing  their  sovereignty  ;  and  shall  we  be  expected, 
without  a  struggle,  to  abandon  a  great  integral  part  of  the  United  States  to  a  For¬ 
eign  Power  ? 

Let  it  be  remembered,  too,  that  in  granting  to  the  seceding  States,  jointly  and 
severally,  the  right  to  leave  the  Union,  we  concede  to  them  the  right  of  resuming,  if 
they  please,  their  former  allegiance  to  England,  France,  and  Spain.  It  rests  with 
them,  with  any  one  of  them,  if  the  right  of  secession  is  admitted,  again  to  plant  a 
European  Government  side  by  side  with  that  of  the  United  States  on  the  soil  of 
America  ;  and  it  is  by  no  means  the  most  improbable  upshot  of  this  ill-starred 
rebellion,  if  allowed  to  prosper.  Is  this  the  Monroe  doctrine  for  which  the  United 
States  have  been  contending  ?  The  disunion  press  in  Virginia  last  year  openly 
encouraged  the  idea  of  a  French  Protectorate,  and  her  Legislature  has,  I  believe, 
sold  out  the  James  River  canal,  the  darling  enterprise  of  Washington,  to  a  com¬ 
pany  in  France  supposed  to  enjoy  the  countenance  of  the  emperor.  The  seceding 
patriots  of  South  Carolina  were  understood  by  the  correspondent  of  the  London 
“  Times,”  to  admit  that  they  would  rather  be  subject  to  a  British  prince,  than  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States.  Whether  they  desire  it  or  not,  the  moment 
the  seceders  lose  the  protection  of  the  United  States,  they  hold  their  independence 
at  the  mercy  of  the  powerful  governments  of  Europe.  If  the  navy  of  the  North 
should  withdraw  its  protection,  there  is  not  a  Southern  State  on  the  Atlantic  or  the 
Gulf,  which  might  not  be  recolonized  by  Europe,  in  six  months  after  the  outbreak 
of  a  foreign  war. 

IMMENSE  COST  OF  THE  TERRITORIES  CLAIMED  BY  SECESSION. 

Then  look  at  the  case  for  a  moment,  in  reference  to  the  cost  of  the  acquisitions 
of  territory  made  on  this  side  of  the  continent  within  the  present  century, — Florida, 
Louisiana,  Texas,  and  the  entire  coast  of  Alabama  and  Mississippi ;  vast  regions 
acquired  from  France,  Spain,  and  Mexico,  within  sixty  years.  Louisiana  cost 
15,000,000  dollars,  when  our  population  was  5,000,000,  representing,  of  course,  a 
burden  of  90,000,000  of  dollars  at  the  present  day.  Florida  cost  5,000,000  dollars 
in  1820,  when  our  population  was  less  than  10,000,000,  equal  to  15,000,000  dollars 
at  the  present  day,  besides  the  expenses  of  General  Jackson’s  war  in  1818,  and  the 
Florida  war  of  1840,  in  which  some  80,000,000  of  dollars  were  thrown  away,  for  the 
purpose  of  driving  out  a  handful  of  starving  Seminoles  from  the  Everglades. 
Texas  cost  $200,000,000  expended  in  the  Mexican  war,  in  addition  to  the  lives  of 
thousands  of  brave  men  ;  besides  $10,000,000  paid  to  her  in  1850,  for  ceding  a 
tract  of  land  which  was  not  hers  to  New  Mexico.  A  great  part  of  the  expense  of 


40 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


the  military  establishment  of  the  United  States  has  been  incurred  in  defending  the 
South-Western  frontier.  The  troops,  meanly  surprised  and  betrayed  in  Texas, 
were  sent  there  to  protect  her  defenceless  border  settlements  from  the  tomahawk 
and  scalping-knife.  If  to  all  this  expenditure  we  add  that  of  the  forts,  the  navy 
yards,  the  court-houses,  the  custom-houses,  and  the  other  public  buildings  in  these 
regions,  500,000,000  dollars  of  the  public  funds,  of  which  at  least  five-sixths  have 
been  levied  by  indirect  taxation  from  the  North  and  North-West,  have  been  ex¬ 
pended  in  and  for  the  Gulf  States  in  this  century.  Would  England,  would  France, 
would  any  government  on  the  face  of  the  earth  surrender,  without  a  death-struggle, 
such  a  dear-bought  territory  ? 

THE  UNITED  STATES  CANNOT  GIVE  UP  THE  CONTROL  OP  THE  OUTLET  OF 

THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

But  of  this  I  make  no  account ;  the  dollars  are  spent ;  let  them  go.  But  loolc  at 
the  subject  for  a  moment  in  its  relations  to  the  safety,  to  the  prosperity,  and  the 
growth  of  the  country.  The  Missouri  and  the  Mississippi  Rivers,  with  their  hundred 
tributaries,  give  to  the  great  central  basin  of  our  continent  its  character  and  destiny. 
The  outlet  of  this  mighty  system  lies  between  the  States  of  Tennessee  and  Missouri, 
of  Mississippi  and  Arkansas,  and  through  the  State  of  Louisiana.  The  ancient 
province  so-called,  the  proudest  monument  of  the  mighty  monarch  whose  name  it 
bears,  passed  from  the  jurisdiction  of  France  to  that  of  Spain  in  17G3.  Spain 
coveted  it,  not  that  she  might  fill  it  with  prosperous  colonics  and  rising  States,  but 
£hat  it  might  stretch  as  a  broad  waste  barrier,  infested  with  warlike  tribes,  between 
the  Anglo-American  power  and  the  silver  mines  of  Mexico.  With  the  independence 
of  the  United  States,  the  fear  of  a  still  more  dangerous  neighbor  grew  upon  Spain, 
and  in  the  insane  expectation  of  checking  the  progress  of  the  Union  westward,  she 
threatened,  and  at  times  attempted,  to  close  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  on  the 
rapidly  increasing  trade  of  the  West.  The  bare  suggestion  of  such  a  policy  roused 
the  population  upon  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  then  inconsiderable,  as  one  man.  Their 
confidence  in  Washington  scarcely  restrained  them  from  rushing  to  the  seizure  of 
New  Orleans,  when  the  treaty  of  San  Lorenzo  El  Real  in  1795  stipulated  for  them 
a  precarious  right  of  navigating  the  noble  river  to  the  sea,  with  a  right  of  deposit  at 
New  Orleans.  This  subject  was  for  years  the  turning  point  of  the  politics  of  the 
West,  and  it  was  perfectly  well  understood,  that,  sooner  or  later,  she  would  be 
content  with  nothing  less  than  the  sovereign  control  of  the  mighty  stream  from  its 
head  spring  to  its  outlet  in  the  Gulf;  and  that  is  as  true  now  as  it  teas  then. 

So  stood  affairs  at  the  close  of  the  last  century,  when  the  colossal  power  of  the 
first  Napoleon  burst  upon  the  world.  In  the  vast  recesses  of  his  Titanic  ambition, 
he  cherished  as  a  leading  object  of  his  policy,  to  acquire  for  France  a  colonial  em¬ 
pire  which  should  balance  that  of  England.  In  pursuit  of  this  policy,  he  fixed  his 
eye  on  the  ancient  regal  colony  which  Louis  XIV.  had  founded  in  the  heart  of 
North  America,  and  ho  tempted  Spain  by  the  paltry  bribe  of  creating  a  kingdom 
of  Etruria  for  a  Bourbon  prince,  to  give  back  to  France  the  then  boundless  waste 
of  the  territory  of  Louisiana.  The  cession  was  made  by  the  secret  treaty  of  San 
Ildefonso  of  the  1st  of  October,  1S00,  (of  which  one  sentence  only  has  ever  been 
published,  but  that  sentence  gave  away  half  a  continent,)  and  the  youthful  conqueror 
concentrated  all  the  resources  of  his  mighty  genius  on  the  accomplishment  of  the 


CONTROL  OF  THE  OUTLET  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 


41 


vast  project.  If  successful,  it  would  have  established  the  French  power  on  the 
mouth  and  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  and  would  have  opposed  the  most 
formidable  barrier  to  the  expansion  of  the  United  States.  The  peace  of  Amiens,  at 
this  juncture,  relieved  Napoleon  from  the  pressure  of  the  war  with  England,  and 
every  thing  seemed  propitious  to  the  success  of  the  great  enterprise.  The  fate  of 
America  trembled  for  a  moment  in  a  doubtful  balance,  and  five  hundred  thousand 
citizens  in  that  region  felt  the  danger,  and  sounded  the  alarm.* 

But  in  another  moment  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  changed,  by  a  stroke  of  policy, 
grand,  unexpected,  and  fruitful  of  consequences,  perhaps  without  a  parallel  in  history. 
The  short-lived  truce  of  Amiens  was  about  to  end,  the  renewal  of  war  was  inevi¬ 
table.  Napoleon  saw  that  before  he  could  take  possession  of  Louisiana  it  would 
be  wrested  from  him  by  England,  who  commanded  the  seas,  and  he  determined  at 
once,  not  merely  to  deprive  her  of  this  magnificent  conquest,  but  to  contribute  as 
far  as  in  him  lay,  to  build  up  a  great  rival  maritime  power  in  the  West.  The 
Government  of  the  United  States,  not  less  sagacious,  seized  the  golden  moment — 
a  moment  such  as  does  not  happen  twice  in  a  thousand  years.  Mr.  Jefferson  per¬ 
ceived  that,  unless  acquired  by  the  United  States,  Louisiana  would  in  a  short  time 
belong  to  France  or  to  England,  and  with  equal  wisdom  and  courage  he  determined 
that  it  should  belong  to  neither.  True  ho  held  the  acquisition  to  be  unconstitu¬ 
tional,  but  he  threw  to  the  winds  the  resolutions  of  1798,  which  had  just  brought 
him  into  power ;  he  broke  the  Constitution  and  he  gained  an  Empire.  Mr.  Mon¬ 
roe  was  sent  to  France  to  conduct  the  negotiation,  in  conjunction  with  Chancellor 
Livingston,  the  resident  Minister,  contemplating,  however,  at  that  time  only  the 
acquisition  of  New  Orleans  and  the  adjacent  territory. 

But  they  were  dealing  with  a  man  that  did  nothing  by  halves.  Napoleon  knew, 
and  we  know — that  to  give  up  the  mouth  of  the  river  was  to  give  up  its  course. 
On  Easter-Sunday  of  1S03,  he  amazed  his  Council  with  the  announcement,  that  ho 
had  determined  to  cede  the  whole  of  Louisiana  to  the  United  States.  Not  less  to 
the  astonishment  of  the  American  envoys,  they  were  told  by  the  French  negotia¬ 
tors,  at  the  first  interview,  that  their  master  was  prepared  to  treat  with  them  not 
merely  for  the  Isle  of  New  Orleans,  but  for  the  whole  vast  province  which  bore  the 
name  of  Louisiana ;  whose  boundaries,  then  unsettled,  have  since  been  carried  on 
the  North  to  the  British  line,  on  the  West  to  the  Pacific  Ocean ;  a  territory  half 
as  big  as  Europe,  transferred  by  a  stroke  of  the  pen.  Fifty-eight  years  have 
elapsed  since  the  acquisition  was  made.  The  States  of  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Mis¬ 
souri,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  and  Kansas,  the  territories  of  Nebraska,  Dacotah,  Jefferson, 
and  part  of  Colorado,  have  been  established  within  its  limits,  on  this  side  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains  ;  the  State  of  Oregon  and  the  territory  of  Washington  on  their 
western  slope ;  while  a  tide  of  population  is  steadily  pouring  into  the  region,  des¬ 
tined  in  addition  to  the  natural  increase,  before  the  close  of  the  century,  to  double 
the  number  of  the  States  and  Territories.  For  the  entire  region  west  of  the  Al- 
leghanies  and  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  the  Missouri  and  the  Mississippi  form 
the  natural  outlet  to  the  sea.  Without  counting  the  population  of  the  seceding 
States,  there  are  ten  millions  of  the  free  citizens  of  the  country,  between  Pittsburg 
and  Fort  Union,  who  claim  the  course  and  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  as  belong¬ 
ing  to  the  United  States.  It  is  theirs  by  a  transfer  of  truly  imperial  origin  and 


*  Speech  of  Mr.  Eoss,  in  the  SeDate  of  tho  United  States,  14th  February,  1803. 


42 


ADDRESS  BY  EDWARD  EVERETT. 


magnitude ;  theirs  by  a  sixty  years’  undisputed  title ;  theirs  by  occupation  and 
settlement ;  theirs  by  the  Law  of  Nature  and  of  God.  Louisiana,  a  fragment  of 
this  Colonial  empire,  detached  from  its  main  portion  and  first  organized  as  a  State, 
undertakes  to  secede  from  the  Union,  and  thinks  by  so  doing  that  she  will  be 
allowed  by  the  Government  and  People  of  the  United  States  to  revoke  this  im¬ 
perial  transfer,  to  disregard  this  possession  and  occupation  of  sixty  years,  to  repeal 
this  law  of  nature  and  of  God  ;  and  she  fondly  believes  that  ten  millions  of  the 
Free  People  of  the  Union  will  allow  her  and  her  seceding  brethren  to  open  and 
shut  the  portals  of  this  mighty  region  at  their  pleasure.  They  may  do  so,  and  the 
swarming  millions  which  throng  the  course  of  these  noble  streams  and  their  tribu¬ 
taries  may  consent  to  exchange  the  charter  which  they  hold  from  the  God  of 
Heaven,  for  a  bit  of  parchment  signed  at  Montgomery  or  Richmond  ;  but  if  I  may 
repeat  the  wrords  which  I  have  lately  used  on  another  occasion,  it  will  be  when  the 
Alleghanies  and  the  Rocky  Mountains,  which  form  the  eastern  and  western  walls 
of  the  imperial  valley,  shall  sink  to  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  the  Mississippi  and  the 
Missouri  shall  flow  back  to  their  fountains. 

Such,  Fellow-citizens,  as  I  contemplate  them,  are  the  great  issues  before  the 
country,  nothing  less,  in  a  word,  than  whether  the  work  of  our  noble  Fathers  of 
the  Revolutionary  and  Constitutional  age  shall  perish  or  endure ;  whether  this 
great  experiment  in  National  polity,  which  binds  a  family  of  free  Republics  in  one 
United  Government — the  most  hopeful  plan  for  combining  the  homebred  blessings 
of  a  small  State  with  the  stability  and  power  of  great  empire — shall  be  treacher¬ 
ously  and  shamefully  stricken  down,  in  the  moment  of  its  most  successful  opera¬ 
tion,  or  whether  it  shall  bo  bravely,  patriotically,  triumphantly  maintained.  We 
wage  no  war  of  conquest  and  subjugation ;  we  aim  at  nothing  but  to  protect 
our  loyal  fellow-citizens,  who,  against  fearful  odds,  are  fighting  the  battles  of  the 
Union  in  the  disaffected  States,  and  to  reestablish,  not  for  ourselves  alone,  but  for 
our  deluded  fellow-citizens,  the  mild  sway  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Laws.  The  re¬ 
sult  cannot  be  doubted.  Twenty  millions  of  freemen,  forgetting  their  divisions,  arc 
rallying  as  one  man  in  support  of  the  righteous  cause — their  willing  hearts  and 
their  strong  hands,  their  fortunes  and  their  lives,  are  laid  upon  the  altar  of  the 
country.  We  contend  for  the  great  inheritance  of  constitutional  freedom  trans¬ 
mitted  from  our  revolutionary  fathers.  We  engage  in  the  struggle  forced  upon 
us,  with  sorrow,  as  against  our  misguided  brethren,  but  with  high  heart  and  faith, 
as  we  war  for  that  Union  which  our  sainted  Washington  commended  to  our  dearest 
affections.  The  sympathy  of  the  civilized  world  is  on  our  side,  and  will  join  us  in 
prayers  to  Heaven  for  the  success  of  our  arms. 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX  A,  p.  9. 

After  the  remark3  in  the  foregoing  address,  p.  9,  were  written,  touching  the  impos¬ 
sibility,  at  the  present  day,  of  repealing  the  instrument  by  which  in  1788  South  Carolina  gave 
her  consent  and  ratification  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  I  sought  the  opinion 
on  that  point  of  Mr.  George  Ticknor  Curtis,  the  learned  and  accurate  historian  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution.  It  afforded  me  great  pleasure  to  find,  from  the  following  letter,  that  my  view 
of  the  subject  is  sustained  by  his  high  authority: 

Jamaica  Plains,  j 
Saturday  Evening,  June  8, 1861.  ) 

My  Dear  Sir  :  Since  I  came  home,  I  have  looked  carefully  at  the  ratification  of  the 
Constitution  by  South  Carolina.  The  formal  instrument,  sent  to  Congress,  seems  to  be 
much  more  in  the  nature  of  a  Deed  or  Grant,  than  of  an  Ordinance.  An  ordinance  would 
seem  to  be  an  instrument  adopted  by  a  public  body,  for  the  regulation  of  a  subject  that  in 
its  nature  remains  under  the  regulation  of  that  body ; — to  operate  until  otherwise  ordered. 
A  Deed,  or  Grant,  on  the  other  hand,  operates  to  pass  some  things  ;  and  unless  there  be 
a  reservation  of  some  control  over  the  subject-matter  by  the  Grantor,  his  cession  is  neces¬ 
sarily  irrevocable.  I  can  perceive  no  reason  why  these  distinctions  are  not  applicable  to 
the  cession  of  political  powers  by  a  People,  or  their  duly  authorized  representatives.  The 
question  submitted  to  the  People  of  South  Carolina,  by  the  Congress,  was,  "Whether  they 
would  cede  the  powers  of  government  embraced  in  an  instrument  sent  to  them,  and  called 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  In  other  words,  they  were  asked  to  make  a  Grant 
of  those  Powers.  When,  therefore,  the  duly  authorized  Delegates  of  the  People  of  South 
Carolina  executed  an  instrument  under  seal,  declaring  that  they,  “  in  the  name  and  be¬ 
half”  of  that  people,  “  assent  to  and  ratify  the  said  Constitution,”  I  can  perceive  no  pro¬ 
priety  in  calling  this  Deed  an  Ordinance.  If  they  had  adopted  an  instrument  entitled, 
“  An  Act  [or  Ordinance]  for  the  government  of  the  People  of  South  Carolina,”  and  had 
gone  on,  in  the  body  of  the  instrument,  to  declare  that  the  Powers  embraced  in  the  Con¬ 
stitution  of  the  United  States  should  be  exercised  by  the  agents  therein  provided,  until 
otherwise  ordered,  thero  would  have  been  something  left  for  a  repeal  to  operate  upon. 
But  nothing  like  this  was  done,  and  everybody  knows  that  such  a  ratification  could  not 
have  been  accepted. 

There  are  those,  as  you  are  well  aware,  who  pretend  that  the  most  absolute  and  un¬ 
restricted  terms  of  cession,  which  would  carry  any  other  subject  entirely  out  of  the 
grantor,  do  not  so  operate  when  the  subject  of  the  grant  is  political  sovereignty.  But  a 
political  school  which  maintains  that  a  deed  is  to  bo  construed  in  one  way  when  it  pur¬ 
ports  to  convey  one  description  of  right,  such  as  political  sovereignty,  and  in  another 


1 


44  APPENDIX. 

way  when  it  purports  to  convey  a  right  of  another  kind,  such  as  property,  would  hold  a 
very  weak  brief  in  any  tribunal  of  jurisprudence,  if  the  question  could  be  brought  to 
that  arbitrament.  The  American  people  have  been  very  much  accustomed  to  treat  politi¬ 
cal  grants,  made  by  the  sovereign  power  without  reservation,  as  irrevocable  conveyances 
and  executed  contracts  ;  and  although  they  hold  to  the  right  of  revolution,  they  have  not 
yet  found  out  how  a  deed,  absolute  on  its  face,  is  to  be  treated  in  point  of  law,  as  a  re- 
pealable  instrument,  because  it  deals  with  political  rights  and  duties.  If  any  court  in 
South  Carolina  were  now  to  have  the  question  come  before  it,  whether  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  are  still  binding  upon  their  citizens,  I  think  they  would  have  to  put  their 
denial  upon  the  naked  doctrine  of  revolution  ;  and  that  they  could  not  hold  that,  as  mat¬ 
ter  of  law  and  regular  political  action,  their  ratification  deed  of  May  23d,  1788,  is  “re¬ 
pealed”  by  their  late  ordinance.  Most  truly  and  respectfully  yours, 

Geo.  T.  Curtis. 

Mr.  Everett. 


APPENDIX  B,  p.  22. 

Hon.  Beverdy  Johnson  to  Mr.  Everett. 

Baltimore,  24th  June,  ISC  1. 

Hy  Dear  Mr.  Everett  . 

I  have  your  note  of  the  18th,  and  cheerfully  authorize  you  to  use  my  name,  as  you 
suggest.  ’ 

The  letter  I  read  in  the  speech  which  I  made  in  Frederick,  should  be  conclusive  evi¬ 
dence  that,  at  its  date,  Mr.  Calhoun  denied  the  right  of  secession,  as  a  constitutional  right, 
either  express  or  implied. 

But,  in  addition  to  this,  I  had  frequent  opportunities  of  knowing  that  this  was  his 
opinion.  It  was  my  good  fortune  to  be  a  member  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
whilst  he  was  one  of  its  greatest  ornaments,  for  four  years,  from  1845,  until  I  became  a 
member  of  Gen.  Taylor’s  administration,  and  during  two  sessions  (I  think  1846  and  1847) 
I  lived  in  the  same  house  with  him.  lie  did  me  th  Sonor  to  give  me  much  of  his  confi¬ 
dence,  and  frequently  his  nullification  doctrine  was  the  subject  of  conversation.  Time 
and  time  again  have  I  heard  him,  and  with  ever  increased  surprise  at  his  wonderful 
acuteness,  defend  it  on  Constitutional  grounds,  and  distinguish  it,  in  that  respect ,  from  the 
doctrine  of  Secession.  This  last  he  never,  with  me,  placed  on  any  other  ground  than 
that  of  revolution.  This,  he  said,  was  to  destroy  the  Government;  and  no  Constitution, 
the  work  of  sane  men,  ever  provided  for  its  own  destruction.  The  other  was  to  preserve 
it,  was,  practically,  but  to  amend  it,  and  in  a  constitutional  mode.  As  you  know,  and  ho 
was  ever  told,  I  never  took  that  view.  I  could  see  no  more  constitutional  warrant  for 
this  than  for  the  other,  which,  I  repeat,  he  ever  in  all  our  interviews  repudiated,  as 
wholly  indefensible  as  a  constitutional  remedy.  His  mind,  with  all  its  wonderful  power, 
was  so  ingenious  that  it  often  led  him  into  error,  and  at  times  to  such  an  extent  as  to  be 
guilty  of  the  most  palpable  inconsistencies.  His  views  of  the  tariff  and  internal  improve¬ 
ment  powers  of  the  Government,  are  instances.  ITis  first  opinions  upon  both  were 
decided,  and  almost  ultra.  His  earliest  reputation  was  won  as  their  advocate,  and  yet 
four  years  before  his  death  lie  denounced  both,  with  constant  zeal  and  with  rare  power, 
and,  whilst  doing  so,  boldly  asserted  his  uniform  consistency.  It  is  no  marvel,  therefore, 
with  those  who  have  observed  his  career  and  studied  his  character,  to  hear  it  stated  now 
that  he  was  the  advocate  of  constitutional  secession. 

It  may  be  so,  and  perhaps  is  so;  but  this  in  no  way  supports  the  doctrine,  as  far  as  it 
is  rested  on  his  authority.  Ilis  first  views  were  well  considered  and  formed,  without  the 
influence  of  extraneous  circumstances,  of  which  he  seemed  to  me  to  bo  often  the  victim. 


APPENDIX. 


45 


Pare  in  private  life  and  in  motives,  ever,  as  I  believe  and  have  always  believed,  patriotic, 
he  was  induced,  seemingly  without  knowing  it,  in  his  later  life,  to  surrender  to  section 
what  was  intended  for  the  whole,  his  great  powers  of  analysis  and  his  extraordinary 
talent  for  public  service.  If  such  a  heresy,  therefore,  as  constitutional  secession  could 
rest  on  any  individual  name,  if  any  mere  human  authority  could  support  such  an  absurd 
and  destructive  folly,  it  cannot  be  said  to  rest  on  that  of  Mr.  Calhoun. 

With  sincere  regard,  your  friend, 

Eevekdy  Johnson. 

Hon.  Edwaed  Eyekett,  Boston. 


APPENDIX  C,  p.  31. 

The  number  of  fugitive  slaves,  from  all  the  States,  as  I  learn  from  Mr.  J.  C.  G.  Ken¬ 
nedy,  the  intelligent  superintendent  of  the  census  bureau,  was,  in  the  year  1S50,  1,011, 
being  about  one  to  every  3,165,  the  entire  number  of  slaves  at  that  time  being  3,200,364, 
a  ratio  of  rather  more  than  5ls  of  one  per  cent.  This  very  small  ratio  was  diminished 
in  1860.  By  the  last  census,  the  whole  number  of  slaves  in  the  United  States  was  3,949,- 
557,  and  the  number  of  escaping  fugitives  was  803,  being  a  trifle  over  of  one  per  cent. 
Of  these  it  is  probable  that  much  the  greater  part  escaped  to  the  places  of  refuge  in  the 
South,  alluded  to  in  the  text.  At  all  events,  it  is  well  known  that  escaping  slaves,  re¬ 
claimed  in  the  free  States,  have  in  almost  every  instance  been  restored. 

There  is  usually  some  difficulty  in  reclaiming  fugitives  of  any  description,  who  have 
escaped  to  another  jurisdiction.  In  most  of  the  cases  of  fugitives  from  justice,  which 
came  under  my  cognizance  as  United  States  Minister  in  London,  every  conceivable  diffi¬ 
culty  was  thrown  in  my  way,  and  sometimes  with  success,  by  the  counsel  for  the  parties 
whose  extradition  was  demanded  under  the  Webster- Ashburton  treaty.  The  French  Am¬ 
bassador  told  mo,  that  he  had  made  thirteen  unsuccessful  attempts  to  procure  the  surren¬ 
der  of  fugitives  from  justice,  under  the  extradition  treaty  between  the  two  governments. 
The  difficulty  generally  grew  out  of  the  difference  of  the  jurisprudence  of  the  two  coun¬ 
tries,  in  the  definition  of  crimes,  rules  of  evidence,  and  mode  of  procedure. 

The  number  of  blacks  living  in  Upper  Canada  and  assumed  to  be  all  from’ the  United 
States,  is  sometimes  stated  as  high  as  forty  thousand,  and  is  constantly  referred  to,  at  the 
South,  as  showing  the  great  number  of  fugitives.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  tho 
manumissions  far  exceed  in  number  the  escaping  fugitives.  I  learn  from  Mr.  Kennedy 
that  while  in  1860  the  number  of  fugitives  wras  but  803,  that  of  manumissions  was  3,010. 
As  the  manumitted  slaves  are  compelled  to  leave  the  States  where  they  are  set  free,  and 
a  small  portion  only  emigrate  to  Liberia,  at  least  nine-tenths  of  this  number  arc  scattered 
through  the  northern  States  and  Canada.  In  the  decade  from  1850  to  1860,  it  is  estimat¬ 
ed  that  20,000  slaves  were  manumitted,  of  whom  three-fourths  probably  joined  their 
brethren  in  Canada.  This  supply  alone,  with  the  natural  increase  on  the  old  stock  and 
the  new  comers,  will  account  for  the  entire  population  of  tho  province. 

A  very  able  and  instructive  discussion  of  the  statistics  of  this  subject  will  be  found  in 
the  Boston  Courier  of  the  9th  of  July.  It  is  there  demonstrated  that  the  assertion  that 
the  Northern  States  got  rid  of  their  slaves  by  selling  them  to  tho  South,  is  utterly  un¬ 
supported  by  tho  official  returns  of  the  census. 


46 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX  D,  p.  37. 

In  his  message  to  the  Confederate  Congress  of  the  29th  April  last,  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis 
presents  a  most  glowing  account  of  the  prosperity  of  the  peculiar  institution  of  the  South. 
IIo  states,  indeed,  that  it  was  “  imperilled”  by  Northern  agitation,  hut  he  does  not  affirm 
(and  the  contrary,  as  far  as  I  have  observed,  is  strenuously  maintained  at  the  South)  that 
its  progress  has  been  checked  or  its  stability  in  the  slightest  degree  shaken. 

I  think  I  have  seen  statements  by  Mr.  Senator  Hunter  of  Virginia,  that  the  institution 
of  slavery  has  been  benefited  and  its  interests  promoted,  since  the  systematic  agitation 
of  the  subject  began ;  but  I  am  unable  to  lay  my  hand  on  the  speech,  in  which,  if  I  recollect 
rightly,  this  view  was  taken  by  the  distinguished  senator. 

I  find  the  following  extracts  from  the  speeches  of  two  distinguished  southern  senators, 
in  “  The  Union,”  a  spirited  paper  published  at  St.  Cloud,  Minnesota : 

It  was  often  said  at  the  North,  and  admitted  by  candid  statesmen  at  the  South,  that  anti-slavery 
agitation  strengthened  rather  than  weakened  slavery.  Here  are  the  admissions  of  Senator  Hammond 
on  this  point,  in  a  speech  which  he  delivered  in  South  Carolina,  October  24,  1858  : — 

“And  what  then  (1833)  wTas  the  state  of  opinion  in  the  South?  Washington  had  emancipated 
hi3  slaves.  Jefferson  had  bitterly  denounced  the  system,  and  had  done  all  that  he  could  to  destroy 
it.  Our  Clays,  Marshalls,  Crawfords,  and  many  other  prominent  Southern  men,  led  off  in  the  coloni¬ 
zation  scheme.  The  inevitable  effect  in  the  South  was  that  she  believed  slavery  to  be  an  evil — 
weakness — disgraceful — nay,  a  sin.  She  shrunk  from  the  discussion  of  it.  She  cowered  under  every 
threat.  She  attempted  to  apologize,  to  excuse  herself  under  the  plea — wdiich  was  true — that  Eng¬ 
land  had  forced  it  upon  her  ;  and  in  fear  and  trembling  she  awaited  a  doom  that  she  deemed  inevi¬ 
table.  But  a  few  bold  spirits  took  the  question  up — they  compelled  the  South  to  investigate  it  anew 
and  thoroughly,  and  what  is  the  result  ?  Why,  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  now  a  Southern  man  who 
feels  the  system  to  be  the  lightest  burden  on  his  conscience  ;  who  does  not,  in  fact,  regard  it  as  an 
equal  advantage  to  the  master  and  the  slave,  elevating  both,  as  wealth,  strength,  and  power,  and  as 
one  of  the  main  pillars  and  controlling  influences  of  modern  civilization,  and  who  is  not  now  pre¬ 
pared  to  maintain  it  at  every  hazard.  Such  hare  been  the  happy  results  of  this  abolition  discussion. 

“  So  far  our  gain  has  been  immense  from  this  contest,  savage  and  malignant  as  it  has  been.” 

And  again  he  says : — 

“  The  rock  of  Gibraltar  does  not  stand  so  firm  on  its  basis  as  our  slave  system.  For  a  quarter 
of  a  century  it  has  borne  the  brunt  of  a  hurricane  as  fierce  and  pitiless  as  ever  raged.  At  the  North, 
and  in  Europe,  they  cried  ‘  havoc,’  and  let  loose  upon  us  all  the  dogs  of  war.  And  how  stands  it 
now  ?  Why,  in  this  very  quarter  of  a  century  our  slaves  have  doubled  in  numbers,  and  each  slave 
has  more  than  doubled  in  value.  The  very  negro  who,  as  a  prime  laborer,  would  have  brought  §400 
in  1828,  would  now,  with  thirty  more  years  upon  him,  sell  for  $800.” 

Equally  strong  admissions  were  made  by  A.  H.  Stephens,  now  Vice-President  of  the  “  Confed¬ 
eracy,”  in  that  carefully  prepared  speech  which  he  delivered  in  Georgia  in  July,  1859,  on  the  occasion 
of  retiring  from  public  life.  He  then  said  : — 

“  Nor  am  I  of  the  number  of  those  who  believe  that  we  have  sustained  any  injury  by  these 
agitations.  It  is  true,  we  were  not  responsible  for  them.  We  were  not  the  aggressors.  We  acted 
on  the  defensive.  We  repelled  assault,  calumny,  and  aspersion,  by  argument,  by  reason,  and  truth. 
But  so  far  from  the  institution  of  African  slavery  in  our  section  being  weakened  or  rendered  less 
secure  by  the  discussion,  my  deliberate  judgment  is  that  it  has  been  greatly  strengthened  and  forti¬ 
fied — strengthened  and  fortified  not  only  in  the  opinions,  convictions,  and  consciences  of  men,  but 
by  the  action  of  the  Government.” 


THE  REBELLION  RECORD: 

A  DIARY  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  CONSPIRACY  AND  WAR 
AGAINST  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1860-1. 


[Introductory  Note.] — In  a  digested  and  systematic  shape,  it  is  designed  to  give  a  compre¬ 
hensive  history  of  this  struggle ;  sifting  fact  from  fiction  and  rumor ;  presenting  the  poetical 
and  picturesque  aspects,  the  notable  and  characteristic  incidents,  separated  from  the  graver  and 
more  important  documents. 

Thus  the  matter  is  classified  : 

I. — A  Diary  of  Verified  Facts. 

II. — Poetry  and  Notable  Incidents. 

III. — Documents,  Speeches,  and  Extended  Narratives. 

Observe  :  each  division  is  separately  paged,  in  each  number,  so  that  the  volume,  when  bound, 
will  be  similarly  divided.  It  is,  of  course,  not  intended  to  supersede  or  to  keep  up  with  the 
newspapers,  but  to  subject  the  newspapers,  north  and  south,  to  the  crucible  of  time  ;  following 
them  at  such  distance  as  may  be  required  to  verify  and  classify  all  that  is  best  worth  preserving 
out  of  the  immense  mas3  of  leaders,  speeches,  letters,  and  reports,  which  crowd  the  daily  press. 
This  number  begins  with  a  Diary  of  Occurrences,  from  the  meeting  of  the  South  Carolina  Con¬ 
vention,  December  17,  1860.  Every  important  document  and  extended  narrativo  will  be  given 
in  consecutive  order,  numbered,  with  references  from  the  Diary. 

The  Preliminary  Historical  Sketch  of  Causes  which  led  to  the  struggle,  and  of  occur¬ 
rences  following  the  election  of  Lincoln,  will  be  carefully  prepared  by  an  experienced  and  com¬ 
petent  hand.  It  will  aim  at  entire  truthfulness  and  impartiality.  This  history  will  form  a 
double  or  quadruple  number  of  the  work,  and  can  bo  bound  as  an  Introduction  to  the  Diary. 
It  wrill  be  issued  in  a  few  w*eeks. 

A  Title-page,  Contents,  and  Index,  will  be  given  with  the  concluding  number. 


THE  PUBLISHER. 


TABLE  OF  OCCURRENCES  FROM  NOVEMBER  6,  1860,  TO  MARCH  4,  1861. 

( For  Details ,  see  Historical  Sketch  and  Documents .) 


1S60. 

Nov.  6. — Election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Hannibal  Ilam- 
lin  as  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States— they  receiving  the  vote  of  IT  States,  and 
180  out  of  303  of  the  electors.  Eleven  States  voted 
for  Breckenridge,  viz. :  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Dela¬ 
ware,  Florida,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  Maryland,  Missis¬ 
sippi,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Texas. 

Three  States  voted  for  Bell,  viz. :  Kentucky,  Ten¬ 
nessee  and  Virginia. 

Douglas  received  the  electoral  vote  of  Missouri 
and  three-sevenths  of  the  vote  of  New  Jersey. 

“  9-11. — Eesignation  of  South  Carolina  Senators  of  the 
United  States. 

Dec.  10. — U.  S.  House  of  Eepresentatives  appoints  a  Com¬ 
mittee  of  83  on  the  state  of  the  Union. 

“  10. — Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  Secretary  of  the  Treas¬ 

ury  of  the  United  States,  resigns. 

“  14. — Lewis  Cass,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United 

States,  resigns. 

“  20. — South  Carolina  “  Ordinance  of  Secession passed. 

“  26. — Maj.  Anderson  transfers  the  United  States  garri¬ 

son  of  Fort  Moultrio  to  Fort  Sumter. 

“  28. — South  Carolina  authorities  seize  Fort  Moultrio 

and  other  United  States  property. 

“  29. — J.  B.  Floyd,  of  Virginia,  Secretary  of  War  of  the 

United  States,  resigns. — Largo  frauds  reported  in 
his  Department. 

1861. 

Jan.  3. — Georgia:  Forts  Pulaski  and  Jackson,  Savannah, 
seized  by  order  of  Gov.  Brown,  for  the  State. 

“  3.— South  Carolina  Commissioners’  demands  refused 

by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

“  4. — National  Fast  observed. 

“  4. — Alabama:  Fort  Morgan,  Mobile,  seized  by  tho 
State. 

“  9. — South  Carolina:  Steamer  Star  of  tho  “West,  with 
United  States  troops  for  Fort  Sumter,  fired  into  by 
rebel  batteries. 


1861. 

Jan.  9. — Mississippi:  Secession  passed,  and  United  States 
forts  and  property  there  seized  next  day. 

“  11. — Alabama  :  Secession  passed. 

“  12. — Florida :  Secession  passed,  and  United  States 

forts  and  property  at  Pensacola  seized  by  the  rebels ; 
excepting  only  Fort  Pickens,  which  is  defended  by 
Lieut.  Slemmer. 

“  19. — Georgia  :  Secession  passed. 

“  21. — Mississippi,  Alabama,  and  Florida  Senators  of  tho 

United  States,  resigned. 

**  28. — Louisiana :  Secession  passed ;  United  States 

revenue  cutters,  and  other  property,  and  moneys, 
seized. 

Feb.  1. — Texas:  Secession  passed. 

“  4. — Peace  Conference  at  Washington  assembles. 

“  5.— Louisiana  delegation,  except  Mr.  Bouligny,  with¬ 

draws  from  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

’■  6.—“  Congress  ”  of  seceding  States  meets  at  Mont¬ 

gomery,  Ala.,  and 

“  9.— Elects  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  President, 

and  Alex.  n.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  Vice-President, 
of  tho  “  Confederate  States  of  America.” 

!  “  9.— Tennessee  votes  against  “  Secession.” 

“  11.— Resolution  guaranteeing  non-interference  with 

slavery  in  any  State  of  the  Union,  passed  unani¬ 
mously  in  tho  House  of  Eepresentatives  of  tho 
United  States. 

“  18.— “Inaugural  Address”  of  Jefferson  Davis  deliv¬ 
ered  at  Montgomery. 

March  1.— “  Peace  Conference  ”  at  Washington  agrees  on 
proposals  for  “  Compromise,”  and  adjourns. 

“  1.— Gen.  Twiggs,  of  Georgia,  having  surrendered  and 
abandoned  the  United  States  forces  and  property 
in  Texas,  is  dismissed  from  the  army  as  a  traitor. 

“  1.— Missouri  votes  against  “  Secession.” 

“  4.— Inauguration  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  as  President 
and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 


LONG1TUJJE  97  WEST  FROM  95  GREENWICH  93 


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FOR  THE  'rebellion  record!’ 

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18  61,  • 


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FROM  M  AF'hi  NOTON 


JIOoejY^ 

DIARY. 


DECEMBER  17,  1860. 

— Tim  South  Carolina  Convention  met  this 
day  at  Columbia,  the  capital  of  the  State,  Gen¬ 
eral  D.  F.  Jamieson  in  the  chair,  and  passed  a 
resolution  to  adjourn  to  Charleston,  in  conse¬ 
quence  of  the  prevalence  of  the  small-pox  at 
Columbia,  which  was  declared  epidemic. 

Dec.  18. — The  hill  for  arming  the  State  of 
North  Carolina  passed  the  Senate,  after  consid¬ 
erable  debate,  by  a  vote  of  forty-one  to  three. 

The  Commissioners  from  Alabama  and  Missis¬ 
sippi  have  arrived  at  Raleigh. — Herald ,  Dec.  19. 

— Senator  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky,  offered 
a  resolution  in  the  Senate  for  certain  amend¬ 
ments  to  the  Constitution,  which  would  prac¬ 
tically  reestablish  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
prevent  the  interference  of  Congress  with  slav¬ 
ery  in  the  States,  and  provide  for  the  faithful 
performance  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. — H.  Y. 
Times ,  Dec.  19. 

Dec.  19. — A  meeting  of  members  of  the  Geor¬ 
gia  Legislature,  favoring  cooperation,  was  held 
at  Milledgeville.  A  convention  of  Southern 
States  desiring  cooperation  was  urged,  and  an 
address  to  the  people  of  South  Carolina,  Ala¬ 
bama,  Mississippi,  and  Florida,  was  issued. — 
Tribune ,  Dec.  20. 

— A  bill  has  been  introduced  into  the  Legis¬ 
lature  of  North  Carolina,  providing  that 

“  No  ordinance  of  said  Convention,  dissolving 
the  connection  of  the  State  of  North  Carolina 
with  the  Federal  Government,  or  connecting 
it  with  any  other,  shall  have  any  force  or  va¬ 
lidity  until  it  shall  have  been  submitted  to,  and 
ratified  by,  a  majority  of  the  qualified  voters 
of  the  State  for  members  of  the  General  As¬ 
sembly,  to  whom  it  shall  bo  submitted  for  their 
approval  or  rejection.” — Evening  Post ,  Dec.  20. 

Dec.  19. — The  Commissioner  from  Mississippi 
to  Maryland  addressed  the  citizens  of  Baltimore 
this  evening.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks 
upon  the  intentions  of  the  seceding  States, 
he  said : 

Diart — 1 


“  Secession  is  not  intended  to  break  up  the 
present  Government,  but  to  perpetuate  it.  We 
do  not  propose  to  go  out  by  way  of  breaking 
up  or  destroying  the  Union  as  our  fathers  gave 
it  to  us,  but  we  go  out  for  the  purpose  of  get¬ 
ting  further  guaranties  and  security  for  our 
rights ;  not  by  a  Convention  of  all  the  Southern 
States,  nor  by  Congressional  tricks,  which  have 
failed  in  times  pas',  and  will  fail  again.  But 
our  plan  is  for  the  Southern  States  to  withdraw 
from  the  Union,  for  the  present,  to  allow  amend¬ 
ments  to  the  Constitution  to  be  made,  guaran¬ 
teeing  our  just  rights ;  and  if  the  Northern 
States  will  not  make  those  amendments,  by 
which  these  rights  shall  be  secured  to  us,  then 
wo  must  secure  them  the  best  way  we  can. 
This  question  of  slavery  must  be  settled  now  or 
never.  The  com;  cry  has  been  agitated  seriously 
by  it  for  the  past  twenty  or  thirty  years.  It 
has  been  a  festering  sore  upon  the  body  politic ; 
and  many  remedies  having  failed,  we  must  try 
amputation,  to  bring  it  to  a  healthy  state.  We 
jnust  have  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  and 
if  we  cannot  get  them  we  must  set  up  for  our¬ 
selves.” 

— Tiie  secession  leaders  at  Charleston  declare 
no  more  soldiers  shall  he  sent  to  the  forts  in 
that  harbor.  A  captain  of  a  schooner  landed 
some  supplies  there  a  few  days  since,  and  was 
terribly  abused  for  it.  He  was  told  it  would 
not  be  safe  for  any  vessel  to  attempt  it  in  fu¬ 
ture. 

— The  Governor  of  Maryland  declined  to  re¬ 
ceive  the  Commissioner  from  Mississippi  to  that 
State,  setting  forth  his  reasons  in  an  elaborate 
Union  letter. — {See  Document  Ho.  1.) 

Dec.  20. — The  news  from  Charleston  is  very 
unfavorable  this  morning. 

“  Civil  war  is  imminent — peace  is  impossi¬ 
ble,”  are  the  utterances  which  meet  the  ear  on 
every  side.  There  is  here  no  longer  any  more 
hope  of  peace  than  of  compromise,  say  the  peo¬ 
ple.  The  speeches  from  northwestern  repre- 


4 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


sentatives  have  taken  us  by  surprise.  Such 
flaming  tirades  against  disunion,  coupled  with 
direct  threats  of  coercion,  were  not  expected 
from  that  quarter.  It  is  not  deemed  impossible 
that  the  rich  and  saucy  Northwest  may  join 
forces  with  the  poor  and  starving  East,  and 
give  the  South  some  trouble,  in  the  times  now 
pressing  upon  us.  The  position  of  South  Caro¬ 
lina  is,  however,  so  firmly  taken,  that  though 
“  one  rose  from  the  dead”  to  urge  her  retreat, 
she  would  not  take  one  step  backward. — JV.  Y. 
Times ,  Dec.  21. 

— The  Secession  Ordinance  passed  the  Con¬ 
vention  of  South  Carolina  to-day  by  a  unani¬ 
mous  vote. — {Doc.  2.) 

As  soon  as  its  passage  was  known  without 
the  doors  of  the  Convention,  it  rapidly  spread 
on  the  street,  a  crowd  collected,  and  there  was 
immense  cheering. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  at  Washing¬ 
ton,  Mr  Garnet  of  Virginia  announced  the  fact 
as  follows :  “  Why,  Sir,  while  your  bill  is  under 
debate,  one  of  the  sovereign  States  of  this  Con¬ 
federacy  has,  by  the  glorious  act  of  her  people, 
withdrawn,  in  vindication  of  her  rights,  from 
the  Union,  as  the  telegraph  announced  at  1| 
to-day.”  [Here  some  three  o*  four  Southern 
members  expressed  approval  by  a  slight  clap¬ 
ping  of  hands.  There  was  no  other  manifesta¬ 
tion  in  the  House.] 

— There  was  an  enthusiastic  meeting  at  Mem¬ 
phis,  Tennessee,  this  evening,  to  ratify  the  se¬ 
cession  of  South  Carolina. 

— TnE  Charleston  Mercury  discusses  the  ne¬ 
cessity  of  providing  for  seacoast  defence,  and 
proposes  to  construct  a  half-sunken  battery  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  with  a  block-house  one 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  the  rear. 

Dec.  20. — The  secession  of  South  Carolina 
was  celebrated  at  Mobile  by  the  firing  of  a 
hundred  guns,  and  a  military  parade.  There 
was  great  rejoicing.  The  bells  rang  merrily, 
and  the  people  in  the  streets  by  hundreds  ex¬ 
pressed  their  joy  at  the  secession.  Many  im¬ 
promptu  speeches  were  made,  and  the  greatest 
excitement  existed. 

— In  the  midst  of  a  crowd  of  over  three 
thousand  people,  collected  in  Secession  Hall  at 
Charleston  this  evening,  the  ordinance  of  seces¬ 
sion  was  duly  signed  and  sealed  by  the  mem¬ 
bers  of  the  Convention.  The  occasion  was  one 
of  the  greatest  solemnity  at  some  of  its  periods, 


and  of  the  wildest  excitement  at  others. — 
N.  Y.  Times ,  Dec.  21. 

Dec.  21. — At  New  Orleans  a  general  demon¬ 
stration  of  joy  over  the  secession  of  South  Car¬ 
olina  was  made.  One  hundred  guns  were  fired, 
and  the  pelican  flag  unfurled.  Impromptu  se¬ 
cession  speeches  were  made  by  leading  citizens, 
and  the  “  Marseillais  Hymn”  and  polkas  were 
the  only  airs  played.  A  bust  of  Calhoun  was 
exhibited  decorated  with  a  cockade. 

— South  Carolina’s  secession  produced  no 
sensation  at  Baltimore.  People  seemed  re¬ 
lieved  and  cheerful,  and  the  streets  were  gaily 
crowded,  and  business  was  better. — Times , 
Dec.  22. 

— At  Wilmington,  Del.,  one  hundred  guns 
were  fired  to-day  in  honor  of  the  secession  of 
South  Carolina. —  Tribune ,  Dec.  22. 

— The  Convention  of  South  Carolina  adopted 
the  declaration  of  causes  justifying  the  seces¬ 
sion  of  that  State. — {Doc.  3.) 

Dec.  22. — Senator  Andrew  Johnson  was 
burned  in  effigy  at  Memphis,  Tenn.,  to-day. 

— There  was  a  secession  meeting  in  Ashland 
Hall,  in  Norfolk,  Va.  Disunion  speeches  were 
delivered  by  Colonel  V.  D.  Grover  and  General 
John  Tyler.  The  speeches  were  enthusiastic¬ 
ally  applauded. — N.  Y.  Times ,  Dec.  23. 

— Senator  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky,  made 
a  speech  this  evening  to  the  citizens  of  Wash¬ 
ington,  in  which  he  advocated  Union  and  the 
laws. 

Deo.  22. — This  evening  the  New  England  So¬ 
ciety  at  New  York  celebrated  the  anniversary 
of  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  by  a  dinner, 
toasts,  and  speeches.  The  reading  of  the  sen¬ 
timent,  “  The  American  Union ;  it  must  and 
shall  bo  preserved,”  was  received  with  un¬ 
bounded  applause.  Among  the  speakers  were 
the  Vice  President  elect  and  Senator  Seward. 
—{Doc.  4.) 

— TnE  Charleston  Mercury  insists  that  the 
President  will  not  reinforce  the  garrison  at 
Fort  Moultrie.  “  The  reinforcement  of  the 
forts  at  this  time  and  under  present  circum¬ 
stances,”  says  that  paper,  “  means  coercion — 
war. — When  the  forts  are  demanded  and  re¬ 
fused  to  bo  delivered  up  to  those  in  whom  is 
vested  the  title  of  eminent  domain,  and  for 
whoso  protection  and  defence  alone  they  were 
ceded  and  built  up ;  and  when,  the  Federal 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


5 


Government  showing  a  hostile  purpose,  it  shall 
become  necessary  and  proper  for  us  to  obtain 
possession,  then  it  will  be  right  for  the  world 
and  Black  Republicanism  to  expect  that  the 
State,  by  her  authorities,  will  move  in  the 
premises.  The  people  will  obey  the  call  for 
war ,  and  take  the  forts."" 

— Governor  Buckingham,  of  Connecticut, 
in  his  proclamation  for  a  day  of  fasting  and 

Ayer,  urges  upon  the.  citizens  of  that  State 
the  propriety  of  a  petition  that  the  country 
may  be  carried  through  this  crisis  “  in  such  a 
manner  as  shall  forever  check  the  spirit  of  an¬ 
archy,  bring  peace  to  a  distracted  people,  and 
preserve,  strengthen,  and  perpetuate  our  na¬ 
tional  Union.” 

Dec.  23. — This  evening,  Senator  Toombs,  of 
Georgia,  assuming  that  there  is  no  hope  of 
compromise,  telegraphed  from  Washington  an 
address  to  the  people  of  that  State — {Doc.  5.) 

— At  Petersburg,  Va.,  a  secession  pole,  one 
hundred  feet  high,  erected  yesterday  on  the 
most  prominent  street,  amid  the  cheers  from  a 
large  crowd,  and  bearing  the  palmetto  flag,  was 
saw'ed  down  this  morning,  just  before  the  dawn 
of  day,  by  an  unknown  party,  and  the  flag  car¬ 
ried  off.  There  was  great  excitement  when  it 
was  known. — N.  7.  Daily  News,  Dec.  24. 

— A  company  of  eighty  men  arrived  at 
Charleston  from  Savannah,  and  yesterday  ten¬ 
dered  their  services  to  the  Governor  of  the 
State,  under  the  name  of  the  Minute  Men,  or 
Sons  of  the  South. — Charleston  Courier. 

— TnE  disbursing  clerk  in  charge  of  the 
Indian  Trust  Fund,  at  Washington,  was  de¬ 
tected  in  embezzling  a  large  amount  of  State 
bonds  and  coupons  belonging  to  that  fund. 
The  sum  is  estimated  at  $830,000.  The  Secre¬ 
tary  of  State  first  discovered  the  defalcation, 
and  telegraphed  to  Secretary  Thompson  (who 
was  then  in  North  Carolina  as  Commissioner 
from  Mississippi  to  recommend  secession)  to 
return  to  Washington  immediately.  The  Sec¬ 
retary  arrived  on  Saturday  evening,  and  had 
an  interview  with  the  President.  In  company 
with  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Attorney-Gen¬ 
eral,  and  District  Attorney  Ould,  he  then  pro¬ 
ceeded  to  make  an  investigation.  Bailey,  the 
defaulter,  was  absent  from  his  office,  and  the 
key  of  the  safe  was  missing ;  but  entrance  was 
obtained  by  force,  and  a  large  sum  in  bonds 
was  found  to  have  disappeared. 


Godard  Bailey,  the  defaulting  clerk,  has  not 
been  arrested ;  and  it  is  supposed  ho  has  several 
accomplices,  of  whom  the  Washington  police 
are  in  search. 

Dec.  24. — Governor  Pickens,  agreeably  to 
the  ordinance  of  secession,  issued  a  proclama¬ 
tion,  proclaiming  South  Carolina  a  separate, 
sovereign,  free,  and  independent  State,  with  the 
right  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  negotiate 
treaties,  leagues,  or  covenants,  and  do  all  acts 
whatever  that  rightly  appertain  to  a  free  and 
independent  State. — Herald ,  Jan.  1,  1861. 

— A  mass  meeting  was  held  at  New  Orleans 
to  ratify  the  nominations  of  the  Southern 
Rights  candidates  for  the  Convention.  It  was 
the  largest  congregation  of  every  party  ever 
assembled  in  that  city.  Cornelius  Fellows  was 
President,  aud  speeches  were  made  by  Charles 
M.  Conrad,  Charles  Gayare,  and  others,  advo¬ 
cating  immediate  secession,  amid  unbounded 
enthusiasm.  The  Southern  Marseillaise  w'as 
sung  as  the  banner  of  the  Southern  Confede¬ 
racy  was  raised,  amid  reiterated  and  prolonged 
cheers  for  South  Carolina  and  Louisiana. — Na¬ 
tional  Intelligencer ,  Dec.  25. 

— TnE  election  for  delegates  to  the  State 
Convention  to  meet  January  7th,  took  placo 
to-day.  The  separate  State  secession  ticket 
was  elected  in  Mobile  by  a  thousand  majority. 

The  election  passed  oft’  quietly  through  tho 
State.  In  many  places  there  was  no  opposi¬ 
tion  ;  tho  secession  ticket,  in  the  whole  State, 
has  50,000  majority. — Times ,  Dec.  25. 

— Governor  Moore  issued  a  proclamation, 
convening  tho  Legislature  of  Alabama  January 
14th,  to  provide  by  State  laws  for  any  emer¬ 
gency  that  may  arise  from  the  action  of  the  se¬ 
cession  Convention  called  for  January  7th. 

— TnE  Speaker  laid  before  the  House  of  Rep¬ 
resentatives  a  letter  signed  by  Messrs.  Mc¬ 
Queen,  Bonham,  Boyce,  and  Ashmore,  mem¬ 
bers  from  South  Carolina,  to  tho  effect  that 
tho  act  of  secession  passed  by  their  State  had 
dissolved  their  connection  with  that  body,  and 
that  they  should  accordingly  withdraw.  Tho 
letter  was  laid  on  the  table,  and  tho  Speaker 
directed  the  names  of  the  South  Carolina  mem¬ 
bers  to  bo  retained  on  the  roll,  thus  not  recog¬ 
nizing  the  conduct  of  their  State  as  severing 
their  connection  with  the  House. — {Doc.  6.) 

— Tiie  Richmond  Enquirer  of  to-day  an¬ 
nounces  that  President  Lincoln  will  be  forced 


G 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


to  relinquish  "Washington,  and  suggests  the  pro¬ 
priety  of  the  prompt  interposition  of  Maryland 
and  Virginia  to  prevent  Mr.  Lincoln’s  inaugura¬ 
tion  at  Washington,  by  taking  possession  of  the 
capital  without  delay. 

— Excitement  at  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  in  conse¬ 
quence  of  a  report  that  the  artillery  at  the  Al¬ 
leghany  arsenal  was  to  he  transferred  to  new 
forts  in  the  southwest.  A  call  is  in  circulation, 
addressed  to  the  Mayor,  to  convene  a  meeting 
of  the  citizens  to  take  action  in  the  matter. 
The  call  is  signed  by  prominent  men  of  all  par¬ 
ties.  The  feeling  against  allowing  a  gun  to  be 
removed  south  is  almost  unanimous. — Evening 
Post,  Dee.  20. 

Dee.  25. — The  dispatches  from  Pittsburgh, 
that  the  arms  in  the  arsenal  there  would  not 
he  allowed  to  be  shipped,  made  a  great  sensa¬ 
tion  at  Washington.  The  story  was  greatly 
enlarged.  Northern  men,  including  members 
of  Congress,  have  telegraphed  to  the  people  to 
stand  firm,  and  not  allow  the  arsenals  to  he 
stripped  of  all  arms. 

Dee.  26. — Fort  Moultrie  was  evacuated  to¬ 
night.  Previous  to  the  evacuation,  the  guns 
were  spiked  and  the  carriages  destroyed  by 
fire.  The  troops  have  all  been  conveyed  to 
Fort  Sumter.  Major  Anderson  states  that  he 
evacuated  the  fort  in  order  to  allay  the  discus¬ 
sion  about  that  post,  and  at  the  same  time 
strengthen  his  own  position. — {Doc.  7.)  The 
evacuation  of  the  fort  commenced  a  little  after 
sundown.  The  men  were  ordered  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness,  with  knapsacks  packed, 
at  a  moment’s  notice  ;  hut  up  to  the  moment 
of  their  leaving  had  no  idea  of  abandoning  the 
post.  They  were  reviewed  on  parade,  and 
were  then  ordered  to  two  schooners  lying  in 
the  vicinity,  where  they  embarked,  taking 
with  them  all  the  necessaries,  stores,  &c.,  re¬ 
quisite  in  their  evacuation. 

Several  trips  were  made  during  the  night,  j 
and  a  great  part  of  the  provisions  and  camp  j 
furniture  were  transported  under  cover  of 
night.  The  brightness  of  the  moon,  however, 
afforded  hut  slight  concealment  to  their  move¬ 
ments,  and  in  one  of  the  trips,  Lieutenant  Davis 
in  command,  a  schooner  full  of  soldiers  and 
baggage  passed  directly  under  the  bow  of  the 
guard-boat  Nina.  The  officer  who  made  the 
statement  expressed  himself  to  he  ignorant 
whether  the  watch  on  board  the  Nina  discov¬ 
ered  the  movement  or  not ;  at  all  events,  he 


said,  they  did  not  signify  any  cognizance  of  the 
fact. — {Doe.  8.) — Charleston  Mercury,  Dec.  28. 

— Messes.  Barnwell,  Orr,  and  Adams,  the 
Commissioners  appointed  by  South  Carolina  to 
treat  with  the  Federal  Government,  arrived  in 
Washington  to-day.  This  evening  they  have 
held  a  consultation  with  a  few  friends,  among 
whom  was  Senator  Wigfall,  of  Texas. — Boston 
Post,  Dee.  27. 

— In  the  Convention  at  Charleston,  Mr. 
Ehett  offered  the  following  ordinance  : 

First. — That  the  Conventions  of  the  seceding 
slaveholding  States  of  the  United  States  unite 
with  South  Carolina,  and  hold  a  Convention  at 
Montgomery,  Ala.,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a 
Southern  Confederacy. 

Second. — That  the  said  seceding  States  ap¬ 
point,  by  their  respective  Conventions  or  Legis¬ 
latures,  as  many  delegates  as  they  have  repre¬ 
sentatives  in  the  present  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  to  the  said  Convention  to  be  held  at 
Montgomery  ;  and  that  on  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  the 
vote  shall  be  by  States. 

Third. — That  whenever  the  terms  of  the 
Constitution  shall  be  agreed  upon  by  the  said 
Convention,  the  same  shall  be  submitted  at  as 
early  a  day  as  practicable  to  the  Convention 
and  Legislature  of  each  State,  respectively,  so 
as  to  enable  them  to  ratify  or  reject  the  said 
Constitution. 

Fourth. — That  in  the  opinion  of  South  Caro¬ 
lina,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  will 
form  a  suitable  basis  for  the  Confederacy  of 
the  Southern  States  withdrawing. 

Fifth. — That  the  South  Carolina  Convention 
appoint  by  ballot  eight  delegates  to  represent 
South  Carolina  in  the  Convention  for  the  form¬ 
ation  of  a  Southern  Confederacy. 

lastly. — That  one  Commissioner  in  each 
State  bo  elected  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
people  to  this  ordinance. 

Dec.  27. — A  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Pitts¬ 
burgh,  Pa.,  was  held,  to  give  expression  to  the 
public  indignation  created  by  the  removal  of 
ordnance  to  the  Southern  forts.  General  Wil¬ 
liam  Robinson  presided.  Resolutions  were 
adopted,  declaring  loyalty  to  the  Union,  depre¬ 
cating  any  interference  with  the  shipment  of 
arms  under  government  orders,  however  inop¬ 
portune  or  impolitic  the  order  might  appear ; 
deploring  the  existing  state  of  things  in  connec¬ 
tion  with  the  administration  of  important  de- 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


7 


partmeuts  of  tho  public  service,  so  as  to  have 
shaken  confidence  in  tho  people  of  the  free 
States  ;  that,  while  Pennsylvania  is  on  guard  at 
the  Federal  capital,  it  is  her  special  duty  to 
look  to  the  fidelity  of  her  sons,  and.  in  that 
view  call  on  the  President  as  a  citizen  of  this 
Commonwealth,  to  see  that  the  public  receive 
no  detriment  at  his  hands.  It  behooves  the 
President  to  purge  his  cabinet  of  every  man 
known  to  give  aid  and  comfort  to,  or  in  any 
way  countenancing  the  revolt  of  any  State 
against  the  authority  of  the  constitution  and 
the  laws  of  the  Union. — Evening  Post,  Dec.  28. 

— “  Captain  1ST.  L.  Coste,  U.  S.  E.  Service, 
in  command  of  the  cutter  'William  Aiken,  be¬ 
trayed  his  vessel  into  tho  hands  of  the  State 
authorities  of  South  Carolina. 

“  The  crew,  on  being  notified  of  the  position 
of  Captain  Coste,  under  the  State  ordinance 
concerning  the  customs,  promptly  volunteered 
to  remain  under  his  command  as  an  officer  of 
South  Carolina  under  that  ordinance.”  1 

— A  meeting  was  held  this  evening  at  Eich- 
mond,  Va.,  to  give  expression  of  opinion  on  the 
present  crisis.  Several  speeches  were  made,  fa¬ 
voring  prompt  secession  measures,  and  others 
advocating  a  resort  to  negotiation. — Herald , 
Dec.  29. 

— TnE  Governor  of  South  Carolina  is  ten¬ 
dered  the  services  of  troops  from  Georgia,  Ala¬ 
bama,  and  different  portions  of  Carolina. 

Dec.  28. — Early  this  afternoon  the  palmetto 
flag  was  raised  over  the  Custom  House  and 
Post  Office  at  Charleston ;  and  to-night  Castle 
Pinckney  and  Fort  Moultrie  have  been  taken 
possession  of  by  the  South  Carolina  military. 
These  forts  are  held  under  instructions  from 
Governor  Pickens,  who  authorizes  their  peace¬ 
able  possession,  for  the  protection  of  the  gov¬ 
ernment  property.  Castle  Pinckney  and  Fort 
Moultrie  were  held  by  a  very  small  force,  which 
surrendered  without  collision. — Times ,  Dec.  29. 

— An  enthusiastic  Union  meeting  was  held 
at  Memphis,  Tenn.,  to-day.  It  was  addressed 
by  lion.  Neill  S.  Brown  and  others.  Eesolu- 
tions  were  passed  opposing  separate  State  se¬ 
cession  ;  against  coercion  ;  and  favoring  a  Con¬ 
vention  of  the  Southern  States  to  demand  their 
rights,  and  if  refused  to  take  immediate  action. 
— Phila.  Press ,  Dec.  29. 

1  See  statement  of  Lieutenant  Underwood,  N.  Y.  Times , 
Jan.  9,  1S61. 


— The  citizens  of  "Wilmington,  Del.,  fired  a 
salute  of  twenty-one  guns  in  honor  of  Major 
Anderson  and  his  heroic  band. 

— Governor  Hicks’  refusal  to  convene  the 
Maryland  Legislature  for  disunion  purposes,  is 
generally  regarded  at  Washington  with  warm 
approbation,  and  creates  great  dismay  among 
the  disunionists  who  have  urged  it.  The  greater 
portion  of  the  latter  are  said  to  be  office-seekers, 
disappointed  politicians,  and  rowdies,  who  seek 
plunder.  A  prominent  gentleman,  who  has 
just  seen  Governor  Hicks,  says  the  rank  and 
file  of  Maryland  are  true  to  him. — Tribune , 
Dec.  29. 

Dec.  29. — Major  Anderson  is  denounced  by 
the  Charleston  papers.  The  Courier  says : 

“  Major  Eobert  Anderson,  United  States 
Army,  has  achieved  the  unenviable  distinction 
of  opening  civil  war  between  American  citizens 
by  an  act  of  gross  breach  of  faith.  He  has, 
under  counsels  of  a  panic,  deserted  his  post  at 
Fort  Moultrie,  and,  under  false  pretexts,  has 
transferred  his  garrison  and  military  stores  and 
supplies  to  Fort  Sumter.” 

The  Mercury ,  more  temperately,  says  : 

“  Major  Anderson  alleges  that  the  movement 
was  made  without  orders  and  upon  his  own  re¬ 
sponsibility,  and  that  ho  was  not  aware  of  such 
an  understanding.  Ho  is  a  gentleman,  and  we 
will  not  impugn  his  word  or  his  motives.  But 
it  is  due  to  South  Carolina  and  to  good  faith 
that  the  act  of  this  officer  should  be  repudiated 
by  the  Government,  and  that  the  troops  be  re¬ 
moved  forthwith  from  Fort  Sumter.” — {Doc.  9.) 

— John  B.  Floyd  resigned  his  position  as 
Secretary  of  War,  owing  to  the  refusal  of  the 
President  to  withdraw  the  Federal  troops  from 
the  forts  at  Charleston. — {Doc.  10.) — Balti¬ 
more  Sun ,  Jan.  1. 

Dec.  30. — It  is  generally  considered  that  Mr. 
Floyd  has  not  resigned  because  of  Major  An¬ 
derson’s  patriotic  course,  but  merely  used  it  as 
a  pretext  to  conceal  the  real  cause.  The  whole 
country  knows  that  his  position,  under  the 
“trying  circumstances,”  has  not  been  a  very 
agreeable  one,  especially  during  the  last  two 
weeks.  The  alleged  cause  of  his  leaving  Mr. 
Buchanan  is,  that  the  latter  refuses  to  recall  or 
order  back  to  Fort  Moultrie  the  gallant  Ander¬ 
son.  Floyd  asserts  that  he,  some  time  ago, 
promised  the  South  Carolina  seceders  to  leave 
things  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston  undisturbed 


8 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


— in  statu  quo  ante  helium — and  that  the  Presi¬ 
dent  gave  the  same  promise.  This  agreement 
having  been  broken  by  Major  Anderson,  he  in¬ 
sisted  upon  his  returning  to  Fort  Moultrie ;  and, 
because  the  President  was  unwilling  to  give 
that  order,  he  sent  in  liis  resignation. — PTiila. 
Press ,  Pec.  31. 

• — Tiie  South  Carolina  troops  took  possession 
of  the  arsenal  at  Charleston.  The  arsenal  con¬ 
tains  many  thousand  arms  and  military  stores. 
Military  preparations  are  actively  and  zealously 
progressing. — Evening  Post ,  Pec.  31. 

Pec.  31. — Strong  fortifications  have  been  or¬ 
dered  by  the  South  Carolina  Convention  in  and 
around  Charleston  harbor,  to  resist  any  rein¬ 
forcements  that  may  be  sent  to  Major  Anderson.  1 

Governor  Pickens  is  in  daily  receipt  of  dis¬ 
patches  from  the  South,  tendering  men  to  de¬ 
fend  South  Carolina  from  invasion. 

—The  scene  in  the  Senate  at  Washington 
to-day  was  intensely  exciting.  Senator  Benja- 
^rain,  of  Louisiana,  who,  it  had  been  reported, 
would  make  a  conciliatory  speech,  gave  out 
that  he  would  make  a  parting  secession  speech 
— an  announcement  which  drew  an  immense 
audience.  Senator  Benjamin  spoke  calmly 
throughout,  but  the  character  of  his  speech  at 
the  close  opened  up  to  every  one  the  new  era 
in  national  affairs.  His  closing  declaration, 
that  the  South  could  never  be  subjugated,  was 
greeted  by  the  galleries  with  disgraceful  ap¬ 
plause,  screams,  and  uproar.  It  was  evidently 
the  act  of  persons  who  had  purposely  packed 
the  galleries.  For  this  demonstration  the  gal¬ 
leries  were  promptly  cleared;  but  as  the  peo¬ 
ple  passed  out,  remarks  were  current  among 
the  mob  such  as,  “  That’s  the  talk  ” — “  Now 
we  will  have  war” — “Benjamin’s  a  brick” — 
“  D — n  the  abolitionists  ” — “  Abe  Lincoln  will 
never  come  here.” — Times ,  Jan.  1. 

— General  Wool  takes  strong  ground  in 
favor  of  the  Union,  of  sustaining  Anderson  in 
his  position  at  Fort  Sumter,  and  earnestly  urges 
that  a  firm  ground  be  adopted  to  put  down  re¬ 
bellion. 

He  declares  that  if  Fort  Sumter  be  surren¬ 
dered  to  the  secessionists,  in  twenty  days  two 
hundred  thousand  men  will  be  in  readiness 
to  take  vengeance  on  all  who  would  betray  the 
Union  into  the  hands  of  its  enemies. — ( Poc.  11.) 
— Troy  Times ,  Pec.  31. 


JANUARY  1,  1861. 

The  evidences  of  a  purpose  on  the  part  of  the 
secessionists  to  seize  upon  the  public  property 
and  usurp  the  Government  at  its  capital,  have 
become  so  clear  that  energetic  measures  are 
taking  to  defeat  their  plans,  and  repress  tho 
treason.  Now  that  the  Administration  begins 
to  appreciate  tho  necessity  of  preserving  tho 
Government,  and  manifests  the  purpose  to  re¬ 
pudiate  the  treasonable  influences  which  have 
hitherto  paralyzed  its  arm,  the  people  are  be¬ 
ginning  to  report  facts  exposing  the  violent 
plots  concocting  in  the  District  and  its  neigh¬ 
borhood. 

It  is  now  well  known  that  military  companies 
have  been  organized  and  drilled  for  months 
past  in  Maryland  and  Virginia — some  of  them 
under  the  eye  of  an  officer  of  tho  regular  army 
— and  that  the  distinct  object  of  their  organiza¬ 
tion  is  to  aid  in  the  seizure  of  Washington  city 
in  tho  interest  of  the  disunionists,  or  the  pre¬ 
vention  by  force  of  Lincoln’s  inauguration. 
Some  of  the  less  prudent  of  their  leaders  boast 
in  private  circles  that  they  have  five  thousand 
well-armed  a.nd  organized  men  ready  to  strike 
the  blow  instantly  upon  the  concerted  signal 
being  given. — Times ,  Jan.  2. 

— At  Charleston,  the  attitude  of  the  Admin¬ 
istration  is  regarded  as  warlike. 

A  censorship  is  exercised  over  the  telegraph, 
and  the  city  is  nightly  patrolled  by  the  mili¬ 
tary.  It  is  proposed  to  starve  out  the  troops 
at  Fort  Sumter,  and  then  attack  them  on  rafts 
with  the  aid  of  batteries  already  erected. 
There  is  a  battery  of  earthwork,  logs,  and 
sand,  on  the  end  of  Sullivan’s  Island,  and  also 
one  on  Morris’  Island. 

Commander  Pettigru,  of  Castle  Pinckney, 
orders  that  no  boat  shall  be  allowed  to  ap¬ 
proach  the  wharf-head  without  permission, 
under  penalty  of  serious  consequences  in  case 
of  violation.  The  city  river-front  is  carefully 
guarded.  The  Palmetto  Guards,  100  strong, 
have  charge  of  the  arsenal  under  the  palmetto 
flag,  instead  of  the  Federal  flag. 

Collector  Colcook  notifies  ship-masters  that 
all  vessels  from  and  for  ports  outside  of  South 
Carolina  must  enter  and  clear  at  Charleston. 

The  Columbia  Artillery,  numbering  50  men, 
arrived  at  1  o’clock  to-day,  and  proceeded  to 
the  harbor.  They  will  use  cannon  belonging 
to  Charleston. — Poston  Transcript ,  Jan.  2. 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


9 


— The  South  Carolina  Convention  passed  an 
ordinance  to  define  and  punish  treason.  It  de¬ 
clares  that  in  addition  to  that  already  declared 
treason  by  the  General  Assembly,  treason 
against  the  State  shall  consist  only  in  levying 
war  against  the  State,  adhering  to  its  enemies, 
and  giving  them  aid  and  comfort.  The  penalty 
is  death  without  the  benefit  of  the  clergy.— 
Evening  Post ,  Jan.  2. 

Jan.  2. — The  steam  frigate  Brooklyn  and  an¬ 
other  vessel  at  Norfolk  are  ordered  to  be  in 
readiness  for  immediate  departure  to  Charles¬ 
ton.  The  secession  leaders  discovered  the  in¬ 
tention  to  start  these  vessels,  and  notified  their 
sympathizers  at  Norfolk  to  have  minute-men 
ready  to  seize  them  if  they  attempted  to  go  to 
sea.  The  Administration  is  on  the  watch  to 
prevent  it. —  Commercial  Advertiser. 

A  letter  received  in  Washington  from  Ala¬ 
bama,  states  the  secession  sentiment  to  be  ut¬ 
terly  uncontrollable  ;  and  says  that,  in  the  event 
of  the  firing  of  a  single  gun  in  opposition  to 
disunion,  “  Mr  Lincoln’s  life  will  not  be  -worth 
a  week’s  purchase.” — Boston  Courier. 

— Captain  Charles  Stone,  upon  the  recom¬ 
mendation  of  General  Scott,  is  appointed  to  or¬ 
ganize  the  militia  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 
Captain  Stone  graduated  at  West  Point  at  the 
head  of  his  class,  went  into  the  Ordnance  Corps, 
was  a  lieutenant  in  command  of  a  battery  at 
the  siege  of  Vera  Cruz ;  was  brevetted  for  gal¬ 
lant  conduct  at  Molina  del  Rey,  and  served  on 
the  entire  line  of  operations  from  Yera  Cruz  to 
the  city  of  Mexico,  directly  under  the  eye  of 
General  Scott,  who  expresses  the  highest  confi¬ 
dence  in  his  genius  for  command. — Tribune. 

— Intelligence  is  received  in  Washington 
that  Fort  Sumter  is  besieged ;  that  all  Major 
Anderson’s  communications  are  cut  off ;  that 
Fort  Moultrie  has  been  completely  repaired 
and  the  guns  remounted ;  and  that  every  thing 
is  in  readiness  to  open  a  fire  on  Major  Ander¬ 
son.  New  batteries  are  being  erected  around 
him  by  the  secessionists. — Y.  Y.  Times. 

— In  New  York  city  an  assembly  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  in  the  City  Hall  Park  fire  100  guns  in  honor 
of  Major  Anderson. 

— Five  thousand  citizens  of  Baltimore  have 
signed  a  letter  addressed  to  Governor  Hicks,  of 
Maryland,  approving  his  course  in  refusing  to 
convene  the  Legislature  of  that  State.  The  list 
is  headed  by  John  P.  Kennedy,  Mr.  Fillmore’s 
Diary — 2 


Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  comprises  the 
names  of  nine-tenths  of  the  business  men  of 
the  city.  Calls  for  public  meetings  to  sustain 
the  Governor  are  now  being  issued  all  over  the 
State. — Baltimore  American. 

— Governor  Ellis,  of  North  Carolina,  dis¬ 
patched  troops  to  seize  upon  Fort  Macon,  at 
Beaufort,  the  forts  at  Wilmington,  and  the 
United  States  arsenal  at  Fayetteville. —  Times , 
Jan.  3. 

Jan.  3. — The  order  for  the  removal  of  guns 
from  the  Alleghany  arsenal  to  southern  forts  is 
revoked  by  the  War  Department,  under  a  de¬ 
cision  of  the  Cabinet. 

— Fort  Pulaski,  at  Savannah,  Ga.,  is  taken 
possession  of  by  State  troops,  by  order  of  the 
Governor. 

— A  book  is  opened  in  New  York  city,  for 
the  enrolment  of  volunteers  to  meet  any  de¬ 
mand  which  may  be  made  by  the  Governor  of 
the  State  for  troops  to  aid  in  preserving  the 
Union. —  Times ,  Jan.  4. 

— TnE  Florida  State  Convention  assembled 
at  Tallahassee. 

— Hon.  H.  Dickenson,  Commissioner  from 
Mississippi,  addresses  both  Houses  of  the  Dela¬ 
ware  Legislature,  inviting  Delaware  to  join  a 
Southern  Confederacy.  The  House,  having 
heard  him,  passed  unanimously  the  following- 
resolution,  in  which  the  Senate  concurred  : 

Pesolved,  That,  having  extended  to  Hon.  n. 
Dickenson,  Commissioner  from  Mississippi,  the 
courtesy  due  him  as  a  representative  of  a  sov¬ 
ereign  State  of  the  Confederacy,  as  well  as  to 
the  State  he  represents,  we  deem  it  proper  and 
due  to  ourselves  and  the  people  of  Delaware  to 
express  our  unqualified  disapproval  of  the 
remedy  for  the  existing  difficulties  suggested 
by  the  resolutions  of  the  Legislature  of  Missis¬ 
sippi. — Philadelphia  Ledger. 

— TnE  South  Carolina  Commissioners  left 
Washington  for  Charleston,  upon  the  Presi¬ 
dent’s  declination  to  receive  any  further  com¬ 
munication  from  them.  They  consider  the  ab¬ 
rupt  termination  of  their  business  by  the  Presi¬ 
dent  an  insult  to  themselves  and  their  State, 
and  treat  it  as  a  declaration  of  war. — (Doc.  12.) 

— In  Washington,  reports  that  armed  bands 
were  organizing  to  take  possession  of  the  capi¬ 
tal  before  the  votes  for  President  and  Vice- 
President  are  counted,  meet  with  general  ere- 


10 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


dence.  General  Scott  is  actively  engaged  in 
the  preparations  to  put  down  this  mob. 

Jan.  4. — Great  excitement  prevailed  at  Nor- 
folk,  Va.,  in  consequence  of  the  report  that 
four  companies  of  soldiers  at  Fortress  Monroe 
had  been  ordered  to  Charleston. — Balt.  Sun. 

— It  is  stated  in  Washington,  on  the  authority 
of  a  member  of  the  Georgia  delegation,  that 
the  United  States  revenue  cutter  Bol/phin  was 
fired  upon  and  seized  to-day,  by  the  secession¬ 
ists  at  Savannah.  Upon  the  same  statement  in 
Georgia,  the  Governor  issued  an  order  for  her 
release. —  Times ,  Jan.  5. 

— The  South  Carolina  Convention  appointed 
Hons.  T.  J.  Withers,  L.  M.  Iveitt,  W.  W.  Boyce, 
James  Chesnut,  Jr.,  R.  B.  Rhett,  Jr.,  R.  W. 
Barnwell,  and  C.  G.  Memminger,  delegates  to 
the  General  Congress  of  the  seceding  States. 

— The  United  States  arsenal  at  Mobile  was 
taken  by  the  secessionists  at  daylight  this  morn¬ 
ing.  It  contained  six  stand  of  arms,  1,500  bar¬ 
rels  of  powder,  300,000  rounds  of  musket-car¬ 
tridges,  and  other  munitions  of  war.  There  was 
no  defence. — Evening  Post ,  Jan.  7. 

— An  appeal  to  the  people  of  Florida,  by  the 
Charleston  Mercury ,  to  seize  the  forts  and  other 
defences  at  Pensacola  and  Key  West,  threatens 
the  capture  of  the  California  treasure  ships  by 
letters  of  marque  and  privateers. — {Doc.  13.) 

— Fast-day  throughout  the  United  States, 
by  proclamation  of  the  President.  It  is  gen¬ 
erally  observed. — {Doc.  14.) 

— Fort  Morgan,  at  the  entrance  of  Mobile 
Bay,  was  taken  this  morning  by  Alabama 
troops,  and  is  now  garrisoned  by  two  hundred 
men. —  The  Press ,  Jan.  5. 

'  — Tnis  evening  a  workingmen’s  meeting  was 
held  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  Speeches  were  made, 
and  resolutions  adopted,  declaring  that  the 
Union  must  be  preserved  in  its  integrity  by 
the  enforcement  of  the  laws  in  every  part  of 
the  Union,  by  whatever  means  may  be  neces¬ 
sary  ;  that  the  remedy  for  all  grievances  can 
be  had  under  the  constitution,  and  that  the 
only  way  to  safety  and  peace  is  the  mainten¬ 
ance  of  it. —  Troy  Times. 

—At  Schenectady  a  salute  was  fired  in  honor 
of  Major  Anderson  and  his  brave  men.  Na¬ 
tional  airs  were  performed  amid  cheers  for 
Major  Anderson  and  Secretaries  Holt  and 
Stanton. — Albany  Journal. 


— A  meeting  was  held  at  Westchester,  Pa., 
to  enrol  volunteers  in  the  regiment  of  Chester 
county,  to  offer  their  services  to  the  Govern¬ 
ment  to  maintain  the  constitution  and  enforce 
the  laws. — Evening  Post.  Jan.  5. 

— The  following  notice  is  served  on  residents 
of  Charleston,  indiscriminately  : 

Beat  No  1,  16th  Regiment,  Regimental  Parade. 

Sir:  You  are  hereby  summoned  to  be  and 
appear  at  the  Citadel  Square,  properly  armed 
and  accoutred,  according  to  law,  on  Wednesday 
next,  at  1  o’clock  P.  M.,  precisely.  An  inspec¬ 
tion  of  arms  will  take  place  at  each  parade. 
If  you  appear  in  pantaloons,  blue  or  black 
coat,  and  black  hat,  arms  and  accoutrements 
in  complete  order  will  be  furnished  you  at  each 
parade  on  the  ground  ;  if  not,  the  law  compels 
you  to  furnish  yourself  with  a  musket,  bayonet, 
cartridge-box,  bayonet-scabbard,  with  cross¬ 
belts,  all  in  good  order  and  fit  for  service,  on 
one  dollar  fine  for  each  defect. 

Every  person  subject  to  military  duty  in  this 
regiment,  who  removed  from  one  beat  to  an¬ 
other,  is  required  to  report  himself  to  the  cap¬ 
tains  of  the  beats  from  which  and  to  which  he 
has  removed,  or  be  fined  five  dollars,  besides 
all  fines  for  the  non-performance  of  military 
duty  in  both  beats. 

Court-martial  held  on  defaulters  at  the  Mili¬ 
tary  Hall,  Wentworth  street,  on  the  third  Mon¬ 
day  of  December,  at  12  o’clock  M.  By  order 
of  captain. 

S.  Yale  Mallins,  Corporal. 

Jan.  5. — A  large  meeting  was  held  at  Nor¬ 
folk,  Va.,  this  evening.  Strong  speeches  were 
made,  urging  the  citizens  to  arm  themselves 
and  place  themselves  in  a  state  of  defence  for 
any  emergency,  which  were  loudly  cheered. 

Resolutions  recommending  the  Legislature 
to  organize  thoroughly  the  military  power  of 
the  State,  and  prepare  for  civil  war  should  it 
occur ;  scorning  coercion  ;  and  preparing  to  re¬ 
sist  invasion,  were  unanimously  adopted. — Na¬ 
tional  Intelligencer ,  Jan.  7. 

— Apprehensions  of  an  attack  on  Washing¬ 
ton  are  subsiding,  in  consequence  of  the  meas¬ 
ures  already  taken.  General  Carrington,  of 
that  city,  has  issued  a  call  for  a  military  organ¬ 
ization  for  its  defence. — {Doc.  15.) 

— In  the  State  Convention  of  Florida,  as¬ 
sembled  at  Tallahassee,  resolutions  were  offered 
declaring  the  right  of  Florida  to  secede,  and  the 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


11 


duty  of  the  State  to  prepare  for  secession,  made 
special  order  for  the  7th. 

— A  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted 
in  the  Missouri  Senate,  instructing  the  Com¬ 
mittee  on  Federal  Relations  to  report  a  bill 
calling  a  State  Convention. — Tunes. 

— Steamsiiip  Star  of  the  West,  Captain  Mc¬ 
Gowan,  cleared  at  New  York  for  Havana  and 
New  Orleans.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  artiller¬ 
ists  and  marines,  with  stores  and  ammunition, 
■were  put  on  board  in  the  lower  bay  by  steam- 
tug,  and  in  the  night  the  ship  went  to  sea,  sup¬ 
posed  to  be  destined  for  Charleston. 

— Tiie  South  Carolina  Convention  adjourned 
this  morning,  subject  to  the  call  of  the  presi¬ 
dent. — Evening  Post ,  Jan.  5. 

Jan.  6. — A  meeting  of  citizens,  irrespective 
of  party,  was  held  at  Chicago,  Ill.,  this  evening. 
The  resolutions  adopted  express  love  for  the 
Union;  regard  every  attempt  to  rend  it  as  the 
basest  treason  and  most  insane  folly;  regard 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  forming 
a  union  between  the  people  of  the  several 
States,  and  intended  to  be  perpetual ;  and  every 
attempt  by  a  State  to  secede  or  annul  the  laws 
of  the  United  States,  is  not  only  usurping  the 
powers  of  the  general  Government,  but  aggres¬ 
sion  upon  the  equal  rights  of  the  other  States  ; 
that  peaceable  secession,  if  possible,  must  nec¬ 
essarily  be  a  matter  of  agreement  between  the 
States,  and  until  such  agreement  is  made,  the 
existing  Government  has  no  choice  but  to  en¬ 
force  the  law  and  protect  the  property  of  the 
nation  ;  that  in  view  of  what  is  now  transpiring 
in  the  Southern  States,  of  threats  to  prevent 
the  inauguration  of  a  President,  constitutionally 
elected,  it  is  incumbent  upon  the  loyal  people 
of  the  several  States  to  be  prepared  to  render 
all  their  aid,  military  and  otherwise,  to  the  en¬ 
forcement  of  the  Federal  laws  ;  that  Major  An¬ 
derson  deserves  the  thanks  of  the  country  for 
tlio  course  pursued  by  him. — Evening  Post , 
Jan.  8. 

— A  company  of  marines  was  put  into  Fort 
Washington,  on  the  Potomac,  14  miles  south 
of  Washington  city. 

— Forty  tons  of  shot,  shell,  and  powder, 
were  forwarded  from  New  York  city  by  Adams’ 
express  for  New  Orleans ;  reported  to  be  des¬ 
tined  for  Mexico,  but  believed  to  be  for  Louis¬ 
iana. 

— Several  volunteer  companies  of  Washing¬ 


ton  were  on  parade,  and  upon  dismissal  were 
directed  to  carry  their  guns  to  their  homes 
with  forty  rounds  of  ball-cartridges  each. 

■ — The  Alabama  and  Mississippi  delegations 
in  Washington  held  a  conference,  and  tele¬ 
graphed  to  the  Conventions  of  their  respective 
States,  to  advise  immediate  secession,  as  they 
consider  that  there  is  no  prospect  of  a  satisfac¬ 
tory  adjustment.  A  caucus  of  Southern  sena¬ 
tors  at  Washington  advocated  separate  and  im¬ 
mediate  secession. — Times ,  Jan.  7. 

— Governor  Hicks,  of  Maryland,  published 
an  address  to  the  people  of  that  State  upon  his 
refusal  to  convene  the  Legislature.  It  strongly 
opposes  secession. — {Doc.  16.) 

Jan.  7. — A  variety  of  plans  for  capturing 
Fort  Sumter  have  been  devised,  but  as  yet  none 
have  been  put  in  practice.  One  man  thought 
it  might  be  taken  by  floating  down  to  the  fort 
rafts  piled  with  burning  tar-barrels,  thus  at¬ 
tempting  to  smoke  the  American  troops  out  as 
you  would  smoke  a  rabbit  out  of  a  hollow. 
Another  was  for  filling  bombs  with  prussic  acid 
and  giving  each  of  the  United  States  soldiers  a 
smell.  Still  another  supposed  that  the  fort 
might  be  taken  without  bloodshed  by  offering 
to  each  soldier  ten  dollars  and  a  speaking  to. 
And  still  another  thought  that  by  erecting  a 
barricade  of  cotton  bales,  and  arming  it  with 
cannon,  a  floating  battery  might  be  made, 
which,  with  the  aid  of  Forts  Moultrie  and 
Johnson,  and  Castle  Pinckney,  together  with 
redoubts  thrown  up  on  Morris’  and  Jones’  Isl¬ 
ands,  and  with  further  assistance  of  an  armed 
fleet,  an  attack  might  be  made  on  the  fort,  and 
at  some  convenient  point  a  party  of  sharp¬ 
shooters  might  be  stationed,  who  would  pick 
oft'  the  garrison,  man  by  man,  thus  giving  an 
opportunity  to  a  party  of  infantry  to  scale  the 
walls  of  the  fort.  Such  a  storming,  however, 
could  only  be  accomplished  by  an  immense  sac¬ 
rifice  of  life  ;  and  the  only  practicable  mode  of 
taking  the  fort  would  seem  to  be  by  a  protract¬ 
ed  siege,  and  by  the  unchristian  mode  of  starv¬ 
ing  them. — South  Carolinian. 

— Major  Anderson’s  course  was  sustained 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  to-day,  by  the 
following  resolution,  offered  by  Mr.  Adrian,  of 
New  Jersey : 

Pesolved,  That  we  fully  approve  the  bold  and 
patriotic  act  of  Major  Anderson  in  withdrawing 
from  Fort  Moultrie  to  Fort  Sumter,  and  the 


12 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


determination  of  the  President  to  maintain  that 
fearless  officer  in  his  present  condition;  and  we 
will  support  the  President  in  all  constitutional 
measures  to  enforce  the  laws  and  preserve  the 
Union. 

— To-day  the  arrest  of  Senators  Toombs  and 
Wigfall,  on  the  charges  of  treason,  for  sending 
dispatches  to  the  South  recommending  the  seiz¬ 
ure  of  the  forts,  was  spoken  of  in  the  Cabinet 
“jocularly.” 

— TnE  Alabama  Convention  organized  at 
Montgomery,  William  M.  Brooks  in  the  chair. 
— Times,  Jan.  8. 

— TnE  Mississippi  Convention  organized  at 
Jacksonville,  A.  J.  Barry,  of  Lowndes,  in  the 
chair.  It  was  resolved  that  a  committee  of 
fifteen  be  appointed  by  the  president,  with  in¬ 
structions  to  prepare  and  report,  as  speedily  as 
possible,  an  ordinance  of  secession,  providing 
for  the  immediate  withdrawal  of  Mississippi 
from  the  Federal  Union,  with  a  view  of  estab¬ 
lishing  a  new  Confederacy,  to  be  composed  of 
the  seceding  States.— Mobile  Advertiser. 

— The  Governor  of  Virginia,  in  a  message  to 
the  Legislature,  in  special  session,  condemns 
the  hasty  action  of  South  Carolina,  hut  opposes 
and  says  that  “  he  will  regard  the  attempt  of 
the  Federal  troops  to  pass  across  Virginia  for 
the  purpose  of  coercing  a  Southern  State,  as 
an  act  of  invasion  which  must  be  repelled.” — 
Times,  Jan.  8. 

Jan.  8. — The  Southern  Confederacy  (pub¬ 
lished  at  Atlanta,  Ga.),  a  paper  which  has  been 
fighting  most  gallantly  for  the  Union  and  the 
laws,  says  of  the  late  election  for  members  of 
the  Georgia  Convention : 

“  It  is  a  notable  fact,  that,  wherever  the 
‘  Minute  Men,’  as  they  are  called,  have  had  an 
organization,  those  counties  have  voted,  by 
large  majorities,  for  immediate  secession.  Those 
that  they  could  not  control  by  persuasion  and 
coaxing,  they  dragooned  and  bullied,  by  threats, 
jeers,  and  sneers.  By  this  means  thousands  of 
good  citizens  were  induced  to  vote  the  imme¬ 
diate  secession  ticket  through  timidity.  Be¬ 
sides,  the  towns  and  cities  have  been  flooded 
with  sensation  dispatches  and  inflammatory  ru¬ 
mors,  manufactured  in  Washington  city  for  the 
especial  occasion.  To  be  candid,  there  never 
has  been  as  much  lying  and  bullying  practised, 
in  the  same  length  of  time,  since  the  destruc¬ 
tion  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  as  has  been  in 


the  recent  State  campaign.  The  fault  has  been 
at  Washington  city  ;  from  that  cess-pool  have 
emanated  all  the  abominations  that  ever  cursed 
a  free  people.” 

— TnE  Baltimore  Exchange  says  “  the  wrhole 
population  of  Maryland  is  united  in  the  desire 
to  preserve  the  Union  ;  yet  it  may  be  that  the 
people,  by  a  blind  and  ill-advised  course,  may 
render  the  State  obnoxious  in  future  to  the 
charge  of  having  contributed,  by  her  indecision 
and  weakness,  to  the  overthrow  of  the  repub¬ 
lic.” — Evening  Post ,  Jan.  8. 

— Governor  Hicks,  of  Maryland,  in  a  letter 
to  J.  L.  Curry,  Commissioner  from  Alabama, 
says  he  regards  cooperation  between  the  slave 
States  as  an  infraction  of  the  Constitution, 
which  he,  as  Governor  of  Maryland,  swore  to 
support.  The  people  of  that  State  are  firm  in 
their  friendship  for  the  Union,  and  will  never 
swerve  from  it ;  they  have  seen,  with  mortifi¬ 
cation  and  regret,  the  course  taken  by  South 
Carolina ;  for  in  their  opinion  it  is  better  to  use 
the  Union  for  the  enforcement  of  their  rights 
than  to  break  it  up  because  of  apprehensions 
that  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  -will  be 
disregarded,  and  they  will  cling  to  it  until  it 
shall  actually  become  the  instrument  of  destruc¬ 
tion  to  their  rights  and  peace  and  safety.  Dis¬ 
union  would  be  ruin  to  Maryland,  and  in  the 
proposed  Southern  Confederacy  she  sees  no  ref¬ 
uge  from  the  ills  she  must  suffer  in  such  an 
event.  “  Let  us,”  says  Governor  Hicks,  “  have 
our  rights  in  the  Union,  and  through  and  by 
the  Constitution.” — Baltimore  Sun. 

— The  N.  C.  troops,  and  persons  residing  in 
the  vicinity  of  Forts  Caswell  and  Johnson,' 
took  possession  of  those  defences  this  day.1 

— Secretary  Thompson  resigned  his  place 
in  the  Cabinet,  upon  learning  that  the  Star 
of  the  West  had  sailed  from  New  York  with 
troops. 

— From  Charleston  it  is  announced  that  the 
messages  to  Fort  Sumter  cannot  be  delivered, 
as  there  is  no  communication  between  the  fort 
and  the  city. 

— TnE  Sub-Treasurer  of  Charleston  has  com¬ 
municated  to  the  Government,  that  the  South 
Carolina  authorities  will  not  allow  him  to  pay 

1  A  correspondence  on  this  subject  took  place  immedi¬ 
ately  between  Governor  Ellis  and  Secretary  Ilolt.  The 
forts  were  surrendered  and  the  State  troops  removed.— 
Doc.  17. 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


13 


any  more  drafts,  not  even  to  pay  Anderson’s 
men.  All  the  cash  in  his  vaults  is  to  be  re¬ 
tained  there. 

— It  is  ascertained  that  all  the  seceding  States 
have  drawn  their  quota  of  arms  for  1861  in  ad¬ 
vance.  The  order  from  South  Carolina  was 
filled  only  a  few  days  before  the  passage  of  the 
ordinance  of  secession. — Commercial ,  Jan.  8. 

Jan.  9. — Mississippi  State  Convention  passed 
the  ordinance  of  secession.  Delegations  from 
South  Carolina  and  Alabama  were  invited  to 
seats  in  the  Convention.  They  were  greeted 
with  applause.  Efforts  were  made  to  postpone 
action,  which  were  voted  down.  The  fifteen 
delegates  who  opposed  the  ordinance  will  sign 
it  to-morrow,  malting  the  vote  unanimous. 

Fireworks  were  displayed  at  the  capitol  in 
Jackson  this  evening.  The  excitement  is  in¬ 
tense. — AT.  0.  Picayune ,  Jan.  10. 

— At  half-past  7  A.  M.  the  steamship  Star 
of  the  West  was  signalled  at  the  entrance  of 
Charleston  harbor.  As  she  made  her  way  tow¬ 
ard  Fort  Sumter,  a  shot  was  sent  across  her 
bow  from  a  battery  on  Morris’  Island,  when 
she  displayed  the  United  States  flag,  and  was 
repeatedly  fired  into  from  the  Morris’  Island 
battery  and  from  Fort  Moultrie.  Iler  course 
was  then  altered,  and  she  again  put  to  sea. 
Guns  were  run  out  at  Fort  Sumter,  but  none 
were  fired.  At  11  o’clock  Major  Anderson  sent 
a  flag  with  a  communication  to  Governor  Pick¬ 
ens,  to  inquire  if  this  act  had  the  sanction  of 
the  State  Government;  was  informed  that  it 
had,  and  thereupon  sent  a  special  messenger  to 
Washington  with  dispatches. — {Doc.  18.) 

Jan.  10. — An  intense  excitement  at  Charles¬ 
ton,  on  account  of  a  rumor  that  the  sloop-of- 
war  Brooklyn  was  dispatched  for  that  place. 
Great  preparations  are  made  to  receive  her. 
The  buoys  in  the  harbor  are  removed,  and 
threats  are  made  to  fire  on  the  ship. 

— A  steam-tug  called  the  Aid  left  the  wharf 
to-night  for  the  purpose  of  reconnoitring.  She 
is  mounted  with  one  gun,  and  is  under  the  com¬ 
mand  of  Lieut.  Hamilton,  formerly  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  navy. 

— Fort  Moultrie  is  being  rapidly  put  in 
order  by  a  large  force  of  workmen.  There  are 
over  forty  South  Carolina  railroad  hands  ac¬ 
tively  and  constantly  employed  under  Mr.  Bry¬ 
ant.  Twenty  hearty,  strong  negroes  were  sent 
down  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Prentiss  and  set  to  ' 


work,  and  did  work  faithfully  all  night  upon 
the  ramparts. — Charleston  Courier ,  Jan.  11. 

Jan.  11. — To-day  a  party  of  Louisiana  State 
troops,  under  command  of  Captain  Bradford, 
took  possession  of  the  United  States  Marino 
Hospital,  about  two  miles  below  New  Orleans. 
The  patients  in  the  Hospital,  numbering  two 
hundred  and  sixteen,  were  ordered  to  be  re¬ 
moved  ;  those  who  are  convalescent,  immedi¬ 
ately,  and  those  who  are  confined  to  their  beds, 
as  soon  as  possible.  The  reason  assigned  for 
this  inhuman  action  is  that  the  authorities 
want  the  quarters  for  their  own  troops. 

— A  Union  meeting  was  held  at  Wilmington, 
N.  C.,  this  evening,  which  was  attended  by 
over  one  thousand  persons. — Evening  Post , 
Jan.  15. 

— Florida  and  Alabama  adopted  ordinances 
of  secession  ;  Florida  passed  her  ordinance  by 
a  vote  of  62  to  7,  and  Alabama  by  yeas  61, 
nays  39.  The  Alabama  Convention  was  far 
from  unanimous  ;  a  large  part  of  that  State  is 
decidedly  opposed  to  extreme  measures. 

The  Alabama  ordinance  of  secession  calls 
upon  the  people  of  all  the  Southern  States  to 
meet  in  convention  at  Montgomery,  on  the  4th 
of  February  next,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a 
provisional  or  permanent  government.  Imme¬ 
diately  after  the  passage  of  the  ordinance,  an 
immense  mass  meeting  was  held  in  front  of  the 
capitol ;  a  secession  flag,  presented  by  the 
women  of  Montgomery,  was  raised  on  the 
State  House,  cannon  were  fired,  guns  fired, 
etc.,  and  in  the  evening  the  whole  town  was 
illuminated. — {Doc.  19.) — Evening  Post ,  Jan. 
12. 

— Judge  Jones,  of  the  United  States  District 
Court,  this  afternoon  announced  from  the  win¬ 
dows  of  the  court-room  in  the  custom-house 
building,  at  Mobile,  that  the  United  States 
Court  for  the  Southern  District  of  Alabama  was 
“  adjourned  forever.” 

Mr.  George  M.  Brewer,  of  the  same  place, 
gave  one  hundred  cords  of  wood  for  the  use  of 
the  garrison  at  Fort  Morgan,  and  proffered  the 
services  of  twenty  negro  men  as  laborers  on 
the  works. — Mobile  Advertiser ,  Jan.  12. 

At  Richmond,  Va.,  a  banquet  was  given 
to  John  B.  Floyd,  late  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
That  gentleman  made  a  speech,  wherein  ho 
related  a  conversation  with  the  President, 
ivliich  he  claimed  showed  a  breach  of  faith  on 


14 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


the  part  of  the  latter,  leading  to  the  former’s 
resignation.  lie  also  counselled  resistance  to 
Federal  coercion.  Speeches  were  made  by 
Lieutenant-Governor  Montague,  Attorney-Gen¬ 
eral  Tucker,  and  others.  The  policy  of  the 
Legislature  was  severely  commented  upon. 

— Abolitionists  attempted  to  hold  a  meeting 
at  Rochester,  N.  Y.  It  was  broken  up  by  citi¬ 
zens,  and  resolutions  in  favor  of  the  Union 
were  passed,  and  cheers  given  for  General  Scott 
and  Major  Anderson.  A  flag  bearing  the  in¬ 
scription,  “  No  compromise  with  slavery,”  was 
not  allowed  to  be  suspended  across  Buffalo 
street.  The  authorities  prevented  a  general 
riot. — A".  Y.  Herald ,  Jan.  12. 

— Both  branches  of  the  New  York  Legisla¬ 
ture  adopted  strong  Union  resolutions,  tender¬ 
ing  the  assistance  of  the  State  to  the  President, 
and  ordered  them  sent  to  the  President,  and 
the  Governors  of  all  the  States. — {Doc.  20.) 

Jan.  12. — The  Star  of  the  "West  arrived  at 
New  York,  having  failed  to  land  her  troops  at 
Fort  Sumter.  The  Captain  reported  that  un¬ 
expected  obstacles  in  the  removal  of  buoys, 
lights,  and  ranges,  which,  though  he  arrived  in 
the  night,  compelled  him  to  wait  till  daybreak 
outside  the  harbor,  rendered  a  successful  en¬ 
trance  impossible. — {Doc.  21.) 

— Senator  Seward,  in  his  place  in  the  Sen¬ 
ate,  spoke  upon  the  present  troubles  of  the 
country,  and  avowed  his  “adherence  to  the 
Union,  in  its  integrity  and  with  all  its  parts ; 
with  his  friends,  with  his  party,  with  his  State, 
or  without  either,  as  they  may  determine ;  in 
every  event,  whether  of  peace  or  of  war ;  with 
every  consequence  of  honor  or  dishonor,  of  life 
or  death.”  He  said  that  “  Union  is  not  less 
the  body  than  liberty  is  the  soul  of  the  nation.” 
The  speech  is  denounced  by  both  extremes,  and 
is  understood  by  the  Southerners  to  mean  “  co¬ 
ercion,”  while  the  political  friends  of  the  Sena¬ 
tor  consider  it  a  relinquishment  of  his  prin¬ 
ciples. — Times ,  Jan.  13. 

— Fort  Barrancas  and  the  navy  yard  at 
Pensacola,  were  seized.  The  late  commandant 
of  the  navy  yard,  in  a  dispatch  to  Government, 
says : 

“  Armed  bodies  of  Florida  and  Alabama 
troops  appeared  before  the  gate  of  the  navy 
yard,  and  demanded  possession.  Having  no 
means  of  resistance,  I  surrendered  and  hauled 
down  my  flag.  They  are  now  in  possession.” 


A  dispatch  to  the  Florida  senators  announced 
the  same  as  follows : 

“  We  repaired  down  hero  and  captured  Fort 
Barrancas  and  navy  yard,  and  then  paroled  the 
officers,  granting  them  permission  to  continue 
to  occupy  their  quarters.  We  are  now  in  pos¬ 
session.  This  move  was  in  consequence  of  the 
Government  garrisoning  Fort  Pickens,  which 
has  before  remained  unoccupied.  You  will 
propose  to  the  Administration,  resuming  the 
status  quo  ante  helium  and  we  will  immediately 
evacuate.” 

The  Pensacola  navy  yard  contains  a  hundred 
and  fifty-six  thousand  dollars’  worth  of  ord¬ 
nance  stores. — Richmond  Enquirer,  Jan.  14. 

— Artillery  were  ordered  to  Vicksburg  by 
the  Governor  early  this  morning,  to  hail  and 
question  passing  boats  on  the  Mississippi  river. 

A  salute  of  fifteen  guns  was  fired  last  night 
at  Jackson,  on  the  reception  of  the  news  from 
Alabama  and  Florida.  —  Raleigh  Standard ) 
Jan.  14. 

Jan.  18. — Governor  Pickens,  of  South  Caro¬ 
lina,  sent  to  Washington  for  a  balance  of  $3,000 
due  him  as  late  Minister  to  Russia.  The  De¬ 
partment  adjusted  his  accounts  by  sending  him 
a  draft  on  the  Charleston  Sub-Treasury,  the 
money  in  which  has  been  seized  by  the  State. 

Jan.  14. — Judge  Smalley  delivered  a  charge 
to  the  grand  jury  of  the  Federal  court  in  New 
York,  specifying  what  overt  acts  constitute 
treason.1 

Jan.  15. — Major-General  Sandford  tendered 
the  whole  of  the  First  Division  New  York 
State  Militia  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  to  bo 
ready  for  service  in  an  hour’s  notice. 

— Colonel  Hayne,  a  Commissioner  of  South 
Carolina  to  Washington,  was  received  by  the 
President,  and  demanded  the  withdrawal  of  the 
garrison  of  Fort  Sumter.  He  was  requested  to 
submit  a  written  demand. 

— The  United  States  Coast  Survey  schooner 
Dana,  was  seized  by  the  Florida  State  au¬ 
thorities. — The  World. 

Jan.  16. — The  names  of  William  L.  Yancey 
of  Alabama,  and  James  H.  Hammond  of  South 
Carolina,  appear  in  the  Apalachicola  Times  of 
this  day,  as  candidates  for  the  presidency  and 
vice-presidency  of  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

1  The  Evening  Post  of  the  14th  of  January  contains  this 
charge  in  full. 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


15 


Jan.  18. — In  the  Massachusetts  State  Legis¬ 
lature  to-day,  a  series  of  resolutions  was  passed 
by  a  unanimous  vote,  tendering  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States  such  aid  in  men  and  money 
as  he  may  request,  to  maintain  the  authority 
of  the  general  Government.  The  preamble  to 
the  resolution  declares  that  the  State  of  South 
Carolina,  in  seizing  the  fortifications  of  the 
Federal  Government,  the  Post  Office,  Custom 
House,  moneys,  arms,  munitions  of  war,  and  by 
firing  upon  a  vessel  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  has  committed  an  act  of  war.  The  Sen¬ 
ate  passed  a  bill  authorizing  the  increase  of  the 
volunteer  military  of  the  State. — Boston  Jour¬ 
nal ',  Jan.  19. 

Jan.  19. — The  State  Convention  of  Georgia 
has  adopted  the  secession  ordinance  by  a  vote 
of  two  hundred  and  eight  against  eighty-nine. 
— {Doc.  22.) 

A  motion  to  postpone  tho  operation  of  the 
ordinance  until  the  3d  of  March  was  lost  by 
about  thirty  majority. 

Alexander  H.  Stephens  and  Herschel  V. 
Johnson  are  among  those  who  voted  against 
the  ordinance. 

The  ordinance  of  secession  is  ordered  to  be 
engrossed  on  parchment,  and  to  be  signed  on 
Monday  at  noon. 

Judge  Linton  Stephens  says  that,  while  he 
approves  of  the  ordinance,  he  sees  no  reason 
for  its  adoption  now.  He  therefore  will  not 
vote  for  or  sign  it. 

Unusual  demonstrations  of  approbation  are 
being  made  at  Milledgeville  to-night  in  honor 
of  the  adoption  of  the  ordinance,  including  the 
firing  of  cannon,  the  letting  off  of  sky-rockets, 
the  burning  of  torches,  and  music  and  speeches. 
— Richmond  Enquirer. 

Jan.  21. — Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi, 
withdrew  from  the  Senate  at  Washington  to¬ 
day.  The  ordinance  of  secession  having  passed 
the  Convention  of  his  State,  he  felt  obliged  to 
obey  the  summons,  and  retire  from  all  official 
connection  with  the  Federal  Government.— 
{Doc.  23.) 

— At  the  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  navy  yard,  the 
entire  force  was  put  under  arms,  and  held  in 
readiness  to  act  immediately,  through  some  ap¬ 
prehension  of  an  attack  by  an  organized  force 
of  persons  in  sympathy  with  secession.  The 
guns  of  the  North  Carolina  were  shotted,  and  a 


portion  of  the  Brooklyn  city  military  was  mus¬ 
tered  to  cooperate. — Herald ,  Jan.  22. 

— The  Georgia  State  Convention  resolved, 
unanimously : 

“As  a  response  to  the  resolutions  of  the  Leg¬ 
islature  of  the  State  of  New  York,  that  this 
Convention  highly  approves  of  the  energetic 
and  patriotic  conduct  of  the  Governor  of  Geor¬ 
gia  in  taking  possession  of  Fort  Pulaski  by  tho 
Georgia  troops ;  that  this  Convention  request 
him  to  hold  possession  of  said  fort  until  the  re¬ 
lations  of  Georgia  with  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment  shall  be  determined,  and  that  a  copy  of 
this  resolution  be  transmitted  to  the  Governor 
of  the  State  of  New  York. — Times)  Jan.  22. 

— Wendell  Phillips  addressed  the  Twenty- 
eighthCongregational  Society  in  Boston  this  af¬ 
ternoon  on  tho  “  Political  Lessons  of  the  Hour.” 
Ho  declared  himself  to  be  a  disunion  man,  and 
was  glad  to  see  South  Carolina  and  other  south¬ 
ern  slave  States  had  practically  initiated  a  dis¬ 
union  movement.  He  hoped  that  all  the  slave 
States  would  leave  the  Union,  and  not  stand 
upon  the  order  of  their  going,  but  go  at  once. 
He  denounced  the  compromise  spirit  manifested 
by  Mr.  Seward  and  Charles  Francis  Adams 
with  much  severity  of  language  ;  and  there  was 
an  occasional  stamping  of  feet  and  hissing,  but 
no  outbreak.  Mr.  Phillips  was  escorted  home 
by  a  few  policemen,  and  a  great  crowd  pushing 
about  him. — Springfield  Republican. 

— A  Union  meeting  was  held  to-night  at 
Trenton,  N.  J.,  Thomas  J.  Stryker,  Cashier  of 
the  Trenton  Bank,  in  the  chair. 

The  Committee  on  Resolutions  reported,  de¬ 
ploring  the  state  of  the  country ;  recommend¬ 
ing,  as  a  means  of  settling  differences,  the  adop¬ 
tion  by  the  people  of  the  Crittenden  resolutions, 
or  some  other  pacific  measures,  with  such  modi¬ 
fications  as  may  be  deemed  expedient ;  recom¬ 
mending  the  Legislature  of  New  Jersey  to  pas? 
a  law  to  take  a  vote  of  the  people,  yes  or  no, 
on  the  Crittenden  resolutions ;  approving  of 
the  course  of  Virginia  in  appointing  a  Commis¬ 
sion  to  go  to  Washington,  and  recommending 
the  New  Jersey  Legislature  to  do  the  same. 

Speeches  were  made  by  Judge  Naar,  C.  W. 
Jay,  and  others. 

Jan.  22. — Sherrard  Clemens  of  Va.  made  a 
strong  Union  speech  in  the  House  of  Repre¬ 
sentatives  to-day. — {Doc.  24.) 

Jan.  24. — The  Charleston  Mercury  continues 


16 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


the  publication  of  anonymous  incendiary  ap¬ 
peals,  intended  to  stir  up  the  people  to  an  at¬ 
tack  on  Fort  Sumter.  One,  headed  “  Fort 
Sumter,  the  Bastion  of  the  Federal  Union,” 
concludes  with  these  words : 

“No  longer  hoping  for  concessions,  let  us  be 
ready  for  war,  and  when  wre  have  driven  every 
foreign  soldier  from  our  shores,  then  let  us  take 
our  place  in  the  glorious  Republic  the  future 
promises  us.  Border  southern  States  will 
never  join  us  until  we  have  indicated  our 
power  to  free  ourselves — until  we  have  proven 
that  a  garrison  of  seventy  men  cannot  hold  the 
portal  of  our  commerce.  The  fate  of  the  South¬ 
ern  Confederacy  hangs  by  the  ensign  halliards 
of  Fort  Sumter.” 

— The  Toronto  Leader ,  the  Government  pa¬ 
per  of  Canada,  this  morning  says  it  is  in  a  po¬ 
sition  to  announce  in  the  most  positive  terms 
that  it  is  the  intention  of  the  English  Govern¬ 
ment  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy  as  soon  as  it  is  formed. 

— The  Loudon  Times ,  in  an  article  on  the 
disunion  movement  in  America,  asserts  that 
the  United  States  cannot  “  for  many  years  be 
to  the  world  what  they  have  been.” — (Doc.  25.) 

— An  effort  was  made  by  the  New  York  po¬ 
lice  to  seize  a  quantity  of  fire-arms  which  were 
known  to  be  shipped  on  board  the  steamer 
Montgomery.  While  the  officers  were  search¬ 
ing  on  board  for  the  arms,  the  captain  ordered 
the  vessel’s  fasts  to  be  cut,  and  she  steamed 
away  from  the  pier,  scarcely  giving  the  police¬ 
men  time  to  jump  ashore.  The  five  hundred 
muskets  found  on  board  the  schooner  Caspian 
were  returned  to  the  captain,  the  authorities 
being  satisfied  that  the  vessel  was  bound  to 
Carthagena. — Chicago  Tribune. 

— TnE  United  States  arsenal  at  Augusta,  Ga., 
•was  surrendered  to  the  State  authorities,  upon 
the  demand  of  Governor  Brown. — Baltimore 
Sun ,  Jan.  25. 

— The  Catawba  Indians  of  South  Carolina 
offered  their  services  to  Governor  Pickens,  and 
were  accepted. —  Times ,  Jan.  25. 

Jan.  25. — A  large  Union  mass  meeting  was 
held  at  Portland,  Me.,  this  evening;  Chief 
Justice  Shepley  presided,  and  the  meeting  was 
addressed  by  many  of  the  ablest  speakers  of  all 
parties.  Union  resolutions  were  passed. 

— A  coerespondence  between  Senator 


Toombs,  of  Georgia,  and  Fernando  Wood, 
mayor  of  New  York,  relative  to  the  seizure  of 
arms  by  the  police  of  that  city,  creates  comment 
and  surprise. — (Doc.  26.) 

Jan.  26. — The  Louisiana  State  Convention 
passed  the  ordinance  of  secession  to-day,  by  a 
vote  of  one  hundred  and  thirteen  to  seventeen. 
A  delay  ordinance  was  proposed  yesterday,  but 
was  voted  down  by  a  large  majority.  A  gold 
pen  was  given  each  member,  with  which  to 
sign  the  ordinance  of  secession. — (Doc.  27.) — 
Buffalo  Courier. 

Jan.  27. — The  Grand  Jury  at  Washington 
made  three  presentments  of  Ex-Secretary  Floyd, 
first,  for  maladministration  in  office ;  second, 
for  complicity  in  the  abstraction  of  the  bonds  ; 
and  third,  for  conspiracy  against  the  Govern¬ 
ment. — N.  Y.  Tribune. 

Jan.  29. — The  United  States  revenue  cutter 
Robert  McClelland,  Captain  Breshwood  (a  Vir¬ 
ginian),  was  surrendered  at  New  Orleans  to 
the  State  of  Louisiana. — Times ,  Feb.  8. 

— Secretary  Dix’s  dispatch  to  Hemphill 
Jones,  to  “  shoot  on  the  spot  ”  any  one  who 
attempts  to  “  haul  down  the  American  flag  ” 
|  caused  great  enthusiasm. — (Doc.  28.) 

Jan.  31. — The  State  of  South  Carolina,  by 
her  attorney-general,  I.  W.  Hayne,  offered  to 
buy  Fort  Sumter,  and  declared  that,  “if  not 
permitted  to  purchase,  she  would  seize  the  fort 
by  force  of  arms.”  The  United  States,  in  re¬ 
ply,  asserted  political  rights  superior  to  the 
proprietary  right,  and  not  subject  to  the  right 
of  “  eminent  domain.” — Times ,  Feb.  9. 

— The  United  States  branch  mint,  and  the 
custom-house  at  New  Orleans,  seized  by  the 
State  authorities.  In  the  mint  were  govern¬ 
ment  funds  to  the  amount  of  $389,000,  and 
in  the  sub-treasury,  $122,000 — (Doc.  29.) — 
Louisville  Journal ,  Feb.  2. 

Feb.  1. — The  Texas  State  Convention,  at  Gal¬ 
veston,  passed  an  ordinance  of  secession,  to  be 
voted  on  by  the  people  on  the  23d  of  February, 
and  if  adopted,  to  take  effect  March  2. — (Doc. 
30.) — Few  Orleans  Picayune ,  Feb.  7. 

Feb.  2. — The  United  States  revenue  cutter 
Lewis  Cass,  Capt.  Morrison,  a  Georgian,  was 
surrendered  by  the  officer  at  Mobile  to  the 
State  of  Louisiana. — (Doc.  31.) — N.  Y.  Times , 
Feb.  6. 

Feb.  4. — The  Montgomery  convention  organ- 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


17 


ized  with  Howell  Cobb,  president,  and  Johnson 
F.  Hooper,  secretary. — ( Doc .  32.) 

— The  North  Carolina  House  of  Representa¬ 
tives  passed  unanimously  a  declaration  that  if 
reconciliation  fails,  North  Carolina  will  go 
with  the  other  slave  States. — Times ,  Fed.  6. 

Feb.  5. — The  Peace  Convention,  at  Washing¬ 
ton,  organized  permanently,  with  Ex-president 
John  Tyler  in  the  chair ;  J  C.  Wright,  of  Ohio, 
secretary. — Herald ,  Feb.  6. 

Feb.  8. — The  Congress  at  Montgomery  this 
evening  unanimously  agreed  to  a  constitution 
and  provisional  government.  They  will  go  into 
immediate  operation. — (Foe.  33.) — No  propo¬ 
sitions  for  compromise  or  reconstruction.  After 
the  vote  on  the  constitution  was  taken,  Jeffer¬ 
son  Davis  was  elected  President,  and  Alexander 
H.  Stevens  Vice-President  of  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy,  by  the  Congress. — (Doc.  34.) — Com¬ 
mercial  Advertiser. 

— Brigs  W.  R.  Kibby  and  Golden  Lead ; 
barks  Adjuster  and  C.  Colden  Murray ;  and 
schooner  Julia  A.  Hallock,  all  owned  in  New 
York,  were  seized  in  the  harbor  of.  Savannah, 
by  order  of  the  Governor  of  Georgia,  in  reprisal 
for  the  seizure,  in  New  York,  of  arms  consigned 
to  Georgia. — Baltimore  American. 

— TnE  Little  Rock  arsenal,  Arkansas,  with 
9,000  stands  of  arms,  40  cannon,  and  a  large 
amount  of  ammunition,  was  surrendered  to  the 
State  of  Arkansas. — N.  Y.  Times ,  Feb.  11. 

Feb.  9. — At  Montgomery,  Mr.  Memminger 
presented  a  flag  sent  by  some  of  the  young  la¬ 
dies  of  South  Carolina  to  the  Convention. — 
(Doc.  35.) — National  Intelligencer. 

Feb.  10. — The  New  York  vessels  seized  by 
the  State  of  Georgia  were  released. —  Courier 
A  Enquirer. 

Feb.  13. — Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  and 
Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  w'ere  declared  by 
Vice-President  Breckenridge,  elected  President 
and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  for  the 
four  years  from  March  4,  1861. — (Doc.  36.) — 
Tribune ,  Feb.  14. 

— Eight  thousand  Sharp’s  rifle  cartridges 
and  10,000  Sharp’s  rifle  primers,  were  seized 
by  the  police  in  New  York  city  on  a  Charleston 
steamer.  — Idem. 

Feb.  18. — Jefferson  Davis  was  inaugurated 
President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy. — (Doc. 
37;) 

Diary — 3 


Feb.  19. — Old  Fort  Kearney,  Kansas  Terri¬ 
tory,  was  taken  possession  of  by  the  secession¬ 
ists,  and  a  secession  flag  raised.  It  was  soon 
after  retaken  by  a  party  of  Unionists. — Times , 
Feb.  21. 

Feb.  21. — The  President  of  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy  nominated  the  following  members  of 
his  Cabinet : 

Secretary  of  State — Mr.  Toombs. 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury — Mr.  Memminger. 

Secretary  of  War — Mr.  L.  Pope  Walker. 

They  were  confirmed. — Tribune ,  Feb.  22. 

— Governor  Brown,  at  Savannah,  Ga.,  seized 
the  ship  Martha  J.  Ward,  bark  Adjuster,  and 
brig  Harold,  all  belonging  to  citizens  of  New 
York.  They  will  be  detained  until  the  arms 
are  delivered  up  by  the  State  of  New  York. 

— TnE  Congress  at  Montgomery  passed  an 
act  declaring  the  establishment  of  the  free  navi¬ 
gation  of  the  Mississippi. — Philadelphia  Press , 
Dec.  23. 

Feb.  22. — The  people  of  Charleston,  S.  C., 
celebrated  Washington’s  birthday  with  great 
enthusiasm.  The  Pickens  cadets  paraded  for 
the  first  time,  and  were  presented  to  Governor 
Pickens  by  Lieutenant  Magratli.  The  Govern¬ 
or  made  the  company  a  brief  address,  urging 
upon  its  members  tho  bright  and  shining  ex¬ 
ample  of  Washington  as  deserving  imitation. 
Subsequently  a  banner  was  presented  to  the 
Washington  Light  Infantry,  and  in  the  evening 
the  company  reassembled  in  Hibernian  Hall, 
where  it  was  addressed  by  Colonel  Edward 
Carrol],  in  an  oration  of  a  rather  sanguinary 
hue.  Other  companies  also  celebrated  the  day 
in  their  own  way. — Louisville  Journal. 

— Tnn  Collector  of  Charleston  gives  official 
notice  that  all  vessels  from  foreign  States,  ex¬ 
cept  Texas,  will  bo  treated  as  “  foreign  vessels,” 
and  subjected  to  the  port  dues  and  other  charges 
established  by  the  laws  of  the  Confederated 
States. — Charleston  Courier. 

Feb.  23. — President-elect  Abraham  Lincoln 
arrived  in  Washington.  Tho  published  pro¬ 
gramme  of  his  journey  had  been  abandoned  at 
Harrisburg,  which  city  ho  left  secretly  last 
night. — (Doc.  38.) — Commercial ,  Feb.  23. 

— United  States  property,  to  a  great  amount, 
together  with  the  various  army  posts  in  Texas, 
were  betrayed  to  that  State  by  General  Twiggs. 
— (Doc.  39.) — Times ,  Feb.  26. 


18 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Feb.  26. — Captain  Hill,  in  command  of  Fort 
Brown,  Texas,  refused  to  surrender  his  post  as 
ordered  by  General  Twiggs,  and  engaged  in 
preparations  to  defend  it. — Times,  March  6. 

Feb.  27. — The  Peace  Convention  submitted 
to  the  United  States  Senate  a  plan  of  adjust¬ 
ment  involved  in  seven  amendments  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States. — {Doc.  40.) 
— Herald ,  March  4. 

Feb.  28. — Mr.  Corwin’s  report  from  the  com¬ 
mittee  of  thirty-three  came  up  for  final  passage 
in  Congress  this  morning.  It  was  agreed  to 
amid  thunders  of  applause  from  the  galleries 
and  the  floor.  As  the  vote  proceeded,  the  ex¬ 
citement  was  intense,  and  on  the  announcement 
of  the  result,  the  inexpressible  enthusiasm  of 
the  members  and  the  crowded  galleries  found 
vent  in  uproarious  demonstrations.  All  feel 
that  it  is  the  harbinger  of  peace. — {Doc.  41.) — 
Commercial,  Feb.  28. 

March  1. — General  Twiggs  was  expelled  from 
the  army  of  the  United  States.  The  following 
is  the  official  order  for  his  expulsion : 

¥au  Department,  J 
Adjutant-Genep.al's  Office,  r 
"Washington,  March  1, 1861.  ) 

The  following  order  is  published  for  the  in¬ 
formation  of  the  army : 

“  War  Department,  March  1,  1801. 

“  By  the  direction  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  it  is  ordered  that  Brigadier-Gen¬ 
eral  David  E.  Twiggs  be  and  is  hereby  dismissed 
from  the  army  of  the  United  States  for  his 
treachery  to  the  flag  of  his  country,  in  having 
surrendered  on  the  18th  of  February,  1861,  on 
the  demand  of  the  authorities  of  Texas,  the 
military  posts  and  other  property  of  the  United 
States  in  his  department  and  under  his  charge. 

J.  noLT,  Secretary  of  War. 

“  By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

“  S.  Cooper,  Adjutant-General.” 

• — Evening  Post,  March  4. 

— TnE  Secretary  of  War  at  Washington  re¬ 
ceived  a  despatch  from  Major  Anderson,  in 
which  he  contradicts  the  statement  that  Presi¬ 
dent  Davis  had  been  to  Charleston.  He  says 
that  the  report  that  he  had  been  sick  is  with¬ 
out  a  particle  of  foundation.  He  is  in  good 
health,  as  is  also  his  little  band  of  soldiers. 
Affairs  in  Charleston  harbor  are  arriving  at  a 
point  when  further  delay  on  their  part  will  be 
impossible.  Their  extensive  works  of  defence 
and  attack  are  nearly  if  not  quite  completed. 


The  feeling  between  the  authorities  and  Major 
Anderson  continues  to  be  friendly,  and  he  is  al¬ 
lowed  all  the  facilities  that  he  could  expect. 
Fresh  provisions  and  marketing  are  supplied  in 
abundance.  He  experienced  no  difficulty  in 
sending  or  receiving  his  mail  matter.  —  Wash¬ 
ington  Star. 

March  2. — The  revenue  cutter  Dodge  was 
seized  in  Galveston  Bay,  by  order  of  the  au¬ 
thorities  of  Texas.  The  officer  in  command  re¬ 
signed,  as  Breshwood  did  at  Hew  Orleans,  and 
tendered  his  services  to  the  rebels. — Times , 
March  6. 

March  4. — Abraham  Lincoln  was  inaugurated 
at  Washington,  sixteenth  President  of  the 
United  States.  He  kissed  the  thirty -four  States 
of  the  Union  as  represented  by  thirty-four 
young  ladies. 

The  inauguration  procession  proceeded  to 
the  east  portico  of  the  capitol,  in  front  of  which 
a  platform  had  been  erected.  Every  available 
space  in  the  vicinity  was  packed  with  a  curious 
crowd  of  spectators.  Every  thing  being  in 
readiness,  Senator  Baker,  of  Oregon,  came  for¬ 
ward  and  introduced  Mr.  Lincoln  in  these  sim¬ 
ple  words:  “Fellow-citizens:  I  introduce  to 
you  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  President-elect  of 
the  United  States  of  America.”  Mr.  Lincoln 
then  advanced  to  a  small  table,  which  had  been 
placed  for  his  accommodation,  and  proceeded 
to  deliver  his  inaugural  address,  every  word  of 
which  was  distinctly  heard  on  the  outskirts  of 
the  swaying  crowd.  The  oath  of  office  was 
then  administered  to  Mr.  Lincoln  by  Chief  Jus¬ 
tice  Taney ;  the  procession  was  again  formed, 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  escorted  to  the  White  House, 
and  was  duly  installed  in  the  office  of  President 
of  the  United  States. — {Doc.  42.) 

— A  State  Convention  declared  Texas  out 
of  the  Union  and  Governor  Houston  issued  his 
proclamation  to  that  effect. 

March  5. — General  Peter  G.  T.  Beauregard, 
lately  a  major  in  the  United  States  Engineer 
Corps,  was  ordered  by  Jefferson  Davis,  Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  to  proceed 
to  Charleston  and  take  command  of  the  forces 
there  assembled,  and  to  be  assembled  for  the 
investment  of  Fort  Sumter. — Herald,  March  7. 

— In  the  Texas  State  Convention,  a  letter 
was  received  from  General  Waul,  enclosing  a 
letter  from  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States,  in  relation  to  the  military  com- 


ABE  AH  AM  LINCOJ.ISF 

.  president  OF  USA 


’./u/mveii  tW  JiJ.Wlwn  Ibxrril 
N KW  "Y( )  liX .  G.P  ' r 


\ 


11 T  NAM 


DIaAY  OF  EVENTS. 


19 


plications  in  Texas.  President  Davis  instructs 
the  Secretary  of  War  to  say  that  he  is  disposed 
to  assume  every  responsibility  compatible  with 
the  relations  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
Texas.  Davis  considers  it  due  to  international 
courtesy  that  the  Government  of  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  (Texas  included,  after  her  with¬ 
drawal  from  the  United  States)  should  accord 
to  the  troops  belonging  to  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment  a  reasonable  time  within  which  to  depart 
from  her  territory.  Should  the  Federal  Gov¬ 
ernment  refuse  to  withdraw  them,  President 
Davis  does  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  all  the 
powers  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  shall  bo 
promptly  employed  to  expel  them.  General 
Waul  says  that  the  possibility  of  settling  diffi¬ 
culties  by  a  reconstruction  of  the  old  Union 
is  never  alluded  to  in  the  Congress,  and  that 
the  proposal  would  receive  about  the  same  en¬ 
couragement  as  a  proposition  to  reannex 
Texas  to  the  States  of  Mexico. — Evening  Post , 
March  20. 

— The  President’s  inaugural  meets  with  a 
varied  reception  throughout  the  country.  The 
South  pronounces  it  warlike,  while  a  greater 
portion  of  the  North  considers  it  conservative. 
— {Doc.  43.) 

March  6. — Fort  Brown,  Texas,  was  finally 
surrendered  by  arrangement  between  Captain 
Hill  and  the  Texas  Commissioners. —  Galveston 
Civilian ,  March  11. 

March  9. — The  Southern  Confederacy  Con¬ 
gress  passed  an  act  for  the  establishment  and 
organization  of  the  army  of  the  Confederate 
States. — (Doc.  44.) — Times ,  March  15. 

March  12. — The  London  Neics  of  to-day  pub¬ 
lishes  a  strong  protest  against  a  recognition  of 
the  Southern  Confederacy  by  the  British  Gov¬ 
ernment. — (Doc.  45.) 

March  14. — The  act,  passed  by  the  Florida 
Legislature,  defining  treason,  became  a  law  by 
the  approval  and  signature  of  the  Governor. 
It  declares  that  in  the  event  of  any  actual  col¬ 
lision  between  the  troops  of  the  late  Federal 
Union  and  those  in  the  employ  of  the  State  of 
Florida,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Governor  of 
the  State  to  make  public  proclamation  of  the 
fact ;  and  thereafter  the  act  of  holding  office 
under  the  Federal  Government  shall  be  de¬ 
clared  treason,  and  the  person  convicted  shall 
suffer  death. — Evening  Post ,  March  26. 

March  18. — Supplies  were  cut  off  from  Fort 


Pickens  and  the  fleet  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. — 
(Doc.  46.) 

March  20. — At  about  7  o’clock  this  evening, 
Lieutentant  Homer,  in  command  of  the  Conti¬ 
nentals,  at  drill  was  informed  that  there  was  a 
sloop  lying  at  the  wharf  at  the  foot  of  Spanish 
alley  in  Mobile,  which  was  laden  with  supplies 
for  the  United  States  fleet  outside,  between 
that  place  and  Pensacola.  A  detachment  of 
the  company  was  on  drill  at  the  time,  and 
Lieutenant  Homer  immediately  ordered  them 
down  to  the  point  mentioned,  and  then  and 
there  took  charge  of  the  little  sloop  Isabel. 
She  was  laden  with  beef,  pork,  barrels  of  eggs, 
etc.  The  person  in  charge  acknowledged  that 
these  supplies  were  intended  for  the  fleet  out¬ 
side. — Mobile  Tribune ,  March  21. 

— Correspondence  between  Mr.  Secretary 
Seward  and  the  Commissioners  from  the  Con¬ 
federate  States  is  published. — (Doc.  47.) 

March  21. — A.  H.  Stephens,  Vice-President 
of  the  “  Confederate  States”  of  the  South,  de¬ 
livered  a  speech  at  Savannah,  Ga.  It  is  intend¬ 
ed  to  be  a  vindication  of  the  new  features  in 
the  constitution,  which  has  been  adopted  for 
their  government. — (Doc.  48.) 

March  22. — Governor  Pettus,  of  Mississippi, 
in  accordance  with  the  order  of  the  President 
of  the  Confederate  States,  issued  a  proclamation 
calling  upon  the  organized  military  of  the  State 
for  fifteen  hundred  infantry. — Georgia  Depub¬ 
lic ,  March  25. 

— Dr.  Fox,  of  the  United  States  navy,  a  spe¬ 
cial  messenger  from  the  Government  to  Major 
Anderson,  reached  Charleston  and  visited  Fort 
Sumter  by  permission,  in  company  with  Cap¬ 
tain  Hartstein. 

“  Intercepted  despatches” — by  which  we  aro 
to  understand  “  stolen  letters” — subsequently 
disclosed  to  the  authorities  in  Charleston,  it  is 
said,  that  Mr.  Fox  employed  this  opportunity 
to  devise  and  concert  with  Major  Anderson  a 
plan  to  supply  the  fort  by  force  ;  and  that  this 
plan  was  adopted  by  the  United  States  Govern¬ 
ment. —  Times,  March  23  and  April  13. 

— A  meeting  was  held  at  Frankfort,  Ala.,  at 
which  the  following  resolutions,  among  others 
of  a  similar  character,  were  passed  : 

Resolved ,  That  we  approve  the  course  pursued 
by  our  delegates,  Messrs.  "Watkins  and  Steele, 
in  convention  at  Montgomery,  in  not  signing 
the  so-called  secession  ordinance. 


20 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


That  secession  is  inexpedient  and  unneces¬ 
sary,  and  we  are  opposed  to  it  in  any  form, 
and  the  more  so  since  a  majority  of  the  slave 
States  have  refused  to  go  out,  either  by  -what 
is  called  “southern  cooperation,”  or  “precipi¬ 
tate  secession  and  that  the  refusal  to  submit 
the  so-called  secession  ordinance  to  the  decision 
of  the  people  is  an  outrage  upon  our  right  and 
liberty,  and  manifests  a  spirit  of  assumption, 
unfairness,  and  dictatorship. 

Resolved,  That  our  congressional  nominee,  if 
elected,  is  to  represent  us  in  the  United  States 
Congress,  and  not  in  the  Congress  of  this  so- 
called  “  Southern  Confederacy.” — Tmcumbia 
North  Alabamian. 

— Tixe  Montgomery  Mail  protests  against 
the  word  stripes : 

“We  protest  against  the  word  ‘  stripes,’  as 
applied  to  the  broad  bars  of  the  flag  of  our  con¬ 
federacy.  The  word  is  quite  appropriate  as 
applied  to  the  Yankee  ensign  or  a  barber’s 
pole ;  but  it  does  not  correctly  describe  the 
red  and  white  divisions  of  the  flag  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States.  The  word  is  bars — we  have 
removed  from  under  the  stripes.” — YYorld, 
April  2. 

March  25. — Colonel  Lamon,  a  Government 
messenger,  had  an  interview  at  Charleston  with 
Governor  Pickens  and  General  Beauregard. — 
Times,  March  20. 

— Tiie  rumors  from  Charleston  are  very  con¬ 
flicting  concerning  the  evacuation  of  Port  Sum¬ 
ter.  One  report  states  that  Major  Anderson  is 
strengthening  his  position ;  another,  that  he 
has  received  orders  to  evacuate  the  fort  and 
report  himself  for  duty  at  Newport  barracks, 
and  that  the  officers  are  packing  their  goods  in 
expectation  of  immediate  departure.  The  truth 
of  the  matter  will  probably  be  known  in  a  day 
or  two. — Evening  Post. 

March'ZQ. — Governor  Pickens,  of  South  Caro¬ 
lina,  sent  a  message  to  the  convention  of  that 
State,  informing  it  that  six  hundred  men  would 
be  required  to  garrison  the  forts  in  Charleston 
harbor  ;  besides  giving  other  important  details 
respecting  the  financial  condition  of  the  State.* 

— Tiie  actual  vote  of  the  State  of  Louisiana 
on  secession  is  given  by  the  New  Orleans  pa¬ 
pers  of  to-day  as  follows :  For  secession,  20,- 
448  ;  against  it,  17,296. —  World,  April  4. 

*  This  message  is  printed  complete  In  the  New  York 
Tribune  of  April  2,  1861. 


March  30. — The  Mississippi  State  Conven¬ 
tion,  at  Jackson,  ratified  the  Constitution  of 
the  Confederate  States,  by  a  vote  of  78  to  7. — 
Tribune ,  April  1. 

March  31. — It  is  asserted  for  the  hundredth 
time,  in  apparently  authoritative  circles,  that 
Fort  Sumter  will  be  evacuated  on  or  before 
Wednesday  next,  April  3d. —  World,  April  1. 

April  3. — Despatches  were  received  in  Wash¬ 
ington  to-day,  confirming  the  reported  rein¬ 
forcement  of  Fort  Pickens;  and  the  Cabinet 
held  a  long  session,  without  coming  to  any  def¬ 
inite  conclusion  in  regard  to  the  long-mooted 
evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter.  One  company  of 
artillery  left  Washington  for  Fort  Hamilton, 
and  two  more  are  to  follow  to-morrow.  Un¬ 
wonted  activity  also  prevails  in  the  navy,  sev¬ 
eral  vessels  being  rapidly  fitted  for  service. — 
World,  April  4. 

— The  mortar  batteries  on  Morris’  Island, 
Charleston  harbor,  fired  into  an  unknown 
schooner.  She  displayed  tho  stars  and  stripes, 
and  put  to  sea.  A  boat  from  Sumter  with  a 
white  flag  went  out  to  her ;  nobody  hurt.  A 
shot  had  gone  through  her. — {Doc.  49.) 

— All  officers  of  the  Southern  Confederate 
army,  on  leave  of  absence,  were  ordered  to 
their  respective  commands. — Times ,  April  5. 

— Tiie  South  Carolina  Convention  ratified 
the  Constitution  of  the  Confederate  States,  by  a 
vote  of  114  to  16. — Tribune,  April  6. 

— Tiie  Charleston  correspondent  writes : 

“  By  the  by,  let  us  never  surrender  to  the 
North  the  noble  song,  the  ‘  Star-Spangled  Ban¬ 
ner.’  It  is  southern  in  its  origin ;  in  senti¬ 
ments,  poetry  and  song  ;  in  its  association  with 
chivalrous  deeds,  it  is  ours ;  and  the  time,  I 
trust,  is  not  remote,  when  the  broad  stripes 
and  brilliant  stars  of  the  confederate  flag  of  the 
South  will  wave  triumphantly  over  our  capitol, 
Fortress  Monroe,  and  every  fort  within  our 
borders.” — Richmo nd  Examiner. 

April  4. — The  Virginia  Convention  adopted, 
in  committee  of  the  whole,  several  of  the  series 
of  resolutions  reported  by  the  majority  of  the 
Committee  on  Federal  Relations,  and  rejected, 
by  the  decisive  vote  of  89  to  45,  a  motion  to 
substitute  for  one  of  the  resolutions  an  ordi¬ 
nance  of  secession,  to  be  submitted  to  the  pop¬ 
ular  vote. —  World ,  April  5. 

— Many  rumors  are  in  circulation  to-day. 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


21 


They  appear  to  have  originated  from  move¬ 
ments  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  troops, 
the  reasons  for  which  have  not  been  communi¬ 
cated  to  the  reporters  at  Washington  as  freely 
as  the  late  Administration  was  in  the  habit  of 
imparting  Cabinet  secrets.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  serious  movements  are  on  foot.  The 
tone  of  the  southern  press  for  the  last  week, 
and  the  concentration  of  troops  at  Pensacola, 
indicate  a  determination  to  precipitate  a  conflict 
at  Fort  Pickens,  probably  with  a  view  to  hasten 
the  secession  movement  in  Virginia. — Tribune , 
April  5. 

April  7. — General  Beauregard  issued  an  or¬ 
der,  and  sent  a  special  messenger  to  Major  An¬ 
derson,  to  give  him  an  official  notification  that 
no  further  intercourse  between  Fort  Sumter 
and  the  city  would  be  permitted.  —  Times , 
April  9. 

— The  steam  transport  Atlantic  sailed  under 
sealed  orders  from  Yew  York,  laden  with  troops 
and  provisions.  Among  the  troops  is  Captain 
Barry’s  celebrated  company  of  United  States 
Flying  Artillery.  — •  Commercial  Advertiser , 
April  8. 

April  8. — Information  having  been  given  by 
the  United  States  authorities  to  the  authorities 
at  Charleston  that  they  desired  to  send  supplies 
to  Fort  Sumter  by  an  unarmed  vessel,  they 
were  iuformed  that  the  vessel  would  be  fired 
upon  and  not  permitted  to  enter  the  port.  Of¬ 
ficial  notification  was  then  given  by  the  United 
States  Government  that  supplies  would  be  sent 
to  Major  Anderson,  peaceably  if  possible,  other¬ 
wise  by  force.  Lieutenant  Talbot,  attached  to 
the  garrison  of  Fort  Sumter,  and  who  accom¬ 
panied  the  bearer  of  this  despatch,  was  not  per¬ 
mitted  to  proceed  to  his  post. 

— Orders  were  isssued  to  tho  entire  military 
force  of  Charleston,  held  in  reserve,  to  proceed 
to  their  stations  without  delay.  Four  regiments 
of  a  thousand  men  each  were  telegraphed  for 
from  the  country. 

Dr.  Gibbs,  surgeon-general,  was  ordered  to 
prepare  ambulances,  and  make  every  provision 
for  the  wounded. 

— At  midnight  Charleston  "was  thrown  into 
great  excitement  by  the  discharge  of  seven 
guns  from  Citadel  square,  the  signal  for  all  the 
reserves  to  assemble  ten  minutes  afterwards. 

Hundreds  of  men  left  their  beds,  hurrying 
to  and  fro  towards  their  respective  destinations. 


In  the  absence  of  sufficient  armories,  at  the  cor¬ 
ners  of  the  streets,  public  squares,  and  other 
convenient  points,  meetings  were  formed,  and 
all  night  the  long  roll  of  the  drum  and  the 
steady  tramp  of  the  military,  and  the  gallop  of 
the  cavalry  resounding  through  the  city,  beto¬ 
kened  the  close  proximity  of  the  long-antici¬ 
pated  hostilities.  Tho  Home  Guard  corps  of 
old  gentlemen,  who  occupy  the  position  of  mili¬ 
tary  exempts,  rode  through  the  city,  arousing 
the  soldiers,  and  doing  other  duty  required  by 
the  moment. 

United  States  vessels  were  reported  off  the 
bar.  Major  Anderson  displayed  signal  lights 
during  the  night  from  tho  walls  of  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter. — Times ,  April  10. 

— The  State  Department  at  "Washington  re¬ 
plied  to-day  to  the  Confederate  State  Commis¬ 
sioners,  declining  to  receive  them  in  their  offi¬ 
cial  capacity,  but  expressing  deference  for  them 
as  gentlemen.  The  Secretary  expressed  a  peace¬ 
ful  policy  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  de¬ 
claring  a  purpose  to  defend  only  when  assailed. 
—  Tribune ,  April  9. 

April  9. — Governor  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania, 
sent  a  special  message  to  the  Legislature  to-day, 
urging  the  necessity  of  purchasing  arms  and 
reorganizing  the  military  system  of  that  State. 
— Times ,  April  10. 

— ■Jefferson'  Davis  made  a  requisition  on 
the  Governor  of  Alabama  for  3,000  soldiers. — 
Tribune ,  April  10. 

. — The  Charleston  Mercury  of  to-day  an¬ 
nounces  Avar  as  declared.  “  Our  authorities,” 
it  says,  “  yesterday  evening  received  notice 
from  Lincoln’s  Government,  through  a  special 
messenger  from  Washington,  that  an  effort  will 
bo  made  to  supply  Fort  Sumter  with  provisions 
and  that  if  this  were  permitted ,  no  attempt 
would  be  made  to  reinforce  it  with  men !  This 
message  comes  simultaneously  with  a  fleet, 
which  we  understand  is  now  off  our  bar,  wait¬ 
ing  for  daylight  and  tide  to  make  the  effort 
threatened. 

“We  liavo  patiently  submitted  to  the  inso¬ 
lent  military  domination  of  a  handful  of  men 
in  our  bay  for  over  three  months  after  tho  dec¬ 
laration  of  our  independence  of  the  United 
States.  Tho  object  of  that  self  humiliation  has 
been  to  avoid  the  effusion  of  blood,  while  such 
preparation  was  made  as  to  render  it  causeless 
and  useless. 


22 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


“  It  seems  we  have  been  unable,  by  discre¬ 
tion,  forbearance,  and  preparation,  to  effect  the 
desired  object,  and  that  now  the  issue  of  battle 
is  to  be  forced  upon  us.  The  gage  is  thrown 
down,  and  we  accept  the  challenge.  We  will 
meet  the  invader,  and  the  God  of  Battles  must 
decide  the  issue  between  the  hostile  hirelings 
of  Abolition  hate  and  Northern  tyranny,  and 
the  people  of  South  Carolina  defending  their 
freedom  and  their  homes.  We  hope  such  a 
blow  will  be  struck  in  behalf  of  the  South,  that 
Sumter  and  Charleston  harbor  will  be  remem¬ 
bered  at  the  North  as  long  as  they  exist  as  a 
people.” 

— Steamers  Illinois  and  Baltic,  in  commis¬ 
sion  for  United  States  Government,  got  to  sea 
from  New  York.  They  discharged  their  pilots 
at  7.30  A.  M.,  and  sailed  southwardly. — {Doc. 
50.) 

— United  States  sloop-of-wrar  Pawnee  sailed 
from  Norfolk  at  6  P.  M.,  with  sealed  orders. — ■ 
Times ,  April  11. 

April  10. — The  floating  battery,  finished, 
mounted,  and  manned  at  Charleston,  -was  taken 
out  of  the  dock  last  evening,  and  anchored  in 
the  cove,  near  Sullivan’s  Island. 

The  people  are  not  excited,  but  thero  is  a 
fixed  determination  to  meet  the  issue.  The 
Convention  has  just  adjourned,  subject  to  the 
call  of  the  president.  Before  adjourning,  it 
passed  resolutions  approving  the  conduct  of 
General  Twiggs  in  resigning  his  commission 
and  turning  over  the  public  property  under  his 
control  to  the  authorities. 

Governor  Pickens  was  in  secret  session  with 
the  Convention.  About  1,000  troops  were  sent 
to  the  fortifications  to-day  ;  1,800  more  go  down 
to-morrow. 

Messrs.  Wigfall,  Chesnut,  Means,  Manning, 
McGowan,  and  Boyleston,  have  received  ap¬ 
pointments  in  General  Beauregard’s  staff.  A 
large  number  of  the  members  of  the  Conven¬ 
tion,  after  adjournment,  volunteered  as  privates. 
About  7,000  troops  are  now  at  the  fortifica¬ 
tions.  The  beginning  of  the  end  is  coming  to 
a  final  closing.  Port  Sumter  will  be  attacked 
without  waiting  for  the  fleet.  Every  thing  is 
prepared  against  a  land  attack.  The  enthusiasm 
is  intense,  and  the  eagerness  for  the  conflict,  if 
it  must  come,  unbounded. — W  Y.  Day  Boole. 

— The  officers  of  the  District  of  Columbia 
militia  were  ordered  to  meet  at  10  o’clock  A.  M., 


in  consequence  of  information  relative  to  a 
contemplated  movement  for  the  seizure  of  the 
city  of  Washington  by  the  secessionists  under 
Ben  McCullough.  Orders  were  issued  for  the 
militia  to  assemble  at  their  armories. 

Seven  militia  companies  reported  to  General 
Scott,  and  between  six  and  eight  hundred  of 
them  volunteered  for  any  service  in  which  the 
President  might  desire  them  to  act. —  Times. 
April  11. 

April  11. — The  steamship  Coatzacoalcos  ar¬ 
rived  at  New  York  this  morning,  bringing 
home  the  Federal  troops  who  were  left  in 
Texas  without  a  commander,  after  the  treason 
of  General  Twiggs. 

— The  Government  at  Washington  is  acting 
on  positive  information  in  taking  all  possible 
precautionary  measures  for  the  defence  of,  and 
the  maintenance  of  peace  at,  that  point. 

A  company  of  military  were  marched  inside 
the  capitol  to-night,  and  a  picket  of  guards  is 
stationed  on  each  of  the  roads  leading  into  the 
city.  This  was  done  on  no  new  information, 
but  is  among  the  signs  of  the  revolution.  A 
military  company  has  not  been  within  the  walls 
of  the  capitol  before  since  the  -war  of  1812. 

The  oath  of  fidelity  was  administered  to  sev¬ 
eral  companies  of  volunteers  to-day. —  World , 
April  12. 

— Unustjal  activity  now  prevails  in  military 
circles  in  Pennsylvania.  New  companies  are 
forming,  and  the  old  organizations  are  drilling 
frequently.  The  prospect  of  active  service  in 
the  event  of  the  breaking  out  of  actual  hostili¬ 
ties  in  the  South,  is  exciting  much  discussion 
among  the  volunteer  companies,  and  it  is  under¬ 
stood  that  several  have  already  tendered  their 
services  to  the  Secretary  of  W'ar,  in  case  the 
Government  should  need  their  aid.  It  is 
also  understood  that  in  the  event  of  an  attack 
on  the  Government,  the  latter  will  make  an 
early  call  upon  Pennsylvania  for  men.  Our 
volunteers  labor  under  great  disadvantages  in 
respect  to  arms,  and  in  a  case  of  emergency 
many  more  men  would  be  forthcoming  than 
there  are  arms  to  place  in  their  hands. — Phila. 
Press. 

— This  morning  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Confederate  States  left  Washington.  They  are 
satisfied  that  no  recognition  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  will  ever  take  place  under  the  ad¬ 
ministration  of  President  Lincoln.  In  their 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


23 


final  communication  they  reflect  severely  on 
the  Administration,  taking  the  ground  they 
have  exhausted  every  resource  for  a  peaceful 
solution  of  the  existing  difficulties,  and  that  if 
civil  war  results,  on  the  head  of  the  Federal 
Government  will  rest  the  responsibility.  They 
charge  the  Administration  with  gross  perfidy, 
insisting  that  under  the  shelter  of  the  pretext 
and  assertion  that  Fort  Sumter  was  to  be  evac¬ 
uated,  an  immense  armada  has  been  despatched 
to  provision  and  reinforce  that  fort.  They  re¬ 
peat  they  had  almost  daily  indirect  assurances 
from  the  Administration  that  Fort  Sumter  was 
positively  to  be  abandoned,  and  that  all  the 
Government’s  efforts  were  to  be  directed  tow¬ 
ard  peace.  The  commissioners  allege  that  the 
Government  at  Montgomery  was  earnestly  de¬ 
sirous  of  peace ;  and  that,  in  accordance  with 
its  instructions,  as  well  as  their  own  feelings, 
they  left  no  means  unexhausted  to  secure  that 
much-desired  end ;  but  all  their  efforts  having 
failed,  they  were  now  forced  to  return  to  an 
outraged  people  with  the  object  of  their  mis¬ 
sion  unaccomplished ;  and  they  express  the  firm 
conviction  that  war  is  inevitable. — {Doc.  51.) — 
World ,  April  12. 

— At  2  P.  M.  Colonel  Chesnut  and  Major 
Lee,  aids  to  General  Beauregard,  conveyed  to 
Fort  Sumter  the  demand  that  Major  Anderson 
should  evacuate  that  fort.  Major  Anderson  re¬ 
plied  at  6  P.  M.  that  his  “  sense  of  honor  and  his 
obligations  to  his  Government  would  prevent 
his  compliance”  with  the  demand.  He  informed 
the  gentlemen  verbally  that  he  would  be 
“  starved  out  in  a  few  days.” 

It  was  stated  that  there  were  at  this  time 
7,000  men  around  Fort  Sumter  under  arms,  and 
140  pieces  of  ordnance  of  heavy  calibre  in  posi¬ 
tion  and  ready  for  use. — Charleston  Mercury. 

April  12. — At  1  A.  M.  a  second  deputation 
from  General  Beauregard  conveyed  to  Fort 
Sumter  the  message  that  if  Major  Anderson 
would  name  the  time  when  he  would  evacuate, 
and  would  agree  not  to  fire  in  the  mean  time 
upon  the  batteries  unless  they  fired  upon  him, 
no  fire  would  be  opened  upon  Fort  Sumter. 
To  this  Major  Anderson  replied  that  he  would 
evacuate  at  noon  on  the  15tli,  if  not  previously 
otherwise  ordered,  or  not  supplied,  and  that  he 
would  not  in  the  mean  time  open  his  fire  unless 
compelled  by  some  hostile  act  against  his  fort 
or  the  flag  of  his  Government.  At  3.30  A.  M. 
the  officers  who  received  this  answer  notified 


Major  Anderson  that  the  batteries  under  com¬ 
mand  of  General  Beauregard  would  open  on 
Fort  Sumter  in  one  hour,  and  immediately  left. 

The  sentinels  in  Sumter  were  then  ordered 
from  the  parapets,  the  posterns  were  closed, 
and  the  men  ordered  not  to  leave  the  bomb- 
proofs  until  summoned  by  the  drum. 

At  4.30  A.  M.  fire  was  opened  upon  Fort 
Sumter  from  Fort  Moultrie,  and  soon  after  from 
the  batteries  on  Mount  Pleasant,  Cummings’ 
Point,  and  the  floating  battery  ;  in  all  17  mor¬ 
tars  and  30  large  guns  for  shot — mostly  colum- 
biads.  Meantime  the  garrison  of  Sumter  took 
breakfast  quietly  at  their  regular  hour,  were 
then  divided  into  three  reliefs,  each  of  which 
was  to  work  the  guns  for  four  hours ;  and  the 
fire  of  Sumter  was  opened  at  7  A.  M.  from  the 
lower  tier  of  guns,  upon  Fort  Moultrie,  the  iron 
battery  on  Cummings’  Point,  two  batteries  on 
Sullivan’s  Island,  and  the  floating  battery  si¬ 
multaneously.  When  the  first  relief  went  to 
work,  the  enthusiasm  of  the  men  was  so  great 
that  the  second  and  third  reliefs  could  not  be 
kept  from  the  guns. 

As  the  fire  of  the  enemy  became  warm, 
it  was  found  that  there  was  no  portion  of  the 
fort  not  exposed  to  the  fire  of  mortars.  Shells 
from  every  direction  burst  against  the  various 
Avails.  Cartridges  soon  run  out ;  there  were 
no  cartridge  bags,  and  men  were  set  to  make 
them  out  of  shirts.  There  was  no  instrument 
to  weigh  powder,  and  this,  with  the  absence  of 
breech-sides  and  other  implements  necessary 
to  point  guns,  rendered  an  accurate  fire  impos¬ 
sible. 

Fire  broke  out  in  the  barracks  three  times, 
and  was  extinguished.  Meals  were  served  at 
the  guns.  At  G  P.  M.  the  fire  from  Sumter 
ceased.  Fire  Avas  kept  up  from  the  enemy’s 
batteries  all  night,  at  intervals  of  twenty  min¬ 
utes. —  Tribune ,  Times ,  and  Herald ,  April  13, 
14,  15. 

April  13. — Fire  from  the  enemy’s  batteries 
was  resumed  at  daylight,  and  from  Fort  Sumter 
at  7  A.  M.  At  about  8  tko  officers’  quarters 
in  Sumter  took  fire  from  a  shell,  and  the  work 
at  the  guns  was  necessarily  somewhat  slack¬ 
ened,  as  nearly  all  the  men  were  taken  away 
to  extinguish  the  flames.  Shells  from  Moultrie 
and  Morris’  Island  fell  now  faster  than  ever. 
Dense  volumes  of  smoke  still  poured  out  of  the 
barracks  at  9,  Avhen  the  men  were  again  sent 
to  the  guns.  At  10  o’clock  the  halliards  on  the 


24 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Hag-staff  were  cut  by  a  shell,  and  the  flag  ran 
down  a  little  and  stuck,  so  that  it  appeared  to 
he  displayed  at  half-mast.  Several  ships,  one 
a  large  steamer,  were  in  the  offing  at  10.30, 
and  shots  were  fired  at  them  from  Morris’  Isl¬ 
and  and  Fort  Moultrie.  About  11  o’clock  the 
fire  in  the  barracks  again  burst  forth  fiercely. 
Three  piles  of  hand-grenades  and  shells,  placed 
ready  for  use,  became  heated  by  it  and  exploded 
at  intervals.  The  day  was  oppressively  warm, 
and  the  heat  of  the  fire  added,  made  the  atmos 
pliere  of  the  fort  almost  insufferable.  At  12 
the  whole  roof  of  the  barracks  was  in  flames, 
and  soon  after  men  were  set  to  work  to  take 
the  powder  out  of  the  magazine,  lest  the  heat 
should  reach  and  explode  it  there.  Ninety 
barrels  were  rolled  out  and  the  doors  closed. 
The  fire  of  Fort  Sumter  was  now  almost  en¬ 
tirely  relinquished,  though  from  the  other  forts 
it  was  rather  increased.  Cartridges  were  nearly 
all  gone,  and  owing  to  the  flying  sparks  no 
more  could  be  made.  Smoke  from  the  fire  was 
blown  into  the  fort  so  thickly  that  the  men 
could  not  see  one  another.  As  the  fire  in  the 
barracks  spread  from  the  officers’  to  the  men’s 
quarters,  it  became  necessary  to  throw  over¬ 
board  the  powder  that  had  been  taken  from 
the  magazines.  All  was  thrown  over  but  three 
barrels,  which  were  wrapped  around  with  wet 
cloths  and  left.  From  these  the  garrison  was 
soon  separated  by  the  fire,  and  now  only  the 
cartridges  in  the  guns  were  left.  These  were 
fired  now  and  then  to  indicate  that  the  fort 
was  not  silenced.  Thus  in  truth  the  work  was 
held  while  there  was  a  cartridge  to  fire  or  pow¬ 
der  enough  accessible  to  make  one.  The  flag¬ 
staff,  which  had  been  hit  nine  times,  was  cut 
at  about  1,  and  the  flag  was  then  nailed  to  the 
cut  piece,  and  so  raised  upon  the  ramparts.  At 
this  time  both  officers  and  men  were  compelled 
to  lie  flat  upon  their  faces  in  the  casemates, 
and  hold  wet  cloths  to  their  mouths  to  escape 
suffocation.  Soon  after  Ex-Senator  Wigfall 
came  to  the  fort  with  a  flag  of  truce,  which  he 
wished  held  up  while  he  spoke ;  but  the  bat¬ 
teries  did  not  respect  it.  lie,  however,  repre¬ 
sented  himself  as  an  aid  of  General  Beauregard, 
and  agreed  for  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter. 
It  was  afterward  learned  that  he  had  spoken 
falsely,  and  had  no  authority  whatever  from 
General  Beauregard. 

At  12.55  P.  M.  the  flag  of  Fort  Sumter  was 
drawn  down,  and  the  fort  was  surrendered  soon 


after  upon  honorable  terms;  the  garrison  to 
carry  away  the  flag  of  the  fort,  and  all  company 
arms  and  property,  and  all  private  property; 
and  all  proper  facilities  to  be  afforded  for  their 
removal  to  any  post  in  the  United  States  the 
commander  might  elect. 

No  men  were  hurt  in  Sumter  by  the  fire  of 
the  enemy.  It  is  reported  by  the  secessionists 
that  no  men  were  either  killed  or  wounded 
upon  their  side. 

A  boat  from  the  United  States  squadron  out¬ 
side,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  arrived  at  Morris’ 
Island,  with  a  request  to  be  allowed  to  come 
and  take  Major  Anderson  and  his  forces. — 
(Doc.  52.) — Tribune ,  Times ,  Herald ,  and  World. 

— A  DESPATcn  from  Montgomery,  Ala.,  says 
that  Fort  Pickens  was  reinforced  last  night. — 
(Doc.  53.) 

— To-day  the  President  expelled  from  the 
Federal  army,  for  refusing  to  act  on  a  particu¬ 
lar  service,  Captain  William  B.  St.  Johns,  of 
the  Third  Infantry,  and  First  Lieutenant  Abner 
Smead,  of  the  First  Artillery. 

— TnE  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  passed 
the  war  bill  without  amendment  last  evening. 
Previous  to  its  passage,  the  news  of  the  bom¬ 
bardment  of  Fort  Sumter  was  announced,  and 
produced  a  profound  sensation.  The  bill  ap¬ 
propriates  five  hundred  thousand  dollars  for 
the  purpose  of  arming  and  equipping  the  mili¬ 
tia  ;  authorizes  a  temporary  loan ;  provides 
for  the  appointment  of  an  Adjutant-General, 
Commissary-General,  and  Quartermaster-Gen¬ 
eral,  who,  with  the  Governor,  are  to  have  power 
to  carry  the  act  into  effect. — Phila.  Enquirer. 

— To-day  the  Virginia  Commissioners  were 
formally  received  by  the  President  at  Washing¬ 
ton,  when  they  presented  the  resolutions  under 
which  they  were  appointed. — (Doc.  54.) 

— The  attack  upon  Fort  Sumter,  and  its  sur¬ 
render,  instead  of  depressing,  fires  and  animates 
all  patriotic  hearts.  One  deep,  strong,  over¬ 
powering  sentiment  now  sweeps  over  the  whole 
community — a  sentiment  of  determined,  de¬ 
voted,  active  loyalty.  The  day  for  the  tolera¬ 
tion  of  treason — treason  to  the  Constitution ! 
defiance  to  the  laws  that  we  have  made ! — has 
gone  by.  The  people  liavo  discovered  that 
what  they  deemed  almost  impossible  has  act¬ 
ually  come  to  pass,  and  that  the  rebels  are  de¬ 
termined  to  break  up  this  Government,  if  they 
can  do  it.  With  all  such  purposes  they  are  de- 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


-ID 


termined  to  make  an  end  as  speedily  as  may 
be. — {Doc.  55.) — Times ,  April  15. 

— Bishop  Lyncii,  Roman  Catholic,  at  Charles¬ 
ton,  S.  C.,  celebrated  the  bloodless  victory  of 
Fort  Sumter  with  a  Te  Deum  and  congratula¬ 
tory  address.  In  all  the  churches  allusions 
were  made  to  the  subject. 

The  Episcopal  Bishop,  wholly  blind  and  fee¬ 
ble,  said  it  was  his  strong  persuasion,  strength¬ 
ened  by  travel  through  every  section  of  South 
Carolina,  that  the  movement  in  which  the 
people  were  engaged  was  begun  by  them  in  the 
deepest  conviction  of  duty  to  God ;  and  God 
had  signally  blessed  their  dependence  on  him. 
If  there  is  a  war,  it  will  be  purely  a  war  of  self- 
defence. —  Tribune,  April  1G. 

— General  Beauregard,  in  general  orders 
to-day,  congratulates  “  the  troops  under  his 
command  on  the  brilliant  success  which  has 
crowned  their  gallantry,  by  the  reduction  of 
the  stronghold  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston.” — 
{Doc.  56.) 

April  15. — Major  Anderson  evacuated  Fort 
Sumter,  going  out  with  the  proper  honors  to 
his  flag.  While  the  salute  of  fifty  guns  was 
being  fired,  a  gun  exploded,  and  killed  one  man 
and  wounded  four  others.  Major  Anderson 
and  his  command  were  conveyed  on  board  the 
Baltic  steam  transport. — Times ,  April  16. 

— TnE  President  of  the  United  States  called  by 
proclamation  for  75,000  volunteers  to  suppress 
insurrectionary  combinations  ;  and  commanded 
“  the  persons  composing  the  combinations  afore¬ 
said  to  disperse  and  retire  peaceably  to  their 
respective  abodes  within  twenty  days.”  In 
the  same  proclamation,  an  extra  session  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress  was  called  for  the  4th  of 
July. — {Doc.  57.) — Times,  April  15. 

— At  Alexandria,  Va.,  the  publication  of 
President  Lincoln’s  proclamation  has  greatly 
increased  the  secession  feeling.  Business  of  all 
kinds  is  completely  suspended.  Merchants  are 
engaged  in  discussing  the  probability  of  a  pro¬ 
longed  sanguinary  civil  war.  The  impression 
is  that  the  Virginia  Convention  will  instanta¬ 
neously  pass  the  ordinance  of  secession,  or  call 
a  Border  State  Convention. 

— At  Mobile,  Ala.,  President  Lincoln’s  re¬ 
sponse  to  the  Virginia  Commissioners  is  re¬ 
garded  as  a  declaration  of  war. 

— At  Richmond,  Va.,  the  President’s  procla¬ 
mation  is  received  with  general  execration. 

Diary — 4 


The  public  mind  is  fearfully  excited.  The  se¬ 
cessionists  declare  that  nothing  is  more  favora¬ 
ble  to  their  cause,  and  that  military  men  would 
sooner  die  than  respond  to  such  a  call. 

— At  Wilmington,  hT.  G.,  the  proclamation  is 
received  with  perfect  contempt  and  indigna¬ 
tion.  The  Union  men  openly  denounce  the 
Administration.  The  greatest  possible  unanim¬ 
ity  prevails.  There  was  great  rejoicing  there 
Saturday  on  the  reception  of  the  news  of  the 
reduction  of  Fort  Sumter. — Tribune,  April  16. 

— Large  Union  meetings  were  held  at  De¬ 
troit,  Mich.,  Westchester  and  Pittsburgh,  Pa., 
Lawrence,  Mass.,  and  Dover,  1ST.  H.  At  Pitts¬ 
burgh  the  meeting  was  opened  by  the  Mayor, 
who  introduced  the  venerable  William  Wilkin¬ 
son.  Mr.  Wilkinson  was  made  President  of  the 
meeting.  About  twenty-five  Vice-Presidents 
were  also  appointed.  Resolutions  were  adopt¬ 
ed,  declaring  undying  fealty  to  the  Union,  ap¬ 
proving  the  course  of  the  Legislative  and  Exec¬ 
utive  branches  of  the  State  Government  in  re¬ 
sponding  to  the  call  of  the  President,  disregard¬ 
ing  all  partisan  feeling,  and  pledging  their  lives, 
fortunes,  and  sacred  honor  in  the  defence  of 
the  Union,  and  appointing  a  Committee  of  Pub¬ 
lic  Safety. 

A  resolution  approving  the  action  of  the 
Philadelphia  banks  in  the  prompt  offer  of 
money  to  the  Government,  was  also  passed. 

The  meeting  was  addressed  by  Judge  Wil¬ 
kins,  Thomas  M.  Marshall,  the  Hon.  P.  C.  Shan¬ 
non,  Dr.  McCook,  Ex-Governor  Johnston,  the 
Hon.  A.  W.  Loomis,  and  other  prominent  citi¬ 
zens  of  all  parties.  The  speeches  elicited  great 
applause. — -Tribune ,  April  16, 

— Governor  Yates,  of  Illinois,  issued  a  proc¬ 
lamation  to  convene  the  Legislature  at  Spring- 
field,  on  the  23d  of  April,  for  the  purpose  of 
enacting  such  laws  and  adopting  such  measures 
as  may  be  deemed  necessary  upon  the  following 
subject,  to  wit :  The  more  perfect  organization 
and  equipment  of  the  militia  of  the  State,  and 
placing  the  same  upon  the  best  footing,  to  ren¬ 
der  efficient  assistance  to  the  General  Govern¬ 
ment  in  preserving  the  Union,  enforcing  the 
laws,  protecting  the  property  and  rights  of  the 
people,  and  also  the  raising  of  such  money,  and 
other  means,  as  may  be  required  to  carry  on 
the  foregoing  objects. —  Commercial  Advertiser. 

— A  large  meeting  of  citizens,  irrespective 
of  party,  was  held  at  Erie,  Pa.,  this  evening. 
Resolutions  were  adopted,  pledging  the  hearts 


26 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


and  hands  of  Erie  city  and  county  to  maintain 
the  integrity  of  the  Government  and  honor  of 
the  flag. 

The  "Wayne  Guards,  of  Erie,  and  other  com¬ 
panies,  will  offer  their  services  to  the  Govern¬ 
or. — Evening  Post ,  April  17. 

—Tins  afternoon,  a  coasting  schooner  was 
discovered  lying  in  Newark  Bay,  with  a  pal¬ 
metto  flag  flying  at  its  masthead.  A  party  of 
“  glass-house  hoys”  procured  a  boat,  and  pro¬ 
ceeding  to  the  vessel,  ordered  the  captain  to 
lower  the  flag  and  substitute  in  its  place  the 
Stars  and  Stripes.  The  captain]  refused,  when 
they  threatened  to  pitch  him  overboard  and 
sink  the  vessel.  The  American  flag  was  soon 
spread  out  to  the  breeze,  when  it  was  heartily 
cheered,  and  the  palmetto  was  stowed  away 
below. — N.  Y.  Times. 

— At  Philadelphia  the  Union  pledge  is  re¬ 
ceiving  the  signature  of  all  classes  of  citizens. 
It  responds  to  the  President’s  proclamation, 
and  declares  an  unalterable  determination  to 
sustain  the  Government,  throwing  aside  all 
differences  of  political  opinion. 

An  excited  crowd  assembled  this  morning 
before  the  printing  office  on  the  corner  of 
Fourth  and  Chestnut  streets,  where  The  Pal¬ 
metto  Flag ,  a  small  advertising  sheet,  is  pub¬ 
lished,  and  threatened  to  demolish  it.  The 
proprietor  displayed  the  American  flag,  and 
threw  the  objectionable  papers  from  the  win¬ 
dows  ;  also,  The  Stars  and  Stripes ,  another  pa¬ 
per  printed  at  the  same  office,  restoring  the 
crowd  to  good  humor.  The  crowd  moved 
down  to  The  Argus  office  in  Third  street,  op¬ 
posite  Dock  street,  ordering  that  the  flag  should 
be  displayed. 

After  visiting  the  newspaper  offices  and  Gov¬ 
ernment  property,  they  marched  in  a  body  up 
Market  street,  bearing  a  flag.  At  all  points  on 
the  route,  well-known  Union  men  were  obliged 
to  make  all  haste  to  borrow,  beg,  or  steal  some¬ 
thing  red,  white,  and  blue,  to  protect  their 
property  with.  Searches  were  made  for  the 
publication  rooms  of  The  Southern  Monitor  ; 
but  as  that  paper  has  suspended,  the  mob  were 
unable  to  carry  out  their  intention  of  destroying 
the  forms.  They  satisfied  themselves  with 
breaking  the  signs  to  pieces.  The  ring-leaders 
were  furnished  with  ropes  with  which  to  hang 
the  editor  if  caught. 

During  the  afternoon,  General  Patterson’s 
mansion,  corner  of  Thirteenth  and  Locust 


streets,  was  mobbed  and  threatened  with  de¬ 
struction.  A  servant  answered  their  call,  and 
unfortunately  slammed  the  door  in  their  faces. 
The  crowd  became  uproax’ious  and  violent,  and 
made  an  attempt  to  force  open  the  door.  Gen¬ 
eral  Patterson  finally  appeared  at  the  window, 
bearing  the  colors  of  the  regiment.  The  crowd 
then  moved  away.  It  is  understood  that  Gen¬ 
eral  Patterson,  who  is  charged  with  secession- 
ism,  intends  throwing  up  his  commission. 

They  then  visited  General  Cadwallader,  who 
made  a  Union  speech  and  threw  out  a  flag. 
Several  prominent  Southerners,  with  secession 
proclivities,  including  Robert  Tyler,  have  re¬ 
ceived  warnings  from  a  so-called  Vigilance 
Committee. 

The  following  is  the  speech  that  was  made 
by  Mayor  Henry  to  the  excited  mob  which 
threatened  The  Palmetto  Flag  building  : 

“  Fellow-  Citizens :  By  the  grace  of  Almighty 
God,  treason  shall  never  rear  its  head  or  have 
a  foothold  in  Philadelphia.  [Immense  cheering.] 
I  call  upon  you  as  American  citizens  to  stand 
by  your  flag  and  protect  it  at  all  hazards — at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet,  if  necessary  ;  but,  in 
doing  so,  remember  the  rights  due  your  fellow- 
citizens  and  their  private  property.  [Tinmense 
cheering.]  That  flag  is  an  emblem  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment,  and  I  call  upon  all  good  citizens  who 
love  their  country  and  its  flag,  to  testify  their 
loyalty  by  going  to  their  respective  places  of 
abode,  leaving  to  the  constituted  authorities  of 
the  city  the  task  of  protecting  the  peace,  and 
preventing  every  act  which  could  be  construed 
into  treason  to  their  country.” 

The  Mayor  then  hoisted  the  stars  and  stripes. 
— Tribune ,  April  16. 

— Seventeen  vessels  were  seized  in  the  port 
of  New  York  from  ports  in  southern  States, 
their  clearances  being  improper,  and  not  signed 
by  United  States  officers.  They  were  fined 
$100  each,  and  some  were  held  subject  to  for¬ 
feiture. —  World,  April  10. 

— Jeffekson  Davis  replies  to  President  Lin¬ 
coln’s  proclamation  as  follows : 

“Fort  Sumter  is  ours,  and  nobody  is  hurt. 
With  mortar,  Paixlian,  and  petard,  we  tender 
‘  Old  Abe’  our  Beau — regard .”  —  Charleston 
Mercury. 

— At  Albany,  N.  Y.,  popular  sentiment  grows 
stronger  and  stronger.  Several  prominent  citi¬ 
zens,  particularly  among  the  young  men,  have 
sent  in  applications  as  volunteers,  and  some 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


27 


are  already  organizing  companies  among  those 
who  are  friends  at  home.  The  capital  has  pre¬ 
sented  an  unusual  appearance  all  day,  the  whole 
building  having  been  filled  with  citizens  who 
have  apparently  left  their  business  to  gather  at 
head-quarters,  and  watch  eagerly  the  progress 
of  events.  The  spirit  of  the  masses  is  decidedly 
aroused,  and  from  present  indications  Albany 
will  bo  behind  no  city  in  the  State  or  Union  in 
evincing  her  patriotism  and  her  determination, 
as  the  crisis  has  come,  to  stand  firmly  by  the 
Government  of  the  country,  without  pausing 
to  charge  upon  any  the  responsibility  of  the 
present  terrible  events. — Tribune. 

— Fernando  Wood,  Mayor  of  New  York,  is¬ 
sued  a  proclamation,  calling  upon  the  people  of 
the  city  to  avoid  turbulence  and  excitement, 
and  to  rally  to  the  restoration  of  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  and  Union. — {Doc.  58.) 

— An  enthusiastic  Union  meeting  was  held 
at  Cleveland,  Ohio.  Speeches  were  made  by 
Senator  Wade  and  other  prominent  gentlemen. 
Resolutions  were  adopted  to  sustain  the  Gov¬ 
ernment,  approving  of  the  President’s  call  for 
volunteers,  recommending  the  Legislature  to 
make  appropriations  of  men  and  money,  and 
appointing  a  committee  to  ascertain  the  effi¬ 
ciency  of  the  Cleveland  militia.  The  greatest 
unanimity  of  feeling  prevailed,  and  the  speakers 
were  constantly  interrupted  by  wild  cheers  and 
responses.  A  similar  meeting  was  held  at  Nor¬ 
walk,  Ohio. — Buffalo  Courier. 

— The  Directors  of  the  Bank  of  Commerce, 
of  Providence,  R.  I.,  advanced  a  loan  of  $30,000 
to  the  State  for  aiding  in  the  outfit  of  troops. 
Large  offers  from  private  citizens  have  also 
been  made  to  Governor  Sprague  for  a  similar 
purpose.  The  Globe  Bank  tendered  to  the 
State  a  loan  of  $50,000. —  Tribune. 

— An  immense  Union  meeting  was  held  at 
Troy,  N.  Y.  Resolutions  were  adopted,  sus¬ 
taining  the  Government,  and  pledging  the  city 
to  raise  a  regiment  of  volunteers.  Hon.  John 
A.  Griswold  presided,  and  Isaac,  McConihee, 
Jonas  C.  Heartt,  Henry  Ingraham,  Judge 
Gould,  and  Judge  Robinson  were  made  Vice- 
Presidents.  Secretaries  were  also  appointed. 

The  meeting  adjourned  in  a  body  to  the  resi¬ 
dence  of  General  Wool,  where,  on  behalf  of  the 
citizens,  an  address  was  made  by  Martin  J. 
Townsend,  to  which  General  Wool  responded 
that  his  heart  was  rejoiced  at  this  glorious  dem¬ 


onstration  of  patriotism.  Never,  by  any  for¬ 
mer  compliment  bestowed  upon  him,  had  ho 
been  thrilled  by  such  a  measure  of  joy.  It  is 
true  that  he  had  fought  under  the  old  flag,  but 
he  had  done  no  more  than  his  duty  towards 
the  best  Government  that  ever  existed.  He 
had  fought  under  the  stars  and  stripes  that 
were  carried  in  triumph  by  Washington,  and 
under  which  Jackson  closed  the  second  war 
for  independence  at  New  Orleans  in  a  halo  of 
glory.  Will  you  permit  that  flag  to  be  dese¬ 
crated  and  trampled  in  the  dust  by  traitors 
now  ?  Will  you  permit  our  noble  Government 
to  bo  destroyed  by  rebels  in  order  that  they 
may  advance  their  schemes  of  political  ambition 
and  extend  the  area  of  slavery  ?  No,  indeed, 
it  cannot  be  done.  The  spirit  of  the  age  forbids 
it.  Humanity  and  manhood  forbid  it,  and  the 
sentiments  of  the  civilized  world  forbid  it.  My 
friends,  that  flag  must  be  lifted  up  from  the 
dust  into  which  it  has  been  trampled,  placed 
in  its  proper  position,  and  again  set  floating  in 
triumph  to  the  breeze.  I  pledge  you  my  heart, 
my  hand,  all  my  energies  to  the  cause.  'The 
Union  shall  be  maintained.  I  am  prepared  to 
devote  my  life  to  the  work,  and  to  lead  you  in 
the  struggle. — Times ,  April  17. 

— The  Governor  of  Kentucky,  in  reply  to 
Secretary  Cameron’s  call  for  troops  from  thaf 
State,  says : 

“Your  despatch  is  received.  In  answer,  I 
say  emphatically,  Kentucky  will  furnish  no 
troops  for  the  wicked  purpose  of  subduing  her 
sister  southern  States.  B.  Magoffin.” 

— Louisville  Journal. 

— At  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Trenton,  and 
other  places,  journals  were  compelled  to  display 
the  American  flag.  Happily  no  damage  was 
done  to  persons  or  property. — Herald ,  Tribune , 
Times ,  World ,  April  10. 

April  16. — The  Ringgold  Flying  Artillery, 
of  Reading,  Pa.,  Captain  James  McKnight,  180 
men,  with  four  field-pieces,  received  a  requisi¬ 
tion  from  the  Governor  this  morning  to  set  out 
this  evening,  at  6  o’clock,  for  Harrisburgh,  a 
place  of  rendezvous  for  the  first  Pennsylvanians 
in  the  field. 

There  was  a  large  and  enthusiastic  Govern¬ 
ment  meeting  at  Tyrone,  Blair  county,  to-night. 
Speeches  were  enthusiastically  received.  Ex- 
Senator  Bigler  arrived  after  the  adjournment, 
and  expressed  himself  unequivocally  for  the 
Government,  and  he  was  determined  to  sustain 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


‘>S 


it  to  the  last.  Two  military  companies  from 
Tyrone,  two  from  Altoona,  and  two  from  IIol- 
lidaysburgh,  will  leave  to-morrow  for  Harris- 
burgh. — Times ,  April  17. 

— The  Mechanics’,  Elm  City,  Fairfield  Coun¬ 
ty,  Thames,  and  other  hanks  of  Connecticut, 
voted  large  sums  of  money  to  assist  in  equip¬ 
ping  the  troops,  and  the  support  of  their  fami¬ 
lies. — Idem. 

— Governor  Buckingham,  of  Connecticut, 
issued  a  proclamation  calling  for  volunteers,  to 
rendezvous  at  Hartford.— Idem. 

— The  session  of  the  New  York  East  Meth¬ 
odist  Conference  was  opened  by  the  following 
prayer : 

“  Grant,  0  God,  that  all  the  efforts  now  being 
made  to  overthrow  rebellion  in  our  distracted 
country,  may  be  met  with  every  success.  Let 
the  forces  that  have  risen  against  our  Govern¬ 
ment,  and  Thy  law,  be  scattered  to  the  winds, 
and  may  no  enemies  be  allowed  to  prevail 
against  us.  Grant,  O  God,  that  those  who 
have  aimed  at  the  very  heart  of  the  republic 
may  be  overthrown.  We  ask  Thee  to  bring 
these  men  to  destruction,  and  wipe  them  from 
the  face  of  the  country  !  ” — Tribune ,  April  17. 

— New  Hampshire  responds  to  the  Presi¬ 
dent’s  proclamation,  and  will  furnish  the  troops 
required.  The  Concord  Union  Bank  tendered 
a  loan  of  $20,000  to  the  Governor,  and  all  the 
Directors,  with  the  Cashier,  agree  to  contribute 
$100  each  to  the  support  of  such  families  of  the 
volunteers  of  Concord,  as  may  fall  in  defending 
the  flag  of  the  country. — N.  H.  Statesman. 

— A  Union  meeting  was  held  at  the  Hudson 
House,  Jersey  City,  N.  J.,  for  the  purpose  of 
taking  action  to  raise  volunteers,  whose  ser¬ 
vices  are  to  be  tendered  to  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment.  J.  W.  Scudder,  Esq.,  was  chosen  Presi¬ 
dent;  two  Vice-Presidents  from  each  ward 
were  also  chosen,  and  C.  II.  Dumraer  acted  as 
Secretary. 

Stirring  speeches  were  made  by  Dr.  H.  D. 
Holt,  Hon.  N.  C.  Slaight,  Benjamin  Van  Riper, 
and  John  H.  Low. 

During  the  speaking,  cheers  were  given  for 
the  Stars  and  Stripes,  the  Federal  Government, 
Major  Anderson,  &c. 

Benjamin  Van  Riper  advocated  the  striking 
down  of  every  northern  man  who  advocated 
secession,  and  all  traitorous  newspapers. 

Mr.  John  Low  proposed  that  at  some  future 


period  they  call  upon  the  proprietors  of  the 
American  Standard ,  in  Jersey  City,  “  the  editor 
of  which  had  so  much  maligned  the  Govern¬ 
ment,  and  make  them  hoist  the  American  flag, 
or  make  them  leave  the  town.”  This  proposi¬ 
tion  was  received  with  tremendous  cheering, 
and  (jries  of  “Let’s  do  it  to-night.” — Times , 
April  17. 

—  Four  regiments,  ordered  to  report  for  ser¬ 
vice  in  Boston,  Mass.,  commenced  arriving  there 
before  9  A.  M.  this  morning,  the  companies  first 
arriving  not  having  received  their  orders  until 
last  night.  Already  about  thirty  companies 
have  arrived,  numbering  over  1,700  men  in 
uniform,  and  with  these  are  several  hundred 
who  are  importunate  to  be  allowed  to  join  the 
ranks. 

The  hark  Manhattan,  which  arrived  at  Bos¬ 
ton  this  forenoon  from  Savannah,  had  a  se¬ 
cession  flag  hoisted.  A  crowd  proceeded  to 
the  wharf,  and  compelled  Captain  Davis  to  take 
it  down  and  hoist  the  stars  and  stripes. 

The  City  Government  of  Lawrence,  Mass., 
appropriated  $5,000  for  the  benefit  of  the  fami¬ 
lies  of  those  who  have  volunteered  to  defend 
the  country’s  flag. — Boston  Transcript. 

— One  of  the  largest  meetings  ever  held  in 
Delaware  was  held  this  evening  at  "Wilmington, 
the  Mayor  presiding.  The  following  resolution 
was  adopted  unanimously : 

Resolved ,  That  we  censure  and  condemn  the 
course  of  Senator  Bayard,  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  for  not  advocating  a  compromise  be¬ 
tween  the  North  and  South,  and  that  we  feel 
confident  that  his  course  has  placed  us  in  a  false 
position  before  the  world ;  that  we  repudiate 
his  teachings,  as  having  an  Anti-Union  tenden¬ 
cy,  and  are  unworthy  of  a  patriot  and  Dela- 
warian. — Times ,  April  17. 

— Governor  Letcher,  of  Virginia,  in  reply 
to  the  call  of  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
refuses  to  furnish  troops  for  the  support  of  the 
Federal  Government.  In  his  letter  to  Secre¬ 
tary  Cameron,  he  remarks : 

“  I  have  only  to  say  that  the  militia  of  Vir¬ 
ginia  will  not  be  furnished  to  the  powers  at 
Washington  for  any  such  use  or  purpose  as  they 
have  in  view.  Your  object  is  to  subjugate  tbe 
southern  States,  and  a  requisition  made  upon 
me  for  such  an  object — an  object,  in  my  judg¬ 
ment,  not  within  the  purview  of  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  or  the  Act  of  1795 — will  not  be  complied 
with.  You  have  chosen  to  inaugurate  civil  war , 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


29 


and  having  done  so,  we  will  meet  it  in  a  spirit 
as  determined  as  the  Administration  has  exhib¬ 
ited  towards  the  South.” —  World,  April  20. 

— Governor  Ellis,  of  North  Carolina,  tele¬ 
graphed  the  President  that  he  could  not  re¬ 
spond  to  the  call  for  troops,  as  he  had  doubts 
of  his  authority  and  right  to  do  so. 

A  war  bill,  with  an  appropriation  of 
$3,000,000,  was  passed  in  the  New  York  Leg¬ 
islature,  and  signed  by  the  Governor. 

The  Government  of  the  Southern  Confed¬ 
eracy  called  for  32,000  men  ;  2,000  from  Flori¬ 
da,  and  5,000  from  each  of  the  other  States. — 
Times,  April  17. 

— A  large  meeting  of  German  workingmen 
was  held  at  Newark,  N.  J.,  this  evening.  An 
attempt  was  made  to  disorganize  the  body, 
which  was  soon  suppressed  by  earnest  and  loud 
repeated  cries  for  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union.  Several  speeches  were  made,  and  it 
was  declared  that  the  only  hope  for  the  work¬ 
ingmen  was  to  be  found  in  the  preservation  of 
the  Government.  The  meeting  broke  up  with 
cheers  for  the  Union.  This  is  a  sample  of  the 
spirit  which  pervades  the  German  population. 

“  The  German  Turners’  Society,”  numbering 
about  a  hundred  men,  also  met,  and  unani¬ 
mously  resolved  to  form  a  military  corps  of 
riflemen,  and  offer  their  services  to  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  They  also  resolved  to  send  delegates  to 
the  various  Turner  associations  in  the  State, 
and  to  recommend  a  plan  of  organization. — 
Evening  Post. 

April  17. — The  steamship  Star  of  the  West 
was  taken  near  Indianola,  Texas,  by  the  Gal¬ 
veston  Volunteers,  without  resistance.  She 
has  on  board  eight  to  nine  hundred  barrels  of 
provisions. 

The  steamer  Ilabana  has  been  purchased  by 
the  Southern  Confederacy,  and  will  be  trans¬ 
formed  into  a  war  steamer.  She  will  carry 
eight  guns  and  one  pivot  gun. — Times,  April 
22. 

—  General  Cass  made  a  speech  at  Detroit, 
Michigan,  on  the  occasion  of  the  Board  of 
Trade  unfurling  the  national  flag  over  their 
rooms.  He  is  strongly  in  favor  of  support¬ 
ing  the  Union,  the  Constitution,  and  the  coun¬ 
try’s  flag,  under  all  circumstances.  He  said 
that,  in  a  crisis  like  the  present,  it  was  the  duty 
of  every  citizen  to  stand  by  the  Government. — 
Louisville  Democrat. 

Diary — 5 


— Piqua,  Ohio,  to-day  raised  a  company,  and 
tendered  its  services  to  the  Government. 

A  large  and  enthusiastic  meeting  was  held 
last  night  at  Michigan  City,  Ind.  Democrats 
and  Republicans  are  a  unit  for  the  Consti¬ 
tution  and  Union.  Strong  anti-secession  reso¬ 
lutions  were  adopted,  denouncing  all  as  traitors 
whose  views  are  not  to  sustain  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  Salutes  were  fired  to  the  Stars  and 
Stripes,  which  were  displayed  in  all  parts  of 
the  city.  A  volunteer  company  was  immedi¬ 
ately  organized.  The  first  man  who  signed  the 
roll  is  a  prominent  clergyman. 

The  first  company  of  volunteers  left  Lafay¬ 
ette,  Ind.,  for  Indianapolis,  at  2  o’clock  P.  M. 
to-day.  They  were  escorted  to  the  depot  by 
the  Lafayette  Artillery ;  and  two  companies 
are  nearly  full,  -who  will  follow  in  a  few  days. 
— Buffalo  Courier. 

— An  excited  secession  meeting  was  held  at 
Baltimore,  Md.  T.  Parkin  Scott  occupied  the 
chair,  and  speeches  denunciatory  of  the  Admin¬ 
istration  and  the  North  were  made  by  Wilson 
C.  N.  Carr,  Wiliam  Burns,  president  of  the  Na¬ 
tional  Volunteer  Association,  and  others. — Bal¬ 
timore  Clipper,  April  19. 

— Tiie  main  entrance  to  the  harbor  of  Norfolk, 
Va.,  was  obstructed  by  the  sinking  of  small 
boats  by  order  of  Governor  Letcher. — Idem. 

— Governor  Letcher,  of  Virginia,  issued  a 
proclamation,  in  which  the  independence  of  the 
Confederate  States  is  recognized,  and  all  armed 
volunteers,  regiments,  or  companies,  are  com¬ 
manded  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  for  im¬ 
mediate  orders,  and  to  prepare  for  efficient  ser¬ 
vice. — {Doc.  59.) 

— A  meeting,  composed  of  all  parties,  was 
held  at  Middletown,  Orange  county,  N.  Y. 
Speeches  were  made,  and  great  enthusiasm 
prevailed. — Tribune ,  April  20. 

— TnE  Virginia  State  Convention  passed  the 
“  ordinance  to  repeal  the  ratification  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America 
by  the  State  of  Virginia,  and  to  resume  all  the 
rights  and  powers  granted  under  said  authori¬ 
ties.” — {Doc.  60.) 

— Further  precautions  wrere  taken  at  Wash¬ 
ington  to  guard  against  a  sudden  raid  of  the 
rebels  upon  the  city.  The  Long  Bridge  across 
the  Potomac  was  patrolled  by  a  party  of  dra¬ 
goons,  and  at  night  a  detachment  of  artillery, 
with  guns  posted  to  sweep  the  bridge,  kept 


30 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


guard  on  the  Washington  side.  Intense  ex¬ 
citement  prevailed. —  Tribune. 

— Jeffeeson  Davis  issued  a  proclamation, 
offering  to  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal, 
to  aid  the  Southern  Confederacy  “  in  resisting 
the  wanton  and  wicked  aggressions”  of  the 
Federal  Government. — {Doc.  61.) 

April  18. — Governor  Harris,  of  Tennessee, 
replies  to  President  Lincoln’s  call  for  two  regi¬ 
ments  of  troops,  hy  saying  that  “  Tennessee 
will  not  furnish  a  single  man  for  coercion,  hut 
fifty  thousand,  if  necessary,  for  the  defence  of 
our  rights  or  those  of  our  Southern  brothers.” 
— Louisville  Democrat ,  April  21. 

— Goveenoe  Jackson,  of  Missouri,  answers 
Secretary  Cameron  by  telling  him  that  his 
“  requisition  is  illegal,  unconstitutional,  revolu¬ 
tionary,  inhuman,  diabolical,  and  cannot  be 
complied  with.”  Missouri  won’t  furnish  a  sin¬ 
gle  man  for  such  an  unholy  crusade. — Charles¬ 
ton  Mercury ,  April  19. 

— Jonx  Bell,  Niell  S.  Brown,  Bailie  Payton, 
and  eight  other  citizens  of  Tennessee,  issued 
an  address  calling  upon  the  people  of  that  State 
to  maintain  a  position  of  independence  in  the 
present  struggle,  taking  sides  with  the  union 
and  peace  of  the  country  against  all  assailants, 
whether  from  the  North  or  the  South. — {Doc. 
61*.) 

— The  Common  Council  of  Boston  appro¬ 
priated  $100,000  to  provide  for  soldiers  enlist¬ 
ing  from  Boston.  The  Lowell  city  government 
appropriated  $8,000  for  soldiers’  families. — 
Boston  Journal. 

— At  Xenia,  Ohio,  $14,000  were  subscribed 
to  aid  the  volunteers.  At  noon  Captain  Tripp’s 
company  of  one  hundred  men  left  Mount  Ver¬ 
non,  Ind.,  for  Indianapolis. — Louisville  Demo¬ 
crat,  April  21. 

— The  National  Union ,  published  at  Win¬ 
chester,  Ivy.,  says : 

“  Mark,  now,  what  we  say :  any  attempt 
on  the  part  of  the  Government  of  this  State,  or 
of  any  one  else,  to  put  Kentucky  out  of  the 
Union  by  force,  or  using  force  to  compel  Union 
men  in  any  manner  to  submit  to  an  ordinance 
of  secession,  or  any  pretended  resolution  or  de¬ 
cree,  arising  from  such  secession,  is  an  act  of 
treason  against  the  State  of  Kentucky. 

“  It  is,  therefore,  lawful  to  resist  any  such 
ordinance.  We  hope  that  we  are  now  fully 
understood  thus  far.” 


A  meeting  at  Chicago,  Illinois,  called  for 
the  purpose  of  sustaining  the  Government, 
was  the  largest  and  most  enthusiastic  ever  held 
in  the  city.  Speeches  were  made  by  prominent 
gentlemen  of  both  parties.  Stirring  resolutions 
were  adopted.  $6,000  were  subscribed  for  the 
support  of  the  volunteers  until  taken  charge 
of  by  the  State. — Free  Press. 

— The  banks  in  Trenton,  N.  J.,  Chicago,  Ill., 
Portland,  Me.,  subscribed  in  support  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Government.  A  meeting  of  the  officers, 
representing  all  the  Boston  (Mass.)  banks,  was 
held  this  morning,  when  resolutions  were  adopt¬ 
ed  to  loan  the  State  of  Massachusetts  10  per  cent, 
on  their  entire  capital  for  the  defence  of  the 
Government.  The  capital  of  the  Boston  banks 
amounts  to  $38,800,000. — Boston  Transcript. 

— At  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  an  intense  war  feeling 
prevails.  Business  is  almost  suspended.  Im¬ 
mense  crowds  throng  all  the  prominent  streets, 
flags  are  floating  everywhere,  and  the  volunteer 
companies  are  all  filled  and  departing  eastward. 
Liberal  subscriptions  are  being  made  for  the 
comfort  of  volunteers  and  the  support  of  their 
families.  Recruiting  is  still  going  on,  although 
there  are  more  than  enough  for  the  require¬ 
ments  of  the  State  to  fill  the  Federal  requisition. 
A  Committee  of  Public  Safety  held  a  meeting 
to-day,  and  organized.  A  large  quantity  of 
powder  which  had  been  sent  down  the  river, 
was  intercepted  at  Steubenville,  it  being  feared 
it  would  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Secessionists. 
Ropes  were  suspended  by  lamp-posts  last  night, 
by  unknown  persons,  labelled  “  Death  to  trai¬ 
tors.”  Some  assaults  have  been  made  on  per¬ 
sons  who  have  expressed  sympathy  with  the 
Secessionists. — Philadelphia  Press. 

— Lieutenant  Jones,  United  States  army, 
in  command  at  Harper’s  Ferry  with  forty-three 
men,  destroyed  the  arsenal  at  that  place  and 
retreated.  He  was  advised  that  a  force  of 
2,500  men  had  been  ordered  to  take  his  post  by 
Governor  Letcher ;  and  he  put  piles  of  pow¬ 
der  in  straw  in  all  the  buildings,  and  quietly 
waited  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  When  his 
picket  guard  gave  the  alarm  that  600  Virginians 
were  approaching  by  the  Winchester  road,  the 
men  were  run  out  of  the  arsenal  and  the  combus¬ 
tibles  fired.  The  people  fired  upon  the  soldiers, 
killing  two,  and  rushed  into  the  arsenal.  All 
the  works,  munitions  of  war,  and  15,000  stand 
of  arms  were  destroyed. — {Doc.  62.) — Times , 
April  21. 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


31 


The  portion  of  the  original  District  of  Columbia  lying  west  of  the  Potomac  River  was  retroceded  to 
the  State  of  Virginia  in  1846,  and  now  forms  the  County  of  Alexandria. 

We  are  indebted  to  the  proprietors  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune  for  this  map. 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


— Tiieke  was  an  immense  Union  meeting  at 
Louisville  this  evening.  Speeches  were  made 
by  Mr.  Guthrie,  formerly  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  the  venerable  Judge  Nicholson,  and 
others.  Resolutions  were  unanimously  passed, 
declaring  that  the  Confederate  States  had  com¬ 
menced  war  with  the  Federal  Government;  that 
Kentucky  is  loyal  to  the  Union ;  that  Secession 
is  not  a  remedy  for  an  evil ;  that  Kentucky  will 
not  take  part  against  the  Federal  Government , 
but  will  maintain  a  neutral  position. — {Doc.  63.) 

—The  Custom  House  and  Post  Office  at 
Richmond  were  seized  by  order  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernor.  The  New  York  packet  steamer  James¬ 
town  was  seized  at  City  Point,  sixty  miles 
below  Richmond,  and  a  packet  schooner  be¬ 
longing  to  Maine  was  taken  at  Richmond. — 
Herald ,  April  20. 

— A  Secession  flag  was  raised  on  Federal 
Hill,  in  Baltimore,  and  saluted  with  a  cannon, 
when  the  workmen  from  foundries  in  the  neigh¬ 
borhood  rushed  out  and  tore  down  the  flag, 
and  threw  the  cannon  into  the  Patapsco. — 
Times.  April  19. 

April  18. — A  letter  from  Baltimore  to 
New  York,  under  this  date,  says: 

“  A  serious  disposition  is  manifested  in  cer¬ 
tain  quarters  to  obstruct  the  passage  of  North¬ 
ern  troops  through  the  State. — Times ,  April  20. 

— Governor  Morgan,  of  New  York,  issued 
a  proclamation  calling  for  men  to  answer  the 
President’s  requisition. 

— Major  Anderson  and  his  command  arrived 
in  New  York  from  Charleston  by  the  Baltic, 
and  met  with  an  enthusiastic  reception  from 
the  people. — {Doc.  64.) — Herald ,  April  19. 

— The  Sixth  Massachusetts  regiment  arrived 
in  New  York  en  route  for  Washington,  and 
made  a  triumphal  march  through  the  city. — 
Hid. 

— TnE  Governor  of  Maryland  and  Mayor  of 
Baltimore  issued  proclamations,  urging  the 
people  to  keep  the  peace  and  avoid  civil  war. 
The  Governor  declared  that  no  troops  should 
be  sent  from  the  State,  except  for  the  defence 
of  Washington. — {Doc.  65.)  —  Tribune ,  Aprils. 

—A  mass  meeting  was  held  at  Kingston, 
N.  Y.,  to  sustain  the  Government  and  defend 
the  Union.  John  B.  Steele  presided.  In  his 
speech,  on  taking  the  chair,  lie  said  : 

“It  must  never  be  supposed  that  the  flag 
could  be  desecrated  without  touching  the  soul 


of  every  genuine  American.  No  matter  what 
it  must  cost,  the  Stars  and  Stripes  must  wave. 
But  one  heart  beats  here,  and  that  is  the  true 
and  loyal  American  heart.” 

W.  S.  Kenyon  and  Theodore  R.  Westbrook 
also  spoke.  Mr.  Westbrook  said  he  laid  aside 
all  party  lines,  all  party  prejudices,  all  political 
opinions,  and  stood  for  his  country  alone.  He 
loved  his  party ;  but,  thank  God,  he  loved  his 
country  better.  He  wasn’t  going  to  stop  to 
consider  who  was  right  or  wrong ;  but,  right 
or  wrong,  his  country.  He  grasped  the  folds 
of  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  said,  “  Let  it  be 
known  that  in  the  nineteenth  century  traitor 
hands  and  traitor  hearts  are  found  among  us  to 
disgrace  that  flag,  which  had  been  their  shield 
and  protection,  as  well  as  our  own.”  He  asked 
God  might  record  his  vow  to  stand  by,  protect, 
and,  if  need  be,  die  for  that  flag. 

Speeches  were  also  made  by  Erastus  Cooke, 
G.  II.  Sharp,  W.  H.  Romeyn,  and  Mr.  W. 
Chipp. —  Tribune ,  April  20. 

April  19. — A  meeting  of  the  merchants  of 
New  York  city  was  held  at  the  Chamber  of 
Commerce.  The  proceedings  were  character¬ 
ized  by  the  utmost  harmony  and  unanimity. 
Mr.  Peletiah  Perit  occupied  the  chair,  and 
patriotic  speeches  were  made  by  Mr.  Perit, 
George  Opdyke,  James  Gallatin,  Royal  Phelps, 
S.  B.  Chittenden,  Prosper  M.  Wetmore,  George 
W.  Blunt,  John  E.  King,  William  E.  Dodge, 
John  A.  Stevens,  R.  II.  McCurdy,  and  others. 
Resolutionsupholding  the  Federal  Government, 
and  urging  a  strict  blockade  of  all  ports  in  the 
secession  States  were  unanimously  adopted.  It 
being  announced  that  several  of  the  regiments 
needed  assistance  to  enable  them  to  leave — on 
motion,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  receive 
donations,  and  in  ten  minutes  the  subscription 
had  reached  over  $21,000.  What  was  still 
more  important  was  the  appointment  of  a  large 
committee  of  the  most  influential  capitalists,  to 
use  their  exertions  to  secure  an  immediate  tak¬ 
ing  of  the  $9,000,000  remaining  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment  loan. —  {Doc.  66.) 

— The  President  of  the  United  States  issued 
a  proclamation,  announcing  the  blockade  of  the 
Southern  ports. — {Doc.  67.) 

— Siierrard  Clemens,  a  strong  Union  man, 
and  late  member  of  Congress  for  Richmond, 
Va.,  is  held  as  a  prisoner  at  Richmond.  He  is 
still  firm  in  his  loyalty  to  the  Government  and 
his  opposition  to  rebellion. —  Tribune ,  AprillS. 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


33 


— At  Wilmington,  Ohio,  the  first  volunteer 
company,  consisting  of  125  men,  organized  to¬ 
day.  Three  thousand  dollars  were  subscribed 
in  one  hour  for  the  benefit  of  volunteers. 
Great  enthusiasm  prevails,  and  the  work  goes 
bravely  on  in  raising  both  men  and  money. 
Another  company  is  forming.  A  suspected  Se¬ 
cessionist  was  seized  this  evening,  and  experi¬ 
enced  some  rough  treatment. — Louisville  Dem¬ 
ocrat,  April  21. 

— A  rifle  company  was  organized  at  Dayton, 
Ohio,  under  command  of  Captain  Childs,  con¬ 
sisting  of  75  picked  men.  The  company  left 
Columbus  at  noon  to-day,  amid  the  cheers  of  a 
large  crowd  of  citizens.  Home  guards  are 
being  formed.  One  company  is  to  be  formed 
of  men  over  forty-five  years  old,  under  the 
command  of  Edward  W.  Davis. — Idem. 

— Rev.  Warren  Swift,  of  Utica,  1ST.  Y.,  a 
Presbyterian  minister  of  excellent  abilities  and 
wide-spread  reputation,  enlisted,  and  started 
for  head-quarters  this  morning. — Idem. 

— General  Sherman,  the  State  commandant 
at  Galveston,  Texas,  issued  an  order  enrolling 
“  all  citizens  capable  of  bearing  arms,  not  over 
sixty  years  of  age,  who  do  not  enroll  them¬ 
selves  into  some  one  of  the  volunteer  companies 
of  the  city  by  the  23d  inst.,  in  the  militia.  In 
case  of  being  called  into  service  they  will  be 
required  to  bring  such  arms  as  they  may  have, 
until  they  can  be  furnished  by  the  State. 

“  The  war  has  begun !  It  may  reach  our 
shores !  Who  in  Texas  will  shrink  from  his 
duty  in  such  a  crisis?  We  invoke  the  spirit 
not  only  of  1776,  but  of  1836,  to  arouse  from 
its  slumber,  and  again  assert  the  independence 
of  Texas.  The  misrule  of  Black  Republicanism 
would  scarcely  be  less  fatal  to  our  interests 
than  that  of  Mexican  intolerance.  We  have 
shaken  oft'  the  one ;  let  us  manfully  repel  the 
other.” 

The  order  is  accompanied  by  other  similar 
ones,  necessary  to  carry  it  into  effect.  The 
alarm  signal  for  the  assembling  of  the  city 
troops  will  be  first  a  fire  alarm,  and  secondly 
after  an  interval  of  one  minute,  six  taps  of  the 
bell,  to  be  repeated  four  times  with  intervals. 
— W.  0.  Picayune ,  April  23. 

— It  is  now  learned  by  the  return  of  the  ex¬ 
pedition  to  relieve  Sumter,  that  a  plan  was  per¬ 
fected  to  throw  in  300  men  and  supplies  by 
boats  at  daylight  on  the  13th.  This  was  frus¬ 
trated,  however,  by  the  Baltic  running  upon 


Rattlesnako  shoal  on  the  night  of  the  12th. — 
World ,  April  19. 

— Maryland,  Delaware,  and  Pennsylvania, 
were  added  to  the  Military  Department  of 
Washington. — {Doc.  68.) — Times ,  April  25. 

— A  positive  announcement  “  that  General 
Scott  had  resigned  his  position  in  the  army  of 
the  United  States  and  tendered  his  sword  to  his 
native  State — 'Virginia,”  was  made  at  Mont¬ 
gomery.  At  Mobile,  one  hundred  guns  were 
fired  in  honor  of  his  resignation. —  Charleston 
Mercury ,  April  22. 

— Immense  Union  meetings  were  held  last 
night  at  Auburn,  Hudson,  Ogdensburgli,  Albion, 
Binghamton,  and  other  towns  and  villages  in 
western  "New  York.  Past  political  differences 
are  forgotten,  and  the  people  are  enthusiastic 
in  support  of  the  Administration. — Troy  Times. 

April  19. — At  New  York  a  large  American 
flag,  forty  feet  long  by  twenty  wide,  was  flung 
out  upon  a  flagstaff  from  a  window  in  Trinity 
steeple,  at  a  height  of  240  feet.  The  chimes 
meanwhile  played  several  airs  appropriate  to  the 
occasion,  among  which  were  “Yankee  Doodle,” 
“  the  Red,  White,  and  Blue,”  winding  up  with 
“All’s  well.”  The  enthusiasm  of  the  largo 
concourse  that  had  spontaneously  gathered  was 
most  intense. 

A  flagstaff,  with  flag  attached,  was  also  run 
out  of  a  window  over  the  portico  in  front  of 
St.  Paul’s  Church. —  Tribune ,  April  20. 

— A  portion  of  the  Sixth  Massachusetts,  and 
the  Seventh  Pennsylvania,  were  attacked  in  tho 
streets  of  Baltimore  by  a  mob  upon  their  pas¬ 
sage  through  that  city. 

The  Massachusetts  Regiment  occupied  eleven 
cars.  Upon  their  arrival  at  the  President-street 
depot,  the  cars  were  permitted  to  leave  with 
the  troops  still  on  board,  and  proceeded 
quietly  through  the  streets  of  Baltimore,  on 
their  way  to  the  depot  at  the  other  side  of  the 
town.  But  they  had  not  gone  more  than  a 
couple  of  blocks  before  the  crowd  became  so 
dense  that  the  horses  attached  to  each  car  were 
scarcely  able  to  push  their  way  through.  At 
this  point  the  mob  began  to  hoot  and  yell 
frightfully,  and  loud  threats  were  uttered 
against  the  military.  The  troops,  however, 
maintained  a  strict  reserve,  and  the  crowd  then 
commenced  to  throw  stones,  brickbats,  and 
other  missiles,  in  a  perfect  shower,  against  tho 
cars.  Many  of  the  troops  were  severely  wound- 


34 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


ed  in  this  manner.  However,  the  first  nine 
cars  reached  the  depot,  and  departed  for  Wash¬ 
ington.  The  remaining  two  cars  of  the  train, 
with  about  100  men,  were  thus  cut  off  from  the 
main  body,  and  the  men  found  themselves  en¬ 
compassed  by  an  infuriated  mob  of  over  8,000. 
These  isolated  cars  were  immediately  attacked, 
and  several  of  the  soldiers  had  their  muskets 
snatched  from  them.  At  this  moment  news 
came  that  the  Philadelphia  Volunteers  had 
arrived,  and  the  report  excited  the  mob  to  a 
fearful  degree.  The  road  was  now  obstructed, 
and  the  soldiers  alighted,  formed  a  solid  square, 
and  advanced  with  fixed  bayonets  in  double 
quick  time,  the  Mayor  of  Baltimore  at  their 
head,  all  the  while  surrounded  by  the  mob — 
now  swelled  to  at  least  10,000.  The  military 
behaved  admirably,  and  still  abstained  from 
firing  upon  their  assailants.  The  mob  now 
commenced  a  perfect  shower  of  missiles,  oc¬ 
casionally  varied  by  a  random  shot  from  a 
revolver  or  one  of  the  muskets  taken  from 
the  soldiers.  The  soldiers  suffered  severely 
from  the  immense  quantity  of  stones,  brick¬ 
bats,  paving-stones,  &c. ;  the  shots  fired  also 
wounded  several.  When  two  of  the  soldiers 
had  been  killed,  and  the  wounded  had  been 
conveyed  to  the  centre  of  the  column,  the 
troops  at  last,  exasperated  by  the  treatment 
they  had  received,  commenced  to  return  the 
fire  singly,  but  at  no  one  time  did  a  platoon  fire 
in  a  volley. 

The  volunteers,  after  a  protracted  and  severe 
struggle,  at  last  reached  the  depot,  bearing 
with  them  in  triumph  their  killed  and  wound¬ 
ed,  and  immediately  embarked. 

Two  of  the  Massachusetts  men  were  killed 
and  eight  wounded.  Seven  rioters  were  killed, 
and  many  wounded,  but  the  number  is  not 
known.  When  information  was  received  at 
the  depot  of  this  attack,  the  Pennsylvania  regi¬ 
ment,  which  was  unarmed,  was  sent  back.  Some 
were  slightly  wounded. — Times ,  April  20,  21, 

The  mob  completely  reigned  in  Baltimore 
after  the  attack. — All  the  gunshops  were  plun¬ 
dered.  Other  shops  throughout  the  city  were 
closed.— A  public  meeting  was  held  in  the 
afternoon,  at  which  the  Mayor  and  Gov.  Hicks 
were  present.— Secession  sentiments  prevailed. 

The  Mayor  and  Governor  both  notified  the 
President  that  no  more  troops  could  pass 
through  Baltimore  unless  they  fought  their 
wa j.—{Doc.  69.) — Times,  April  21. 


— Boston  was  terribly  excited  at  the  attack 
on  the  Massachusetts  troops  in  Baltimore.  The 
Government  recognizes  the  similarity  in  the 
day  and  event  suggested  by  the  19th  of  April, 
1775,  and  those  immortal  memories  which  clus¬ 
ter  around  the  men  of  Lexington  and  Concord. 

The  Governor  sent  the  following  despatch  to 
the  Mayor  of  Baltimore  : 

I  pray  you  cause  the  bodies  of  our  Massachu¬ 
setts  soldiers,  dead  in  battle,  to  be  immediately 
laid  out,  preserved  in  ice,  and  tenderly  sent  for¬ 
ward  by  express  to  me.  All  expenses  will  be 
paid  by  this  Commonwealth. 

John  A.  Andrew, 

Governor  of  Massachusetts. 

— {Doc.  70.) 

At  Pall  River,  Mass.,  a  meeting  was  call¬ 
ed  on  the  reception  of  the  news.  Patriotic 
speeches  were  made,  and  the  city  government 
was  instructed  to  appropriate  $10,000  to  fit  out 
volunteers,  and  to  pay  each  volunteer  $20  per 
month  in  addition  to  the  Government  pay. — 
Providence  Journal. 

April  19. — The  City  Council  of  Philadelphia, 
this  morning,  at  a  special  meeting,  appropriated 
$1,000,000  to  equip  the  volunteers  and  support 
their  families  during  their  absence  from  home. 
Fourteen  thousand  dollars  were  subscribed  for 
the  same  purpose  at  Norwich,  Conn. — N.  Y. 
Times. 

— TnE  Seventh  Regt.,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  left  for 
Washington  amid  the  greatest  enthusiasm.  In 
every  street  an  immense  innumerable  throng 
cheered  them  on  their  way.  News  of  the  fight 
in  Baltimore  was  received  before  they  left,  and 
48  rounds  of  ball-cartridge  were  served  out. — 
{Doc.  71.) 

Lieut.  Jones,  late  in  command  of  Harper’s 
Ferry,  arrived  at  Carlisle  Barracks,  Pa.,  having 
made  a  forced  march  the  previous  night  of  30 
miles  from  Harper’s  Ferry  to  Hagerstown. — 
Times ,  April  20. 

— The  Rhode  Island  Marine  Artillery  passed 
through  New  York,  on  their  way  to  the  seat 
of  war.  These  troops  are  officered  by — Com¬ 
manding  Officer,  Colonel  Tomkins  ;  Lieutenant 
Colonel,  George  C.  Ilarkness ;  Captain,  Ben¬ 
jamin  F.  Remington  ;  Lieutenant,  A.  M.  Tower; 
Lieutenant,  Henry  B.  Brastow ;  Surgeon,  Na¬ 
thaniel  Millar.  They  number  130  men,  and  carry 
with  them  110  horses,  eight  guns  of  very  heavy 
calibre,  and  the  other  requisite  arms  and  am- 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


35 


munition.  The  horses  are  fine,  spirited-looking 
animals,  and  appeared  to  be  in  that  condition 
which  will  enable  them  to  sustain  a  good  deal 
of  field  hardship. — Herald ,  April  20. 

— Tns  Eighth  Regiment  of  Massachusetts 
Volunteers,  under  command  of  Colouel  Timothy 
Munroe,  passed  through  New  York  on  their 
march  to  the  south.  It  is  composed  of  six 
companies :  Newburyport  Artillery,  Newbury  - 
port  Light  Infantry,  Gloucester  Artillery,  Lynn 
City  Guards,  Capt.  Ilundson,  Lynn  Light  Infan¬ 
try,  Capt.  Frazer,  Lafayette  Guards,  Marble¬ 
head,  Capt.  Orne,  all  of  Essex  County,  number¬ 
ing  twelve  hundred.  They  are  all  picked  men, 
those  of  Gloucester  and  Marblehead  being  stout 
and  sturdy  fishermen ;  those  from  Lynn  and 
Newburyport  chiefly  shoemakers.  Many  of 
the  members  of  the  two  Lynn  companies  served 
thoughout  the  Mexican  campaign.  All  of  the 
men  were  in  the  best  of  spirits.  Brig.-Gen. 
Benj.  F.  Butler  and  Quartermaster  John  Moran, 
of  Boston,  accompany  the  Regiment. — {Doc. 
72.) — AT.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  20. 

April  20. — Last  night  a  mob  from  Baltimore, 
lying  in  wait  for  the  train  from  Philadelphia, 
at  Canton,  fired  a  pistol  at  the  engineer,  who 
stopped  the  train.  The  crowd,  compelling  the 
passengers  to  leave  the  cars,  occupied  the  train, 
and  forced  the  engineer  to  take  them  back  to 
Gunpowrder  Bridge.  There  the  train  was  stop¬ 
ped,  and  the  crowd  set  fire  to  the  draw  of  the 
bridge  and  waited  till  that  portion  was  burned  ; 
returning  to  Bush  River  Bridge,  the  draw  was 
likewise  burned.  The  mob  then  returned  to 
Canton  Bridge  and  burned  that.  The  train 
then  conveyed  the  mob  to  the  President-street 
station. — Phila.  Press. 

— The  Charleston  Courier  of  to-day  contains 
an  account  of  the  damage  done  by  Fort  Sumter 
to  Fort  Moultrie  and  the  surrounding  property. 
It  says  the  fire  was  “  terribly  destructive,  and, 
when  viewed  in  connection  with  the  fact  that 
no  life  was  lost,  is  the  most  extraordinary  case 
ever  recorded  in  history.” — {Doc.  73.) 

— A  mass  meeting  of  citizens  in  support  of 
the  Union,  the  Constitution  and  the  Govern¬ 
ment,  was  held  in  Union  Square,  New  York 
City.  It  was  called  by  leading  citizens  without 
distinction  of  party. — {Doc.  73£.) 

— John  C.  Breckenridge,  Ex-Yice-Presi- 
dent,  addressed  a  large  audience  at  Louisville, 
Ky.,  this  afternoon,  denouncing  President  Lin¬ 


coln’s  proclamation  as  illegal,  and  saying  that 
he  could  not  make  his  75,000  men  efficient  un¬ 
til  after  the  meeting  of  Congress.  He  proposed 
that  Kentucky  present  herself  to  Congress  on 
the  Fourth  of  July  through  her  Senators  and 
Representatives,  and  protest  against  the  settle¬ 
ment  of  the  present  difficulties  of  the  country 
by  the  sword — meanwhile  that  Kentucky  call  a 
State  Convention  to  aid  her  Congressmen  in 
presenting  such  a  protest.  Should  that  fail, 
however,  it  Avas  the  duty  and  the  interest  of 
Kentucky  to  unite  her  fortunes  with  the  South. 
— AT.  Y.  Times ,  April  22. 

— Tiie  Fourth  Regiment  of  Massachusetts 
militia  landed  at  Fortress  Monroe,  Va.,  from 
the  steamer  State  of  Maine. — {Doc.  74.) — J.  B. 
B.  in  the  N.  Y.  Times ,  April  22. 

— Tiie  citizens  of  Taunton,  Mass.,  presented 
Major  Robert  Anderson  a  sivord,  “  as  an  ex¬ 
pression  of  their  admiration  of  his  courage,  loy¬ 
alty,  and  devotion  to  the  country.”  The  pres¬ 
entation  was  made  by  Capt.  W.  C.  Lovering 
at  the  Brevoort  House  in  New  York. —  Tribune , 
April  22. 

— Uniox  meetings  were  held  at  Schenectady, 
Hudson,  Utica,  Waverley,  and  Dunkirk,  N.  Y ; 
Stockbridgc,  Mass. ;  Bridgeport,  Conn. ;  Spring- 
field  and  Chicago,  Ill.  During  the  proceedings 
at  Chicago,  at  the  suggestion  of  Judge  Man- 
nierre,  the  whole  audience  raised  their  right 
hands  and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
Union,  repeating  the  oath  after  the  Judge. — De¬ 
troit  Free  Press. 

■ — A  souTnERU  merchant  writes  to  a  corre¬ 
spondent  in  New  York  : 

“ - ,  Tenn.,  April  20,  1S61. 

“  Gentlemen  :  Our  note  to  you  for  $187  12- 
100,  due  to-day,  has  not  been  paid. 

“  We  deeply  regret  the  necessity  that  im¬ 
pels  us  to  say,  that  during  the  existence  of  this 
war  we  are  determined  to  pay  no  notes  due  our 
northern  friends.” — Evening  Post. 

— Tiie  St.  Nicholas,  a  steamer  plying  be¬ 
tween  Washington  and  Baltimore,  Avas  seized 
at  the  former  place  this  morning  for  pruden¬ 
tial  purposes. — National  Intelligencer. 

— niRAM  Sibley,  President  of  the  Western 
Union,  and  T.  R.  Walker,  President,  and  J.  D. 
Reid,  Superintendent  of  the  New  York,  Albany 
and  Buffalo  Telegraph  Companies,  issued  orders 
that  no  messages,  ordering  arms  or  munitions 
of  Avar,  will  be  recei\red  by  their  companies  un- 


36 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-61. 


less  for  the  defence  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  and  endorsed  by  the  Mayor  of 
the  City  from  which  it  proceeds.  Messages  in 
cypher,  excepting  despatches  from  the  Press  of 
the  U.  S.  officers  of  the  Government,  will  be 
refused. 

The  Toronto  Globe  of  this  morning  has  a 
long  article  on  the  relations  between  England 
and  the  United  States,  advocating  a  sincere  and 
firm  alliance,  forgetting  all  past  differences,  and 
says  that  the  North  has  a  just  cause ;  that  the 
permanent  good  will  of  the  American  people  is 
worth  striving  for,  and  hopes  to  see  the  rebel¬ 
lion  put  down  and  the  traitors  dealt  with  as 
they  deserve. — Louisville  Democrat ,  April  21. 

April  20. — The  Missourians  seized  the  United 
States  Arsenal  at  Liberty,  Mo.,  and  garrisoned  it 
with  100  men.  In  the  arsenal  were  1,300  stand 
of  arms,  ten  or  twelve  pieces  of  cannon,  and 
quite  an  amount  of  powder. 

Two  thousand  stand  of  arms  were  furnished 
the  citizens  of  Leavenworth  from  the  arsenal 
at  Fort  Leavenworth,  and  the  commander  at 
that  post  accepted  the  services  of  300  volun¬ 
teers  to  guard  the  arsenal  pending  the  arrival 
of  troops  from  Fort  Kearney. — Times ,  April  22. 

— Tiie  Council  of  Wilmington,  Delaware,  ap¬ 
propriated  $8,000  to  defend  the  city,  and  passed 
resolutions  approving  of  the  President’s  proc¬ 
lamation.  Also,  asking  the  Governor  to  issue 
a  proclamation  for  the  same  purpose.  The 
Brandywine  bridges  and  all  on  the  road  be¬ 
tween  Susquehanna  and  Philadelphia  are  guard¬ 
ed,  and  workmen  have  been  sent  to  repair  the 
bridges  destroyed  on  the  Northern  Central 
road. — Phila.  Enquirer. 

— Govebnoe  Cuetin  of  Pennsylvania  issued 
a  proclamation  calling  a  meeting  of  the  State 
Legislature  for  the  30th  of  April,  “  to  take  into 
consideration  and  adopt  such  measures  as  the 
present  emergencies  may  demand.” — {Doc.  75.) 
— Phila.  Press. 

— A  lettee  was  received  at  Philadelphia 
from  Governor  Letcher,  of  Virginia,  offering 
$30,000  to  the  patentee  of  the  bullet  mould. 
The  reply  was  “no  money  can  purchaso  it 
against  the  country.”— Evening  Post. 

— Ax  enthusiastic  Union  meeting  was  held  at 
Middletown,  Orange  County,  N.  Y.,  this  even¬ 
ing.  The  assemblage  was  presided  over  by  Moses 
II.  Corwin,  a  veteran  of  the  war  of  1812,  and 
speeches  were  made  by  C.  C.  McQuoid,  A.  H. 


Byington,  Charles  II.  Van  Wyck  and  others. 
Mr.  Van  Wyck  announced  the  fact  of  his  hav¬ 
ing  “  enlisted  for  the  war,”  and  with  his  com¬ 
pany,  just  organized  at  Newburgh,  he  should 
proceed  to  Washington  as  a  regular,  if  he  had 
to  walh  all  the  way. — Tribune ,  A.pril  23. 

— TnE  steamship,  Star  of  the  West,  was  taken 
into  New  Orleans  as  a  prize  to  the  Confederate 
States  Government. — {Doc.  7G.) 

— Gospoet  Navy  Yard,  opposite  Norfolk, 
Va.,  with  stores,  timber,  munitions  of  war,  etc., 
was  burned  by  the  U.  S.  officers  in  charge,  to 
prevent  its  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Seces¬ 
sionists,  who  occupied  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth 
in  force  under  Gen.  Taliefero.  The  U.  S.  liners 
Pennsylvania,  74  guns ;  Dela-ware,  74 ;  Co- 


April  21.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


37 


lumbus,  74;  steam  frigate  Merrimac,  44;  frig¬ 
ate  Earitan,  45  ;  frigate  Columbia,  44 ;  sloop 
Germantown,  22  ;  sloop  Plymouth,  22  ;  brig 
Dolphin,  8 ;  a  powder-boat,  and  the  frigate 
United  States,  (in  ordinary.)  It  being  impossi¬ 
ble  to  get  them  out  of  the  harbor,  they  were 
scuttled,  and  were  also  fired. 

The  frigate  Cumberland  was  towed  out  by 
the  steam-tug  Yankee.  The  value  of  the  prop¬ 
erty  destroyed  is  estimated  at  $50,000,000. — 
{Doc,.  77.) — Times,  April  24. 

April  21. — The  railroad  between  Philadelphia 
and  Baltimore  was  taken  possession  of  by  the 
U.  S.  Government.  Orders  were  given  from  the 
Navy  Department  at  Washington  to  the  offi¬ 
cers  of  the  various  United  States  vessels,  that 
all  persons  found  sailing  under  Jefferson  Davis’ 
letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  be  treated  as  pi¬ 
rates.  That  the  contumacious  be  immediately 
hung  from  the  yard-arms ,  and  the  crew  and  the 
moro  penitent  officers  be  placed  in  irons  to 
await  their  trial  as  ocean  brigands. —  Times , 
April  21. 

— Tnn  people  of  Oswego  and  Rochester, 
N.  Y.,  Toledo,  Dayton,  and  Zanesville,  Ohio, 
subscribed  large  sums  of  money  for  the  support 
of  the  volunteers  and  their  families ;  at  the  lat¬ 
ter  place,  large  property  holders  agreed  to  give 
rent  free  to  volunteers  during  their  absence. — 
Albany  Journal. 

— General  Scott  telegraphed  to  Senator 
Crittenden  of  Kentucky,  as  follows  : 

“I  HAVE  NOT  CHANGED  ;  nAVE  NO  THOUGHT  OF 
CHANGING  ;  ALWAYS  A  UNION  MAN.” — {Doc.  78.) 

• — George  William  Brown,  mayor  of  Balti¬ 
more,  Md.,  had  a  consultation  with  the  Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  United  States,  in  reference  to  the 
passage  of  northern  troops  through  Baltimore. 
On  his  return  from  Washington,  the  Mayor 
submitted  to  the  people  a  statement  as  to  his 
interview  with  the  President. — {Doc.  79.) 

April  21. — The  Worcester  third  battalion  of 
Rifles,  arrived  at  New  York.  They  are  com¬ 
manded  by  Major  Charles  Devens,  and  number 
26G  men,  officered  as  follows :  Company  A, 
Worcester  City  Guard,  Capt.  A.  B.  R.  Sprague; 
First  Lieut.,  J.  Pickett ;  Second  Lieut.,  O.  Moul¬ 
ton  ;  Third  Lieut.,  G.  Egra. 

Company  C,  Emmett  Guard,  Capt  McCon- 
ville ;  First  Lieut.,  F.  McCafferty ;  Second 
Lieut.,  M.  O.  Driscoll ;  Third  Lieut.,  T.  O’Niel ; 
Fourth  Lieut.,  —  Melvin. —  Times ,  April  22. 

Diary — 6 


— A  mass  meeting  of  citizens,  numbering 
many  thousands,  was  held  in  Boston,  Mass., 
this  forenoon,  and  was  addressed  by  Fletcher 
Webster,  Charles  L.  Woodbury,  and  many  dis¬ 
tinguished  citizens.  The  meeting  was  to  raiso 
a  regiment  for  Fletcher  Webster,  and  was  com¬ 
pletely  successful.  The  most  intense  enthusi¬ 
asm  prevailed  among  the  crowd.  The  meeting 
continued  till  nearly  night.  It  was  a  remark¬ 
able  expression  of  the  entire  voice  of  our  peo¬ 
ple. — Ar.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  22. 

— TnE  First  Regiment  of  Rhodo  Island  Vol¬ 
unteers  passed  through  New  York,  on  their 
way  to  the  South.  Governor  Sprague  accom¬ 
panies  these  troops,  as  commander  in  chief  of 
the  Rhode  Island  forces.  His  staff  consists  of 
Colonels  Frieze,  Goddard,  Arnold,  Capt.  A.  W. 
Chapin,  Assistant  Adjutant-General.— (Dec.  80.) 

— TnE  Sixth,  Twelfth,  and  Seventy-first 
Regiments,  New  York  State  Militia,  left  New 
York  for  Washington  this  day,  (Sunday.)  The 
people  were  early  astir,  and  by  10  o’clock  every 
available  spot  where  a  human  being  could  stand, 
was  occupied,  throughout  the  entire  length 
of  Broadway ;  and  from  near  Canal-street  to 
Grace  Church,  not  only  the  sidewalks,  but  the 
whole  of  the  street,  was  densely  thronged. 
Every  window,  door,  stoop,  balcony,  and 
house-top,  were  alive  with  human  beings,  of 
every  age,  sex,  and  condition,  awaiting  the 
marching  of  the  Regiments,  which  it  was 
known  would  depart  during  the  day  for  tho 
seat  of  Government,  or  other  destination 
where  their  services  might  be  required.  It 
was  somo  time  after  the  bells  had  summoned 
the  worshippers  to  their  respective  churches 
before  tho  troops  made  their  appearance.  As 
they  marched  along,  no  language  can  do  justice 
to  tho  enthusiasm  with  which  the  assembled 
multitude  greeted  them.  Cheers  from  ten 
thousand  voices  swelling  in  prolonged  chorus, 
the  waving  of  handkerchiefs  by  fair  hands,  the 
display  of  flags  and  streamers  throughout  the 
route  of  march,  made  the  scene  one  of  the  most 
animated  and  exciting  ever  witnessed  in  tho 
city. — Times,  April  22. 

April  21. — The  United  States  branch  mint  at 
Charlotte,  North  Carolina,  was  seized  by  tho 
State  authorities.  No  resistance  was  offered. 
Colonel  Bryce  now  holds  it  with  a  military 
force,  under  orders  from  Governor  Ellis. — JF.  Y. 
Evening  Post ,  April  29. 


38 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[April  22. 


— "Wendell  Phillips  delivered  a  discourse  in 
Boston  on  the  present  rebellion.  Some  time 
ago  he  made  a  speech  deprecating,  in  the  most 
emphatic  manner,  any  appeal  to  arms,  as  cer¬ 
tain  to  result  in  the  renewed  and  permanent  tri¬ 
umph  of  slavery.  The  people  of  the  North,  he 
said,  would  not  fight,  and  the  first  result  of  a 
military  demonstration  would  be  the  complete 
surrender  of  the  North,  and  the  concession  of 
everything  that  might  be  demanded  at  their 
hands. — {Doc.  81.) 

April  21. — Andrew  Johnson,  U.  S.  Senator 
from  Tennessee,  passed  through  Lynchburg, 
Va.,  on  his  way  from  Washington  to  Tennessee. 
A  large  crowd  assembled  and  groaned  at  him. 
They  offered  every  indignity,  and  efforts  were 
made  to  take  him  off  the  cars.  Mr.  Johnson 
was  protected  by  the  conductor  and  others. 
He  denied  sending  a  message  asserting  that 
Tennessee  should  furnish  her  quota  of  men. — 
Commercial  Advertiser ,  April  2G. 

— TnE  citizens  of  Baltimore  were  fearfully 
excited  on  account  of  a  rumored  descent  upon 
them  by  Federal  troops  from  Cockeysville, 
seventeen  miles  distant  from  the  citv ;  but  at 
night  the  excitement  subsided  on  receiving  in¬ 
telligence  that  the  troops  had  been  turned  back 
to  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  by  order  of  Gen.  Scott. — 
N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  26. 

— In  nearly  all  the  churches  in  New  York — 
and  probably  in  a  majority  of  churches  through¬ 
out  the  country — the  sermons  of  to-day  were 
mainly  in  reference  to  the  war.  Many  congre¬ 
gations  have  made  the  day  an  occasion  for 
patriotic  contributions  for  the  outfit  of  volun¬ 
teers,  or  for  the  support  of  their  families.  In  the 
Church  of  the  Puritans  in  Brooklyn,  (although 
Mr.  Beecher,  the  pastor,  was  absent,  and  the  ser¬ 
vices  were  conducted  by  Rev.  II.  D.  Northrop 
of  Brooklyn,)  a  letter  was  read  from  the  Thir¬ 
teenth  Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  asking  for  uni¬ 
forms  for  recruits — and  the  response  was  a 
collection  of  about  $1,100  for  that  patriotic 
purpose.  In  the  Broadway  Tabernacle,  the 
pastor,  Rev.  J.  P.  Thompson,  D.  D.,  preached 
a  sermon  in  the  evening  on  “  God’s  Time  of 
Threshing.”  Tho  choir  performed  “  The  Mar¬ 
seillaise  ”  to  a  hymn  composed  for  tho  occasion 
by  the  pastor.  A  collection  was  taken  for  the 
Volunteers’  Home  Fund  amounting  to  $450 — 
to  which  a  member  of  the  congregation  after¬ 
wards  added  $100.  Dr.  Bethune’s  sermon  was 


from  the  text :  “  In  the  name  of  our  God  we 
will  set  up  our  banners.”  In  Dr.  Bellows’ 
church  the  choir  sang  “  The  Star-Spangled 
Banner,”  which  was  vigorously  applauded  by 
the  whole  house.  At  Grace  church  (Episcopal) 
Dr.  Taylor  began  by  saying,  “  The  Star-Spangled 
Banner  has  been  insulted.”  The  gallant  Major 
Anderson  and  his  wife  attended  service  at 
Trinity.  At  Dr.  McLane’s  Presbyterian  church, 
Williamsburg,  “  The  Star-Spangled  Banner  ” 
was  sung.  Dr.  T.  D.  Wells  (Old-School  Pres¬ 
byterian)  preached  from  the  words:  “  He  that 
hath  no  sword,  let  him  buy  one.”  Dr.  Osgood’s 
text  was  :  “  Lift  up  a  standard  to  the  people.” 
Many  of  tho  churches — of  all  denominations — 
are  sending  some  of  their  most  active  members 
to  the  field  as  volunteers. — Independent ,  April 
9,5 

— The  Fifth  Regiment  of  Massachusetts 
Militia,  Col.  Lawrence,  with  the  Boston  Flying 
Artillery,  Major  Cook,  left  Boston  for  New 
York  at  7  o’clock  this  morning.  The  Third 
Battalion  of  Rifles,  Major  Stevens,  left  Worces¬ 
ter  last  night  for  New  York.  Massachusetts 
has  within  six  days  responded  to  the  President’s 
proclamation,  with  five  full  regiments  of  in¬ 
fantry,  a  battalion  of  rifles,  and  a  splendid  corps 
of  flying  artillery.  The  artillery  take  six  brass 
6-pounders,  with  horses  fully  equipped. — A7".  Y. 
Times ,  April  22. 

— A  meeting  of  Californians  was  held  in 
New  York  to  take  measures  for  the  formation 
of  a  California  Regiment.  Tho  meeting  was 
organized  by  the  nomination  of  J.  C.  Birdseye 
as  chairman,  and  speeches  were  made,  and 
resolutions  sustaining  the  Union  and  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  were  adopted. — {Doc.  82.) 

— Tiie  Liverpool  (Eng.)  Times  publishes  a 
remarkable  article  on  the  political  troubles  in 
the  United  States. — {Doc.  83.) 

— The  burial  of  the  American  flag  was  public¬ 
ly  celebrated  at  Memphis,  Tennessee. — JV.  Y. 
Depress,  April  29. 

April  22. — Several  delegations  of  citizens  of 
Maryland  waited  upon  President  Lincoln,  to 
endeavor  to  procure  some  countermand  of  the 
order  for  troops  to  march  to  Washington.  One 
delegation  of  thirty,  from  five  “  Young  Men's 
Christian  Associations  ”  of  Baltimore,  had  a 
prolonged  interview,  but  made  no  impression 
upon  him. — N.  Y.  Times ,  April  25. 

— Gov.  Hicks  presented  to  the  President  a 


Apkil  22.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


39 


communication  again  urging  the  withdrawal  of 
troops  from  Maryland,  a  cessation  of  hostilities, 
and  a  reference  of  the  national  dispute  to  the 
arbitrament  of  Lord  Lyons.  To  this  the  Secre¬ 
tary  of  State  replied,  that  the  troops  were  only 
called  out  to  suppress  insurrection,  and  must 
come  through  Maryland,  as  that  was  the  route 
chosen  for  them  by  the  Commander-in-Chief, 
and  that  our  troubles  could  not  be  “  referred  to 
any  foreign  arbitrament.” — {Doc.  84.) 

April  22. — Robt.  E.  Lee,  late  of  the  United 
States  Army,  was  nominated  by  the  Governor 
and  unanimously  confirmed  by  the  Convention 
as  “  Commander  of  the  military  and  naval  forces 
of  Virginia.” — National  Intelligencer ,  April  27. 

— Tiie  Charleston  Mercury  of  this  day  says 
that  “the  officers  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the 
Confederate  States,  and  captains  sailing  under 
letters  of  marque,  will  greatly  oblige  the  pro¬ 
prietors  of  that  paper  by  furnishing  sketches 
and  incidents  of  the  expected  conflict  between 
our  gallant  soldiers  and  their  enemies. 

“  When  supplied  exclusively,  a  liberal  com¬ 
pensation  will  he  allowed.” 

— TnE  United  States  Arsenal  at  Fayetteville, 
North  Carolina,  surrendered  to  the  State  au¬ 
thorities.  It  contains  a  large  number  of  arms. 
— Governor  Ellis,  of  North  Carolina,  called  for 
30,000  volunteers  additional  to  the  regular 
militia,  and  all  the  organized  corps  are  under 
orders  to  be  in  readiness  at  a  moment’s  notice. 
— Boston  Transcript ,  April  29. 

— Information  was  received  by  Gov.  Curtin 
that  Lieut.  Jennifer,  late  of  the  United  States 
Army,  stationed  at  Carlisle  Barracks,  Pa.,  had 
fled  from  that  place.  Gov.  Curtin,  by  aid  of  the 
telegraph  facilities  in  his  possession,  succeeded 
in  having  him  arrested  at  Hanover,  in  York 
County,  Pa.  It  is  said  that  Jennifer  has  been 
communicating  information  to  the  rebels  as  to 
the  exact  condition  of  things  at  Carlisle,  and  of 
the  movements  of  Gov.  Curtin’s  troops. — N.  Y. 
Times,  April  23. 

— The  N.  Y.  City  Common  Council  passed 
an  ordinance  appropriating  $1,000,000  for  outfit 
and  equipment  and  for  the  families  of  volun¬ 
teers. — Several  hundred  uniforms  made  for  the 
Southern  army  were  seized  at  4  Dey  street,  N. 
Y.  City. — Idem. 

— Gen.  TnoMAS  Jones,  under  instructions 
received  from  Governor  Rector,  seized  at  Na¬ 
poleon,  Arkansas,  a  large  quantity  of  Govern¬ 


ment  military  supplies,  consisting  of  one  bun¬ 
dled  and  forty  thousand  ball  cartridges,  one 
hundred  Maynard  rifles,  two  hundred  cavalry 
saddles,  and  five  hundred  sabres. — Memphis 
Argus,  April  25. 

April  22. — A  meeting  was  held  in  Clarks¬ 
burg,  Hai-rison  county,  Virginia.  Resolutions 
were  adopted  censuring  severely  the  course 
pursued  by  Governor  Letcher  and  the  Eastern 
Virginians.  Eleven  delegates  wei’e  appointed  to 
meet  delegates  from  other  northwestern  coun¬ 
ties,  to  meet  at  Wheeling,  May  13th,  to  detei’- 
mine  what  course  should  be  pursued  in  the 
present  emergency.  Reports  thus  far  received 
speak  encouragingly  of  the  Union  sentiment 
in  Western  Virginia. — National  Intelligencer , 
April  29. 

— TnE  Twenty-fifth  Regiment  of  New  York 
Militia  arrived  at  New  York  from  Albany.  The 
regiment  numbers  over  five  hundred  men,  and 
is  commanded  by  Colonel  M.  Iv.  Bryan. — 
N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  23. 

— A  meeting  was  held  at  Palace  Garden,  in 
New  Yoi'k,  for  the  pui*pose  of  organizing  a 
“  Home  Guard  ”  of  men  over  45  yeai’s.  The 
following  Committee  was  appointed  to  carry 
out  the  objects  of  the  meeting  :  Major  A.  M. 
Biningei’,  Col.  Charles  B.  Tappen,  Col.  Burr 
Wakeman,  Samuel  Hotaling,  Esq.,  and  Judge 
Edmonds.  Upwards  of  300  names  were  en¬ 
rolled. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  25. 

— TnE  Baltimore  American  of  this  day  con¬ 
tains  a  recapitulation  of  the  killed  and  wounded 
during  the  riot  that  occurred  at  Baltimore  on 
the  19th  April. — {Doc.  85.) 

— An  embargo  upon  “  provisions  of  any 
kind,”  and  upon  steamboats,  was  declared  by 
the  Mayor  and  Police  Board  of  Baltimore. — 
{Doc.  80.) 

— Tue  Charleston  Mercury  of  to-day,  in  an 
article  headed  “  President  Lincoln  a  Usurper,” 
concludes  that  he  will  “deplore  the  ‘higher- 
law  ’  depravity  which  has  governed  his  coun¬ 
sels.  Seeking  the  sword,  in  spite  of  all  moral 
or  constitutional  restraints  and  obligations,  he 
may  perish  by  the  sword.  He  sleeps  ali'eady 
with  soldiers  at  his  gate,  and  the  grand  recep¬ 
tion-room  of  the  White  House  is  converted  into 
quarters  for  troops  from  Kansas — border  ruf¬ 
fians  of  Abolitiondom.” 

— At  Lexington,  Ivy.,  between  two  and  three 
hundred  Union  men  assembled,  raised  the  Stars 


40 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-G1. 


[xinuL  22. 


and  Stripes,  and  expressed  their  determination 
to  adhere  to  them  to  the  last.  Speeches  were 
made  by  Messrs.  Field,  Crittenden,  Codey,  and 
others.  The  most  unbounded  enthusiasm  pre¬ 
vailed,  and  the  speakers  were  greeted  with 
great  applause. — Phila.  Inquirer. 

— A  large  and  enthusiastic  meeting  of  the 
residents  of  Chestnut  Hill,  Pa.,  and  its  vicinity, 
was  held  to  “  counsel  together  in  the  present 
alarming  condition  of  the  country,  and  take 
some  steps  to  protect  it  from  the  assaults  of 
traitors.” — Idem. 

April  22. — A.  II.  Stephens,  Vice-President 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  arrived  at  Rich¬ 
mond,  Va.  In  the  evening  he  was  serenaded, 
and  made  a  speech,  in  which  he  said,  that  if  the 
Federal  Administration  made  war  upon  Mary¬ 
land,  the  whole  South  would  rally  to  her  aid. — 
(Doc.  87.) 

— A  meeting  of  the  Bench  and  Bar  of  the 
city  of  New  York,  in  view  of  the  present  crisis 
in  the  history  of  the  country,  was  held  at  the 
Superior  Court  room,  in  that  city.  The  judges 
and  ex-judges  of  the  different  benches  were 
present,  and  nearly  every  law  firm  in  the  city 
had  its  representative.  Judge  Daniel  P.  Ingra¬ 
ham  presided  ;  speeches  were  made,  and  patri¬ 
otic  resolutions  were  adopted. — (Doc.  88.) 

— In  the  evening  a  large  meeting  of  the  citi¬ 
zens  of  Westchester,  N.  Y.,  was  held  in  Mor- 
risania. — V.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  23. 

— Father  Raeina,  priest  of  tho  Montrose 
Avenue  Catholic  church,  Williamsburg,  N.  A"., 
with  his  own  hands  raised  the  American  flag 
upon  the  top  of  his  church.  The  ceremony  was 
witnessed  by  at  least  two  thousand  people,  who 
greeted  the  glorious  emblem  with  cheer  after 
cheer  as  it  waved  majestically  over  tho  sacred 
edifice.  The  reverend  father  addressed  the 
assemblage  in  a  few  appropriate  remarks,  which 
were  received  with  marked  enthusiasm, — Idem. 

— Union  meetings  were  held  at  Geneva  and 
Adams,  N.  Y.  At  Geneva,  speeches  were  mado 
by  Judge  Folger  and  others,  and  a  large  sum 
of  money  was  subscribed  and  guaranteed  for 
the  families  of  the  volunteers.  At  Adams  the 
utmost  enthusiasm  prevailed. — Albany  Jo  urnal , 
April  24. 

— TnE  New  York  Seventh  Regiment  arrived 
at  Annapolis,  Md.,  and  were  joined  there  by 
the  Eighth  Massachusetts  Regiment,  with  Gen. 
Butler  in  command. 


An  attack  upon  the  School-ship  Constitution 
was  anticipated  in  Annapolis,  and  she  was  drawn 
out  of  the  harbor. — Ar.  Y.  Times ,  April  25. 

— Secretary  Cameron,  in  an  official  letter, 
conveyed  the  thanks  of  tho  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment  to  Major  Anderson  for  his  conduct  at 
Fort  Sumter,  as  follows  : — • 

Wap.  Department,  ) 
Washington,  April  22,  1861.  $ 
Major  Robert  Andep.son,  lata  Commanding  Officer  at 
Fort  Sumter  : 

My  dear  Sir  :  I  am  directed  by  the  Presi¬ 
dent  of  tho  United  States  to  communicate  to 
you,  and  through  you  to  the  officers  and  men 
under  your  command  at  Forts  Moultrie  and 
Sumter,  the  approbation  of  the  Government  of 
your  and  their  judicious  and  gallant  conduct 
there ;  and  to  tender  to  you  and  them  the 
thanks  of  the  Government  for  the  same. 

I  am,  very  respectfully, 

Simon  Cameron, 

Secretary  of  War. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  April  24. 

April  22. — Gen.  B.  F.  Butler,  on  board  the 
steamer  Maryland,  off  Annapolis,  in  special  or¬ 
ders  congratulates  the  troops  upon  the  safety  of 
the  frigate  Constitution,  in  the  following  lan¬ 
guage  :  “  The  purpose  which  could  only  be  hint¬ 
ed  at  in  the  orders  of  yesterday,  has  been  accom¬ 
plished.  The  frigate  Constitution  has  lain  for 
a  long  time  at  this  port  substantially  at  the 
mercy  of  the  armed  mob  which  sometimes 
paralyzes  the  otherwise  loyal  State  of  Mary¬ 
land.  Deeds  of  daring,  successful  contests,  and 
glorious  victories,  had  rendered  Old  Ironsides 
so  conspicuous  in  the  naval  history  of  the  coun¬ 
try,  that  she  was  fitly  chosen  as  the  school  in 
which  to  train  the  future  officers  of  the  navy  to 
like  heroic  acts.  It  was  given  to  Massachusetts 
and  Essex  County  first  to  man  her ;  it  was  re¬ 
served  to  Massachusetts  to  have  the  honor  to 
retain  her  for  the  service  of  the  Union  and  the 
laws.  This  is  a  sufficient  triumph  of  right — a 
sufficient  triumph  for  us.  By  this  the  blood  of 
our  friends  shed  by  the  Baltimore  mob  is  in  so  far 
avenged.  The  Eighth  Regiment  may  hereafter 
cheer  lustily  upon  all  proper  occasions,  but 
never  without  orders.  The  old  ‘  Constitution,’ 
by  their  efforts,  aided  untiringly  by  the  United 
States  officers  having  her  in  charge,  is  now 
safely  ‘  possessed,  occupied,  and  enjoyed  ’  by 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  is 
safe  from  all  her  enemies.” — AT.  F.  Trilntne, 
April  29. 


ALEXANDER  II.  STEPHENS. 


April  23.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


41 


April  23. — The  Montgomery  (Ala.)  Adver¬ 
tiser  of  this  day  says  : — Up  to  yesterday  morn¬ 
ing  the  following  military  companies  of  this 
State  had  responded  to  tlio  proclamation  of  the 
Governor,  calling  for  3,000  and  5,000  volun¬ 
teers,  respectively,  for  the  service  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States.  The  list  comprises  fifty-one 
companies,  which  completes  the  requisition  for 
3,000,  and  furnishes  eleven  companies,  or  nearly 
a  thousand  men,  in  response  to  the  last  requi¬ 
sition  for  5,000.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  in 
a  few  days  the  balance  of  the  last  5,000  will  be 
offered  and  accepted.  Alabama  has  now  actu¬ 
ally  in  the  field  and  ready  to  march  about  5,400 
troops.  Notwithstanding  this  fact,  the  war 
fever  has  just  begun  to  rage  ;  and,  if  necessary, 
wo  verily  believe  that  the  number  could  be  in¬ 
creased  to  forty  or  fifty  thousand  in  thirty 
days.  There  are  perhaps  twenty  counties  in 
the  State  that  have  not  as  yet  furnished  a  man, 
but  will  certainly  do  so.  Of  these  troops,  two 
regiments  have  already  been  ordered  to  Vir¬ 
ginia. 

— John  Bell  and  Edwin  II.  Ewing,  at  a 
public  meeting  held  at  Nashville,  Tenn.,  de¬ 
clared  themselves  in  the  strongest  and  most 
emphatic  terms  for  “  resistance  to  the  attempt¬ 
ed  subjugation  of  the  South.” — {Doc.  89.) 

— Governor  Moore,  of  Louisiana,  issued 
an  address,  calling  for  5,000  additional  State 
troops.  He  says : — “  The  Government  at  Wash¬ 
ington,  maddened  by  defeat  and  the  successful 
maintenance  by  our  patriotic  people  of  their 
rights  and  liberties  against  its  mercenaries  in 
the  harbor  of  Charleston,  and  the  determina¬ 
tion  of  the  Southern  people  forever  to  sever 
themselves  from  the  Northern  Government, 
has  now  thrown  off  the  mask,  and,  sustained 
by  the  people  of  the  non-slaveholding  States, 
is  actively  engaged  in  levying  war,  by  land  and 
sea,  to  subvert  your  liberties,  destroy  your 
rights,  and  to  shed  your  blood  on  your  own  ! 
soil.  If  you  have  the  manhood  to  resist,  rise, 
then,  pride  of  Louisiana,  in  your  might,  in  de¬ 
fence  of  your  dearest  rights,  and  drive  back 
this  insolent,  barbaric  force.  Like  your  brave 
ancestry,  resolve  to  conquer  or  perish  in  the 
effort ;  and  the  flag  of  usurpation  will  never 
fly  over  Southern  soil.  Rally,  then,  to  the 
proclamation  which  I  now  make  on  the  requi¬ 
sition  of  the  Confederate  Government.” 

A  number  of  parishes  in  Louisiana  appropri¬ 
ated  ten  thousand  dollars  each  for  the  support 
Diary — 7 


of  the  volunteers,  and  pledged  themselves  to 
pay  fifty  thousand  dollars  a  year  each  as  long 
as  the  war  shall  last. 

A  meeting  of  five  hundred  of  the  ladies  of 
New  Orleans,  was  held  at  the  St.  Charles  Hotel, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  arrangements  for 
the  holding  of  a  fair  to  raise  money  for  cloth¬ 
ing  the  Louisiana  volunteers. — N.  T.  Herald , 
April  20. 

— TnE  Western  Pennsylvania  Regiment  pass¬ 
ed  through  Philadelphia  for  the  seat  of  war.  It 
consists  of  the  following  companies : — State 
Zouaves,  Captain  Seagrist ;  Turner  Rifles,  Cap¬ 
tain  Emlen ;  Seaborn  Guards,  Captain  Winch  ; 
Ringgold  Rifles,  Captain  Lawrence  ;  Scott  Ar¬ 
tillery,  Captain  Medler ;  Union  Light  Infantry, 
Captain  Corley;  Columbia  Infantry,  Captain 
Brannan ;  State  Guards,  Captain  McDowell. 
The  whole  are  under  the  command  of  Lieut. 
Col.  P.  C.  Cress  and  Major  R.  B.  Petriken. — 
Phila.  Inquirer ,  April  24. 

— The  New  Orleans  papers  are  convinced 
from  the  language  of  the  Northern  press,  and 
from  every  possible  manifestation  of  public 
opinion,  that  “  a  very  considerable  proportion 
of  the  people  at  the  North  are  actuated  by  an 
impulse  of  blind,  irrational  and  insensate  hatred 
towards  the  South.” — {Doc.  90.) 

— The  Eirst  South  Carolina  Regiment  of 
Volunteers  left  Charleston  for  the  seat  of  war 
on  the  Potomac.  As  the  troops  left  for  the 
depot  in  groups,  there  was  the  warm,  hearty 
shaking  of  hands,  the  friendly  “  God  bless  you,” 
and  the  silent  prayer  of  brothers,  sisters,  and 
mothers,  offered  up  for  the  safety  of  South 
Carolina’s  gallant  sons,  who,  after  months  of 
hard  service  in  the  camp,  have  nobly  volun¬ 
teered,  at  the  shortest  notice,  and  without  even 
an  opportunity  to  visit  their  homes,  to  march 
to  the  assistance  of  the  Old  Dominion,  “  the 
Mother  of  States  and  Statesmen,”  in  the  day  of 
her  trial. 

The  call  made  upon  South  Carolina  has  been 
promptly  responded  to.  Gov.  Pickens  has  been 
perfectly  overwhelmed  with  offers  of  brigades, 
battalions,  regiments,  and  companies,  all  de¬ 
sirous  of  being  accepted  as  volunteers  for  Vir¬ 
ginia.  The  reverence  felt  for  her  soil  by  South 
Carolinians  is  only  equalled  by  the  spirit  and 
enthusiasm  of  the  people  to  be  the  first  to  de¬ 
fend  her,  and,  if  necessary,  with  the  best  blood 
of  the  State. — Charleston  Courier ,  April  24. — 
{Doc.  91.) 


42 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[April  24. 


— An  immense  Union  meeting  was  held  at 
Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  Robert  J.  Walker  delivered 
an  eloquent  and  forcible  speech  in  defence  of 
the  Constitution  and  laws.  Meetings  were  also 
held  at  Albion  and  Whitehall,  N.  Y.,  and 
Woodstock,  Yt.  At  the  latter,  Senator  Col- 
lamer  spoke. — {Doc.  92.) 

— The  Eighth,  Thirteenth,  and  Sixty-ninth 
Regiments  of  New  York  State  Militia  left  New 
York  for  Washington. — {Doc.  93.) 

— General  B.  F.  Butler  has  taken  military 
possession  of  the  Annapolis  and  Elk  Ridge 
Railroad  in  Maryland.  Governor  Hicks  pro¬ 
tests  against  the  act,  “  as  it  will  interfere  with 
the  meeting  of  the  Legislature.” — {Doc.  93-J-.) 

— Sherman’s  celebrated  battery,  consisting 
of  ninety  men  and  eight  howitzers,  passed 
through  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  on  the  route  to 
'Washington.  The  train  containing  the  troops 
stopped  in  Market  street,  between  Fifteenth  and 
Sixteenth,  which  was  immediately  observed  by 
the  ladies  of  Benton  street,  who  rushed  out  and 
vied  with  each  other  in  their  attention  to  the 
weary  soldiers.  Bread,  meat,  pies,  and  cakes, 
were  brought  forward  in  goodly  supplies,  hun¬ 
dreds  of  girls  running  with  hot  dinners  just 
from  the  ranges ;  bakers  with  baskets  of  bread 
and  cakes ;  fruiterers  with  baskets  of  apples, 
oranges,  &c.,  were  quickly  upon  the  ground. 
The  men  said  that  they  were  thirsty,  and  in  a 
trice  there  were  a  dozen  pretty  girls  handing 
up  cups  of  water.  After  the  battery  had  been 
thus  refreshed,  a  collection  was  taken  up,  and 
the  soldiers  were  supplied  with  enough  segars 
and  tobacco  to  last  for  some  days.  The  mili¬ 
tary  cheered  continually  for  the  ladies  of  Phila¬ 
delphia,  and  as  the  train  moved  off,  they  gave 
nine  hearty  cheers  for  Philadelphia,  the  Union, 
the  Constitution,  and  the  success  of  the  Federal 
arms  in  the  South. — Pliila.  Inquirer ,  April  24. 

April  24. — A  remarkable  feature  in  the  pres¬ 
ent  war  excitement  is  the  alacrity  with  which 
citizens  of  foreign  birth  or  origin,  and  even 
those  who  are  not  naturalized  at  all,  are  has¬ 
tening  to  the  defence  of  the  Government  and 
the  national  flag.  There  is  hardly  a  foreign 
country  represented  in  the  North,  the  children 
whereof  are  not  organizing  regiments  and  ten¬ 
dering  their  services  to  the  Government. — N. 
Y.  Herald ,  April  27. 

— Rumors  of  an  attack  on  Fort  Pickens  con¬ 
tinue  to  receive  credence  in  some  quarters. 
The  Portsmouth  (Va.)  Transcript  of  the  23d 


April  says: — “Despatches  received  last  night 
give  important  and  glorious  news.  Fort  Pick¬ 
ens  was  taken  by  the  South.  The  loss  on  our 
side  is  said  to  be  heavy.  One  despatch  states 
the  loss  on  the  side  of  the  South  at  2,500  men ; 
but  the  victory  is  ours.” 

Immediately  after  the  above,  the  Baltimore 
Sun  says  that  it  is  enabled  to  state  “  on  the  au¬ 
thority  of  a  private  despatch,  received  in  this 
city  last  night,  that  the  report  of  the  battle  is 
incorrect.” 

—The  Twenty-fifth  Regiment  of  N.  Y.  State 
Militia,  from  Albany,  with  a  party  of  regulars 
and  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  men  of 
the  Seventh  New  York  Regiment  left  New 
York  for  the  seat  of  war  . — AT.  Y.  Tribune , 
April  25. 

— A  volunteer  company  was  organized  at 
Sag  Harbor,  and  $3,000  subscribed  by  the  citi¬ 
zens  for  the  benefit  of  the  families  of  the  volun¬ 
teers. — Idem,  April  26. 

— Daniel  Fisn,  gunmaker,  of  the  city  of 
New  York,  was  arrested  and  handed  over  to 
the  custody  of  the  United  States  Marshal  on 
a  charge  of  treason,  and  misprision  of  trea¬ 
son,  in  having  sent  off  large  quantities  of 
arms  for  the  use  of  the  Southern  traitors.  The 
correspondence  and  bills  of  lading  found  in  his 
possession  abundantly  sustain  the  charge.  A 
man  calling  himself  Dr.  Sabo,  was  also  arrested, 
and  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  United  States 
authorities  for  recruiting  men  for  the  Southern 
navy.  The  papers  which  he  used  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  were  headed  “  United  States  of  America,” 
and  purported  to  be  authorized  by  the  United 
States  Collector  and  Naval  Officer  of  Charles¬ 
ton.  As  there  are  no  such  officers  at  that  port 
acting  in  behalf  of  the  United  States  of  Amer¬ 
ica,  it  is  evident  that  the  intention  was  to  enlist 
men  under  a  false  pretence,  and,  after  getting 
them  to  Charleston,  impress  them  into  the  ser¬ 
vice  of  the  C.  S.  A. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  25. 

— Messrs.  Hotciikiss  &  Sons,  of  Sharon, 
Connecticut,  offered  the  Governor  of  their  State 
a  bronze  rifled  cannon,  (16-pounder,)  and  all 
of  their  patent  projectiles  which  can  be  fired 
from  it  during  the  war.  Gov.  Buckingham  has 
accepted  the  gift.  They  also  offered  to  pro¬ 
duce  additional  rifled  cannon  and  projectiles 
at  cost. — Idem. 

— BERiAn  Magoffin,  Governor  of  Kentucky, 
issued  a  proclamation  calling  upon  the  State  to 
place  herself  in  a  state  of  defence ;  and  conven- 


!NEW  ‘YDRK.G.P.  PU'l’NAM 


April  25.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


43 


ing  tlie  Legislature  on  the  Gth  day  of  May,  to 
take  such  action  as  may  he  necessary  for  the 
general  welfare. —  {Doc.  94.) 

— The  Navy  Department  at  Washington  sig¬ 
nified  its  approbation  of  the  loyalty,  spirit,  and 
good  conduct  of  William  Conway,  an  aged  sea¬ 
man,  doing  duty  as  Quartermaster  in  the  War¬ 
rington  Navy  Yard,  Florida,  at  the  time  of  its 
surrender,  in  promptly  and  indignantly  refusing 
to  obey,  when  ordered  by  Lieutenant  F.  B. 
Eenshaw  to  haul  down  the  national  flag. — 
National  Intelligencer ,  May  3. 

— TnERE  was  an  immense  Union  meting  at  De¬ 
troit,  Michigan.  General  Cass  presided  and 
delivered  a  short  hut  effective  speech. — {Doc. 
95.) 

— Two  thousand  federal  troops  are  stationed  at 
Cairo,  Illinois.  Of  these,  says  the  Charleston 
Courier  of  the  30th  April,  “  fully  three  hundred 
are  supposed  to  be  negroes,  and  the  remainder 
have  been  picked  up  from  the  gutters  of  Chica¬ 
go,  and  among  the  Dutch.  A  force  of  one 
thousand  firm-hearted  Southern  men  would 
drive  them  from  the  place,  if  the  attack  was 
properly  made.” 

— TriE  members  of  the  Brown  High  School  at 
Newburyport,  Mass.,  raised  the  American  flag 
near  their  school  building  in  the  presence  of  a 
large  concourse  of  citizens.  Patriotic  speeches 
were  made  by  Caleb  Cushing  and  others. — 
{Doc.  96.) 

— John  Letcher,  governor  of  Virginia,  issued 
a  proclamation  authorizing  the  release  of  all 
private  vessels  and  property  seized  by  the  State 
except  the  steamships  Jamestown  and  York- 
town ;  advising  the  people  to  return  to  their 
usual  avocations,  promising  them  protection, 
and  appealing  to  them  “  not  to  interfere  with 
peaceable,  unoffending  citizens  who  preserve 
the  peace  and  conform  to  our  laws.” — {Doc.  97.) 

April  25. — Colonel  Van  Dorn  of  the  State 
troops  of  Texas  captured  four  hundred  and  fifty 
United  States  troops  at  Saluria. — {Doc.  98.) 

— Fort  Smith,  Arkansas,  taken  possession  of 
by  the  State  troops.  About  12  o’clock  at  night 
a  volunteer  force  of  nearly  three  hundred  men, 
under  the  command  of  Col.  Solon  Borland, 
landed  at  the  wharf,  when  the  post  was  for¬ 
mally  surrendered  by  Capt.  A.  Montgomery  to 
Gen.  E.  Burgvein,  Adjutant-General  of  the 
State,  who  placed  Col.  Borland  in  charge. 
About  an  hour  before  their  arrival  Capt.  Sturgis 


left  with  his  command,  consisting  of  two  caval¬ 
ry  companies.  He  took  away  the  horses  be¬ 
longing  to  his  command,  and  such  supplies  as 
he  could  transport.  He  is  falling  back  on  Fort 
Washita. 

Capt.  Montgomery  and  Major  Gatlin  wero 
taken  prisoners,  and  afterward  released  on  pa¬ 
role.  The  Confederate  flag  was  raised  on  the 
fort  at  12  o’clock,  amid  the  firing  of  cannon 
and  the  cheers  of  the  people.  After  the  review 
three  cheers  were  given  for  the  Arkansas  citi¬ 
zen  soldiery,  three  cheers  for  Jeff.  Davis,  and 
three  cheers  for  Gov.  H.  M.  Bector.  The  stock 
and  property  taken  possession  of  is  estimated 
to  be  of  the  value  of  $300,000. — AT.  Y.  Tribune , 
April  26. 

— The  Steam  Transport  Empire  City,  from 
Texas,  arrived  at  New  York,  having  on  board 
the  Third  Regiment  of  Infantry  and  the  Second 
Regiment  of  Cavalry,  U.  S.  A.,  numbering  six 
hundred  men. — N.  Y.  Herald ,  April  26. 

— An  enthusiastic  meeting  of  the  British 
residents  of  the  city  was  held  at  New  York. 
Speeches  were  made  by  S.  M.  Saunders,  (the 
President,)  Colonel  Shepherd,  Rev.  H.  N.  Hud¬ 
son,  C.  C.  Leigh,  and  others. — Idem. 

— A  deputation  of  twenty  Indians,  headed 
by  White  Cloud,  in  behalf  of  the  Sioux  and 
Chippeways,  arrived  in  New  York.  They  ten¬ 
der  to  the  United  States,  in  behalf  of  them¬ 
selves  and  300  other  warriors,  their  services 
against  rebellion.  Having  heard  that  the  Chero- 
kees  had  sided  with  the  rebels,  they  could  not 
remain  neutral,  and,  with  a  promptness  worthy 
of  imitation  in  high  quarters,  have  come  to 
offer  their  services  in  defense  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  They  ask  to  be  armed  and  led. 

White  Cloud  is  the  interpreter  of  the  Sioux, 
and  is  a  man  of  intelligence  and  true  patriotic 
ardor.  He  visited  the  Quartermaster’s  Depart¬ 
ment  to-day,  and  addressed  the  soldiers  being 
inspected  there.  He  says,  the  men  on  the  way 
are  all  good  warriors,  ranging  from  18  to  40 
years  of  age. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  26. 

— George  Law  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  United  States,  demanding  of  Gov¬ 
ernment  the  opening  of  lines  of  communication 
between  Washington  and  the  North. — {Doc. 
99.) 

— Governor  Yates  of  Illinois,  in  a  special 
message  to  the  Legislature  of  that  State,  gives 
the  reasons  that  induced  the  armed  occupation 


44 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[April  25. 


of  Cairo  city.  Ee  says,  “  That  the  transfer  of 
part  of  the  volunteer  forces  of  this  State  to  the 
city  of  Cairo  was  made  in  compliance  with  an 
order  of  the  War  Department,  directing  a  force 
to  be  stationed  at  Cairo.  Simultaneously  with 
the  receipt  of  the  order,  reliable  information 
reached  me  of  the  existence  of  a  conspiracy  by 
disaffected  persons  in  other  states  to  seize  upon 
Cairo  and  the  southern  portion  of  the  Illinois 
Central  Railroad,  and  cut  off  communication 
with  the  interior  of  the  State.  It  was  my 
desire  that  the  honor  of  this  service  should 
have  been  given  to  the  patriotic  citizens  of  the 
counties  in  the  immediate  vicinity.  But  as 
these  were  not  at  that  time  organized  and 
armed  for  patriotic  duty,  and  the  necessity  for 
speedy  action  was  imperative,  the  requisition 
was  filled  from  companies  previously  tendered 
from  other  portions  of  the  State.” — Ar.  Y.  Even¬ 
ing  Post,  April  29. 

— The  Gulf  City  Guards,  of  Mobile,  Ala., 
Capt.  Hartwell,  left  that  place  for  Virginia. 
The  Register  says  : — This  is  a  fine  and  gallant 
company,  of  the  flower  of  Mobile.  Verily  has 
Mobile  contributed  400  of  her  best  and  most 
chivalrous  youth  in  the  four  companies  that 
have  gone  North,  and  yet  the  demand  for 
marching  orders  has  not  abated  in  the  least. 
Companies  are  offering  their  services  and  others 
are  forming.  Mobile  has  4,500  fighting  men. 
We  have  about  1,000  in  the  field,  and  the  bal¬ 
ance  are  ready  to  march.  About  5  o’clock,  the 
Guards  moved  from  the  armory,  and  marched 
up  Royal  to  Dauphin,  and  down  Dauphin  to  the 
steamer  Selma,  on  board  of  which  boat  they 
took  passage  to  Montgomery. — Ar.  0.  Picayune , 
April  28. 

— General  Harney,  on  his  way  to  Washing¬ 
ton,  was  arrested  by  the  Virginia  authorities, 
at  Harper’s  Ferry,  ne  left  Wheeling,  Va.,  for 
the  purpose  of  reporting  himself  at  headquar¬ 
ters  at  Washington.  Before  the  train  reached 
Harper’s  Ferry  it  was  stopped,  and  a  number 
of  troops  mounted  the  platforms;  whilst  the 
train  was  moving  slowly  on,  the  troops  passed 
through  the  cars,  and  the  General  being  pointed 
out,  ho  was  immediately  taken  into  custody. 
— N.  Y.  Times ,  April,  28. 

— The  Hlinois  troops  struck  a  great  blow  at 
the  secessionists  of  Missouri.  Acting  under 
orders  from  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
an  expedition  of  Illinois  volunteers  visited  St. 
Louis,  advanced  upon  the  Federal  Arsenal  at  that 


place,  and  brought  away  immense  stores  of  ar¬ 
tillery,  ammunition,  and  small  arms,  which  had 
been  stored  at  that  post  by  the  Government. 

The  amount  of  Federal  property  thus  secured 
from  the  hands  of  the  Secessionists  of  Missouri 
is  of  great  value.  Among  the  articles  recovered 
were  21,000  stand  of  small  arms  and  a  park  of 
artillery.  There  was  no  fighting.  The  Illinois 
boys  declare,  in  true  Western  style,  that  the 
“Secessionists  are  euchred.” — {Doc.  100.) 

— At  New  Orleans,  the  steamship  Cahawba 
was  seized  by  Capt.  Shivers,  of  the  Caddo 
Rifles.  Arranging  his  plans,  selecting  four  of 
his  men,  and  taking  them  armed  in  cabs,  he  pro¬ 
ceeded  to  the  foot  of  St.  Joseph  street,  where 
the  Cahawba  was  lying.  Arriving  there,  the 
men  jumped  out  of  the  cabs,  formed  in  line,  and 
Capt.  Shivers,  accompanied  by  Judge  Price, 
boarded  the  steamer.  The  deck  watch  asked 
what  was  wanted.  Captain  Shivers  replied  he 
wanted  to  see  the  officer  in  command  of  the 
Cahawba.  The  watchman  proceeded  to  the 
first  mate’s  room  and  announced  the  presence 
of  a  gentleman  on  board,  who  wanted  to  see 
him. 

The  mate  came  on  deck,  and  Capt.  Shivers 
politely  told  him  to  surrender  the  ship.  The 
mate  stated  that  the  captain  of  the  Cahawba 
was  not  on  board,  and  therefore  he  had  nothing 
to  say.  Capt.  Shivers  then  ordered  his  men  on 
board,  put  a  guard  fore  and  aft,  and  elsewhere, 
thus  taking  possession. — JY.  O.  Delta,  April  25. 

The  Cahawba  was  released  soon  after  her 
seizure,  by  order  of  Gov.  Moore,  who  had  re¬ 
ceived  orders  from  the  Confederate  Govern¬ 
ment  prohibiting  any  obstruction  to  commerce 
in  Southern  ports. — JY.  Y.  Herald,  April  27. 

— The  second  detachment  of  Rhode  Island 
troops  passed  through  New  York  on  their  way 
to  Annapolis,  Md.  The  officers  of  the  detach¬ 
ment  are : — Lieutenant-Colonel  commanding,  J. 
T.  Pitman ;  Major,  Joe.  W.  Bolsch ;  Lieutenants, 
Carl  C.  Harris,  Eddy,  Luther ;  Lieutenant 
Colonel,  Charles  C.  II.  Day ;  Surgeon,  M. 
Mclvnight. 

The  troops  are  subdivided  as  follows: — First 
Light  Infantry,  Mechanics’  Rifles,  Westerly 
Rifles,  Newport  Artillery ;  Wesley  Rifles;  Prov¬ 
idence  Artillery,  Cadets  of  Providence,  East 
Greenwich  detachment,  and  Pawtucket  detach¬ 
ment.  The  troops  are  well  armed,  each  company 
having  eight  of  Burnside’s  self-breech-loading 
rifles.  Their  countenances  are  expressive  of 


April  25.] 


WARY  OF  EVENTS. 


45 


strong  determination,  and  a  glance  at  the  tex¬ 
ture  of  their  hands  will  show  plainly  that  they 
have  come  from  the  mechanical  and  hard  work¬ 
ing  classes  of  Rhode  Island.  The  women  of 
Rhode  Island  are  not  behindhand  in  offering 
their  services  for  their  country.  The  volun¬ 
teers  bring  along  with  them  two  very  prepos¬ 
sessing  young  women,  named  Martha  Francis 
and  Ivatey  Brownell,  both  of  Providence,  who 
propose  to  act  as  “  daughters  of  the  regiment,” 
after  the  French  plan. 

As  a  proof  of  the  patriotic  spirit  which  ani¬ 
mates  the  citizens  of  Rhode  Island,  it  may  be 
mentioned  that  a  man  named  William  Dean, 
who  lost  one  arm  in  the  Mexican  war,  is  now 
a  volunteer  in  this  corps,  being  willing  to  lose 
another  limb  in  defence  of  the  honor  of  his 
country.  The  noble  fellow  carries  his  musket 
slung  behind  his  back,  but  it  is  said  when  the 
hour  comes  for  bloodier  action  he  can  use  it 
with  as  good  effect  and  expertness  as  if  in  pos¬ 
session  of  his  natural  appendages.  The  regi¬ 
ment  also  carries  a  flag  which  was  borne  through 
all  the  terrors  of  the  Revolution.  The  uniform 
of  the  Regiment  is  light  and  comfortable;  it 
consists  of  a  blue  flannel  blouse,  gray  pants, 
and  the  army  regulation  hat. — H.  Y.  Herald. 

— At  Annapolis,  Md.,  the  grounds  of  the  Na¬ 
val  Academy  are  now  a  military  camp.  Gen. 
Butler  in  command.  The  railroad  between 
Annapolis  and  Washington  is  guarded  with  his 
troops.  The  track,  which  was  destroyed  by 
the  rebels,  has  been  relaid,  and  communication 
between  the  two  cities  is  open.  Gen.  Butler 
has  taken  possession  of  the  heights  opposite 
Annapolis,  and  commanding  that  city. 

The  Maryland  Legislature  met  to-day  at  Fre¬ 
derick.  Gen.  Butler  says  that  if  it  passes  an 
ordinance  of  secession,  he  will  arrest  the  entire 
body  ! — N~.  Y.  Times ,  April  21. 

— The  New  York  Seventh  Regiment  arrived 
at  Washington,  marched  up  Pennsylvania  ave¬ 
nue  to  the  President’s  house,  and  thence  to  the 
W ar  Department.  They  were  warmly  applaud¬ 
ed  and  hailed  with  great  joy. — {Doc.  101). 

— Governor  Letcher  of  Virginia  issued  a 
proclamation,  with  accompanying  documents, 
announcing  the  transfer  of  that  State  to  the 
government  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  in 
advance  of  any  expression  of  opinion  by  the 
people  on  the  ordinance  of  secession  passed  on 
the  17th  of  April. — {Doc.  102.) 


— A  great  Union  meeting  was  held  at  Castle- 
ton,  Vt.  Over  ten  thousand  persons  were  pres¬ 
ent.  Speeches  were  made  by  P.  W.  Hyde,  C. 
M.  Willard,  Willard  Child,  and  others.  Great 
enthusiasm  prevailed.  Forty-one  men  enrolled 
themselves  as  members  of  a  volunteer  com¬ 
pany.  The  officers  of  the  company  are  as 
follows:  Captain,  James  Hope;  First  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  John  Ilowe;  Second  Lieutenant,  Henry  D. 
Noble. — N.  Y.  Times,  April  27. 

— Senator  Douglas  was  publicly  received  by 
the  Illinois  Legislature,  and  made  a  patriotic 
speech,  urging  immediate  action  in  support  of 
the  Government. —  Chicago  Tribune ,  April  2G. 

April  2G. — Governor  Brown  of  Georgia 
issued  a  proclamation  prohibiting  the  payment 
of  all  debts  to  Northern  creditors  till  the  end 
of  hostilities,  and  directing  the  payment  of 
money  into  the  State  Treasury,  to  be  refunded 
to  depositors  with  interest  at  the  end  of  the 
war. — Montgomery  Weelcly  Post ,  May  1. 

— The  enthusiasm  of  the  people  at  the  West  in 
rallying  for  the  defence  of  the  Union,  far  ex¬ 
ceeds  the  expectations  of  the  most  sanguine 
Republicans.  Throughout  the  entire  North¬ 
west  there  is  a  perfect  unanimity  of  sentiment. 
Ten  days  ago,  men  who  now  cry,  down  with  the 
rebels,  were  apologizing  for  the  South — justify¬ 
ing  its  action,  and  wishing  it  success.  Every 
town  in  Illinois  is  mustering  soldiers,  and  many 
of  the  towns  of  five  or  six  thousand  inhabitants 
have  two  and  three  companies  ready  for  action. 
Companies  are  also  formed  for  drill,  so  that,  in 
case  of  need,  they  will  he  prepared  to  march  at 
any  moment.  Money  is  poured  out  freely  as 
water,  and  ladies  unite  in  making  shirts,  blan¬ 
kets,  and  even  coats  and  pants  for  the  soldiers. 
Arrangements  have  been  made  to  take  care  of 
the  families  of  the  soldiers  during  their  absence. 
All  say,  none  shall  fight  the  battles  of  their 
country  at  their  own  expense. — Cor.  Boston 
Transcript ,  May  1. 

— TnE  steamer  Daniel  Webster  from  New 
York,  arrived  at  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississsipi,  and  received  orders  to  return  imme¬ 
diately  for  fear  of  seizure.  The  tug  boat  Tus- 
carora  came  alongside,  and  took  four  passengers 
off.  The  Webster  left  before  the  others  could 
get  ashore. — H.  Y.  Commercial ,  May  1. 

— A  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  the  Seventeenth 
Ward,  N.  Y.,  was  held,  to  take  action  in  behalf 
of  the  families  of  volunteers  from  that  district. 


46 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[April  2 7. 


B.  R.  Wintlirop  occupied  the  chair.  Resolutions 
were  adopted,  and  speeches  were  made  by  F. 
A.  Oonkling,  Chauncey  Schaeffer,  John  Coch¬ 
rane  and  others. — Ar.  17  Tribune ,  April  27. 

— A  Union  meeting  at  Bedford,  Westchester 
county,  N.  Y.,  this  afternoon,  on  the  occasion 
of  raising  the  -flag,  was  addressed  by  Senator 
Hall,  John  Jay,  Rev.  M.  Bogg,  of  the  Episcopal 
Church,  Rev.  Mr.  Ferris,  Dr.  Woodcock,  Dr. 
Shores,  Mr.  Hart,  Captain  of  the  Bedford  com¬ 
pany,  Mr.  Brown,  of  the  Croton  Falls  Company, 
and  others. — JST.  Y.  Times ,  April  27. 

— JonN  W.  Ellis,  governor  of  North  Carolina, 
issued  a  proclamation  calling  an  extra  session 
of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State,  and  de¬ 
precating  the  proclamation  of  President  Lincoln 
asking  for  troops.— (Doc.  103.) 

— The  bridges  over  Gunpowder  River  on  the 
Philadelphia,  Wilmington  and  Baltimore  Rail¬ 
road  were  burned  by  the  rebels  of  Baltimore. 
The  bridge  over  Bush  River,  on  the  same  route, 
was  destroyed  last  evening  about  sundown. — 
N.  Y.  Herald ,  April  28. 

— The  Baltimore  Sun  of  to-day,  has  a  leader 
which  seems  to  indicate  that  the  conservative 
influence  is  gaining  ground  in  that  city.  It 
emphatically  declares  that  it  is  not  a  secession 
paper.  It  says  that  the  passage  of  an  ordinance 
of  secession  by  the  Legislature  would  be  an  ar- 
rogation  of  power  not  vested  in  it.  It  favors 
calling  a  State  Convention,  the  delegates  to  be 
elected  directly  from  the  people.  It  denies  the 
stories  of  violence  to  Union  men  at  Baltimore. 
There  is  a  great  feeling  among  business  men  of 
the  city  for  the  re-establishment  of  trade,  and 
silent  conservatism  is  changing  gradually  to 
open  Unionism. — Ar.  Y.  Times,  April  27. 

— A  large  meeting  of  the  ladies  of  Syracuse, 
N.  Y.,  was  held,  to  organize  for  providing  sup¬ 
plies  for  the  volunteers.  Mrs.  E.  W.  Leaven¬ 
worth  was  made  president,  Mrs.  II.  W.  Chitten¬ 
den,  vice-president,  and  Mrs.  J.  B.  Burnet, 
treasurer. 

The  Common  Council  of  Buffalo,  FT.  Y., 
yesterday  appropriated  $35,000  to  equip  the 
Sixty-fifth  and  Seventy-fourth  Regiments. — 
Ar.  Y.  Times,  April  27. 

— The  Seventh  Regiment  of  New  York  took 
the  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  at  the  War  Department,  in  Wash¬ 
ington;  not  a  man  flinched;  the  scene  was 
most  impressive. 


— Moses  Herrick  of  the  Beverly  Company, 
Eighth  Massachusetts  Regiment,  met  with  an 
accident  by  the  discharge  of  a  gun. — A7  17 
Tribune ,  April  29. 

— TnE  Federal  Government  is  taking  most 
energetic  measures  to  carry  out  the  blockade 
of  the  ports  of  the  seceded  States.  All  the 
available  war  vessels  are  put  into  service.  Mer¬ 
cantile  steamers  are  also  taken  up,  and  such  as 
are  not  used  for  purposes  of  transportation  are 
being  fitted  out  as  gunboats,  to  cruise  off  the 
coast  and  run  up  shallow  waters. — A7  Y.  Herald, 
April  27. 

— William  Burton,  governor  of  Delaware, 
issued  a  proclamation  calling  out  volunteers  to 
defend  the  Union. — {Doc.  104.) 

— A  meeting  of  the  ladies  of  the  congregation 
of  Trinity  church,  and  of  St.  Paul’s,  St.  John’s, 
and  Trinity  chapels,  in  New  York,  to  the  num¬ 
ber  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty,  took  place 
in  the  Sunday-school  room,  of  St.  John’s  chapel, 
for  the  purpose  of  providing  articles  for  the 
hospitals  and  the  use  of  the  United  States  Army. 
— A7  17  Courier  &  Enquirer,  April  27. 

— TnE  steam-tug  Yankee,  armed  with  two 
heavy  guns,  left  New  York  to  join  the  blockade 
of  the  Southern  ports. — A7  17  Commercial  Ad¬ 
vertiser,  April  27. 

April  27. — Several  new  military  departments 
were  created  by  the  subdivision  of  the  military 
department  of  Washington. — {Doc.  105.) 

— The  Virginia  Sentinel  of  to-day,  says,  “  Our 
people  must  rest  quiet  upon  the  fact  that  the 
military  preparations  for  our  defence  are  under 
the  direction  of  shrewd,  skilful,  indefatigable, 
experienced  and  patriotic  officers.  Our  com¬ 
manding  general,  Robert  E.  Lee,  has  long  been 
the  pride  of  the  service,  and  lie  is  supported  by 
subordinates  of  acknowledged  capacity  and 
large  experience. 

“  The  plans  of  our  Government  are,  of  course, 
not  suitable  matter  of  public  proclamation.  Our 
military  boards  keep  their  own  counsels,  as  it  is 
obviously  proper  they  should  do.  The  people 
should  patriotically  abstain  from  even  the  at¬ 
tempt  to  unriddle  them,  for  the  wisest  plans  are 
often  baffled  by  disclosure,  however  made.  Let 
us  trust  with  a  generous  confidence  those  to 
whoso  hands  we  have  committed  tho  conduct 
of  affairs,  and  prepare  ourselves  to  sustain  them 
with  all  the  power  of  a  united  and  courageous 
people.” 


April  27.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


47 


— Five  men  were  arrested  at  tlie  Navy-yard, 
at  Washington,  where  they  were  employed, 
having  been  discovered  filling  bomb-shells  with 
sand  and  sawdust,  instead  of  the  proper  deto¬ 
nating  material.  They  were  confined  in  the 
Capitol,  under  guard  of  the  Seventh  Regiment. 
— W.  Y.  Times,  May  1. 

— Tiie  Fifth  and  Eighth  Massachusetts  Regi¬ 
ments  arrived  at  Washington  yesterday  morn¬ 
ing,  followed  immediately  by  the  Rhode  Island 
forces. 

This  morning,  about  sis  o’clock,  the  Seventy- 
first  New- York  marched  in  from  Annapolis 
Junction.  It  made  a  magnificent  appearance 
as  it  swept  down  the  Avenue,  with  its  full  bands 
playing.  The  men  looked  less  fatigued  than 
those  of  either  of  the  other  regiments,  and  were 
warmly  commended  by  the  citizens  as  they 
passed,  and  by  the  officers  and  men  of  the  other 
regiments  who  were  out  to  witness  their  en¬ 
trance  into  the  city.  Nest  to  the  Massachusetts 
men  they  showed  the  greatest  capacity  to  endure 
fatigue. — (Doc.  106.) — The  World,  May  1. 

— Southerners  employed  in  the  departments 
at  Washington  resigned  and  left  for  the  South, 
refusing  to  take  the  prescribed  oath  of  fealty  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. — {Doc. 
107.) 

— Messes.  Winslow,  Lanier  &  Co.,  of  New 
York,  offered  Governor  Morton  of  Indiana  the 
sum  of  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  for  the 
purpose  of  arming  and  equipping  the  quota  of 
volunteers  from  Indiana. — A".  Y.  Com.  Adver¬ 
tiser,  April  27. 

— A  number  of  residents  of  Virginia  passed 
through  Chambersburg,  Pa.,  en  route  for  the 
North.  Many  of  them  have  left  every  thing 
behind,  and  are  obliged  to  depend  upon  the 
charities  of  the  people  to  continue  their  journey. 

All  who  come  from  as  far  south  as  Richmond, 
could  get  out  of  the  State  only  by  a  special  per¬ 
mit  from  Governor  Letcher.  Their  statements 
show  that  a  reign  of  terror  exists  in  the  interior 
of  Virginia.  The  mob  everywhere  appropriate 
to  their  own  use  whatever  they  may  fancy; 
farmers  are  stopped  on  the  road,  their  horses 
taken  from  them  under  the  plea  that  they  are 
for  the  defence  of  the  South ;  granaries  are 
searched,  and  every  thing  convertible  for  food 
for  either  man  or  beast  carried  off.  This  has 
been  practiced  to  such  an  extent  that  along  the 
northern  border  of  Virginia  a  reaction  is  taking 


place,  and  instructions  are  being  sent  from 
Western  Maryland,  to  the  Delegates  at  Annap¬ 
olis,  that  if  they  vote  for  secession  the  people 
will  hang  them  on  their  return  home.  The 
news  of  the  unanimous  sentiment  of  the  North, 
the  prompt  and  decisive  action  on  the  part  of 
the  State  Governments  in  enlisting  men,  has 
strengthened  the  Union  men  of  Western  Mary¬ 
land  and  the  border  counties  of  Virginia. — jV. 
Y.  Tribune,  April  28. 

— A  sudden  and  wonderful  change  takes  place 
in  the  sentiment  of  Maryland.  The  American 
flag  was  raised  at  Hagerstown,  and  extensive 
preparations  are  being  made  for  further  Union 
demonstrations. 

Alleghany  county  has  instructed  its  repre¬ 
sentatives  that  if  they  vote  for  secession,  they 
will  be  hung  on  their  return  home.  The  Stars 
and  Stripes  are  waving  over  Frederick  City. 
The  Home  Guard  refuse  to  parade  unless  its 
folds  are  displayed,  and  the  tune  of  Yankee 
Doodle  played.  At  the  Clear  Spring  House  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  are  waving,  and  the  miners 
have  sworn  to  resist  secession  to  the  death. — 
N.  Y.  Courier  &  Enquirer,  April  28. 

— The  steamer  C.  E.  Hillman,  from  St.  Louis? 
bound  for  Nashville,  was  abandoned  by  her 
officers  previous  to  reaching  Cairo,  Illinois.  The 
deserted  steamer  was  found  to  contain  one  thou¬ 
sand  kegs  of  powder,  and  other  contraband 
articles. 

At  the  same  place,  the  steamer  J.  D.  Perry, 
from  St.  Louis  to  Memphis,  was  brought  to. 
Nothing  of  a  contraband  character  being  found 
on  board,  she  was  allowed  to  proceed  on  her 
trip. — N.  0.  Picayune,  April  SO. 

— A  Southern  Rights  meeting  was  held  in 
Warsaw,  Mo.  Resolutions  were  unanimously 
adopted  favoring  immediate  secession ;  request¬ 
ing  the  Governor  to  repel  any  attempt  of  the 
Administration  to  march  troops  through  Mis¬ 
souri  for  the  purpose  of  making  war  on  the 
Southern  States,  or  to  reinforce  the  forts  and 
.arsenals  in  Missouri;  and  complimenting  the 
Governor  for  refusing  to  send  Lincoln  the  quota 
of  troops  called  for. — N.  0.  Picayune,  April  30. 

— S.  H.  Needham,  a  private  in  the  Sixth 
Massachusetts  regiment  died  this  morning  at 
Baltimore.  He  was  struck  on  the  back  of  the 
head  with  paving  stones  at  the  riot,  having  his 
skull  fractured.  He  had  spoken  but  a  single 
word  since  then,  which  was  in  answer  to  a 


43 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[April  28. 


question  whether  he  had  a  family,  when  he  said 
“  No.” — Boston  Transcript,  April  29. 

— A  meeting  was  held  around  the  Washing¬ 
ton  Elm,  at  Cambridge,  Mass.,  to  give  expres¬ 
sion  of  the  sentiments  of  the  citizens  of  that 
vicinity  upon  the  present  troubles.  John  Sar¬ 
gent  occupied  the  chair,  and  opened  the  meet¬ 
ing  with  a  brief  speech,  in  which  he  declared  it 
to  be  the  duty  of  every  American  to  support  the 
Government. — Boston  Sat.  Express,  April  27. 

— The  “  New  York  Ladies’  Eelief  Union  ”  is¬ 
sued  a  circular  suggesting  “  the  importance  of 
systematizing  the  earnest  efforts  now  making 
by  the  women  of  New  York  for  the  supply  of 
extra  medical  aid  to  the  federal  army,  through 
the  present  campaign.” — {Doc.  108.) 

— There  is  one  strong,  deep-rooted  determi¬ 
nation  in  Massachusetts,  which  seems  to  pervade 
all  classes,  old  and  young;  and  that  is — if  the 
country  needs  their  services,  they  will  stand 
ready  to  answer  to  the  order — “  Forward — 
march !  ”  The  young  men  are  all  desirous  of 
going  to  the  war,  any  how ;  and  the  old  men 
are  equally  desirous  to  march,  if  necessary. — 
Boston  Saturday  Express,  April  27. 

— Governor  Hicks  delivered  a  message  to 
the  Maryland  Legislature.  It  briefly  details  the 
startling  events  which  induced  him  to  assemble 
that  body. — {Doc.  109.) 

— The  rebel  army  stationed  at  Kichmond, 
numbers  three  thousand  and  seventv-two  men, 
of  which  about  six  hundred  are  South  Carolina 
troops  under  the  command  of  Brig.-Gen.  M. 
L.  Bonham. — Richmond  Enquirer,  April  27, 
and  H.  Y.  Herald ,  April  30. 

— A  number  of  French  residents  of  New  York 
held  a  meeting  this  afternoon  for  the  purpose 
of  taking  measures  with  reference  to  the  pres¬ 
ent  state  of  the  country.  Messrs.  Fremont, 
Quesne,  and  Faidu  were  appointed  a  Committee 
to  conduct  the  proceedings.  M.  Victor  Faidu 
stated  tho  object  of  the  meeting,  and  proposed 
that  it  he  made  preliminary  to  a  general  meet¬ 
ing  of  French  citizens  for  their  proper  organi¬ 
zation  to  participate  in  the  present  conflict — it 
was  their  duty  to  support  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  in  this  strife  between  human 
liberty  and  freedom  against  slavery  and  feudal 
oppression.  M.  Fremont  offered  resolutions 
tendering  the  support  of  French  citizens  to  the 
United  States,  hut  he  hoped  that  tfie  govern¬ 
ment,  if  the  contest  was  carried  to  the  extreme, 


would  guarantee  the  total  abolition  of  slavery. 
— H.  Y.  Daily  Hews,  April  29. 

— President  Lincoln  decided  that  the  ports 
of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  should  be  in¬ 
cluded  in  the  blockade  of  the  Southern  harbors 
and  issued  a  proclamation  to  that  effect. — {Doc. 
110.) 

— Edward  Everett  delivered  an  eloquent 
Union  speech,  at  a  flag  raising  in  Chester 
Square,  Boston,  Mass. — {Doc.  111.) 

— The  Harbor  Police  of  New  York  seized  six 
sloops  in  the  harbor,  laden  with  powder,  which, 
it  was  supposed,  was  intended  for  the  use  of 
Secessionists.  On  the  same  day,  Capt.  Squires, 
of  the  Fifteenth  Ward  Police,  seized  several 
pairs  of  military  pantaloons  at  the  shop  of  a 
tailor  in  Bidge-strect,  who  was  recently  in  the 
employ  of  Newbeck  &  Co.,  No.  4  Dey-street, 
where  1,000  uniforms  intended  for  the  South, 
were  recently  seized. — H.  Y.  Times,  April  29. 

— TnE  reinforcement  of  Fort  Pickens,  is  au¬ 
thoritatively  announced  to-day.  It  was  ac¬ 
complished  on  the  night  of  Friday,  April  12th, 
“  without  the  firing  of  a  gun  or  the  spilling  of 
one  drop  of  blood.” — {Doc.  112.) 

April  28. — The  Daylight,  the  first  steamer 
direct  from  New  York,  via  Potomac,  reached 
Washington  at  10  a.  m.  She  found  many  lights 
out  on  the  Virginia  coast ;  and  up  the  Chesa¬ 
peake  and  Potomac,  two  light  ships  and  many 
buoys  destroyed  by  tho  rebels.  The  Daylight 
came  without  convoy ;  had  no  guns,  except  one 
howitzer,  which  Capt.  Veile  obtained  from  the 
Pocahontas,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Potomac. 
Capt.  Veile  and  the  172  recruits  for  tho  New 
York  Seventh  Eegiment,  have  the  honor  of  the 
first  passage  up  the  Potomac. 

— The  United  States  frigate  Constitution  ar¬ 
rived  at  New  York  from  Annapolis,  Md.,  having 
had  a  narrow  escape  from  seizure  by  the  rebels. 

After  the  secession  of  Virginia,  the  demon¬ 
strations  of  the  rebels  became  so  apparent  that 
it  was  deemed  of  the  greatest  importance  to  get 
her  out  over  the  bar.  Her  crew  of  twenty-five 
men  and  officers  had  been  at  their  quarters  with 
shotted  guns  night  and  day  for  four  days. 
Troops  were  drilling  on  the  shore ;  signals  be¬ 
tween  them  were  constantly  made  out ;  large 
parties  were  around  the  ship  to  find  her  assail¬ 
able  point.  She  had  four  anchors  and  seven 
chains  out,  when  the  order  came  to  get  her  over 
the  bar. 


April  29.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


49 


The  steamer  Maryland,  in  General  Butler’s 
charge,  came  alongside ;  one  anchor  was  hove 
up,  for  use,  all  the  other  chains  were  slipped, 
and  the  ship  started  at  9  a.  m.  drawing  20J  feet. 
There  was  then  but  19  feet  on  the  bar,  and  for 
some  time  it  was  doubtful  if  she  would  go,  but 
by  great  exertion,  by  lighting  and  careening 
her,  she  was  forced  over.  The  captain,  pilot, 
and  engineers  of  the  Maryland,  which  had  been 
seized  by  General  Butler,  were  very  averse  to 
do  their  duty,  and  it  was  only  by  putting  them 
under  a  guard  with  revolvers,  that  they  would 
proceed  with  the  vessel. 

After  dragging  her  over  the  bar,  the  vessel 
grounded  on  the  outer  spit.  About  10  p.  m., 
information  having  been  brought  off  that 
the  channel  outside  the  ship  would  bo  ob¬ 
structed,  hedges  were  laid  out,  and  it  was  en¬ 
deavored  to  warp  the  ship  over  the  spit,  part 
of  the  men  being  at  the  guns.  The  Maryland 
having  been  run  aground  by  her  officers  during 
the  warping,  a  squall  came  up  and  drove  the 
ship  ashore  again.  At  daylight  a  steam  tug 
from  Havre  de  Grace  came  in  sight,  and  was 
taken  to  tow  the  ship  out.  She  was  then  taken 
in  tow  by  the  B.  R.  Cuyler,  and  brought  to  New 
York. — A".  Y.  Commercial ,  April  29. 

— The  Fifth  Regiment  of  New  York  State 
militia  left  New  York  on  board  the  British 
steam  transport  Kedar,  for  Annapolis.  This 
regiment  is  composed  almost  entirely  of  Ger¬ 
mans,  and  is  commanded  by  Colonel  Schwartz- 
waelder.  For  some  days  past  they  have  occu¬ 
pied  162  neat  tents,  precisely  of  the  pattern 
furnished  to  the  Hudson’s  Bay  Indians,  on  the 
bare  grounds  of  the  Battery,  where  thousands 
of  people  visited  them,  and  admired  the  excel¬ 
lent  order  and  homelike  appearance  of  their 
quarters. — {Doc.  113.) — A.  Y.  Tribune ,  April 
29. 

April  29. — A  meeting  of  the  Bar  of  Suffolk 
county  was  held  at  Boston,  Mass.,  to  consider  the 
present  situation  of  the  country,  and  the  meas¬ 
ures  necessary,  when  a  blow  is  aimed  at  the  ex¬ 
istence  of  the  Government,  and  the  supremacy 
of  law  in  the  country.  The  meeting  was  numer¬ 
ously  attended.  Resolutions  sustaining  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Government  were  adopted,  and  speeches 
were  made  by  Judge  Thomas,  B.  F.  Hallet,  J.  C. 
Park,  and  others. — Boston  Transcript ,  April  30. 

— William  C.  Rives,  Senator  nunter,  Judge 
Brockenbrough,  and  Messrs.  Preston  and  Cam¬ 
den,  have  been  appointed  by  the  Richmond 
Diary — 8 


Convention  as  delegates  to  the  Montgomery 
Congress  from  Virginia. — Montgomery  (Ala.) 
Post ,  May  1. 

— By  order  of  Governor  Harris  of  Tennes¬ 
see,  seventy-five  thousand  dollars’  worth  of 
Tennessee  bonds  and  five  thousand  dollars  in 
cash,  belonging  to  the  United  States,  which 
were  in  possession  of  the  Collector  at  Nash¬ 
ville,  were  seized  by  the  State  authorities. 
The  seizure  was  conditional,  the  property  to 
be  held  in  trust  until  the  Government  restores 
the  property  of  the  State  and  its  citizens,  in¬ 
volved  in  the  seizure  of  the  steamer  Hillman  by 
troops  of  the  Federal  Government. 

The  steamer  Hillman  was  seized  at  Cairo, 
by  the  Illinois  troops,  on  the  26th  of  April,  be¬ 
cause  she  was  laden  with  munitions  and  other 
articles  contraband  of  war. — National  Intelli¬ 
gencer. ,  May  7. 

— Tiie  Charleston  Mercury  of  to-day  con¬ 
tains  the  following : — “  To  His  Excellency  Gov¬ 
ernor  Pickens. — Will  you  oblige  the  mothers, 
wives,  and  sisters  of  the  Carolina  troops,  and 
appoint  next  Thursday  as  a  day  of  Thanksgiv¬ 
ing  to  Almighty  God  for  the  late  bloodless 
victory. — One  of  Many.” 

— Several  companies  of  the  Third  and  Fourth 
Regiments  of  Georgia  passed  through  Augusta 
for  the  expected  scene  of  warfare — Virginia. 
Sixteen  well-drilled  companies  of  volunteers 
and  one  negro  company,  from  Nashville,  Ten¬ 
nessee,  offered  their  services  to  the  Confederate 
States. —  Charleston  Mercury ,  April  30. 

— At  New  Orleans,  La.,  the  steamships 
Texas,  Tennessee,  and  the  G.  W.  Ilewes,  the 
property  of  Charles  Morgan,  Esq.,  were  taken 
possession  of  by  order  of  Gov.  Moore.  Captain 
Warren  of  the  steam-tug  Tuscarora,  who  was 
arrested  on  the  charge  of  having  furnished  in¬ 
formation  to  the  captain  of  the  Daniel  Webster, 
which  caused  him  to  leave  this  port,  was  re¬ 
leased  on  giving  bonds  of  two  thousand  dol¬ 
lars  for  his  future  loyal  conduct.  It  is  ascer¬ 
tained  that  the  blame  rests  less  upon  him  than 
upon  the  owners  of  the  above-named  steamers. 
— A  0.  Delta ,  April  30. 

— A  military  review  took  place  at  New  Or¬ 
leans,  La.  The  city  was  one  long  military 
camp.  Where  the  main  body  of  troops  appeared 
was  not  the  only  place  to  find  the  soldiers. 
They  were  in  every  section  of  the  city,  on  the 
river  and  in  the  suburbs;  in  fact,  New  Orleans 


50 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[April  30. 


waa  completely  under  the  control  of  military 
arms,  within  and  around.  It  was  one  of  those 
days  that  brought  to  memory  the  period  of 
1814.  The  streets,  the  house-tops,  the  windows, 
and  balconies  of  every  building  were  thronged 
with  ladies,  and  at  least  thirty  thousand  per¬ 
sons  witnessed  a  military  pagent  not  equalled 
in  this  section  of  the  South.  The  enthusiasm 
was  immense,  and  beyond  description. — {Doc. 
115.) 

— At  Eoxbury,  Mass.,  a  beautiful  silk  flag 
was  presented,  by  the  ladies  of  that  city,  to 
the  volunteer  company  of  Capt.  Chamberlain, 
lion.  J.  S.  Sleeper  presided,  and  the  presenta¬ 
tion  address  was  made  by  Rev.  Dr.  Georgo 
Putnam.  The  flag  was  placed  in  the  hands  of 
Capt.  Chamberlain  by  a  sweet  little  girl  taste¬ 
fully  dressed  in  white,  relieved  by  red  and  blue. 
Capt.  Chamberlain  knelt  as  he  received  the  flag, 
and  responded  briefly  in  a  voice  choked  with 
emotion.  Capt.  C.’s  company  stood  before  the 
platform  in  a  hollow  square,  and  responded 
with  loud  cheers  to  the  patriotic  sentiments 
which  the  occasion  called  forth. — Boston  Tran¬ 
script ,  April  80. 

— Secession  in  Maryland  was  defeated  by  a 
direct  vote  in  the  House  of  Delegates  of  the 
State,  of  fifty -three  against  secession  and  thir¬ 
teen  for  it.  The  State  Senate  published  an  ad¬ 
dress,  signed  by  all  its  members,  denying  the 
intention  of  passing  an  ordinance  of  secession. 
— J V.  Y.  Times ,  April  80. 

— Ellsworth's  Fire  Zouaves  left  Hew  York 
for  Annapolis,  Md.  They  were  escorted  to  the 
boat  by  an  immense  body  of  brother  firemen 
and  citizens. — (Doc.  116.) 

-—Jefferson  Davis  sent  a  message  to  the 
Congress  at  Montgomery  to-day.  While  read¬ 
ing  in  Congress,  the  allusion  to  Virginia  was 
loudly  cheered.  A  quotation  from  President 
Lincoln’s  proclamation  advising  the  people  of 
the  South  to  retire  to  their  homes  within 
twenty  days,  was  met  with  derisive  laughter 
from  the  crowd  in  the  galleries.  Nearly  all 
the  members  of  Congress  were  present. — 
Charleston  Mercury ,  April  30. — (Doc.  117.) 

— Citizens  of  VTeverton,  Frederick  Co.,  Mary¬ 
land,  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Hicks,  protest 
against  the  entrance  of  Virginia  troops  from 
Harper’s  Ferry  into  their  State. — (Doc.  118.) 

— There  was  an  interesting  display  of  patri¬ 
otism  by  the  young  ladies  of  Brooklyn  (N.  Y.) 


Heights  Seminary.  They  unfurled  a  beautiful 
flag  at  their  chapel,  in  Montague  street,  where 
speeches  were  made  by  Dr.  West,  the  prin¬ 
cipal;  Professor  Washbuene  of  Harvard  Law 
School,  and  Rev.  Dr.  Stores. 

A  preliminary  meeting,  to  make  arrange¬ 
ments  for  providing  for  the  families  of  volun¬ 
teers,  was  held  at  the  Brooklyn  Institute, 
Mayor  Hall  presiding.  $2,500  was  subscribed 
on  the  spot.  Committees,  composed  of  the 
most  wealthy  and  active  citizens  were  appoint¬ 
ed  to  further  the  objects  of  the  meeting. — New 
York  Times ,  May  1. 

— Virginia  Ladies,  resident  in  Washington, 
are  constantly  warned  by  their  friends  at  home 
to  leave  that  city  before  its  inevitable  destruc¬ 
tion  by  the  Southern  army. — N.  Y.  Herald , 
May  1. 

— A  spontaneous  Union  meeting  was  held 
in  East  Baltimore,  Md.  1,500  to  2,000  persons 
were  present,  and  great  enthusiasm  was  mani¬ 
fested.  Strong  Union  resolutions  were  adopted, 
and  the  national  banner  was  unfurled. 

Regular  daily  communication  between  Bal¬ 
timore  and  Philadelphia  was  fully  reestablished. 
— jV.  Y.  Herald ,  April  80. 

— Ur  to  this  day  seventy-one  thousand  vol¬ 
unteers  offered  their  services  to  Governor 
Dennison,  of  Ohio,  to  fill  the  thirteen  regi¬ 
ments  required  by  the  Proclamation  of  Presi¬ 
dent  Lincoln. — N.  Y.  Courier  and  Enquirer , 
April  30. 

—The  American  flag  was  raised  upon  tho 
steeple  of  North  Dutch  church  at  New  York. 
Nearly  every  church  edifice  and  public  build¬ 
ing  in  tho  city  is  decorated  in  the  same 
manner. — {Doc.  119.) — Commercial  Advertiser , 
April  30. 

April  30. — The  Virginia  Convention  passed 
an  ordinance  to  provide  against  the  sacrifice 
of  property,  and  to  suspend  proceedings  in  cer¬ 
tain  cases.  It  is  to  apply  only  to  debts  due 
non-residents,  and  not  to  those  due  the  State. 
The  ordinance  is  to  remain  in  force  until  re¬ 
pealed  or  changed  by  the  Convention  or  the 
General  Assembly ;  and  if  not  so  repealed  or 
changed,  is  to  expire  at  the  end  of  thirty  days 
after  the  first  day  of  the  General  Assembly. — 
National  Intelligencer,  May  7. 

— The  school-teachers  of  Boston,  Mass.,  re¬ 
linquished  tho  following  proportion  of  their 
salaries  during  the  continuance  of  the  national 
troubles : 


April  30.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


51 


Superintendent  of  Schools  and  Masters  of 
Latin,  English  High  and  Girls’  High  and  Nor¬ 
mal  Schools — 25  per  cent. 

Masters  of  Grammar  Schools  and  Sub-mas¬ 
ters  of  Latin  and  English  High  Schools — 15 
per  cent. 

Sub-masters  of  Grammar  Schools  and  Ushers 
of  Latin  and  English  High  Schools — 12^  per 
cent.  Ushers  of  the  Grammar  Schools — 10  per 
cent. 

The  aggregate  of  the  percentage  on  the  sal¬ 
aries  will  amount  to  between  $12,000  and  $13,- 
000. — N.  Y.  World,  May  3. 

— Tiie  first  cannon  was  cast  in  Nashville, 
Tenn.,  last  Saturday,  April  27. —  Charleston 
Mercury ,  May  3. 

— The  members  of  the  New  York  Yacht 
Club  met,  and  resolved  to  offer,  through  the 
Commodore,  the  services  of  all  their  yachts  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  for  any 
duty  compatible  with  the  qualities  and  dimen¬ 
sions  of  the  vessels. — Ar.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  2. 

— A.  H.  Stephens,  Vice-President  of  the 
seceding  States,  arrived  at  Atlanta,  Georgia, 
on  his  return  from  Virginia.  He  was  received 
by  a  crowd  of  citizens,  to  whom  ho  made  a 
speech. — {Doc.  120.) 

— TnE  New  Jersey  Legislature  met,  and  Gov. 
Olden  delivered  his  Message,  recommending  a 
loan  of  $2,000,000  for  war  purposes,  and  a 
State  tax  of  $100,000  per  annum ;  the  thor¬ 
ough  arming  of  the  State,  and  the  raising  of 
four  regiments  additional  to  those  called  for, 
to  be  held  subject  to  the  call  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  He  also  recommended  that  provision  be 
made  for  the  defence  of  the  Southern  part  of 
the  State,  either  by  fortified  posts  or  by  an  in¬ 
trenched  camp. — V.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  1. 

— Daniel  Fish,  charged  with  selling  guns 
to  the  South,  was  examined  before  the  U.  S. 
Commissioner  and  discharged. — N.  Y  Herald , 
May  1. 

— The  First  Battalion  of  the  Third  Alabama 
Regiment  left  Montgomery  this  morning  for 
Virginia. — Col.  Kershaw  and  staff,  with  Cap¬ 
tains  RionARDSON,  IIasles,  and  McMannus’ 
companies  of  South  Carolina  troops  arrived  at 
Richmond,  Va.,  this  evening  at  5  o’clock. — 
Charleston  Mercury ,  May 1. 

— General  Harney  is  released  by  Governor 
Letcher  of  Virginia. 

The  "Washington  City  Councils  passed  a  series 


of  resolutions,  expressing  the  strongest  devo¬ 
tion  to  the  Union,  and  thanking  the  citizen 
soldiery  of  the  North  now  there,  for  coming 
forward  so  promptly  at  the  call  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment. — N.  Y.  Times ,  May  1. 

— TnE  Toronto  (Canada)  Olobe  of  to-day,  in 
a  long  article  on  American  affairs,  says  that 
the  North,  by  their  impatience  with  reference 
to  President  Lincoln’s  policy,  ignore  the  stu¬ 
pendous  and  delicate  task  he  has  before  him, 
and  will  drive  the  country  to  anarchy  and  chaos. 

It  advocates  strengthening  Mr.  Lincoln’s 
hands,  and  to  abstain  from  perplexing  his  coun¬ 
cils. 

The  Leader ,  the  Government  organ,  fears 
that  Canada  may  become  involved,  and  advo¬ 
cates  an  armed  neutrality,  and  suggests  that 
the  Canadian  Government  represent  to  the  im¬ 
perial  authorities  the  expediency  of  sending  six 
or  eight  regiments  of  the  line  for  the  protection 
of  the  frontier. 

— The  Palmetto  Guard,  Marion  Artillery,  and 
German  Artillery  returned  from  Morris’  Island 
to  Charleston,  S.  C.  “  Their  brave  and  noble 
actions  during  the  bombardment  of  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter  are  not  forgotten,  we  can  assure  them,  but 
will  ever  live  in  grateful  remembrance.” — {Doc. 
121.) — Charleston  Hews,  May  1. 

— A  United  States  Armory  i3  to  be  establish¬ 
ed  at  Rock  Island,  Ill.,  in  the  place  of  the  one 
destroyed  at  Harper’s  Ferry. — Ar.  Y.  Tribune , 
April  30. 

The  Twenty-eighth  Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  M., 
composed  of  the  best  class  of  Germans,  and 
commanded  by  Colonel  Bennett,  left  Brooklyn, 
N.  Y.,  for  the  seat  of  war.  At  11  o’clock  the 
last  farewell  was  said ;  the  Regiment  formed, 
about  800  men,  and  headed  by  Meyers’  Band 
and  a  corps  of  drummers  and  fifers,  they  marched 
through  Myrtle  avenue  and  Fulton  street  to 
Fulton  Ferry,  where  they  embarked  on  board 
the  ferry-boat  Nassau ,  and  were  taken  direct 
to  the  steamer  Star  of  the  South ,  then  lying 
at  Pier  No.  36  North  River.  The  streets 
through  which  they  marched  were  lined  with 
enthusiastic  citizens  to  bid  the  troops  God  speed, 
and  from  nearly  every  house  waved  the  Stars 
and  Stripes  and  those  other  inspiring  signals — 
white  handkerchiefs.  The  troops  were  every¬ 
where  cordially  received.  At  the  foot  of  Ful¬ 
ton  street  a  few  brief  farewells  were  said,  and 
amid  the  booming  of  cannon  and  the  cheers  of 
the  populace,  the  troops  took  their  departure. 


52 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[May  1. 


Fifty-seven  recruits  for  Company  G,  Capt. 
Tdoene,  and  a  number  for  Capt.  Sprague’s 
Company  of  the  Thirteenth  Regiment,  went 
with  the  Twenty-eighth  to  join  their  Regiment 
at  Annapolis. — (Doc.  122.) 

— A  meeting  of  the  Harvard  Medical  School 
was  held  in  Cambridge,  Mass.,  at  which  the  fol¬ 
lowing  resolution  was  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  members  of  the  Har¬ 
vard  Medical  School,  do  here  and  now  resolve 
ourselves  into  a  volunteer  medical  corps,  and 
as  such  do  hereby  tender  our  services  to  the 
Governor  of  this  Commonwealth,  to  act  in  be¬ 
half  of  this  State  or  country,  in  whatever  capa¬ 
city  we  may  bo  needed. — Boston  Transcript , 
May  1. 

— Citizens  of  Philadelphia,  representing  all 
parties,  addressed  a  congratulatory  letter  to 
Lieut.-General  Scott. — (Doc.  123.) 

— Yesterday  the  Louisiana  Guards,  and  to¬ 
day  the  Montgomery  Guards,  left  Hew  Orleans 
for  the  seat  of  war  in  Virginia.  The  former 
company,  previous  to  their  departure,  were  pre¬ 
sented  with  a  beautiful  flag  by  Mrs.  A.  H.  Sea¬ 
man  at  her  residence. — AT.  0.  Delta ,  April  30. 

May  1. — The  story  of  an  armistice  having 
been  requested  by  Secretary  Cameron  was  de¬ 
nied  as  follows: 

■Washington,  Wednesday,  May  1. 

Simeon  Draper ,  Esq.,  Chairman  Union  De¬ 
fence  Committee: 

There  is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  any  of  the 
newspaper  reports  of  the  armistice  made  or 
proposed.  That  sort  of  business  ended  on  the 
4th  of  March. 

F.  W.  Seward. 

— Ar.  Y.  Times ,  May  2. 

— A  large  and  enthusiastic  meeting  of  the 
citizens  of  Wiscasset,  Maine,  was  held,  Wil- 
mot  Wood,  Esq.,  presiding.  Some  spirited 
resolutions  were  unanimously  passed;  and  it 
was  recommended  to  the  town  to  raise  $5,000 
for  the  support  of  families  of  volunteers  who, 
under  the  command  of  Edwin  M.  Smith,  Esq., 
were  enrolled  in  a  company  for  the  defence  of 
the  Union. — Boston  Transcript,  May  7. 

— TnE  Baptist  State  Convention  of  Georgia, 
submitted  a  communication  to  the  Congress  of 
the  seceded  States  at  Montgomery,  endorsing, 
approving,  and  avowing  support  to,  the  Confed¬ 
erate  Government,  and  requesting  the  said  Gov¬ 
ernment  to  proclaim  a  day  of  fasting  and 
prayer,  “  that  God  will  deliver  us  from  the 


power  of  our  enemies,  and  restore  peace  to  the 
country.” — (Doc.  124.) 

— TnE  governor  of  Connecticut  sent  a  mes¬ 
sage  to  the  legislature  of  that  State,  containing 
the  following: — “Col.  Samuel  Colt,  of  Hart¬ 
ford,  on  the  25tli  of  April  last,  offered  to  the 
executive  his  services  in  promoting  the  enlist¬ 
ment  of  a  regiment  of  able-bodied  men  from 
the  State  for  the  war,  and  to  furnish  a  sufficient 
number  of  his  revolving  breech  rifles  for  their 
equipment.  To  this  noble  proposition  I  have 
replied,  expressing  my  high  appreciation  of  the 
patriotic  offer,  and  assuring  him  that  the  tender 
of  ten  companies  would  at  once  be  accepted, 
the  troops  organized  into  a  regiment,  the  field 
officers  appointed  in  harmony  with  the  wishes 
of  the  regiment  and  the  dignity  of  the  State, 
and  their  services  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
General  Government.  These  arms,  which  are 
the  very  latest  improvements,  with  the  saber 
bayonets,  would  sell  in  market  to-day  for  over 
$50,000  in  cash.  Col.  Colt  is  now  actively  en¬ 
gaged  in  enlisting  a  full  regiment  for  the  war, 
and  also  furnishing  officers  to  drill  and  perfect 
the  men  in  the  use  of  the  weapons  at  his  own 
expense.” — The  World,  May  3. 

— General  Harney,  in  a  letter  to  Col.  Fal¬ 
lon  of  St.  Louis,  gives  an  account  of  his  arrest 
and  subsequent  release  by  the  authorities  of 
Virginia ;  declares  that  he  will  serve  under  no 
other  banner  than  the  one  he  has  followed  for 
forty  years ;  denies  the  right  of  secession,  and 
implores  his  fellow-citizens  of  Missouri  not  to 
be  seduced  by  designing  men  to  become  the 
instruments  of  their  mad  ambition,  and  plunge 
the  State  into  revolution. — (Doc.  125.) 

— Tde  Albany  (N.  Y.)  Burgesses  Corps  ar¬ 
rived  at  New'  York,  and  proceed  to  Washington 
to-morrow'  to  join  the  Twenty-fifth  regiment, 
N.  Y.  S.  M. — (Doc.  12G.) 

— An  attempt  was  made  to  blow  up  the  State 
Powder  nouse,  on  Bramhall  Hill,  at  Portland, 
Me.,  containing  1,000  kegs  of  powder,  by  build¬ 
ing  a  fire  at  an  air-hole  outside.  It  was  dis¬ 
covered,  and  extinguished. — Ar.  Y.  Tribune, 
May  2. 

— Gov.  Black  of  Nebraska,  issued  a  procla¬ 
mation,  recommending  a  thorough  volunteer 
organization  throughout  the  Territory.  He 
has  supplied  companies  with  arms  and  equip¬ 
ments,  and  seems  determined  to  place  Ne¬ 
braska  in  the  best  possible  condition  of  defence. 
— Idem. 


GEN..  SIMON  CAMERON. 

SECJiETMkf  OF  WAR 


Uru/rave/i  for  UebettLon*  Jt&xnil 


KW  VO  R.K  .  G  P.  PU ' !  rN  AM 


We  are  indebted  to  the  proprietors  of  the  W.  Y.  Times  for  this  map. 


■ 


May  2.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


53 


— Tiie  remains  of  the  tlireo  Massachusetts 
soldiers  who  were  killed  in  Baltimore,  arrived 
at  Boston  in  charge  of  private  D.  S.  Wright, 
of  the  Sixth  regiment,  who  was  detailed  by 
Col.  Jones  for  the  duty.  The  bodies  were  taken 
from  the  receiving  tomb  in  Baltimore,  under 
the  supervision  of  Mayor  Brown,  and  left  Tues¬ 
day  morning  last.  The  fact  was  not  generally 
known,  but  a  largo  crowd  gathered  at  the 
depot. 

Gov.  Andrew  and  staff,  the  executive  coun¬ 
cil,  with  the  divisionary  corps  of  cadets  as  an 
escort,  were  present  to  receive  the  bodies.  The 
coffins  were  covered  with  national  flags,  as 
were  the  hearses  which  boro  them  to  Stone 
Chapel,  under  which  they  were  deposited  to 
await  final  and  more  public  obsequies.  On  the 
route  to  the  chapel  the  band  played  dirges,  and 
the  rapidly-gathered  crowds  uncovered  as  the 
procession  moved  past. — Boston  Transcript , 
May  2. 

— TnE  Montgomery  (Ala.)  Weekly  Post  of 
this  day,  says  : — “  There  is  no  longer  any  doubt 
as  to  the  position  of  General  Scott.  His  gene¬ 
ral  order  of  April  19  will  satisfy  the  most  skep¬ 
tical.  He  will  prove  false  to  the  mother  which 
gave  him  birth.” — ( See  Doc.  08,  p.  78.) 

— Lieut.  Collier,  of  the  United  States  ma¬ 
rines,  attached  to  the  Minnesota,  raised  the 
American  flag  to-day  on  the  steeple  of  the  Old 
South  Church  at  Boston,  Mass. 

At  noon  the  star-spangled  banner  was 
raised  with  great  demonstration  of  enthusiasm 
from  the  post-office  and  custom-house  at  Balti¬ 
more,  Md.,  by  order  of  the  newly-appointed 
officials.  A  large  crowd  assembled  in  front  of 
the  custom-house  to  witness  the  flag-raising. 
A  new  flag-staff  was  erected  over  the  portico, 
and  at  precisely  quarter  to  twelve,  Captain 
Frazier,  a  veteran  sea-captain  of  Fells  Point, 
who  was  assigned  the  honor,  drew  up  the  flag, 
which,  as  it  spread  to  the  breeze,  was  greeted 
with  tremendous  applause,  waving  of  hats, 
cheers  for  the  Union  and  the  old  flag.  The 
crowd  then  joined  in  singing  the  “Star-span¬ 
gled  Banner.” — N.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser , 
May  1. 

— William  Gray,  of  Boston,  Mass.,  gave  ten 
thousand  dollars  for  the  benefit  of  the  volun¬ 
teers’  families. — N.  Y.  Times ,  May  2. 

— The  South  Carolina  College  Cadets  and  the 
Washington  Artillery  returned  to  Charleston, 
Diary — 9 


S.  C.,  from  duty  at  the  forts  in  the  harbor  of 
that  place. — {Doc.  127.) 

May  2. — The  Sixty-ninth  Hew  York  Regi¬ 
ment,  (altogether  composed  of  Irishmen,)  under 
the  command  of  Col.  Corcoran,  arrived  at 
Washington,  from  the  Annapolis  Junction,  Md., 
where,  with  the  exception  of  one  company 
which  preceded  them  on  Tuesday,  they  have 
been  on  duty  for  several  days  past. — National 
Intelligencer ,  May  3. 

— Governor  Andrew,  the  Mayors  of  Lowell 
and  Lawrence,  and  others,  met  at  the  State 
House,  in  Boston,  Mass.,  for  the  purpose  of 
identifying  the  bodies  of  the  Massachusetts 
soldiers  killed  in  Baltimore.  Several  articles 
which  were  the  property  of  the  deceased  wero 
exhibited,  but  failing  to  identify  the  bodies  by 
these,  the  company  proceeded  to  the  vault  be¬ 
neath  King’s  Chapel,  where  the  coffins  wero 
opened.  The  first  corpse  was  at  once  recog¬ 
nized  as  Sumner  II.  Needham  of  Lawrence,  by 
two  of  his  brothers.  The  second  was  recog¬ 
nized  as  that  of  Addison  0.  Whitney  of  the 
Lowell  City  Guards,  by  three  of  his  intimate 
friends.  He  was  reported  as  among  the  miss¬ 
ing  when  the  regiment  reached  Washington. 
He  died  from  a  shot  in  the  left  breast.  He  was 
a  spinner  in  the  Middlesex  Mills,  and  has  a  sis¬ 
ter  at  Lowell.  The  third  body  proved  to  be 
that  of  Luther  C.  Ladd  of  Lowell,  also  of  tho 
Lowell  City  Guards.  Ho  had  not  been  heard 
from  since  the  fight,  but  a  letter  was  received 
from  his  brother  in  the  regiment  at  W ashington 
stating  that  ho  was  missing.  The  body  was 
identified  by  a  brother-in-law  of  Ladd,  ne 
was  about  eighteen  years  of  age,  a  machinist, 
and  was  born  at  Alexandria,  N.  H.  He  was 
shot  in  the  thigh,  and  probably  bled  to  death 
at  once.  His  face  was  somewhat  swollen,  and 
gave  evidence  of  rough  usage. — Boston  Travel¬ 
ler,  May  3. 

— TnE  mouth  of  James  River,  and  Hampton 
roads  are  under  strict  blockade.  The  blockad¬ 
ing  vessels  are  the  frigate  Cumberland,  steam¬ 
ships  Monticello  and  Yankee,  and  three  or 
four  steam  tugs. —  The  World ,  May  4. 

— Ellsworth’s  Regiment  of  Fire  Zouaves  ar¬ 
rived  at  Washington.  Their  march  through 
the  city  was  a  complete  ovation.  They  wero 
greeted  with  great  cheering  and  other  demon¬ 
strations  of  enthusiasm.  The  splendid  appear¬ 
ance  of  the  regiment,  both  as  to  numbers  and 


54 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[May  3. 


equipments,  caused  great  surprise,  and  elicited 
universal  praise. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  3. 

— The  adjourned  meeting  of  merchants  to 
take  into  consideration  the  action  necessary  in 
regard  to  the  state  license,  was  held  at  Wheel¬ 
ing,  Ya.  The  Committee  made  a  report  setting 
forth  the  law  in  reference  to  the  matter,  sub¬ 
mitted  a  resolve  to  the  effect  that  we  are  good 
citizens  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  and  at  the 
same  time  hold  ourselves  loyal  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  will  maintain  allegiance  to  the 
same  as  heretofore ;  that  we  are  willing  to  pay 
a  license  tax  so  long  as  Virginia  is  in  the  United 
States,  hut  we  are  not  willing  to  pay  revenue 
to  the  present  usurped  government  at  Rich¬ 
mond,  which,  without  the  consent  of  the  people 
of  Virginia,  has  assumed  to  absolve  us  from  al¬ 
legiance  to  the  United  States,  recommending 
the  merchants  of  Wheeling  and  Ohio  county  to 
withhold  the  payment  of  taxes  for  the  present. 
The  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted.  A 
German  announced  that  the  commissioner  of 
the  revenue  resigned  to  forward  the  patriotic 
undertaking. — The  World ,  May  8. 

— Judge  Campbell  of  the  United  States  Su¬ 
preme  Court,  who  resides  in  Alabama,  sent  in 
his  resignation.  lie  is  a  Unionist,  hut  feels 
bound  to  adhere  to  the  fortunes  of  his  State. — 
Ar.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  3. 

TnE  Marine  Artillery  of  Rhode  Island  (flying 
artillery)  arrived  in  Washington  having  a  bat¬ 
tery  of  six  pieces,  apparently  perfect,  like  all  we 
have  thus  far  seen  from  that  gallant  little  State, 
in  every  appointment  of  military  art  that  can 
give  efficiency  to  this  most  effective  arm  of 
modern  warfare.  The  battery  is  served  by 
about  one  hundred  and  sixty  men,  who  are 
experienced  cannoneers,  and  who,  we  learn, 
have  left  behind  them  an  equal  number,  ready 
at  a  moment’s  notice  to  tender  their  services  to 
the  Government.  The  Rhode  Island  regiment 
of  infantry,  twelve  hundred  strong,  appeared 
also  in  the  streets  on  parade,  attracting  univer¬ 
sal  admiration  for  the  military  precision  of  their 
movements  and  the  fine  soldiery  bearing  of  both 
officers  and  men. 

The  Artillery  made  a  visit  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States  about  five  o’clock  in  the 
afternoon.  He  received  them  in  front  of  the 
mansion,  and  was  complimented  in  return  by 
three  hearty  cheers  as  they  passed  in  review. 
— National  Intelligencer ,  May  3. 


— The  New  Orleans  Picayune ,  of  to-day,  says : 
“We  heard  but  recently  of  a  united  North 
to  defend  and  preserve  the  Union — now  we 
hear  of  a  united  North  to  subjugate  the  South. 
The  change  is  rapid.  It  shows  the  increasing 
strength  of  those  whose  permanent  success 
would  be  destructive  of  liberty.  These  are  the 
enemies  the  South  has  to  combat.  A  South¬ 
ern  victory  at  Washington  would  not  only  strike 
terror  into  their  ranks,  but  go  far  towards  re¬ 
leasing  the  good  and  estimable  people  of  the 
North  from  a  thralldom  which  has  become  as 
terrible  as  it  is  degrading.  We  hope  to  have 
the  pleasure,  ere  many  days,  of  chronicling  the 
glorious  achievement.” 

— TnE  national  flag  was  hoisted  over  the  Inte¬ 
rior  Department  at  Washington.  It  was  enthu¬ 
siastically  greeted  by  the  dense  mass  of  specta¬ 
tors  and  by  the  Rhode  Island  regiment,  whose 
appearance  and  drill,  together  with  their  music, 
elicited  general  praise.  They  were  accompanied 
by  Governor  Sprague  and  suite  in  full  uniform. 

The  President  and  Secretaries  Seward  and 
Smith  were  near  the  staff  when  tho  flag  was 
raised,  and  having  saluted  it,  they  were  in  turn 
cheered. 

The  regiment,  having  re-entered  the  building 
where  they  are  quartered,  sung  “  Our  Flag  still 
Waves.” — N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  3. 

— The  religious  press  presents  a  singular  and 
varied  view  of  tho  political  affairs  of  the  United 
States. — (Doc.  128.) 

May  3. — Tho  American  flag  was  elevated 
above  the  roof  of  the  University  at  New  York, 
by  Captain  Jones,  late  of  Harper’s  Ferry,  amid 
the  enthusiastic  cheers  of  a  large  collection  of 
people. 

Dr.  Bethune  made  some  remarks,  taking 
occasion  to  make  a  fitting  allusion  to  Major 
Anderson  and  Fort  Sumter,  which  were  re¬ 
ceived  with  repeated  and  enthusiastic  cheering. 
Ho  had  looked  over  ancient  history  for  a  par¬ 
allel  to  this  deed  of  valor,  but  found  none.  The 
bravery  shown  by  the  three  hundred  Spartans 
at  the  Pass  of  Thermopylae  was  well  known; 
but  there  still  was  one  coward  among  them. 
There  was  no  coward  among  the  men  at  Sum¬ 
ter.  He  had  been  present  at  a  conversation 
with  tho  gallant  defender  of  the  fort,  when  a 
gentleman  remarked  he  regretted  that  the  ma¬ 
jor  had  not  blown  up  the  fort,  to  which  Major 
Anderson  replied  that  it  was  better  as  it  was. 
Tho  ruined  battlements  and  battle-scarred  walls 


May  3.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


55 


of  Fort  Sumter  would  be  an  everlasting  shame 
and  disgrace  to  the  South  Carolinians.  At  the 
conclusion  of  Dr.  Bethune’s  remarks  the  “Star- 
spangled  Banner”  was  sung,  all  the  audience 
rising  to  their  feet  and  joining  in  the  chorus. 
Col.  Baker  and  Capt.  Jones  also  made  short 
addresses. — The  World ,  May  4. 

— Governor  Letcher  published  a  proclama¬ 
tion,  saying  that  the  sovereignty  of  the  Com¬ 
monwealth  of  Virginia  having  been  denied,  her 
territorial  rights  assailed,  her  soil  threatened 
with  invasion  by  the  authorities  of  Washington, 
and  every  artifice  employed  which  could  in¬ 
flame  the  people  of  the  Northern  States  against 
her,  it  therefore  becomes  the  solemn  duty  of 
every  citizen  of  Virginia  to  prepare  for  the 
impending  conflict. 

To  this  end,  and  for  these  purposes,  and  with 
a  determination  to  repel  invasion,  Governor 
Letcher  authorizes  the  Commanding  General 
of  the  military  forces  to  call  out,  and  cause  to 
be  mustered  into  service  from  time  to  time,  as 
the  public  exigencies  may  require,  such  addi¬ 
tional  number  of  volunteers  as  he  may  deem 
necessary. — {Doc.  129.) 

— The  First  Regiment,  Colonel  Johnson ;  the 
Second,  Col.  Baker ;  the  Third,  Col.  Napton ; 
the  Fourth,  Col.  Miller,  of  New  Jersey  Troops, 
with  Brigadier-General  Runyon  and  staff,  left 
Bordentown  for  the  seat  of  war,  proceeding 
down  the  Delaware,  via  the  Delaware  and 
Chesapeake  canal.  The  troops  and  stores  are 
in  a  fleet  of  fourteen  steam  propellers,  the  W. 
Woodward,  Henry  Cadwalader,  Octorora,  Del¬ 
aware,  Raritan,  Trenton,  Patroon,  F.  W.  Brune, 
Elizabeth,  Franklin,  Farmer,  J.  B.  Molleson, 
Eureka,  and  Fanny  Gardner. —  World,  May  4. 

— Union  Ward  meetings  were  held  to-night 
throughout  Baltimore,  Md.,  and  resolutions  were 
adopted  to  the  following  purport : — 

That  we  cherish  the  Constitution  and  laws  of 
the  United  States,  and  will  devote  our  fortunes 
and  lives  to  defend  their  integrity  against  all 
revolutionary  or  violent  assaults ;  that  we  re¬ 
gret  the  violent  attacks  on  the  troops  of  the 
United  States  while  peacefully  marching  through 
the  city  to  protect  the  seat  of  Government,  and 
indignantly  repudiate  making  it  a  pretext  to 
organize  an  armed  mob,  under  the  guise  of  a 
special  police,  to  place  the  city  in  a  hostile  atti¬ 
tude  to  the  General  Government;  declaring 
abhorrence  at  the  attempt  of  the  Legislature  to 
inaugurate  a  military  despotism  by  the  bill  for  ! 


the  creation  of  a  Board  of  Public  Safety ;  that 
the  persons  named  for  said  Board  have  not  the 
confidence  of  the  people,  and  we  protest  against 
the  whole  measure  as  an  invasion  on  the  pre¬ 
rogatives  of  the  Governor  and  a  usurpation  of 
the  Executive  power  by  the  Legislature. — V.  Y. 
Tribune,  May  4. 

— TnE  'following  notice  was  issued  at  Pitts¬ 
burg,  Pa.,  to-day:  Shippers  of  goods  in  New 
York  are  hereby  notified  that  all  packages 
found  to  contain  guns,  pistols,  powder,  and 
other  articles  contraband  of  war,  destined  for 
the  Southern  States,  will  not  be  permitted  to 
pass  the  city  of  Pittsburg. 

By  order  of  the  Committee, 

E.  D.  Gazzani,  Chairman. 

— AT.  Y.  Tribune,  May  4. 

— A  letter  was  received  at  New  York  giv¬ 
ing  information  of  a  design  to  burn  that  city, 
the  supply  of  water  to  be  cut  off  at  the  time 
the  city  was  fired.  Philadelphia  and  Boston 
were  also  to  be  burned. — {Doc.  130.) 

— Fourteen  companies  of  Kentuckians  from 
the  border  counties  tendered  their  services  to 
the  Secretary  of  War  through  Colonel  T.  V. 
Guthrie.  Ten  wrere  accepted  with  orders  to 
encamp  on  the  Ohio  side  of  the  river. — Boston 
Transcript,  May  4. 

— The  Connecticut  legislature  unanimously 
passed  a  bill  appropriating  $2,000,000  for  the 
organization  and  equipment  of  a  volunteer  mi¬ 
litia,  and  to  provide  for  the  public  defence. — 
A7".  Y  Tribune,  May  4. 

— Governor  Jackson  of  Missouri,  in  a  mes¬ 
sage  to  the  legislature  of  that  State,  says  the 
President  of  the  United  States  in  calling  out 
the  troops  to  subdue  the  seceded  States,  has 
threatened  civil  war,  and  his  act  is  unconstitu¬ 
tional  and  illegal,  and  tending  towards  consoli¬ 
dated  despotism.  While  he  evidently  justifies 
the  action  of  the  Confederate  States  in  seceding, 
he  does  not  recommend  immediate  secession, 
but  holds  the  following  language : 

“  Our  interest  and  sympathies  are  identical 
with  those  of  the  slaveholding  States,  and 
necessarily  unite  our  destiny  with  theirs.  The 
similarity  of  our  social  and  political  institutions, 
our  industrial  interests,  our  sympathies,  habits, 
and  tastes,  our  common  origin,  territorial  con¬ 
tiguity,  all  concur  in  pointing  out  our  duty  in 
regard  to  the  separation  now  taking  place  be¬ 
tween  the  States  of  the  old  federal  Union.”  lie 


56 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[Mat  4. 


further  adds  that  “Missouri  has  at  this  time  no 
war  to  prosecute.  It  is  not  her  policy  to  make 
an  aggression ;  but,  in  the  present  state  of  the 
country,  she  would  be  faithless  to  her  honor, 
recreant  to  her  duty,  were  she  to  hesitate  a 
moment  in  making  the  most  ample  preparation 
for  the  protection  of  her  people  against  the  ag¬ 
gression  of  all  assailants.  I  therefore  recom¬ 
mend  an  appropriation  of  a  sufficient  sum  of 
money  to  place  the  State  at  the  earliest  prac¬ 
ticable  moment  in  a  complete  state  of  de¬ 
fence.” 

In  conclusion  he  says :  “  Permit  me  to  ap¬ 
peal  to  you  and  through  you  to  the  whole  peo¬ 
ple  of  the  State,  to  whom  we  are  all  responsible, 
to  do  nothing  imprudent  or  precipitate.  "We 
have  a  most  solemn  duty  to  perform.  Let  us 
then  calmly  reason  one  with  another,  avoid  all 
passion  and  tendency  to  tumult  and  disorder, 
obey  implicitly  the  constituted  authorities,  and 
endeavor  ultimately  to  unite  all  our  citizens  in 
a  cordial  cooperation  for  the  preservation  of 
our  honor,  the  security  of  our  property,  and 
the  performance  of  all  those  high  duties  im¬ 
posed  upon  us  by  our  obligations  to  our  fami¬ 
lies,  our  country,  and  our  God.” — Louisville 
Journal ,  May  4. 

— President  Lincoln  issued  a  proclamation 
calling  into  the  service  of  the  United  States 
42,000  volunteers  for  three  years’  service,  and 
directing  the  increase  of  the  regular  army  and 
navy  of  the  United  States. — {Doc.  131.) 

— Four  companies  of  volunteers  left  Buffalo, 
H.  Y.,  for  the  rendezvous  at  Elmira.  They  were 
escorted  to  the  depot  by  the  Home  Guard. 
Major  Millard  Fillmore,  Ex-President,  com¬ 
manding  in  person.  The  Home  Guard  is  com¬ 
posed  of  retired  commissioned  officers  of  the 
State  Militia,  and  is  being  thoroughly  drilled 
by  Major  Fillmore.  About  150  members  are 
already  enrolled. — Ar.  Y.  Tribune,  May  4. 

— Two  associations  of  ladies  of  Hew  Orleans 
were  formed  for  aiding  and  equipping  volun¬ 
teers,  and  for  making  lint  and  bandages,  and 
nursing  the  sick  and  wounded.  The  meetings 
were  very  largo  and  enthusiastic. — Baltimore 
Sun ,  May  7th. 

May  4. — A  large  Union  meeting  was  held 
at  Kingwood,  Preston  county,  Va.,  when  resolu¬ 
tions  were  adopted  expressing  unalterable  oppo¬ 
sition  to  the  ordinance  of  secession,  favoring  a 
division  of  the  State,  and  resolving  to  vote  for 


a  delegate  to  the  next  session  of  Congress. — 
National  Intelligencer,  May  11. 

— Commodore  Charles  Stewart,  of  the  Unit¬ 
ed  States  Navy,  addressed  a  letter  to  George 
W.  Childs  of  Philadelphia,  furnishing  him  with 
the  reminiscences  of  a  conversation  which  pass¬ 
ed  between  Com.  Stewart  and  John  C.  Calhoun, 
in  the  year  1812,  after  the  declaration  of  war 
against  Great  Britain  by  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States. — {Doc.  132.) 

— Tiie  artists  of  Hew  York  met  at  the  rooms 
of  Messrs.  Kensett  and  Lang  in  that  city.  Mr. 
D.  Huntingdon  was  called  to  the  chair.  Messrs. 
Kensett,  Gray,  and  Lang  embodied  resolutions 
which  were  adopted  by  those  present,  express¬ 
ing  their  desire  to  contribute  to  the  relief  of 
families  of  volunteers  of  the  city  of  Hew  York 
who  are  now  serving  in  defence  of  government 
and  law,  and  resolving  that  a  committee  be  ap¬ 
pointed  to  solicit  contributions  of  pictures  or 
other  works  of  art,  to  be  disposed  of  at  public 
auction;  said  committee  to  have  power,  also, 
to  receive  moneys  presented  in  aid  of  the  fund. 
Messrs.  Gray,  Lang,  Hubbard,  Huntington, 
Stone,  and  Baker  were  named  the  committee, 
with  full  power  to  forward  the  plan  proposed. 
— N.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  May  7. 

— Tiie  Ithaca  (H.  Y.)  volunteers  arrived  in 
Hew  York  on  their  way  to  the  seat  of  war. 
They  number  one  hundred  and  fifteen  men,  and 
are  commanded  by  the  following  officers : — 
Captain,  Jerome  Howe ;  First  Lieutenant,  James 
Tischner;  Ensign,  "William  O.  Wyckoff;  Or¬ 
derly  Sergeant,  William  Godley;  Second  Ser¬ 
geant,  Edwin  C.  Fulkenson;  Third  do.,  Ed¬ 
ward  Atwater;  Fourth  do.,  Dr.  Tolbo ;  First 
Corporal,  Leonard  Atwater ;  Second  do.,  Clin¬ 
ton  McGill;  Third  do.,  James  A.  Dickinson; 
Fourth  do.,  George  Shepherd. — N.  Y.  Herald , 
May  5. 

— The  Onondaga  Regiment  left  Syracuse, 
H.  Y.,  for  Elmira.  This  is  the  first  regiment 
organized  under  the  new  Volunteer  bill  of  the 
State  of  Hew  York.  Ten  full  companies  pre¬ 
sented  their  muster-rolls  to  the  Adjutant-Gen¬ 
eral,  not  merely  full,  but  with  an  excess  of 
nearly  one  hundred  men.— M.  Y.  Tribune,  May  5. 

— Tiie  New  Orleans  Delta  of  to-day  contains 
a  full  account  of  the  numbers  and  condition  of 
the  rebel  troops  and  defences  in  the  vicinity  of 
Fort  Pickens  ;  from  which  it  appears  that  Gen. 
Bragg  has  under  his  command  an  army  of  over 


Hay  5.] 


57 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


6ix  thousand  fighting  men,  besides  a  large  force  I 
of  laborers,  sailors,  and  marines. — {Doc.  133.) 

— The  Buena  Yista  Volunteers,  from  Phila¬ 
delphia,  Captain  Powers,  arrived  at  New  York. 
They  are  to  join  Col.  D.  E.  Sickles’s  regiment. 
These  are  men  who  went  unarmed  to  Balti¬ 
more,  and  fought  the  Gorillas  with  their  fists. — 
N.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  5. 

— Tiie  Phoenix  Ironworks  at  Gretna,  opposite 
Lafayette,  New  Orleans,  cast  the  first  gun  for 
the  Confederate  Navy.  It  is  an  eight-inch 
Dahlgren  shell,  and  has  eight  feet  six  inches 
bore. 

The  steamship  Star  of  the  West  was  put  in 
commission  as  the  receiving  ship  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States  Navy  at  New  Orleans.  She  is 
stationed  at  the  navy  yard  at  Algiers,  under  the 
temporary  command  of  Midshipman  Comstock, 
for  receiving  sailors  and  marines  now  being  en¬ 
listed  for  the  navy. — V.  0.  Picayune ,  May  5. 

— A  committee  of  the  Maryland  Legislature 
held  an  interview  with  President  Lincoln.  They 
admitted  both  the  right  and  the  power  of  the 
government  to  bring  troops  through  Baltimore 
or  the  State,  and  to  take  any  measures  for  the 
public  safety  which,  in  the  discretion  of  the 
President,  might  be  demanded  either  by  actual 
or  reasonably  apprehended  exigencies.  They 
expressed  their  belief  that  no  immediate  effort 
at  secession  or  resistance  of  the  federal  author¬ 
ity  would  be  attempted  by  the  Legislature  or 
State  authorities,  and  asked  that,  in  this  view, 
the  State  should,  as  long  as  possible,  be  spared 
the  evils  of  a  military  occupation  or  a  mere  re¬ 
vengeful  chastisement  for  former  transgressions. 

The  President  replied  that  their  suggestions 
and  representations  should  be  considered,  but 
that  he  should  now  say  no  more  than  that  the 
public  interests,  and  not  any  spirit  of  revenge, 
would  actuate  his  measures. — •Ar.  Y.  Herald , 
May  5. 

— A  Union  meeting  was  held  at  "Wheeling, 
Va.,  Hon.  Frank  Pierpont,  of  Mason  county,  and 
George  M.  Porter,  late  member  of  the  conven¬ 
tion,  addressed  the  people  in  able  speeches, 
urging  resistance  to  the  secession  ordinance, 
and  favoring  the  division  of  the  State.  Reso¬ 
lutions  were  adopted  approving  the  action  of 
the  merchants  in  refusing  to  pay  taxes  to  the 
authorities  at  Richmond,  denunciatory  of  the 
secession  ordinance,  and  declaring  adhesion  to 
the  stars  and  stripes. — Boston  Transcript,  May  6. 

Diary — 10 


— The  American  flag  was  displayed  from  the 
tower  of  the  First  Baptist  Church  in  Broome 
street,  New  York,  with  appropriate  ceremonies. 
A  large  concourse  of  people  listened  to  stirring 
speeches  by  President  Eaton,  of  Madison  Uni¬ 
versity,  Rev.  Dr.  Armitage,  Rev.  Mr.  "Webber, 
of  Rochester,  and  Hon.  "W.  D.  Murphy,  of  the 
Oliver  street  church. 

Dr.  Armitage  referred  to  the  fact  that  tho 
pastors  of  this  First  Baptist  Church  (a  church 
which  has  existed  more  than  a  century)  had 
all  been  noted  for  their  zealous  patriotism. 
One  of  tho  most  eminent  of  them — Spencer  Ft. 
Cone — had,  in  the  war  of  1812,  himself  gal¬ 
lantly  defended  that  emblem  of  civil  and  reli¬ 
gious  liberty,  the  stars  and  stripes,  at  Fort  Mc¬ 
Henry  ;  and  at  this  moment  members  of  this 
church  are  in  the  camp,  equally  ready  to  do- 
fend  it  against  all  aggression.  No  free  govern¬ 
ment  or  constitutional  liberty  have  ever  been 
secured  or  perpetuated  by  any  nation  without 
the  seal  of  its  own  blood.  If  the  liberties  thus 
purchased  for  us  by  our  fathers,  and  tho  gov¬ 
ernment  which  they  founded— the  best  the 
world  has  ever  seen — are  to  be  insulted  and 
trampled  upon,  shall  we  not  strike  down  tho 
traitor,  even  though  he  bo  one  of  the  family — 
even  though  he  be  our  own  brother  ? 

“I  too,”  said  Dr.  Eaton,  “am  emphatically 
a  man  of  peace,  for  I  am  a  minister  of  the  gos¬ 
pel  of  the  Prince  of  Peace ;  but  in  this  crisis, 
my  friends,  it  is  my  firm  conviction  that  the 
best  and  surest  way  to  perpetuate  the  blessing 
is  promptly  to  send  down,  if  need  be,  half  a 
million  of  men  to  those  seditious  brethren  of 
ours,  and  compel  them  to  keep  the  peace.  "We 
cherish  no  malice  against  them — God  forbid. 
But  their  traitorous  hands  are  now  clutching 
the  very  life  of  our  body  politic,  and  wo  must 
use  prompt  and  vigorous  action  in  defence  of 
our  very  national  existence.” — JT.  Y.  Evening 
Post,  May  7. 

May  5. — Raleigh,  North  Carolina,  is  alive 
with  soldiers,  who  have  been  pouring  in  at  the 
call  of  the  Governor.  Sixteen  companies,  com¬ 
prising  twelve  hundred  men,  rank  and  file,  are 
encamped  at  the  Fair  Grounds,  and  there  are 
several  more  quartered  in  other  parts  of  tho 
city.  They  are  all  fine  looking,  and  in  their 
eagerness  to  acquire  military  knowledge  fre¬ 
quently  have  voluntary  drills,  not  being  satis¬ 
fied  with  tho  threo  regularly  appointed  ones 
for  each  day. 


58 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1SG0-G1. 


[May  6. 


Ten  companies  have  been  selected  bv  the 
Governor  to  constitute  the  “  First  Regiment  of 
North  Carolina  Volunteers,”  and  an  election  of 
field  officers  has  taken  place,  resulting  in  the 
selection  of  D.  II.  Hill,  C.  0.  Lee,  and  J.  H. 
Lane,  respectively,  to  the  offices  of  Colonel, 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  and  Major. — Charleston 
Mercury ,  May  11. 

— The  Twenty-eighth  New  York  Regiment 
(from  Brooklyn)  arrived  at  Washington  by  the 
6teamer  Star  of  the  South.  In  the  absence 
of  Col.  Bennett,  detained  at  homo  by  sick¬ 
ness,  Lieut.-Col.  E.  Burns  is  in  command.  The 
other  officers  are  Acting  Lieut.-Col.  W.  R. 
Brewster;  Adjutant,  D.  A.  Bokee;  Surgeon, 
P.  B.  Rice;  Surgeon’s  Mates,  Drs.  Rappold 
and  Prentice  ;  Captain  of  Engineer  Corps,  Von 
Kumeke ;  Quartermaster,  F.  Steigier ;  Assist¬ 
ant  Quartermaster,  C.  Menseh ;  Acting  Pay¬ 
master,  W.  Mavelle;  Chaplain,  Mr.  Zapt. 
They  number  about  six  hundred  men,  divided 
into  ten  companies,  commanded  by  Captains 
Brewer,  Baker,  Campbell,  Brandenberry,  Bea¬ 
dle,  Seeper,  Ruegor,  Wills,  Kuhl,  and  Weaver. 
— National  Intelligencer ,  May  7. 

— Brigadier-General  Philip  St.  George 
Cocke  commanding  the  “  Potomac  Depart¬ 
ment”  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  in  orders  issued 
to-day,  says: 

“  The  capital  of  the  United  States  has  never 
been  threatened,  and  it  is  not  now  threatened. 
It  is  beyond  and  outside  the  limits  of  the  free 
and  sovereign  State  of  Virginia.” 

If  Gen.  Cocke  means  to  say  that  the  “  capi¬ 
tal  of  the  United  States  ”  has  never  been  threat¬ 
ened  hy  him ,  all  credence  will  be  given  to  his 
declarations  under  this  head;  but  if  it  is  in¬ 
tended  to  suggest  that  there  have  been  no 
threats  of  attack  from  other  quarters,  sufficient 
to  justify  the  precautionary  measures  taken  by 
the  Federal  Government,  his  assurances  cannot 
be  received  without  casting  discredit  on  men 
high  in  the  confidence  of  the  Confederate  States, 
and  on  able  and  influential  journals,  heretofore 
understood  to  be  the  authentic  exponents  of 
Southern  wishes  and  purposes. — {Doc.  134.) 

— A  body  of  Federal  troops,  under  command 
of  Gen.  B.  F.  Butler,  arrived  at  the  Relay 
House,  nine  miles  from  Baltimore,  took  posses¬ 
sion  of  the  telegraph  wires,  planted  eight  how¬ 
itzers  on  the  viaduct,  and  invested  the  entire 
neighborhood.  They  encamped  on  the  grounds 


of  William  Talbot,  adjoining  those  of  George 
W.  Dobbin,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Patapsco. 
This  point  is  the  junction  of  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  road,  and  the  Washington  branch,  and 
gives  full  command  of  the  road  to  and  from 
the  West. — The  World ,  May  G. 

— Tiie  women  of  Mobile  organized  them¬ 
selves  into  a  society  to  make  sand  bags  for 
defence,  lint  and  bandages  for  the  wounded, 
clothes  for  the  soldiers  of  the  Confederate 
Army,  to  nurse  the  sick  and  wounded,  and  to 
seek  out  the  families  of  those  volunteers  upon 
whose  exertions  their  families  are  dependent 
for  daily  support. — N.  0.  Picayune ,  May  5. 

May  G. — Governor  Hicks,  in  response  to  an 
order  of  the  Maryland  Senate,  inquiring  if  he 
consented  to  or  authorized  the  burning  of  the 
bridges  on  the  Northern  Central,  and  the  Bal¬ 
timore,  Wilmington,  and  Philadelphia  railroad, 
said :  “  I  have  to  say  that  I  neither  authorized 
nor  consented  to  the  destruction  of  said  bridges, 
but  left  the  whole  matter  in  the  hands  of  the 
Mayor  of  the  city  of  Baltimore,  with  the  dec¬ 
laration  that  I  had  no  authority  in  the  prem¬ 
ises  ;  that  I  was  a  lover  of  law  and  order,  and 
could  not  participate  in  such  proceedings.” — 
National  Intelligencer ,  May  10. 

— The  six  regiments  demanded  by  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Government  of  Indiana  were  raised  and 
mustered  into  service  and  ready  to  march  in  a 
week  after  the  call  was  made.  They  are  now 
in  camp,  drilling  daily,  and  living  the  regular 
soldier  life.  They  would  have  been  on  the 
way  to  the  post  assigned  them  long  ago  if  they 
had  been  armed.  But  up  to  this  time,  though 
the  guns  have  come,  the  accoutrements  are 
still  behind. — Indiana  State  Journal ,  May  7. 

— Virginia  was  admitted  into  the  Southern 
Confederacy  in  Secret  Session  of  the  Confed¬ 
erate  Congress. — N.  Y.  Times,  May  14. 

— The  Committee  appointed  by  the  General 
Assembly  of  Maryland  to  visit  President  Lin¬ 
coln  and  present  him  with  a  copy  of  the  joint 
resolutions  adopted  by  that  body  on  the  2d 
of  May,  presented  their  report. — (Doc.  135.) 

— The  town  of  Dorchester,  Mass.,  voted 
$20,000  for  the  war,  besides  appropriating  $20 
per  month  to  every  married  volunteer,  and  $15 
to  every  single  volunteer.  This  applies  not 
only  to  citizens  of  Dorchester  who  enlist  in 
the  town  or  out,  but  to  citizens  of  other  towns 
who  may  enlist  in  Dorchester,  provided  their 


May  6.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


59 


own  towns  do  not  make  any  provision  for 
them. — AT.  Y.  Express ,  May  9. 

— General  John  A.  Dix,  late  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  was  appointed  one  of  the  four  major- 
generals  from  the  State  of  New  York.  General 
Dix  is  a  native  of  New  Hampshire,  and  is  a  son 
of  the  late  Lieut. -Colonel  Timothy  Dix.  He 
entered  the  United  States  Military  Academy  at 
West  Point  in  1812 ;  was  promoted  ensign  in 
1814,  and  was  subsequently  promoted  to  a  third 
lieutenancy  in  the  twenty-first  regiment  of  in¬ 
fantry.  Ilis  subsequent  rank  of  promotion  is 
as  follows : 

Second  lieutenant,  March,  1814;  transferred 
August  14,  1814,  to  artillery  arm ;  returned 
same  year  in  the  re-organization  of  the  army  ; 
adjutant,  1816;  first  lieutenant,  March  18; 
aide-de-camp  to  Major-General  Brown,  1816; 
transferred  to  First  artillery,  May,  1821  ;  Third 
artillery,  August,  1821  ;  captain,  August  25 ; 
resigned  his  commission  in  the  army,  December 
31,  1828.  He  afterward  filled  the  post  of  Ad¬ 
jutant-General  of  the  State  of  New  York,  Sec¬ 
retary  of  State,  and  United  States  Senator  from 
January,  1845  to  1849 ;  Postmaster  of  New 
York  in  1860-61 ;  and  was  called  to  the  post 
of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  under  James 
Buchanan,  January  11,  1861. — Commercial  Ad¬ 
vertiser,  May  7. 

— The  First,  Second,  and  Third  regiments  of 
New  Jersey  State  Militia  arrived  at  Washington. 
They  constitute,  with  the  Fourth,  previously 
arrived,  a  brigade  of  3,200  men,  under  the 
command  of  Gen.  Theodore  Runyon.  His  stall 
consists  of  Capt.  J.  B.  Mulligan,  Aid ;  Brigade- 
Major,  A.  Y.  Bonnell;  Private  Secretary  and 
Special  aid,  C.  W.  Tollis. — {Doc.  136.) 

— The  Arkansas  Convention,  by  a  vote  of 
sixty-nine  to  one,  passed  an  ordinance  of  seces¬ 
sion  from  the  Federal  Union.  The  ordinance 
was  unanimously  ratified  by  the  State. — Ar.  0. 
Picayune ,  May  7. 

— The  correspondence  between  Mr.  Faulk¬ 
ner,  late  American  Minister  at  Paris,  and  Secre¬ 
tary  Seward,  in  relation  to  the  recognition  of 
the  Southern  Confederacy  by  the  government 
of  France,  is  published. — {Doc.  137.) 

— The  Washington  Star  of  this  morning, 
speaking  of  the  intended  attack  on  Washington 
by  the  secessionists,  says,  “The  scheme  of  th6 
oligarchy  was  to  have  attacked  this  city  some¬ 
time  between  daybreak  of  the  18th  and  day¬ 


break  of  the  21st  of  April  ultimo.  They  had 
been  led  to  believe  that  the  Virginia  ordinance 
of  secession  would  have  been  pushed  through 
the  Convention  a  few  days  before  that  was  ac¬ 
complished,  (on  the  17th,)  and  that  the  troops 
of  that  State  would  have  been  able  to  take 
Washington  by  surprise  between  the  dates  we 
have  named  above.  The  secret  outside  Con¬ 
vention  that  was  assembled  by  the  disunion 
Convention  in  Richmond  on  the  17th  ultimo, 
was  called  to  aid  the  scheme,  and  the  raid  on 
Harper's  Ferry  was  to  the  end  of  aiding  it  also. 
That  Avas  contrived  and  carried  out  Avholly  by 
disunion  revolutionary  means;  the  Governor 
(Letcher)  having  declined  to  order  it,  or  the 
raid  on  the  Government  property  (the  Navy 
Yard,  &c.)  in  and  near  Norfolk.  John  Bell 
Avas  doubtless  in  the  conspiracy,  we  apprehend, 
as  his  change  of  front  took  place  just  in  time 
to  admit  of  his  getting  on  Avhat  ho  foolishly 
supposed  would  be  the  Avinning  side.  The  res¬ 
ignation  of  the  large  number  of  army  and  navy 
officers  between  the  18th  and  21st  of  April,  in 
a  body,  was  doubtless  also  planned  to  embarrass 
the  Government  just  previous  to  the  contem¬ 
plated  attack  upon  the  Federal  Metropolis.  The 
conspirators  had  no  idea  that  the  Government 
Avould  prove  more  prompt  and  efficient  in  their 
measures  of  defence,  than  they  in  theirs  of 
attack.” 

— President  Lincoln’s  letter  to  Governor 
Hicks  of  Maryland  and  Mayor  BroAvn  of  Balti¬ 
more,  dated  on  the  day  after  the  attack  upon  the 
Massachusetts  troops,  (April  19,)  is  published  in 
full  in  the  newspapers  of  to-day. — {Doc.  138.) 

— Tiie  Police  Commissioners  of  St.  Louis, 
Mo.,  formally  demanded  of  Capt.  Lyon,  the 
officer  in  command  at  the  Arsenal,  the  re¬ 
moval  of  United  States  troops  from  all  places 
and  buildings  occupied  by  them  outside  the  Ar¬ 
senal  grounds.  The  Captain,  as  was  doubtless 
expected,  declined  compliance  with  the  demand, 
and  the  Commissioners  have  referred  the  mat¬ 
ter  to  the  Governor  and  Legislature.  The  Com¬ 
missioners  allege  that  such  occupancy  is  in  der¬ 
ogation  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States,  and  in  rejoinder  Capt.  Lyon  re¬ 
plies,  inquiring  what  provisions  of  the  Consti¬ 
tution  and  laws  were  thus  violated.  The  Com¬ 
missioners,  in  support  of  their  position,  say  that 
originally  “  Missouri  had  sovereign  and  exclusive 
jurisdiction  over  her  whole  territory,”  and  had 
delegated  a  portion  of  her  sovereignty  to  th* 


CO 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18GO-G1. 


[May  1. 


United  States  over  certain  tracts  of  land  lor 
military  purposes,  such  as  arsenals,  parks,  &c., 
and  the  conclusion  implied,  but  not  stated,  is, 
that  this  is  the  extreme  limit  of  the  right  of  the 
United  States  Government  to  occupy  or  touch 
the  soil  of  the  sovereign  State  of  Missouri. — St. 
Louis  Democrat ,  May  7. 

— An  important  interview  took  place  at  Camp 
Defiance,  Cairo,  Ill.,  between  Colonel  Tilghman, 
commander  of  the  Kentucky  forces,  and  Colonel 
Prentiss  in  command  at  Cairo. — {Doc.  139.) 

— Tnn  act  recognizing  the  existence  of  war 
between  the  United  States  and  the  seceding 
States,  and  concerning  letters  of  marque  prizes 
and  prize  goods,  which  had  passed  the  Southern 
congress  at  Montgomery,  was  made  public,  the 
injunction  of  secrecy  having  been  removed 
therefrom. — {Doc.  140.) 

— A  meeting  of  the  principal  shipowners  and 
commercial  men  of  Maine  was  held  at  Augusta. 
It  was  summoned  by  Governor  Washburn  to 
take  into  consideration  the  state  of  the  country, 
and  the  expediency  of  procuring  a  guard  for  the 
coast.  Resolutions  were  adopted  tendering  the 
services  of  the  shipowners  to  the  Government, 
and  pledging  their  ability  to  furnish  thirty  steam 
vessels  within  from  GO  to  90  days,  if  required. 

George  F.  Patten,  of  Bath,  John  B.  Brown,  of 
Portland,  and  George  W.  Lawrence,  of  Warren, 
were  appointed  a  committee  to  proceed  to  W ash- 
ington  and  communicate  to  the  Government  the 
views  of  the  merchants  and  shopkeepers  of  the 
State,  and  to  urge  the  roost  vigorous  action  in 
the  premises.  The  meeting  embraced  the  lead¬ 
ing  shipowners  of  all  parties,  and  the  sentiment 
in  favor  of  executing  the  laws  was  not  only 
unanimous,  but  enthusiastic. — Boston  Tran- 
script ,  May  8. 

May  7. — A  serious  riot  occurred  at  Knox¬ 
ville,  Tenn.,  caused  by  hoisting  a  Union  flag  and 
the  delivery  of  inflammatory  speeches.  About 
twenty  shots  were  fired  in  all.  A  man  named 
Douglas,  a  ringleader  in  the  fight,  was  wounded, 
having  received  several  shots.  An  outsider, 
named  Bull,  was  mortally  wounded. — National 
Intelligencer ,  May  11. 

— Judge  Ogden  of  the  County  Court  of  Oyer 
and  Terminer  of  Hudson  County,  N.  J.,  de¬ 
livered  a  charge  to  the  Grand  Jury,  in  which 
ho  defined  the  crime  of  treason  as  giving  aid, 
comfort,  and  information  to  the  enemy. 

The  Massachusetts  First  Regiment,  which 


has  been  for  several  days  at  Boston  waiting 
marching  orders,  on  learning  that  the  War  De¬ 
partment  would  hereafter  accept  no  troops  for 
a  less  period  than  three  years,  unanimously 
offered  their  services  to  the  Governor  for  the 
full  term. 

The  New  Jersey  House  of  Assembly  ordered 
to  a  third  reading  the  bill  to  raise  a  war 
loan  of  $1,000,000.  Resolutions  of  thanks  to 
Governor  Olden  for  his  activity  in  raising 
troops,  to  President  Lincoln  for  his  energetic 
defence  of  the  Union,  and  pledging  New  Jersey 
to  stand  by  the  Union  with  all  her  power,  were 
introduced  into  the  Senate  by  a  democrat,  and 
passed  by  a  unanimous  vote. — N.  Y.  Tribune , 
May  8. 

— Tnn  contributions  of  the  people  of  the 
North  for  the  war,  during  the  last  three  weeks 
amount  to  the  sum  of  $23,277,000.  Pennsyl¬ 
vania  leads  the  column  with  a  free  gift  of  $3, 
500,000.  New  York  and  Ohio  have  each  given 
$3,000,000 ;  Connecticut  and  Illinois  each  $2,- 
000,000;  Maine,  $1,300,000;  Vermont  and 
New  Jersey,  each  $1,000,000 ;  Wisconsin  and 
Rhode  Island,  $500,000 ;  Iowa,  $100,000.  The 
contributions  of  the  principal  cities  are:  New 
York,  $2,173,000;  Philadelphia,  $330,000;  Bos¬ 
ton,  $186,000 ;  Brooklyn,  $75,000 ;  Buffalo, 
$110,000;  Cincinnati,  $280,000;  Detroit,  $50,- 
000;  Hartford,  $64,000.— (Hoc.  141.) 

— The  Twentieth  Regiment  of  N.  Y.  S.  M. 
from  Ulster  County,  under  the  command  of  Col¬ 
onel  George  W.  Pratt,  left  New  York  for  the  seat 
of  war. — {Doc.  142.) 

— Reverdy  Johnson  addressed  the  Home 
Guard  of  Frederick,  Md.,  upon  the  occasion 
of  the  presentation  to  them  of  a  National 
flag  from  the  ladies  of  that  place.  The  popu¬ 
lation  of  the  city  was  swelled  by  the  addition 
of  upwards  of  two  thousand  persons,  who 
poured  in  from  the  surrounding  towns  and  vil¬ 
lages,  sometimes  in  lengthy  cavalcades  of  horses 
and  vehicles,  and  again  in  companies  of  tens 
and  fifties.  Union  cockades  and  badges  were 
displayed  in  profusion  upon  the  coats  of  the 
jubilant  Union  men,  numbers  of  whom  were 
decidedly  ambitious  in  their  ideas  of  patriotic 
personal  adornment,  wearing  cockades  as  large 
as  sun-flowers.  The  Stars  and  Stripes  fluttered 
gaily  from  about  forty  different  points,  and, 
altogether,  Frederick  may  be  said  to  have  don¬ 
ned  her  holiday  suit  for  the  occasion. 

The  scene  of  the  presentation  formalities  was 


Mat  8.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


61 


the  Court-house  yard,  where  a  stand,  draped 
with  the  national  colors,  had  been  erected,  and 
at  the  hour  designated  for  the  commencement 
of  the  ceremonies,  was  surrounded  by  two  or 
three  thousand  persons,  including  the  Brengle 
Guard,  a  body  of  about  three  hundred  respect¬ 
able  citizens,  principally  aged  and  middle-aged 
men,  organized  for  the  purpose  of  home  protec¬ 
tion  and  defence. — {Doc.  143.) 

— Fotjb  hundred  Pennsylvania  volunteers, 
escorted  by  three  hundred  regular  United  States 
troops  from  Carlisle  barracks,  arrived  at  "Wash¬ 
ington  at  10  o’clock,  on  the  evening  of  Thurs¬ 
day,  April  18th,  and  bivouacked  at  the  capi- 
tol. — N.  Y.  Times ,  April  19. 

— Isham  G.  Harris,  Governor,  sent  a  mes¬ 
sage  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Tennessee, 
announcing  the  formation  of  a  military  league 
between  that  State  and  the  Confederate  States  ; 
submitting  the  plan  of  the  league,  the  joint 
resolution  ratifying  it,  and  a  “  declaration 
of  independence  and  ordinance  dissolving  the 
Federal  relations  between  the  State  of  Tennes¬ 
see  and  the  United  States  of  America.” — 
{Doc.  144.) 

May  8. — The  Salem,  Mass.,  Zouaves  arrived 
at  Washington.  They  number  66  men,  and  are 
officered  as  follows :  Captain,  A.  F.  Devereux ; 
1st  Lieutenant,  G.  F.  Austin  ;  2d  Lieutenant, 
E.  A.  P.  Brewster  ;  3d  Lieutenant,  G.  D, 
Putnam.  They  are  armed  with  the  Minie 
musket,  and  uniformed  in  dark  blue  jackets 
and  pants,  trimmed  with  scarlet  braid,  and  red 
fatigue  caps. — National  Intelligencer ,  May  11. 

— A  privateer  was  captured  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Chesapeake,  by  the  steamer  Harriet 
Lane.  The  officers  and  crew,  with  the  excep¬ 
tion  of  two  seamen,  escaped. — Philadelphia 
Press,  May  9. 

— The  Richmond  Examiner  of  to-day  de¬ 
mands  a  Dictator;  it  says:  “Ho  power  in  ex¬ 
ecutive  hands  can  be  too  great,  no  discretion  too 
absolute,  at  such  moments  as  these.  We  need  a 
Dictator.  Let  lawyers  talk  when  the  world 
has  time  to  hear  them.  How  let  the  sword  do 
its  work.  Usurpations  of  power  ly  the  chief, 
for  the  preservation  of  the  people  from  robbers 
and  murderers,  will  he  reckoned  as  genius  and 
patriotism  hy  all  sensible  men  in  the  world  now, 
and  by  every  historian  that  will  judge  the  deed 
hereafter.” 

— The  Fourth  Pennsylvania  Regiment  from 


the  county  of  Montgomery,  arrived  at  Wash¬ 
ington  from  Annapolis.  It  is  commanded  by 
the  following  officers : 

Colonel,  John  F.  Hartranft;  Lieut.  Col.,  Ed¬ 
ward  Schall ;  Major,  Edwin  Schall ;  Adjutant, 
Chas.  Hunsicker;  Quartermaster,  Yerkes;  Sur¬ 
geon,  Dunlop ;  Assistant-Surgeons,  Christ  and 
Rogers;  Captains,  Bolton,  Schall,  Chamberlain, 
Dunn,  Snyder,  Allabaugh,  Amey,  Brooke, 
Cooke,  and  Taylor. 

The  regiment  numbers  about  900,  and  com¬ 
prises  a  fine  body  of  hardy  yeomanry  and  arti¬ 
sans,  who  left  their  fields  and  shops  to  rally  in 
defence  of  the  Hational  Capital. — National  In¬ 
telligencer,  May  9. 

— The  steam  frigate  Minnesota,  the  flag-ship 
of  the  blockading  squadron,  sailed  from  Boston, 
Mass. — Boston  Transcript ,  May  8. 

— A  meeting  in  aid  of  the  volunteers  from 
Roxbury,  Mass.,  was  held  in  that  city.  Speeches 
were  made  by  Rev.  J.  E.  Bartholomew,  Edward 
Everett,  and  Alexander  H.  Rice. — (Doc.  145.) 

— General  Butler,  at  the  Relay  House,  Md., 
promulgated  special  brigade  orders  concerning 
the  several  events  that  have  occurred  at  the 
camp  at  that  place  since  its  formation. — {Doc. 
146.) 

May  9. — At  3  o’clock  this  afternoon  the 
steamer  Maryland,  with  other  transports,  ar¬ 
rived  at  Baltimore  with  1,300  troops  from  Per- 
ryville.  They  consist  of  five  companies  of  tho 
3d  Infantry,  regulars,  Major  Shepherd,  420  men ; 
one  company  of  Sherman’s  Battery  of  Light 
Artillery,  with  6  pieces  of  cannon  and  70 
horses,  under  Major  Sherman;  and  the  1st 
Regiment,  ten  companies,  of  Pennsylvania  Ar¬ 
tillery,  Col.  Patterson,  armed  with  muskets, 
and  numbering  800  men.  They  were  landed 
at  Locust  Point,  one  of  the  termini  of  the  Bal¬ 
timore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  within  half  a  mile 
of  Fort  McHenry,  and  there  transferred  on 
board  of  two  trains  of  cars,  which  departed 
immediately. 

Two  hundred  men  were  left  to  take  charge 
of  the  horses,  provisions  and  baggage,  and 
these  were  to  be  forwarded  at  a  later  hour. 
The  Mayor  and  Police  Commissioners,  with 
two  hundred  police,  crossed  in  a  ferry-boat  to 
Locust  Point,  and  were  present  at  the  debarka¬ 
tion. 

The  Harriet  Lane  stood  off  the  point  with 
her  ports  open.  The  transfer  to  the  cars  was 


62 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[May  9. 


accomplished  without  much  difficulty,  and  there 
was  no  excitement  other  than  that  which  pro¬ 
ceeded  from  the  curiosity  of  the  people  to  wit¬ 
ness  the  proceedings. 

The  track  from  Locust  Point  skirts  the  lower 
part  of  the  city,  and  joins  the  main  stem  near 
Camden  Station. — M.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  10. 

— TnE  Richmond  Whig  says:  “We  beg  to 
suggest  to  all  Southern  papers  the  propriety  of 
omitting  all  mention  of  the  movement  of  troops 
within  our  borders.  A  word  to  the  wise.” 

“  The  caution  is  a  good  one,  and  might  well 
be  extended  to  correspondents,  both  private 
and  public,  by  telegraph  and  by  mail.  The 
caution  is  the  more  necessary,  because  of  our 
large  daily  correspondence  with  the  people  of 
the  North,  with  whom  we  are  unfortunately  at 
war.” — JV.  0.  Picayune ,  May  10. 

— The  Confederate  Congress  passed  an  act 
authorizing  the  President  of  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy  to  raise  such  a  force  for  the  war  as  he 
may  deem  expedient. — {Doc.  147.) 

— TnE  Palmetto  Guard  left  Charleston,  S. 
C.,  for  Virginia.  The  company  numbers  eighty- 
live  privates,  and  is  commanded  as  follows  : 

Geo.  B.  Cuthbert,  Captain;  C.  R.  Holmes, 
First  Lieutenant ;  T.  S.  Brownfield,  Second 
Lieutenant  ;  L.  S.  Webb,  Third  Lieutenant; 
Samuel  Robinson,  First  Sergeant;  J.  E.  Wright, 
Second  Sergeant;  G.  M.  LaLane,  Third  Ser¬ 
geant  ;  II.  D.  Hanahan,  Fourth  Sergeant ;  M. 
J.  Darly,  Fifth  Sergeant ;  J.  B.  Boyd,  First 
Corporal ;  J.  E.  Gaillard,  Second  Corporal ; 
A.  M.  Brailsford,  Third  Corporal  ;  DeSaus- 
sure  Edwards,  Fourth  Corporal;  J.  E.  Dutart, 
Fifth  Corporal ;  E.  W.  Bellinger,  Sixth  Corpo¬ 
ral  ;  O.  D.  Mathews,  Quartermaster  ;  R.  S. 
Miller,  jr.,  Commissary. — Charleston  Mercury , 
May  10. 

— TnE  Cumberland,  Pawnee,  Monticello,  and 
Yankee  are  enforcing  the  blockade  off  Fortress 
Monroe.  The  Yankee  pursued  an  armed  schoon¬ 
er  up  \  ork  River,  but  after  proceeding  a  short 
distance  was  fired  upon  from  a  concealed  bat¬ 
tery,  and  compelled  to  return. 

The  steamers  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  Pow- 
hattan,  and  Mount  Vernon,  of  the  Acquia  Creek 
line,  recently  taken  possession  of  by  the  Federal 
Government,  are  cruising  on  the  Potomac,  all 
heavily  armed.  Southern  troops  are  concen 
trating  in  the  vicinity  of  Norfolk.  An  Alabama 
regiment  of  1,100  men,  and  eighty  cadets  of  the 


same  State,  have  arrived,  and  encamped  in  the 
vicinity  of  Fort  Norfolk. 

The  Virginians  have  five  batteries  erected  in 
Norfolk  harbor  ;  one  on  Craney  Island  ;  one  at 
Sandy  Point ;  one  at  the  Hospital ;  one  near 
Fort  Norfolk,  and  one  on  the  Bluffs  three 
miles  from  the  Hospital. — V.  Y.  Evening  Post , 
May  11. 

— J.  Lawrence  Keese,  a  private  in  the  8th 
Company  of  the  7th  Regiment  of  New  York, 
was  accidentally  shot  at  Washington.  He  was 
standing  in  front  of  his  tent  washing  his  hands, 
when  a  musket  fell  from  a  stack  of  arms  within 
a  few  feet  of  him,  and  went  off,  the  ball  enter¬ 
ing  his  side,  passing  through  his  lungs,  and 
killing  him  almost  instantly.  He  was  a  young 
man  of  fine  talents,  and  greatly  esteemed  by  his 
comrades. — JV.  Y.  Commercial ,  May  10. 

— To-day  was  strictly  observed  as  a  fast-day 
at  Wheeling,  Va.  Patriotic  sermons  were  de¬ 
livered  in  nine  out  of  the  twelve  churches.  The 
Methodist  Church  pulpit  was  decorated  with 
the  Stars  and  Stripes.  Rev.  Mr.  Smith  deliv¬ 
ered  an  eloquent  address.  He  said  he  would 
hold  no  fellowship  with  traitors.  If  there  was 
a  secessionist  in  his  congregation  he  wanted 
him  to  leave.  Other  ministers  prayed  that  the 
rebels  might  be  subdued  or  wiped  from  the 
face  of  the  earth. — Ar.  Y.  Herald ,  May  10. 

— The  steamship  Africa  arrived  at  New  York 
from  England,  bringing  the  first  news  of  the 
impression  produced  in  Europe  by  the  reduction 
of  Fort  Sumter.  The  earliest  feeling  was  one 
of  the  profoundest  gloom  and  discouragement, 
but  subsequent  reflection  suggested  a  proba¬ 
bility,  eagerly  accepted,  that  hostilities  would 
terminate  with  the  opening  act ;  and  that, 
startled  by  the  shock  of  arms,  the  Government 
and  the  separated  States  would  have  fresh  dis¬ 
positions  for  an  amicable  arrangement.  The 
notion,  founded  on  the  fact  that  no  lives  had 
been  lost,  also  became  current ;  that  the  affair 
was  merely  a  sham  fight,  arranged  entirely  to 
cover  the  evacuation  from  discredit,  and  save 
the  reputation  of  Major  Anderson.  These  ideas 
were  indorsed  generally  by  the  journals,  who, 
however,  regarded  the  business  as  extremely 
enigmatic,  and  as  needing  further  enlighten¬ 
ment  before  final  judgment  could  be  passed. — 
{Doc.  148.) 

— Two  companies  of  Southern  volunteers 
from  Baltimore,  numbering  sixty-five  men, 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


For  the  use  of  this  map  we  are  indebted  to  the  proprietors  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune. 


O.  WOOLWORTH  COLTON  N.Y. 


May  10.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


65 


passed  through  Frederick,  Md.,  on  their  way 
to  Virginia.  They  were  under  the  command 
of  Capts.  Wetmoro  and  Price,  and  unarmed. 
They  marched  through  the  city  protected  by 
Gen.  Shriver  and  the  sheriff,  and  their  appear¬ 
ance  created  deep  excitement,  hut  no  out¬ 
break.  A  company  of  about  thirty-four  vol¬ 
unteers  left  Frederick  early  this  morning  for 
Harper’s  Ferry,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Bradley  T.  Johnson. — National  Intelligencer, 
May  11. 

— The  First  Regiment  of  Connecticut  Vol¬ 
unteers  left  Hew  Haven  this  morning  for  the 
seat  of  war. — N.  Y.  Tribune,  May  10. 

May  10. — The  Confederate  Secretary  of  War 
invested  R.  E.  Leo  with  the  control  of  the 
rebel  forces  of  Va.,  by  the  following  order : 

Montgomery,  May  10,  1861. 

To  Major- Gen.  E.  E.  Lee : 

To  prevent  confusion,  you  will  assume  the 
control  of  the  forces  of  tho  Confederate  States 
in  Virginia,  and  assign  them  to  such  duties  as 
you  may  indicate,  until  further  orders;  for 
which  this  will  be  your  authority. 

I.  P.  Walker,  Secretary  of  War. 

— National  Intelligencer,  May  15. 

— The  Charleston  News  of  this  day  contains 
the  prayer  of  the  Rev.  James  Bardwell,  at  the 
opening  of  the  Tennessee  Legislature  on  the 
25th  of  April. — {Doc.  149.) 

— In  addition  to  tho  new  Military  Depart¬ 
ments  of  Washington,  Annapolis,  and  Penn¬ 
sylvania,  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  and 
Illinois  will  constitute  a  fourth,  subdivided  into 
several  others,  to  be  called  tho  Department  of 
the  Ohio.  Major-General  McClellan,  Ohio 
V olunteers,  is  assigned  to  its  command ;  head¬ 
quarters,  Cincinnati. 

The  President,  by  general  orders,  directs 
that  all  officers  of  the  army,  except  those  who 
have  entered  service  since  1st  April,  take  and 
subscribe  anew  tho  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
United  States,  as  set  forth  in  tho  10th  article 
of  war. — N.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  May  11. 

— The  First  Regiment  of  Vermont  Volun¬ 
teers,  commanded  by  Colonel  J.  Wolcott  Phelps, 
arrived  at  Hew  York,  and  took  up  their  quar¬ 
ters  in  the  Park  Barracks.  This  regiment  con¬ 
sists  of  ten  companies — 77  men  each — of  hardy 
Green  Mountain  hoys,  whoso  stalwart  frames 
and  broad  shoulders  are  the  envy  of  all  behold¬ 
ers.  These  ten  companies  were  selected  from 
Diary — 1 1 


four  different  regiments.  The  uniform  of  the 
regiment  is  of  gray  cloth,  each  man  being  sup¬ 
plied  with  a  heavy  overcoat  of  the  same  material. 
One  or  two  companies  have  a  blue  uniform  in¬ 
stead  of  the  gray.  Each  man  wears  a  hemlock 
sprig  in  his  hat.  They  are  all  supplied  with 
new  Minie  muskets,  but  have  no  ammunition. 

The  men  are  nearly  all  Vermonters,  there 
being  scarcely  a  dozen  foreigners  in  the  regi¬ 
ment.  They  are  all  esteemed  citizens  at  home, 
and  nearly  every  one  abandoned  a  profitable 
business  to  give  his  strong  arm  to  his  country. 
They  have  been  encamped  at  Rutland,  Vt.,  for 
the  past  eight  days,  completing  their  outfit,  and 
when  they  came  to  strike  their  tents  and  take 
up  the  line  of  march,  not  a  man  was  on  the  sick 
list.  Their  destination  is  Fort  Monroe. 

The  character  of  the  Green  Mountain  boys 
may  be  illustrated  by  the  following  incident: 
As  the  cars  were  leaving  their  camp-ground  in 
Rutland,  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  instant,  a 
private,  in  response  to  the  cheers  of  the  people, 
said:  “The  Vermont  Regiment,  citizens  in 
peace,  soldiers  in  war,  give  you  the  sentiment 
embodied  in  the  charge  of  the  Grecian  matron 
to  her  son — We  will  bring  bade  our  shields  or 
be  brought  bach  upon  them.'1'1— {Doc.  150.) 

— The  Protestant  Episcopal  Diocese  of  Ala¬ 
bama  adopted  the  following  ordinance : 

“Whereas,  the  Constitution  of  tho  Dioceso 
of  Alabama  was  adopted  when  the  said  Diocese 
actually  was,  on  the  presumption  of  its  con¬ 
tinuing  to  be,  a  part  of  tho  ‘Protestant  Epis¬ 
copal  Church  in  the  United  States;’ 

“And  whereas,  the  State  of  Alabama  is  no 
longer  a  part  of  the  United  States : 

“  Therefore,  it  is  hereby  declared  by  this  con¬ 
vention  that  the  first  article  of  tho  constitution 
of  the  Diocese,  with  all  those  canons,  or  portion 
of  canons,  dependent  upon  it,  are  null  and  void. 

“  It  is  furthermore  declared  that  all  canons,  or 
portions  of  canons,  both  diocesan  and  general, 
not  necessarily  dependent  upon  the  recognition 
of  the  authority  of  the  Church  in  the  United 
States,  arc  hereby  retained  in  force. 

“This  declaration  is  not  to  bo  construed  as 
affecting  faith,  doctrine  or  communion.” — N.  O. 
Picayune ,  May  12. 

— President  Lincoln  issued  a  proclamation 
directing  the  commander  of  tho  forces  of  tho 
United  States  on  the  Florida  coast  to  permit  no 
person  to  exercise  any  office  or  authority  upon 
tho  islands  of  Key  West,  the  Tortugas,  and 


6G 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


[May  11. 


Santa  Rosa,  which  may  be  inconsistent  with 
the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
authorizing  him  at  the  same  time,  if  he  shall 
find  it  necessary,  to  suspend  there  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus,  and  to  remove  from  the  vicinity 
of  the  United  States  fortresses  all  dangerous  or 
suspected  persons. — {Doc.  151.) 

— Captain  Tyler,  of  the  Second  Dragoons, 
commanding  at  Fort  Kearney,  fearing  that  a 
mob  might  take  and  turn  against  the  garrison 
the  ten  twelve-pounder  howitzers  in  his  pos¬ 
session,  spiked  them.  lie  had  received  orders 
to  remove  the  pieces  to  Fort  Leavenworth,  but 
thought  it  unsafe  to  do  so  in  the  distracted 
state  of  the  country.  Threats  had  been  made 
to  take  them  from  him. — N.  Y  Sun ,  May  14. 

— The  Second  Regiment  of  Connecticut  Vol¬ 
unteers,  Colonel  Terry,  embarked  from  New 
Haven  for  Washington  on  the  steamer  Ca- 
hawba.  They  marched  down  Chapel  street, 
escorted  by  a  large  body  of  citizens,  cavalry, 
a  body  of  old  New  Haven  Grays,  and  by  the 
Emmet  Guard — making  a  very  fine  appearance. 
The  whole  city  was  alive  with  people,  and  the 
route  of  the  procession  was  a  grand  array  of 
flags. — N.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  May  11. 

— The  London  News  publishes  an  interesting 
article  on  the  difficulties  in  the  United  States, 
and  endeavors  to  indicate  the  position  which 
the  States  under  Jefferson  Davis  now  occupy 
with  relation  to  those  under  President  Lincoln, 
and  the  status  which  both  portions  of  the  coun¬ 
try  now  hold  with  relation  to  Great  Britain 
and  the  rest  of  the  world. — {Doc.  152.) 

— The  steamer  Pembroke  sailed  from  Boston, 
Mass.,  for  Fort  Monroe,  with  reinforcements, 
including  Capt.  Tyler’s  Boston  Volunteers,  and 
a  company  from  Lynn,  under  Capt.  Chamber- 
lain.— W.  F.  World ,  May  11. 

The  Winans  steam-gun  was  captured  this 
morning.  A  wagon,  containing  a  suspicious- 
looking  box  and  three  men,  was  observed  going 
out  on  the  Frederick  road  from  Baltimore,  and 
the  fact  being  communicated  to  General  Butler, 
at  the  Relay  House,  he  despatched  a  scouting 
party  in  pursuit,  who  overtook  the  wagon  six 
miles  beyond  the  Relay  House,  at  Uchester. 
On  examination  it  was  found  that  the  box  con¬ 
tained  the  steam-gun.  It  was  being  taken  to 
Harper’s  Ferry.  The  soldiers  brought  the  gun 
and  the  three  men  back  to  the  Relay  House. 
Tho  prisoners,  one  of  whom  was  Dickenson,  the 


inventor  of  the  gun,  were  sent  to  Annapolis. — 
Baltimore  American ,  May  11. 

— The  Diocesan  Convention  of  Massachusetts 
passed  resolutions  in  regard  to  tho  present 
state  of  affairs.  One  of  them  is  as  follows : — 

Resolved ,  That  the  convention  of  clerical  and 
lay  delegates  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church 
in  the  diocese  of  Massachusetts  do  hereby  ex¬ 
press  their  heartfelt  sympathy  with  the  Nation¬ 
al  Government  in  all  right  efforts  to  vindicate 
the  authority  of  the  Federal  Union  against  “  all 
sedition,  privy  conspiracy,  and  rebellion.”- — 
Boston  Advertiser ,  May  11. 

— The  Maryland  Legislature  passed  a  resolu¬ 
tion,  imploring  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  cease  the  present  war. — {Doc.  153.) 

— At  about  2  p.  m.,  a  sudden  movement  was 
made  by  tho  U.  S.  forces  in  St.  Louis  under 
Capt.  Lyon,  upon  Camp  Jackson,  near  that 
city,  by  which  the  camp  was  entirely  sur¬ 
rounded  in  less  than  half  an  hour,  and  com¬ 
pelled  to  an  unconditional  surrender.  A  great 
mob  followed  the  U.  S.  troops  to  the  camp, 
and  began  a  noisy  demonstration  against  them, 
and  to  throw  stones.  One  company  received 
the  order  to  fire,  and  did  so.  Twenty-two 
persons  were  killed,  and  many  were  wound¬ 
ed.  The  mob  then  dispersed.  A  large  quantity 
of  arms  and  munitions  were  taken  in  the  camp, 
together  with  G39  prisoners. — {Doc.  154.) 

May  11. — A  great  Union  demonstration  took 
place  in  San  Francisco,  Cal.  Nothing  like  it  was 
ever  seen  there  before.  Business  was  totally 
suspended;  all  the  men,  women  and  children 
of  the  city  were  in  the  streets,  and  flags  Avaved 
everywhere.  Three  stands  for  speakers  were 
erected,  and  Senator  Latham  and  McDougall, 
General  Sumner,  General  Shields,  and  others 
addressed  vast  audiences.  The  spirit  of  all  the 
addresses,  as  well  as  of  the  resolutions  adopted, 
was :  the  Administration  must  bo  sustained  in  all 
its  efforts  to  put  doAvn  secession  and  preserve 
the  Union  complete. 

A  procession  marched  through  tho  principal 
streets,  composed  of  thousands  of  men  on  horse¬ 
back,  in  carriages  and  on  foot,  and  embracing 
all  tho  military  and  civic  organizations  of  the 
city.  All  political  parties  joined  in  the  demon¬ 
stration. — Alta  Californian ,  May  12. 

• — Tiie  Savannah  Republican  of  to-day  says : 
“  wo  have  conversed  Avith  a  gentleman  who  has 
just  returned  from  the  camp  at  Pensacola  and 
brings  the  latest  intelligence. 


Mat  11.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


67 


As  details  are  not  to  be  expected,  wo  may- 
state  generally  that  the  condition  of  the  troops 
and  fortifications  is  all  that  could  be  desired. 
Gen.  Bragg  has  proved  the  very  man  for  the 
work,  and  the  volunteers  lend  a  ready  hand  to 
carry  out  every  order.  Pickens  is  covered  by 
our  batteries  on  three  sides.  There  are  eight 
between  the  Navy-Yard  and  Fort  Barrancas, 
four  between  the  latter  and  the  light-house, 
and  a  formidable  mortar  battery  in  the  rear  of 
Fort  McRae.  There  is  also  a  heavy  mortar 
battery  in  the  rear  of  Barrancas.  All  these 
works  have  been  erected  by  the  hands  of  the 
volunteers,  and  are  armed  with  the  very  heavi¬ 
est  and  best  of  artillery.  The  channel  on  a  line 
between  McRae  and  Pickens  has  been  obstruct¬ 
ed  by  sinking  a  number  of  small  vessels.  It 
was  supposed  that  every  thing  would  be  com¬ 
plete  by  the  middle  of  the  coming  week,  after 
which  we  shall  have  a  bombardment  that  will 
be  worthy  of  record.  Pickens  must  fall,  and 
the  more  men  they  put  in  it  the  greater  will  be 
the  destruction.  Besides  Pickens,  the  enemy 
have  thrown  up  a  battery  on  the  island  some 
five  miles  from  the  fort,  which  they  are  now 
engaged  in  arming  for  the  struggle.  Some  hun¬ 
dred  or  more  horses  can  be  seen  on  the  island, 
and  seven  ships  of  war  and  transports  are  lying 
off,  something  less  than  a  mile  frem  the  shore.” 

— The  Fifth  Regiment  of  N.  Y.  Y.  M.  arrived 
at  Washington  from  Annapolis,  Md. — National 
Intelligencer ,  May  13. 

— A  large  meeting  took  place  at  Wheeling, 
Ya.  lion.  John  S.  Carlile  and  Frank  Pierpont 
spoke.  Mr.  Carlile  took  ground  in  favor  of 
separation  from  Eastern  Virginia,  and  was  rap¬ 
turously  applauded.  He  proclaimed  that  while 
there  should  be  no  coercion  to  go  out,  there 
should  be  none  to  prevent  remaining  in  the 
Union.  Virginia,  he  said,  owed  forty-nine  mil¬ 
lions  of  dollars ;  a  debt  incurred  without  benefit 
to  Western  Virginia;  and  he  demanded  to 
know  by  what  right  the  citizens  of  this  section 
should  not  bo  allowed  to  have  an  opinion  of 
their  own  expressed  and  recognized  in  the 
State  councils,  when  the  question  of  allegiance 
was  discussed.  Allegiance  was  first  due  to  the 
Federal  Government  if  there  was  no  interference 
with  State  rights. — N.  Y.  Times ,  May  12. 

— Tiie  First  Regiment  of  Pennsylvania  In¬ 
fantry,  under  command  of  Colonel  Lewis,  ar¬ 
rived  at  Washington. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  12. 


— Tnis  afternoon,  a  large  body  of  the  nome 
Guards  entered  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  through  Fifth 
street,  from  the  Arsenal,  where  they  had  been 
enlisted  during  the  day,  and  furnished  with 
arms.  On  reaching  Walnut  street,  the  troops 
turned  westward,  a  large  crowd  lining  the 
pavement  to  witness  their  progress.  At  the 
corner  of  Fifth  street  the  spectators  began 
hooting,  hissing,  and  otherwise  abusing  the 
companies  as  they  passed,  and  a  boy  about 
fourteen  years  old  discharged  a  pistol  into  their 
ranks.  Part  of  the  rear  company  immediately 
turned  and  fired  upon  the  crowd,  and  the  whole 
column  was  instantly  in  confusion,  breaking 
their  ranks,  and  discharging  their  muskets  down 
their  own  line  and  among  the  people  on  the 
sidewalks.  The  shower  of  balls  for  a  few  min¬ 
utes  was  terrible.  Seven  persons  were  killed, 
and  a  large  number  wounded.  To  allay  the  ex¬ 
citement  and  restore  confidence  to  the  people, 
Gen.  Harney  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  St.  Louis  and  the  State,  which  was  posted 
throughout  the  city,  expressing  deep  regret  at 
the  state  of  things  existing,  pledging  himself  to 
do  all  in  his  power  to  preserve  peace,  and  calling 
on  the  people  and  public  authorities  to  aid  him 
in  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  He  says  the 
military  force  under  his  command  will  only  bo 
used  at  the  last  extremity,  and  hopes  he  will 
not  be  compelled  to  resort  to  martial  law,  but 
simply  states  that  the  public  peace  must  be  pre¬ 
served,  and  the  lives  of  the  people  protected. 
He  says  he  has  no  authority  to  change  the  loca¬ 
tion  of  the  Home  Guard  quarters  in  the  city, 
but  to  avoid  all  cause  of  circulation  of  the  ex¬ 
citement,  if  called  upon  to  aid  the  local  author¬ 
ities,  will  use  the  regular  army  in  preference. 
In  accordance  with  this  proclamation,  a  bat¬ 
talion  of  regulars  -was  sent  to  the  city  and 
placed  under  the  direction  of  the  Police  Com¬ 
missioners  to  act  as  a  military  police  corps. — 
N.  Y.  Times ,  May  13. 

— TnE  United  States  Steam  Frigate  Niagara 
arrived  off  the  bar  of  Charleston,  S.  0.,  and  be¬ 
gan  the  blockade  of  that  port. — {Doc.  155.) 

— Six  companies  of  volunteers  left  Buffalo,  N. 
Y.,  for  the  rendezvous  at  Elmira.  Buffalo  has 
so  far  sent  to  camp  ten  companies  of  volunteers. 

The  Third  Company  of  the  Broome  Co.  N.  Y. 
Volunteers,  under  command  of  Captain  Peter 
Jay,  took  their  departure  from  Binghamton, 
N.  Y.,  for  Elmira.  They  were  addressed  by  the 
Hon.  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  Tracy  R.  Morgan,  and 


68 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1800-61. 


[May  13. 


others.  They  vowed  to  stand  by  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  and  the  Union  as  long  as  one  star  re¬ 
mained. — N.  Y.  Times,  May  12. 

—Schooner  G.  M.  Smith, .prize  to  the  frigate 
Cumberland,  arrived  at  New  York  in  charge 
of  prize-master  Thos.  Chisholm. — Idem. 

May  12. — The  Boston  Rifle  Company,  num¬ 
bering  seventy-two  men,  now  at  Washington, 
is  armed  with  the  Whitney  rifle  and  sabre 
bayonet,  and  is  a  reliable  body  of  soldiers.  The 
ofHcers  are:  Capt.,  A.  Dodd;  First  Lieut.,  C. 
Dodd;  Second  Lieut.,  C.  G.  Atwood;  Third 
Lieut.,  G.  A.  Hicks;  Fourth  Lieut.,  J.  Nason. 
The  uniform  is  light  blue  pants,  red  shirt,  dark 
gray  overcoat,  and  fatigue  cap. — National  Intel¬ 
ligencer ,  May  13. 

— General  Wm.  S.  Harney,  commanding 
the  military  department  of  the  West,  at  St. 
Louis,  Ho.,  issued  a  proclamation  declaring 
that  the  public  peace  must  l>e  preserved,  and 
asking  the  people  to  return  to  their  avocations, 
abstain  from  the  excitement  of  heated  discus¬ 
sions,  and  observe  the  laws  of  the  local  author¬ 
ities. — {Doc.  156.) 

— An  attempt  was  made  at  night  to  destroy 
the  Honocacy  Bridge,  three  miles  from  Fred¬ 
erick,  Hd.,  by  a  party  from  Point  of  Rocks. 
They  cut  the  wires  in  the  telegraph  office,  and 
threatened  to  kill  the  operator  if  he  resisted. 
They  then  went  to  the  bridge,  but  could  not 
set  fire  to  it,  as  it  is  all  iron  and  stone. — N.  Y. 
Times,  May  15. 

— There  was  a  grand  review  at  York,  Penn., 
to-day.  The  Governor  and  many  members  of 
the  Legislature  were  present.  There  were  five 
regiments  on  the  ground. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  tear  up  the  track 
of  the  Northern  Central  Railroad,  fourteen 
miles  North  of  Baltimore.  It  was  detected 
before  much  injury  was  done. — N.  Y.  Times, 
May  13. 

— Tns  Connecticut  Regiment,  under  the  com¬ 
mand  of  Colonel  Alfred  II.  Terry,  arrived  at 
Washington. — {Doc.  157.) 

— The  Dew  Orleans  Picayune  of  to-day  says: 

“Books  were  opened  yesterday  at  the  Mer¬ 
chants’  Exchange  for  subscriptions  to  stock  in 
a  propeller  steamer  to  be  fitted  out  as  a  priva¬ 
teer.  Fifty  thousand  dollars  have  already  been 
subscribed,  and  fifty  thousand  more  are  required. 
A  fine  chance  is  now  presented  to  our  enter¬ 
prising  citizens  to  embark  in  a  venture  which 


cannot  fail  of  yielding  a  handsome  profit.  The 
books  will  continue  open  in  the  back  room  of 
the  Exchange,  up  stairs,  until  all  the  stock  is 
taken.” 

— TnE  apportionment  of  the  President’s  call 
for  seventy-five  regiments  for  three  years  was 
published. — {Doc.  158.) 

May  13. — The  Southern  Baptist  Convention, 
in  session  at  Savannah,  Ga.,  adopted  a  report  of 
their  committee  on  the  state  of  the  country,  in 
which  they  hold  “that  the  States  once  com¬ 
bined  on  this  continent  can  no  longer  live  to¬ 
gether  as  one  confederacy ;”  that  the  move¬ 
ment  of  Northern  soldiers  to  sustain  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  is  “an  invasion  designed  to  destroy 
whatever  is  dear  in  the  heroic  traditions  of  the 
South.”  They  tender  to  the  government  at 
Montgomery  their  sympathy  and  confidence, 
and  recommend  the  churches  of  the  South  to 
observe  the  first  and  second  days  of  June  as 
days  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and  prayer.  This 
report  borrows  additional  interest  from  the 
fact  that  it  comes  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  Richard 
Fuller  of  Baltimore,  who  made  himself  con¬ 
spicuous,  three  or  four  weeks  ago,  as  a  member 
of  that  committee  of  young  Christians  who 
waited  upon  Mr.  Lincoln  to  request  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  would  recon¬ 
sider  its  order  for  the  troops  needed  at  Wash¬ 
ington  to  come  through  Maryland. — {Doc.  159.) 

— A  Union  meeting  was  held  in  Martins- 
burgh,  Berkeley  county,  Va.  The  gathering 
•was  large,  and  the  greatest  enthusiasm  prevailed. 
Strong  resolutions  w'ero  adopted,  and  a  protest 
entered  against  the  warlike  attitude  which  Vir¬ 
ginia  had  assumed  in  opposition  to  the  General 
Government.  Eastern  Virginia  is  not,  as  has 
been  represented,  unanimous  for  secession. — 
NewarTc  {N.  J.)  Advertiser,  May  22. 

— Six  hundred  troops  from  Georgia  and  Ala¬ 
bama  arrived  at  Pensacola,  the  advance  guard 
of  2,000  ordered  there  by  General  Bragg. — Mo¬ 
bile  Advertiser,  May  15. 

— A  portion  of  the  Federal  troops  lately 
stationed  at  the  Relay  nouse  on  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railroad,  entered  Baltimore.  They 
arrived  at  the  Camden  station  at  seven  and  a 
half  o’clock  in  the  evening,  disembarked  in 
good  order,  and  marched  from  the  d6pot,  pi¬ 
loted  by  Col.  Hare  and  Capt.  McConnell,  down 
Lee  street  to  Hanover,  and  thence  to  Montgom¬ 
ery,  to  Light,  to  Hamburgh,  to  Federal  Hill, 


May  14.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


69 


and,  moving  to  the  high  ground  surrounding 
the  Observatory,  stacked  arms,  and  made  prep¬ 
arations  for  rest. 

The  force  was  under  command  of  Gen.  But¬ 
ler,  and  composed  of  a  portion  of  the  Boston 
Light  Artillery,  Major  Cook;  a  strong  detach¬ 
ment  of  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  Regiment, 
Col.  Jones;  and  about  five  hundred  of  the 
Eighth  Mew  York  Regiment,  Lieut.-Col.  Wal- 
tenburgh. 

On  the  route  to  the  Hill,  the  streets  were 
thronged  with  people,  who  greeted  the  military 
with  cheers  at  every  step,  the  ladies  at  the 
windows  and  the  dooi’s  joining  in  the  applause 
by  waving  their  handkerchiefs.  Arrived  at 
their  destination — which  was  unknown  to  the 
troops  until  they  reached  the  place — they  began 
to  bestow  themselves  as  comfortably  as  possible 
in  the  absence  of  tents.  Their  operations 
were  seriously  interrupted  by  a  soaking  shower 
that  completely  deluged  the  place,  but,  having 
become  accustomed  to  camp  life,  they  seemed 
to  pay  little  attention  to  it.  At  a  late  hour 
large  fires  were  built,  somewhat  dispelling  the 
gloom  of  the  place,  and  rendering  the  atmos¬ 
phere  more  comfortable.  The  forces  will  be 
largely  reinforced,  and  additional  force  is  ex¬ 
pected,  who  will  immediately  take  possession 
of  the  commanding  heights  around  Baltimore. 
Public  Schoolhouse  Mo.  10,  corner  of  Warren 
and  William  streets,  was  taken  possession  of  by 
the  troops  for  the  purpose  of  storing  away 
their  baggage  and  other  articles  likely  to  be  in¬ 
jured  by  being  exposed  to  the  weather. — Bal¬ 
timore  Clipper ,  May  14. 

— Judge  Giles,  of  Baltimore,  having  issued 
a  writ  of  habeas  corpus ,  directing  the  delivery 
of  a  soldier  at  Fort  McHenry,  Major  Morris,  the 
commander  at  that  post,  refused  to  obey  the 
writ,  and  gave  his  reasons  in  a  published  letter. 
— ET.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  May  14. — {Doc.  1G0.) 

— Early  this  morning  the  steamer  Pawnee 
was  moored  off  the  city  of  Alexandria,  Va.,  so 
that  her  guns  and  mortars  command  the  town. 
She  has  several  of  James’s  rifled  cannon  on 
board,  which  will  throw  grape,  shell,  hot 
shot  or  solid  into  any  part  of  the  town,  and  far 
beyond  into  the  camp  of  an  army  that  may 
be  so  imprudent  as  to  pitch  their  tents  in  the 
suburbs  of  the  city. — N.  Y.  Herald,  May  14. 

— The  Virginia  Union  Convention  assembled 
at  Wheeling,  and  organized,  with  Dr.  J.  W. 
Moss  in  the  chair. — Idem. 


— Senator  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  issued  an 
address  to  his  constituents,  called  forth  by  the 
denunciations  against  him  on  his  return  from 
the  South.  He  narrates  the  history  of  his 
journey,  gives  the  motives  which  induced  him 
to  undertake  it,  and  denies  having  been  in  con¬ 
sultation  with  the  rebels  in  Montgomery.  Ho 
proposes  to  rest  on  his  past  course,  his  general 
character,  and  his  future  life,  and  declares  that 
he  shall  resign  as  soon  as  he  is  convinced  that 
there  is  to  be  a  war.— (Doc.  161.) 

— Mrs.  Saraii  Sanford,  a  native  of  Mew 
Haven,  Conn.,  and  a  graduate  of  the  South 
Hadley  Female  Seminary,  but  for  some  time 
past  an  assistant  teacher  in  a  Mew  Orleans 
Grammar  School,  was  stripped  naked  and  tarred 
and  feathered  in  Lafayette  Square,  New  Or¬ 
leans,  in  the  presence  and  amid  the  applause  of 
an  immense  crowd  of  people.  The  assigned 
reason  was  abolition  sentiments,  expressed  to 
her  pupils,  and  by  them  repeated  to  their  par¬ 
ents.  Dr.  Charles  McQueen,  recently  from 
Mew  Orleans,  was  an  eye  witness  to  the  trans¬ 
action. — Buffalo  Express. 

May  14. — Gen.  Harney  published  an  address 
to  the  people  of  Missouri,  saying  that  the  mili¬ 
tary  bill  recently  passed  by  the  Legislature  is 
an  indirect  secession  ordinance,  manifestly  un¬ 
constitutional,  and  ought  not  to  be  upheld  by 
good  citizens.  He  says,  that  whatever  may  be 
the  termination  of  the  present  condition  of 
things  in  respect  to  the  Cotton  States,  Missouri 
must  share  the  destiny  of  the  Union,  and  all  the 
power  of  the  Government  will  be  exerted  to 
maintain  her  position. — {Doc.  162.) 

— The  Confederate  Congress  requested  Presi¬ 
dent  Davis,  by  resolution,  to  appoint  a  day  of 
fasting  and  prayer. — {Doc.  103.) 

— A  large  and  enthusiastic  Union  meeting 
was  held  in  East  Baltimore,  Md.,  James  T. 
Randolph  presiding,  assisted  by  a  number  of 
vice-presidents ;  patriotic  resolutions  were  adopt¬ 
ed,  and  addresses  were  delivered  by  John  L. 
Thomas  and  John  G.  Wilmot,  of  Baltimore,  and 
Dr.  Stratford,  of  Caroline  county,  and  received 
with  every  demonstration  of  approval. — {Doc. 
164.) 

— Tiiere  was  a  great  demonstration  at  An¬ 
napolis,  Md.,  in  honor  of  opening  the  branch 
railroad  connecting  Annapolis  station  and  the 
pier  of  the  Maval  Academy,  then  just  completed 
by  the  skilful  engineer  corps  of  the  Thirteenth 


70 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[May  14. 


New  York  Regiment.  A  long  train  of  cars  car¬ 
ried  the  Thirteenth  Regiment  on  an  excursion 
over  the  new  road  to  a  short  distance  beyond 
the  city.  They  were  accompanied  with  a  full 
band  of  music,  and  as  the  train  moved  off  a 
salute  was  fired  from  the  Naval  School.  The 
regiment  marched  back  to  the  city,  and  much 
enthusiasm  was  manifested  by  the  citizens. 
— National  Intelligencer ,  May  1C. 

— Ross  Winans  was  arrested  at  the  Relay 
Ilouse,  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  road,  by  the 
federal  officers.  Governor  Hicks,  with  others, 
endeavored  to  have  him  released  on  security, 
but  this  was  refused,  and  he  was  placed  under 
guard. — Phila.  Press ,  May  15. 

— Governor  Andrew,  in  an  address  to  the 
two  branches  of  the  Legislature  of  Massachu¬ 
setts,  delivered  to-day,  says  : — 

“This  is  no  war  of  sections, — no  war  of 
North  on  South.  It  is  waged  to  avenge  no 
former  wrongs,  nor  to  perpetuate  ancient  griefs 
or  memories  of  conflict.  It  is  the  struggle  of 
the  people  to  vindicate  their  own  rights,  to 
retain  and  invigorate  the  institutions  of  their 
fathers, — the  majestic  effort  of  a  National  Gov¬ 
ernment  to  vindicate  its  power  and  execute  its 
functions  for  the  welfare  and  happiness  of 
the  whole, — and  therefore  while  I  do  not  forget, 
I  will  not  name  to-day  that  “ subtle  poison'1'1 
which  has  lurked  always  in  our  national  system 
— and  I  remember  also  at  this  moment,  that 
even  in  the  midst  of  rank  and  towering  rebel¬ 
lion,  under  the  very  shadow  of  its  torch  and 
axe,  there  are  silent  but  loyal  multitudes  of  the 
citizens  of  the  South  who  wait  for  the  national 
power  to  be  revealed  and  its  protecting  flag  un¬ 
furled  for  their  own  deliverance. 

“  How  shall  I  record  the  grand  and  sublime 
uprising  of  the  people,  devoting  themselves — 
their  lives — their  all !  No  creative  art  has  ever 
woven  into  song  a  story  more  tender  in  its  pa¬ 
thos  or  more  stirring  to  the  martial  blood  than 
the  scenes  just  enacted — passing  before  our  eyes 
in  the  villages  and  towns  of  our  dear  old  Com¬ 
monwealth.  Henceforth  be  silent,  ye  shallow 
cavillers  at  New  England  thrift,  economy,  and 
peaceful  toil !  Henceforth  let  no  one  dare  ac¬ 
cuse  our  northern  sky,  our  icy  winters,  or  our 
granite  hills  ? 

Oh  what  a  glorious  morning  !'  was  the 
exulting  cry  of  Samuel  Adams,  as  he,  excluded 
from  royal  grace,  heard  the  sharp  musketry 
Avhich  on  the  dawn  of  the  19th  of  April,  1775, 


announced  the  beginning  of  the  War  of  Inde¬ 
pendence.  The  yeomanry,  who  in  1775,  on 
Lexington  Common  and  on  the  banks  of  Con¬ 
cord  River,  first  made  that  day  immortal  in  our 
annals,  have  found  their  lineal  representatives 
in  the  historic  regiment  which  on  the  19th  of 
April,  1861,  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore,  bap¬ 
tized  our  flag  anew  in  heroic  blood,  when 
Massachusetts  marched  once  more  ‘  in  the  sacred 
cause  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  manlcind.' 

“  Grave  responsibilities  have  fallen,  in  the 
Providence  of  God,  upon  the  Government  and 
the  people ; — and  they  are  welcome.  They 
could  not  havo  been  safely  postponed.  They 
have  not  arrived  too  soon.  They  will  sift  and 
try  this  people,  all  who  lead  and  all  who  follow. 
But  this  trial,  giving  us  a  heroic  present  to  re¬ 
vive  our  past,  will  breathe  the  inspiration  of  a 
new  life  into  our  national  character  and  reas¬ 
sure  the  destiny  of  the  Republic.  ”  * 

— A  sciiooner  was  seized  at  tho  wharf  in 
Baltimore,  by  a  United  States  officer.  She  had 
a  number  of  pikes,  manufactured  by  Winans, 
and  Minie  rifles  on  board.  She  was  taken  over 
to  the  south  side  of  the  harbor,  under  Federal 
Hill,  and  a  guard  placed  onboard. — Ar.  T.  Times , 
May  15. 

— Gen.  Butler  issued  a  proclamation  from 
his  head-quarters  on  Federal  Hill — in  which  ho 
explains  why  Baltimore  is  occupied  by  the 
troops,  and  guarantees  safety  and  protection  to 
all  citizens  engaged  in  lawful  pursuits. — {Doc. 
165.) 

— Thomas  H.  Hicks,  governor  of  Maryland, 
issued  a  proclamation  calling  for  four  regiments 
of  troops  “  to  serve  within  tho  limits  of  tho  State 
of  Maryland,  or  for  the  defence  of  tho  capital 
of  tho  United  States.” — {Doc.  166.) 

— The  Connecticut  second  regiment,  num¬ 
bering  eight  hundred  men,  arrived  at  Washing¬ 
ton.  They  are  handsomely  uniformed,  and 
have  a  complete  camp  equipage  and  about  forty 
fine  horses.  They  are  armed  (all  save  two 
companies,  which  havo  Minie  muskets)  with 
Sharpe’s  rifles  and  sabre  bayonets. — {Doc.  167.) 

— Postmaster-General  Blair  annulled  tho 
contract  for  carrying  tho  mails  between  St. 
Louis  and  Memphis,  owing  to  tho  forcible  stop¬ 
page  of  tho  steamers  by  which  they  wero  con¬ 
veyed.  This  is  tho  first  case  under  the  law  of 

*  Governor  Andrew’s  address  is  printed  in  full  in  the 
Boston  Transcript ,  Map  14. 


May  16.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


71 


the  last  Congress  which  authorized  a  discon¬ 
tinuance  of  the  mail  in  case  of  illegal  obstruc¬ 
tion. — Boston  Transcript,  May  15. 

— Gen.  Butler  made  a  formal  demand  on 
the  city  authorities  of  Baltimore  for  the  deliv¬ 
ery  of  a  quantity  of  arms  stored  in  the 
warehouse  of  John  S.  Gittings,  corner  of  Gay 
and  Second  streets.  Marshal  Kane  refused  to 
deliver  up  the  arms  without  the  officers  pro¬ 
duced  an  order  from  the  Mayor. 

Finally,  after  some  altercation,  an  order  was 
produced,  and  the  arms  were  brought  out,  mak¬ 
ing  fifteen  dray-loads.  About  two-thirds  of 
the  fke-arms  were  carbines ;  the  rest  were  flint¬ 
lock  muskets.  There  was  also  a  large  quantity 
of  pikes.  A  guard  of  Federal  troops  Avas  placed 
over  the  arms,  and,  escorted  by  a  large  num¬ 
ber  of  police,  they  were  taken  to  the  fort.  A 
crowd  of  turbulent  men  and  boys  followed,  yell¬ 
ing  and  hooting,  for  a  portion  of  the  distance. 
Some  were  armed  with  pistols,  and  there  was  an 
evident  desire  to  commit  violence,  but  all  such 
demonstrations  Avere  restrained  by  the  police. 
— A".  Y.  Times ,  May  15. 

May  15. — A  proclamation  of  neutrality  with 
respect  to  the  Secession  rebellion  is  issued  by 
Queen  Victoria,  in  Avhich  all  subjects  of  Great 
Britain  are  forbidden  to  enter  the  service  of  the 
contending  parties,  or  to  endeavor  “to  break  a 
blockade  lawfully  and  effectually  established.” 
— {Doc.  168.) 

— The  bark  Ocean.  Eagle,  Capt.  Luce,  from 
Rockland,  Me.,  with  3,144  casks  of  lime,  con¬ 
signed  to  CreeAry  &  Farwell,  Avas  captured  by 
the  privateer  steamer  Calhoun,  of  Ncav  Orleans. 
— N.  0.  Picayune ,  May  17. 

— Two  yachts,  belonging  to  private  individ¬ 
uals,  were  formally  accepted  by  the  Govern¬ 
ment,  and  detailed  for  service  by  the  Treasury 
Department.  Their  owners,  James  Gordon 
Bennett,  jr.,  of  New  York,  and  T.  P.  Ives,  of 
Providence,  R.  I.,  Avere  commissioned  as  Lieu¬ 
tenants  in  the  Revenue  service,  and  ordered 
to  their  respective  vessels  as  Lieutenants  com¬ 
manding. — M  Y.  Tribune ,  May  1G. 

—Bishop  Whitting  ham,  the  head  of  the 
Episcopal  Church  in  Maryland,  addressed  a 
circular  to  the  several  Episcopal  clergymen  of 
his  diocese,  forbidding  hereafter  the  omission 
of  the  prayer  for  the  President  of  the  United 
States  from  the  regular  church  service ;  which 


had  been  done  by  a  few  disunion  persons  under 
his  jurisdiction. — {Doc.  169.) 

— The  town  of  Potosi,  in  Washington  county, 
Mo.,  was  taken  possession  of,  under  orders  cf 
Gen.  Lyon,  by  Captain  Coles,  of  company  A, 
Fifth  Regiment,  of  United  States  volunteers. — 
{Doc.  169£.) 

May  16. — A  letter  upon  the  Virginia  election 
was  written  by  Senator  Mason  of  that  State,  in 
which  he  says,  that  “the  ordinance  of  seces¬ 
sion”  (not  yet  voted  upon  by  the  people  of 
Virginia)  “annulled  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  the  United  States  Avitliin  that  State,  and  ab¬ 
solved  the  citizens  of  Virginia  from  all  obliga¬ 
tion  and  obedience  to  them ;  ”  and  that  if  it 
be  now  rejected  by  the  people,  Virginia  must 
“change  sides,”  and  “turn  her  arms  against 
her  Southern  sisters.”  Moreover,  that  ordinance 
brought  into  Virginia  several  thousand  soldiers 
of  the  Confederate  army,  and  thus  the  faith  of 
Virginia  is  pledged  to  it,  for  if  it  be  rejected, 
their  soldiers  will  merely  have  been  entrapped. 
—{Doc.  170.) 

— The  Montgomery  (Ala.)  Advertiser ,  of  to¬ 
day,  says  that  the  various  accounts  about  hun¬ 
dreds  of  letters  of  marque  having  been  granted 
by  the  War  Department  of  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy,  and  that  thousands  of  applications  are 
already  on  file,  is  a  gross  error.  Applications 
for  that  business  are  made  to  the  collectors  of 
the  different  ports,  and  not  to  the  department 
at  Montgomery,  Avhere  none  have  been  re¬ 
ceived.  A  number  of  applications  have  been 
made  to  the  collectors  of  New  Orleans,  Mobile, 
and  other  Southern  ports. 

— General  Butler  was  serenaded  at  the 
National  Hotel  in  Washington,  and  in  response 
made  a  happy  speech  upon  the  Avar,  and  the 
position  of  Massachusetts  in  it. — {Doc.  171.) 

— Upon  the  opening  of  the  U.  S.  Circuit 
Court  at  Boston,  Judge  Sprague  charged  the 
Grand  Jury  upon  the  crime  of  piracy. — {Doc. 
172.) 

— The  Second  Regiment  of  Maine  volunteer 
militia  passed  through  NeAV  York,  on  their  Avay 
to  the  seat  of  war.  Previous  to  their  departure 
the  natives  of  Maine,  resident  in  the  city,  pre¬ 
sented  the  regiment  with  an  American  flag ;  the 
presentation  being  made  at  the  City  Hall,  in 
the  presence  of  thousands  of  enthusiastic  spec¬ 
tators. — {Doc.  173.) 


72 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[Mat  17. 


— A  correspondence  between  Gov.  Andrews 
of  Mass.,  and  Gen.  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  relativeto 
the  proposed  suppression  by  the  latter  of  a 
slave  insurrection,  is  published. — {Doc.  174.) 

— Brigadier-Generals  Butler  and  McClel¬ 
lan  were  appointed  Major-Generals. — N.  Y. 
News ,  May  17. 

— Secretary  Seward  declares  it  treason  to 
accept  from  the  government  of  a  Southern  State 
the  proffered  price  of  vessels  previously  seized. 
—{Doc.  I74i.) 

May  17. — In  behalf  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  better  to  secure  the 
peace  of  St.  Louis,  and  promote  the  tranquillity 
of  Missouri,  United  States  warrants  were  issued 
for  the  search  of  places  suspected  to  contain 
articles  contraband  of  war.  The  warrants  were 
placed  in  the  hands  of  United  States  Marshal 
Rawlings,  who  proceeded,  accompanied  by  a 
corps  of  United  States  soldiers,  under  Captain 
Sweeney,  to  the  State  Tobacco  “Warehouse  on 
Washington  Avenue,  and  to  the  Central  Metro¬ 
politan  Police  Station  on  Chesnut  street.  At 
the  former  were  found  several  hundred  rifles, 
muskets,  cavalry  pistols,  holsters,  small  boxes 
of  ammunition ;  and  at  the  latter  place,  Arnot’s 
Building,  two  pieces  of  cannon,  and  several 
hundred  rifles. — St.  Louis  Democrat ,  May  18. 

— A  submarine  boat,  or  infernal  machine 
supposed  to  be  owned  by  the  secessionists,  was 
captured  in  Philadelphia. — {Doc.  175.) 

— Surgeon-General  Gibbes  of  the  C.  S.  A., 
reports  that  no  serious  casualty  occurred  in  the 
bombardment  of  Sumter  to  the  Confederate 
forces.  “Four  trifling  contusions  at  Fort  Moul¬ 
trie  only ;  none  at  other  posts.” 

The  Virginia  papers  recommend  Southerners 
to  sing  the  Marseillaise. — N.  Y.  Express ,  May  20. 

— Tnn  Confederate  Congress  authorizes  the 
issue  of  $50,000,000  in  bonds,  payable  in  twen¬ 
ty  years,  at  an  interest  not  exceeding  eight  per 
centum,  and  in  lieu  of  bonds  to  issue  $20,000,- 
000  in  treasury  notes,  in  small  sums,  without 
interest. — N.  Y.  Herald ,  May  19. 

May  18. — Governor  Brown,  of  Georgia,  is¬ 
sued  a  proclamation,  inhibiting  the  carrying  of 
arms  or  accoutrements  of  any  kind  purchased 
by  the  State,  beyond  its  limits,  without  his 
consent.  This  proclamation  appears  to  relate  to 
the  informal  departure  of  soldiers. 

“  Governor  Brown,”  says  the  Savannah  Re¬ 
publican ,  “  may  be  technically  right  in  this  or¬ 


der,  but  he  has  at  least  selected  an  unfortunate 
time  for  issuing  it.  From  the  beginning  a  mis¬ 
understanding  seems  to.  have  existed  between 
him  and  the  Confederate  authorities,  to  be 
found  with  no  other  State,  and  it  is  high  time  it 
had  been  brought  to  a  close.” — N.  Y.  Commer¬ 
cial,  May  22. 

— A  patriotic  demonstration  took  place  in 
the  town  of  Old  Saybrook,  Ct.,  made  particu¬ 
larly  interesting  by  the  antiquity  of  the  places 
and  its  various  revolutionary  relics  and  remi¬ 
niscences.  A  fine  flagstaff  was  raised  upon  the 
spot  which  had  given  birth  to  the  old  Saybrook 
platform,  and  but  a  short  distance  from  the  old 
fort  built  by  the  first  settlers  of  the  place. 

The  services  were  prefaced  by  the  raising  of 
the  flag  by  Deacon  Sill.  (91  years  of  age)  a  colo¬ 
nel  of  the  Avar  of  1812,  and  the  patriarch  of  the 
place.  A  prayer  and  addresses  were  then  made 
by  the  Rev.  Messrs.  McCall,  Loper  and  Gallup ; 
the  intervals  being  appropriately  filled  by  na¬ 
tional  songs  admirably  given  by  a  club  from 
a  neighboring  village.  In  conclusion,  the  old 
men  of  the  village  were  called  upon,  and  short 
and  telling  speeches  were  made. — Boston  Ad¬ 
vertiser,  May  21. 

— Tile  Montgomery  (Ala.)  Mail  of  to-day  has 
the  following  paragraph  in  reference  to  Fort 
Pickens  :  “  Having  returned  this  morning  from 
Pensacola,  where  we  have  been  for  several  days, 
we  can  assure  our  readers  that  the  reports  go¬ 
ing  to  show  that  a  battle  will  soon  occur  at 
Fort  Pickens  are  mere  conjectures.  Of  the 
plans  of  any  of  those  in  command  nothing  is 
known  outside  of  head-quarters.  Our  own  im¬ 
pression,  formed  while  in  Pensacola,  is  that 
there  will  be  no  battle  at  all  at  Pickens,  or  at 
least  that  it  is  not  now  the  intention  of  the 
Confederate  authorities  to  attack  it.” 

— Arkansas  was  by  unanimous  vote  admitted 
a  State  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  and  its 
delegates  to  the  Southern  Congress.  They  are 
R.  77r.  Johnson,  of  Pine  Bluff ;  A.  Rust,  of  Lit¬ 
tle  Rock  ;  A.  H.  Garland,  of  Little  Rock  ;  77. 77. 
77atkins,  of  Carrollton;  II.  F.  Thomasson,  of 
Van  Buren, — AT.  Y.  Times ,  May  26. 

— TnREE  merchants  of  Baltimore,  Jerome  A. 
Pendergrast,  James  77hiteford,  and  George  Mc¬ 
Gowan,  were  arrested  charged  with  riotous 
conduct  in  obstructing  the  track  of  the  Balti¬ 
more  and  Ohio  Railroad  on  the  19th  of  April, 
while  the  Massachusetts  troops  were  en  route 


May  20.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


7i> 


to  Washington.  They  were  under  indictment 
by  the  Grand  Jury,  and  were  admitted  to 
bail. — A.  Y.  Times ,  May  20. 

— The  military  department  of  Virginia,  to 
embrace  eastern  Virginia  to  the  summit  of  the 
Blue  Ridge,  and  the  States  of  North  Carolina 
and  South  Carolina,  was  created ;  Major-General 
Benjamin  F.  Butler  was  placed  in  command. 
— Rappahannock  River  was  blockaded,  which 
rendered  perfect  the  blockade  of  Virginia. — 
V.  Y.  Herald ,  May  19. 

— Fourteenth  Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  M.  from 
Brooklyn  departed  for  Washington,  amid  great 
enthusiasm. — Doc.  176. 

— TnE  Tug  Yankee  arrived  in  Philadelphia, 
having  in  tow  three  schooners  loaded  with 
tobacco,  viz. :  the  Emily  Ann,  the  Mary  Wil¬ 
lis,  and  the  Delaware  Farmer,  belonging  to  and 
bound  to  Baltimore  from  Richmond.  They 
surrendered  to  the  Harriet  Lane,  and  were 
ordered  to  Philadelphia  by  the  flag  officer  of  tho 
Minnesota.  Outside  of  Cape  Henry  tho  Mary 
Willis  broke  loose,  and  as  tho  Yankee  turned 
round  to  recover  her,  tho  Emily  Ann  got  a 
lurch  and  sprung  her  mainmast.  Her  foremast 
had  to  bo  cut  away  to  save  her.  Tho  Emily 
Ann  arrived  at  the  wharf,  leaking  badly,  and 
is  being  unloaded.  Lieut.  Bryant,  of  the  Navy, 
who  had  the  prizes  in  charge,  stated  that  the 
ship  North  Carolina,  in  ballast,  from  Havre, 
and  another  ship,  tho  Argo,  had  been  seized  and 
taken  to  New  York.  Twenty  vessels  had  been 
detained  by  tho  fleet,  including  five  tobacco 
schooners. — Phila.  Ledger ,  May  19. 

— An  expedition  of  New  York  troops  sent  to 
recapture  tho  lightship,  taken  by  the  secession¬ 
ists,  brought  it  up  to  tho  Washington  Navy 
Yard  to-day. — They  were  fired  into,  but  nobody 
was  hurt. — A.  Y.  Herald ,  May  19. 

May  19. — Shots  were  exchanged  between  tho 
U.  S.  Steamers  Freeborn  and  Monticello,  and  a 
rebel  battery  at  Sewell’s  Point  north  of  Eliza¬ 
beth  River,  Virginia. — {Doc.  177.) 

— Two  schooners  with  secession  troops  on 
board  were  taken  by  U.  S.  steamer  Freeborn, 
in  the  Potomac,  10  miles  below  Fort  Washing¬ 
ton. — A.  Y  World,  May  21. 

— Tns  rebels  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  Md.,  were 
reinforced  from  the  south.  Two  thousand 
troops  arrived  from  Mississippi  and  two  regi¬ 
ments  from  Alabama. — A.  Y  Herald ,  May  21. 

Diary — 13 


• — A.  meeting  of  the  New  York  Bible  Society 
was  held,  in  reference  to  supplying  the  Bible 
to  all  soldiers,  who  go  to  fight  for  the  Federal 
Government.  Win.  Allen  Butler  presided,  and 
speeches  were  made  by  the  president,  Dr.  Tyng, 
Dr.  Hitchcock,  and  others. — {Doc.  178.) 

— A  body  of  1,000  Virginians  and  South 
Carolinians  from  Harper’s  Ferry  took  a  posi¬ 
tion  on  the  Virginia  side  of  tho  Potomac, 
opposite  Williamsport,  a  town  about  seven 
miles  from  Hagerstown,  Md.  They  there  were 
in  a  situation  to  command  the  ferry  at  that 
spot. — Phila.  Press,  May  21.  . 

May  20. — Mrs.  Judge  Daly,  of  New  York, 
and  a  number  of  ladies  associated  with  her, 
sent  to  the  Sixty-ninth  regiment  1,2G0  linen 
liavelocks — a  complement  sufficient  to  supply 
tho  whole  regiment. — A  Y.  Herald ,  May  21. 

— TnE  ship  Argo,  which  was  captured  in 
Hampton  Roads  on  Sunday  afternoon,  (May  19,) 
bv  the  United  States  steam  frigate  Minnesota, 

0  7 

arrived  at  New  York  in  charge  of  a  prizo  crew 
under  command  of  Midshipman  McCook  and 
Clerk  Elias  W.  Hall.  Tho  Argo  was  bound 
from  Richmond,  Virginia,  for  Bremen,  and  at 
the  time  of  her  seizure  had  on  board  $150,000 
worth  of  tobacco. — A  Y.  Journal  of  Com¬ 
merce,  May  21. 

— At  precisely  G  o’clock  p.  m.,  by  order  of  the 
Government,  a  descent  was  made  by  the  United 
States  Marshals  upon  every  considerable  tele¬ 
graph  office  throughout  the  Free  States,  and 
tho  accumulated  despatches  of  the  twelvemonth 
past  were  seized.  Tho  object  was  to  obtain 
evidence  of  tho  operations  of  tho  Southern 
rebels  with  their  Northern  accomplices,  which 
tho  confidential  telegrams  passing  between  them 
could  most  certainly  furnish.  The  seizures  in 
all  tho  principal  cities  were  made  at  tho  same 
time  so  as  to  prevent  the  destruction  of  evi¬ 
dence  which  might  have  followed  tho  receipt 
of  a  warning  from  any  particular  point.  The 
whole  matter  was  managed  with  tho  greatest 
secrecy,  and  so  well  planned  that  the  project 
was  a  complete  success.  By  this  bold  manoeu¬ 
vre  tho  Government  has  obtained  possession  of 
a  mass  of  evidence  of  tho  greatest  importance.. 
A.  Y.  Tribune,  May  21. 

— TnE  ordinance  of  secession  was  passed  by 
tho  North  Carolina  State  Convention,  together 
with  an  ordinance  ratifying  and  assenting  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  Confederate  States. — 
{Doc.  179.) 


74 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[May  21. 


— Abram  S.  Vosburgh,  Colonel  of  the  New 
York  Seventy-first  Regiment,  died  in  Washing¬ 
ton,  I).  C.,  of  a  pulmonary  complaint. — AT.  Y. 
Express ,  May  20. 

— Gen.  Butler  left  Washington  for  Annap¬ 
olis.  The  New  York  Second  Regiment  left  New 
York  for  the  seat  of  war. — {Doc.  180.) — -N.  Y. 
Tribune ,  May  21. 

— Gov.  Magoffin,  of  Kentucky,  issued  a 
proclamation  pretentiously  in  obedience  to  pub¬ 
lic  sentiment,  by  which  Kentucky  virtually 
takes  a  position  of  neutrality,  and  in  which  its 
citizens  are  bidden  to  “  so  conduct  themselves 
that  the  deplorable  calamity  of  invasion  may 
be  averted.” — {Doe.  181.) 

— Military  maps  of  Virginia  made  for  Gov. 
Letcher,  from  special  surveys,  were  seized  in 
Washington  by  the  War  Department. — N.  Y. 
Tribune ,  May  21. 

May  21. — Gen.  Price,  of  the  Missouri  Militia, 
and  Gen.  Harney  U.  S.  A.,  agreed  upon  apian  to 
maintain  the  public  peace.  Gen.  Price  pledged 
the  whole  power  of  the  State  officers  to  maintain 
order  among  the  people  of  the  State,  and  Gen. 
Harney  declares  that  this  object  being  assured, 
he  can  have  no  occasion  as  he  has  no  wish,  to 
make  military  movements,  which  might  other¬ 
wise  create  excitement  and  jealousies  which  he 
most  earnestly  desires  to  avoid. —  Ohio  States¬ 
man,  May  22. 

— This  afternoon  two  companies,  numbering 
120  muskets,  from  the  Philadelphia  camp,  com¬ 
posed  of  companies  E  and  G  under  the  com¬ 
mand  of  Major  McLane,  went  to  Baltimore; 
proceeded  to  an  unoccupied  house  near  Green 
Mount  Cemetery,  and  seized  a  large  quantity  of 
arms  stored  there,  comprising  1,G00  muskets, 
the  boxes  marked,  “  Virginia  muskets,”  and  34 
boxes  containing  4,000  pikes,  the  boxes  marked, 
“From  Denmcads.”  The  whole  made  twenty- 
six  dray  loads  and  were  all  taken  to  camp,  and 
thence  to  Fort  McHenry.  The  arms  had  been 
in  the  custody  of  the  city  authorities. — Idem. 

— Tnn  Second  Regiment  of  Tennessee  Vol¬ 
unteers,  numbering  952  men,  arrived  at  Rich¬ 
mond,  Va.,  and  went  into  camp  at  tho  head  of 
Main  street. — {Doc.  182.) 

— TnE  ship  General  Parkhill  of  Liverpool,  for 
Charleston,  arrived  at  Philadelphia  in  charge 
of  a  prize  crew  of  the  Niagara.  She  was  spo¬ 
ken  off  Cape  Romain  on  the  12tli,  and  ordered 
off.  The  next  day  she  was  captured  in  attempt¬ 


ing  to  run  the  blockade.  She  is  GOO  tons  with  a 
general  cargo,  a  large  portion  being  salt.  It  is 
suspected  that  arms  and  munitions  of  war  are 
concealed  under  the  salt.  She  was  commanded 
by  Capt.  Forbes,  and  had  two  secession  flags 
flying. — Philadelphia  Press,  May  21. 

— Jefferson  Davis  approved  tho  act,  passed 
at  the  session  of  the  Southern  Congress,  pro¬ 
hibiting  Southerners  owing  moneys  to  Northern 
merchants  from  paying  the  same,  and  compell¬ 
ing  payment  instead  into  the  treasury  of  the 
seceded  States. — {Doc.  183.) 

— A  comprehensive  and  able  article  upon 
the  present  condition  of  affairs  in  the  United 
States,  is  published  in  the  Cologne  Gazette. — 
{Doc.  184.) 

— The  Confederate  Congress  in  session  at 
Montgomery,  Ala.,  adjourned  to  meet  at  Rich¬ 
mond,  Va.,  July  20th. — AT.  Y.  Herald,  May  28. 

— A  letter  from  Roxabelle,  N.  C.,  says : — 
The  Chowan  Association,  by  a  unanimous  vote, 
cut  off  all  intercourse  with  the  Bible  Union, 
and  recommended  those  owing  subscriptions  to 
withhold  the  same,  deprecating  any  further 
agency  of  the  Bible  Union  among  the  churches 
— another  fruit  of  the  reckless  fanaticism  of  the 
Northern  agitators.  Unwilling  to  bow  down 
to  the  Jehovah  revealed  by  Moses  and  preached 
by  Paul,  they  seek  anti-slavery  God.  Nor  are 
they  unmindful  in  their  ardent  devoirs  to  the 
almighty  dollar.  Thousands  have  gone  into 
the  Bible  Union  treasury,  annually  for  years 
past;  but  the  steam  is  now  stopped. — AT.  Y. 
Express,  May  24. 

— Tiie  New  School  Presbyterian  Assembly 
in  session  at  Syracuse,  N.  Y.,  passed  a  series 
of  resolutions  upholding  tho  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment,  tho  Constitution  and  laws. — Albany  Jour¬ 
nal,  May  24. 

— Gen.  Sam.  Houston  addressed  the  people 
of  Independence,  Texas,  on  the  10th  of  May 
last,  on  tho  occasion  of  a  May  festival.  In  the 
course  of  his  remarks  he  took  occasion  to  de¬ 
fine  his  position  in  the  present  political  crisis. — 
{Doc.  185.) 

May  22. — The  Richmond  (Va.)  Whig  of  to¬ 
day  says:  “We  are  not  enough  in  tho  secrets 
of  our  authorities  to  specify  the  day  on  which 
Jeff.  Davis  will  dine  at  tho  White  House,  and 
Ben.  McCullough  take  his  siesta  in  Gen.  Sickles1 
gilded  tent.  We  should  dislike  to  produce  any 
disappointment  by  naming  too  soon  or  too  early 


May  22.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


75 


a  day  ;  but  it  will  save  trouble  if  the  gentlemen 
will  keep  themselves  in  readiness  to  dislodge  at 
a  moment’s  notice  !  If  they  are  not  smitten, 
however,  with  more  than  judicial  blindness, 
they  do  not  need  this  warning  at  our  hands 
They  must  know  that  the  measure  of  their  in¬ 
iquities  is  full,  and  the  patience  of  outraged 
freedom  is  exhausted.  Among  all  the  bravo 
men  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  Potomac,  and 
stretching  over  into  insulted,  indignant  and  in¬ 
furiated  Maryland,  there  is  but  one  word  on 
every  lip :  ‘  Washington and  one  sentiment 
on  every  heart :  vengeance  on  the  tyrants  who 
pollute  the  Capital  of  the  Republic  1” 

— There  was  an  exciting  time  in  Passaic, 
hT.  J.,  on  the  occasion  of  raising  tlio  Stars  and 
Stripes  by  the  citizens  of  that  locality.  A  hand¬ 
some  flag,  donated  by  the  scholars  of  the  Pas¬ 
saic  Academy,  was  raised  upon  that  edifice,  and 
one  of  much  larger  proportions  was  raised  upon 
Passaic  Heights.  Eloquent  and  patriotic  ad¬ 
dresses  were  made  by  Rev.  Marshall  B.  Smith 
and  Thos.  D.  Ilaxsey,  Esq.,  of  Paterson.  The 
Passaic  Light  Guard  turned  out  in  good  num  • 
bers  and  saluted  the  flag  with  several  rounds. 
— Ar.  Y.  Commercial ,  May  24. 

— A  correspondent  of  the  Savannah  (Ga.) 
Republican,  writing  from  Montgomery,  Ala¬ 
bama,  says:  “It  is  feared  that  the  blockade  of 
Lincoln  will  seriously  diminish  the  revenue, 
unless  speedily  raised,  and  if  not,  the  govern¬ 
ment  will  have  to  resort  to  direct  taxation,  in 
order  to  provide  for  its  support.  The  plan  will 
prove  acceptable  to  the  people,  and  will  be  more 
effective  than  a  mere  dependence  upon  an  un¬ 
certain  income.  Some  one  has  suggested, 
though  not  officially,  the  project  of  levying  a 
tax  of  four  per  cent,  upon  slaves ;  but,  consider¬ 
ing  the  average  value  of  the  slaves  at  present 
to  be  four  hundred  dollars,  the  income  will  not 
exceed  thirty-six  millions.  The  Secretary  of 
War  alone  estimates  for  thirty-five  millions, 
and  it  is  probable  that  at  least  one  hundred 
will  be  needed  for  disbursement  this  year.  Wo 
may,  therefore,  confidently  expect  a  system  of 
direct  taxation  in  case  any  inconvenience  is 
experienced  in  collections  of  the  customs  rev¬ 
enue.  The  tariff  will  be  reduced  to  an  exceed¬ 
ingly  low  figure,  and  will  expose,  by  its  action, 
the  monstrosities  of  its  colleague,  the  Morrill 
tariff.” 

— Major-General  Butler  and  Staff  arrived 


at  Fortress  Monroe,  and  wero  received  with  the 
customary  military  honors.  There  was  a  grand 


review  of  the  troops  in  the  evening,  the  parade¬ 
line,  four  thousand  men,  stretching  across  the 
parade-ground  of  the  fortress.  Tho  spectacle 
was  magnificent,  and  there  wa3  great  enthusi¬ 
asm  among  the  men. 

— A  party  of  Virginians  attempted  at  night 
to  capture  a  ferry-boat  on  tho  Potomac  near 
Clear  Spring,  Md.  Notice  was  given  the  Union 
men  of  Clear  Spring,  threo  miles  distant,  who 
turned  out  to  guard  the  boat.  During  the  night 
the  Virginians  seized  the  boat,  and  were  fired 
upon  by  the  guard,  and  when  midway  across 


76 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-01. 


[May  23. 


had  to  abandon  the  prize  and  escape  in  a  skiff. 
Two  Virginians  were  shot.  The  ferry-boat  re¬ 
turned  to  the  Maryland  shore. —  Y.  JY.  Times , 
May  24. 

— Tnn  fortress  at  Ship  Island,  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
05  miles  from  the  northern  mouth  of  the  Mis¬ 
sissippi,  was  destroyed  to  prevent  it  from  fall¬ 
ing  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels. — Handsboro 
(Miss.)  Democrat ,  (Extra,)  May  22. 

— In  a  speech  at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  Howell  Cobb 
proposed  that  the  planters  should  sell  half  their 
cotton  crop  to  the  Southern  Confederacy,  and 
accept  its  bonds  in  payment. — (Doc.  186.) 

— A  cieculae  letter  from  the  Secretary  of 
War  was  addressed  to  the  governors  of  all  the 
States,  in  which  he  recommends  that  no  person 
be  appointed  a  lieutenant  who  is  not  over  22 
years  of  age;  a  captaincy,  over  30;  a  major,  over 
35 ;  a  lieutenant-colonel,  over  40 ;  or  colonel, 
over  45. — (Doc.  187.) 

— The  Second  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  V.,  Col. 
Carr,  left  New  York  for  Fortress  Monroe. — 
(Doc.  188.) 

— A  contingent  of  350  men  left  New  York 
to  join  the  G9th  Regiment  at  Washington.  It 
included  Capt.  T.  F.  Meagher’s  Company  of 
Zouaves,  numbering  110,  elegantly  equipped, 
and  armed  with  the  Minie  musket  and  bayonet. 
— M.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  23. 

— Despatches  by  the  Persia  state  that  the 
agents  of  the  Rebel  Government  have  explored 
Europe  in  vain  for  arms,  munitions,  or  money, 
to  be  had  in  exchange  for  their  bonds.  Mr. 
Dudley  Mann  had  sought  an  interview  with  Mr. 
George  Peabody  in  the  hope  of  negotiating  an 
interview,  and  had  been  politely,  but  firmly  re¬ 
pulsed.  In  no  case  had  they  found  their  secu¬ 
rities  marketable  at  the  largest  discount  they 
could  offer  as  a  temptation. — AT.  Y.  Times , 
May  23. 

— The  President  and  Cabinet  attended  the 
flag  raising  at  the  Post-office  Department  in 
Washington.  Thousands  of  spectators  were 
present.  As  the  colors  ascended,  a  lull  in  the 
breeze  caused  them  for  a  moment  to  hug  the 
staff.  In  a  few  seconds,  however,  the  breeze 
freshened  and  caused  the  beautiful  Stars  and 
Stripes  to  float  out  for  full  fifty  feet.  The  effect 
was  electric.  The  host  of  spectators,  the  Presi¬ 
dent,  the  Cabinet — all  united  in  cheers.  Mr. 
Lincoln,  amidst  the  wildest  enthusiasm  of  the 
mass,  made  a  brief  address. 


He  said  that  a  few  months  ago  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  hung  as  listless  and  still  all  over  tlio 
Union  as  the  flag  just  raised,  but  in  a  short  time 
they  were  caught  up  by  the  coming  breeze  and 
made  to  float  over  the  whole  loyal  nation,  and 
among  millions  who  were  now  determined  to 
keep  the  flag  flying  till  the  bitter  end  or  until 
the  restoration  of  peace  and  unity. 

Speeches  were  also  made  by  Mr.  Blair,  Mr. 
Seward,  and  Mr.  Caleb  B.  Smith.  The  remarks 
of  Mr.  Seward  were  received  with  tho  most  in¬ 
tense  enthusiasm. — V.  Y.  Commercial  Adver¬ 
tiser ,  May  22. 

— The  steamer  J.  C.  Swan  wa3  seized  at  Bar- 
low’s  Landing,  thirty  miles  below  St.  Louis, 
and  brought  to  the  St.  Louis  arsenal,  by  order 
of  Gen.  Lyon.  This  is  the  steamer  that  brought 
the  arms  from  Baton  Rouge,  which  were  cap¬ 
tured  by  Gen.  Lyon,  at  Camp  Jackson.  Meas¬ 
ures  will  be  taken  to  effect  the  legal  confiscation 
of  the  boat.  About  5,000  pounds  of  lead,  en 
route  for  the  South,  were  also  seized  at  Ironton, 
on  the  Iron  Mountain  Railroad,  by  order  of 
Gen.  Lyon.  Some  resistance  was  offered  by  a 
party  of  citizens,  and  several  shots  were  fired 
on  both  sides,  but  nobody  was  hurt. — (Idem.) 

— Majoe-Geneeal  Sandfoed  was  placed  in 
command  of  the  New  York  troops  on  duty  at 
Washington. — Ar.  Y.  Times ,  May  24. 

— Among  the  speakers  at  the  annual  meeting 
of  the  Wesleyan  Mission  Society  in  London,  was 
Rev.  Dr.  McClintock,  of  New  York.  He  im¬ 
proved  the  occasion  to  make  a  stirring  appeal  to 
the  audience  against  the  misrepresentations  of 
the  London  Times  about  American  affairs,  and  to 
set  them  right  on  the  subject.  His  address  was 
received  with  very  great  applause.  At  one 
passage,  the  whole  audience  rose  to  their  feet, 
and  cheered  for  the  speaker,  and  for  the  cause 
of  the  Union  which  he  was  advocating. — (Doc. 
188£.) 

May  23. — A.  n.  Stephens  arrived  at  Atlanta, 
Ga.,  on  his  return  from  Montgomery,  and  in 
response  to  a  call  of  the  citizens  delivered  a 
strong  secession  speech. — (Doc.  189.) 

— Gen.  Butlee  at  Fortress  Monroe,  in  a 
general  order,  announced  the  following  staff: 
Capt.  Grier  Tallmadge,  Assistant  Quarter¬ 
master  and  Acting  Assistant  Adjutant-General, 
Capt.T.  Bailey  Myers;  Acting  Assistant  Quarter¬ 
master,  Capt.  Peter  Hagerty ;  and  Second  Lieut., 
George  H.  Butler ;  Major  Richard  S.  Fay,  Mili¬ 
tary  Secretary. — AT.  Y.  Commercial ,  May  31. 


May  23.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


77 


— Tiie  Philadelphia  Evening  Journal  of  to¬ 
day  says:  “We  have  it  from  good  authority 
that  there  are,  at  this  time,  about  five  hundred 
Indians  stationed  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  with  the 
rebel,  or  traitor  army.  If  this  be  the  mode  of 
warfare  these  blood-thirsty,  scalping  devils  are 
to  be  brought  into  the  fight,  our  friends  in  the 
South  must  not  consider  it  all  unkind  if  we  ac¬ 
cept  the  proffered  services  of  the  ten  regiments 
of  free  negroes  in  Canada  and  the  North,  and 
send  them  down  South.  Our  Governor  re¬ 
fused  to  let  one  regiment  of  negroes  pass 
through  our  State  to  go  South  to  do  battle,  but 
if  Indians  are  to  be  brought  into  the  field  by 
Jeff1.  Davis,  the  South  may  rely  on  it  they  will 
be  met  with  a  corresponding  force  of  negroes, 
and  they  will  increase  their  numbers  as  they 
pass  through  the  country,  by  having  the  slaves 
join  them.” 

— The  Advance  Guard,  Fifth  Regiment,  N. 
Y.  Volunteers,  Col.  Duryea,  embarked  on  board 
the  steam  transport  Alabama,  from  New  York, 
for  Fortress  Monroe. — {Doc.  190.) 

— TnE  Mississippi,  which  sailed  from  Boston, 
Mass.,  this  forenoon,  returned  to  that  place  and 
anchored  olf  the  Navy  Yard.  She  had  pro¬ 
ceeded  but  a  few  miles  down  the  harbor,  when 
it  was  discovered  that  in  repairing  the  engines, 
about  two  inches  of  the  delivery  pipe,  through 
which  tho  water  from  the  condensers  was 
forced  out  of  the  side  of  the  ship,  had  been  cut 
out,  and  in  its  place  a  joint  of  gum  and  canvas 
substituted,  when  it  should  have  been  a  slip 
joint  of  iron  or  other  metal.  The  defective 
part  gave  way,  pouring  a  flood  of  water  into 
the  ship,  when  the  engines  were  immediately 
stopped  and  the  anchor  thrown  out.  Tempo¬ 
rary  repairs  were  made  so  that  she  was  enabled 
to  return,  but  she  lost  a  0,000  lb.  anchor  by  the 
parting  of  a  cable.  Michael  Quinn  of  Virginia, 
late  Chief  Engineer  in  tho  Navy,  superintended 
the  repairs  of  the  Mississippi,  lie  recently 
resigned,  returned  to  Virginia,  and  his  name 
was  stricken  from  tho  Navy  roll. — M.  Y.  Tri¬ 
bune,  May  24. 

— TnE  First  and  Second  Regiments  of  the 
Ohio  volunteers,  numbering  together  eighteen 
hundred  men,  and  under  the  command  respect¬ 
ively  of  Colonels  McCook  and  Wilson,  reached 
Washington.  It  has  been  several  weeks  since 
they  left  home,  having  been  in  the  mean  time 
encamped  in  Pennsylvania — first  at  Lancaster, 
and  afterwards  near  Philadelphia.  They  left  tho 


latter  city  early  yesterday  morning,  on  the  rail¬ 
road,  coming  by  way  of  Baltimore. — (Doc.  190JQ 

— Ax  immense  dry-dock  was  anchored  at 
night  in  the  Pensacola  channel  east  of  Fort 
Pickens  by  tho  rebels,  who  had  intended,  how¬ 
ever,  to  anchor  it  elsewhere.  Gen.  Brown,  in 
command  at  tho  fort,  forbade  its  further  re¬ 
moval.  Its  anchorage  between  Forts  Pickens 
and  McRae  was  for  some  time  contemplated.— 
JST.  O.  Della ,  May  24f 

— A  battery  of  Whitworth  guns,  twelve- 
pounders,  with  ammunition  and  carriages  com¬ 
plete,  arrived  in  New  York  city,  as  a  present  to 
the  Government  from  patriotic  Americans 
abroad.  The  battery  is  consigned  to  Henry  F. 
Spaulding,  Samuel  D.  Babcock,  and  Henry  A. 
Smytke,  who  have  informed  Secretary  Came¬ 
ron  of  its  arrival,  and  that  it  is  at  the  disposi¬ 
tion  of  the  Government.  Each  one  of  the 
guns  bears  the  following  inscription : 

“From  loyal  Americans  in  Europe,  to  the 
United  States  Government,  1861.” 

Mr.  R.  G.  Moulton,  an  American  at  pres¬ 
ent  residing  in  Manchester,  deserves  great 
credit  for  his  energetic  efforts  in  raising  funds 
for  the  purchase  of  this  battery. — II.  Y.  Times , 
May  24. 

— One  of  the  secession  flags  displayed  from 
the  head-quarters  of  the  “  Grays,”  at  Alexan¬ 
dria,  Va.,  and  within  sight  from  Washington,  was 
captured  by  two  adventurous  Union  men — Wil¬ 
liam  McSpedon,  of  New  York  city,  and  Samuel 
Smith,  of  Queens  County,  N.  Y. 

— Gen.  Patterson  and  staff  arrived  at  Fort 
McHenry,  Baltimore.  Col.  Vosburgh,  late  of 
tho  71st  N.  Y.  regiment,  was  buried  in  Green¬ 
wood  Cemetery,  L.  I. — M.Y.  Times ,  May  24. 

— TnE  Third  Connecticut  Regiment  arrived 
at  Washington.  It  numbers  over  eight  hun¬ 
dred  men,  all  well  drilled,  and  is  commanded  by 
Colonel  J.  Arnold. — {Doc.  191.) 

—The  Alexandria  (Va.)  Sentinel  of  to-day, 
says:  “The  Washington  Home  Guard,  Capt. 
Powell,  took  to-day  169  head  of  fine  mutton, 
three  miles  above  the  chain  bridge.  They  were 
appraised  at  $2.50  a  head,  and  are  impounded 
near  this  place.  They  had  been  purchased  of 
some  Virginia  drover  by  the  Georgetown  butch¬ 
ers,  and  were  to  have  been  delivered  by  some 
party,  who  had  undertaken  to  swim  them 
across  tho  river  at  so  much  a  head.  It  has  not 
been  found  out  who  it  is  in  Virginia  that  is 


78 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[May  24. 


thus  furnishing  aid  and  comfort  to  her  enemies. 
This  company  deserves  great  credit  for  the  vig¬ 
ilance  they  have  exercised  in  protecting  the 
adjoining  country  from  marauding  bands  of 
Lincoln’s  soldiery,  as  also  to  prevent  disloyal 
Virginians  from  furnishing  supplies  to  the 
enemy.” 

— Jeffeesox  Davis  issued  instructions  to 
privateers  sailing  under  his  letters  of  marque. 
—(Doc.  192.) 

— Gex.  Butler,  desiring  to  know  the  precise 
lay  of  the  land  about  Fortress  Monroe,  Va., 
concluded  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  neighboring 
village  of  Hampton.  Col.  Phelps’s  regiment  of 
Vermonters  were  detailed  for  the  reconnois- 
sance,  and  took  up  the  march  across  the  dyke 
and  bridge  leading  from  the  Fortress  to  the 
Hampton  side  of  the  bay.  Observing  the 
movement,  the  rebels  rushed  down  to  the 
bridge,  and,  with  combustibles  ready,  prepared 
to  set  fire  to  it.  At  this  the  advance  guard  of 
the  Vermonters  took  the  double  quick  step,  and 
before  the  fire  had  made  much  headway  were 
down  on  the  burning  bridge  and  rebels.  The 
latter  fled  precipitately,  and  the  former  was 
soon  rescued  from  destruction.  A  field-piece, 
which  the  rebels  had  planted  in  the  neighbor¬ 
hood,  was  unceremoniously  pitched  into  the 
bay.  Gen.  Butler  pushed  on  and  completed 
the  roconnoissance,  to  the  infinite  disgust  of  the 
rebels,  and,  probably,  of  John  Tyler  in  partic¬ 
ular,  whoso  villa  is  not  far  distant.  The  ground 
for  the  permanent  encampment  was  selected  on 
the  farm  of  Mr.  Segor  at  the  end  of  the  bridge, 
and  to-morrow  will  be  the  first  permanent  oc¬ 
cupation  of  the  soil  of  Virginia,  made  by  Capt. 
Carr’s  and  Col.  Phelps’s  Regiments,  who  will 
go  into  encampment  there. — N.  Y.  Tribune , 
May  27. 

— Tns  Wheeling  (Va.)  Intelligencer  of  to¬ 
day,  says  : — That  the  first  belligerent  issue  be¬ 
tween  the  “Union  men”  of  Western  Virginia 
and  the  “  State  troops  ”  recognizing  the  au¬ 
thority  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  has  been 
joined  at  the  town  of  Clarksburg,  in  the  county 
of  Harrison.  Two  companies  of  the  Confeder¬ 
ate  military  having  marched  into  that  place  on 
the  20th  instant,  the  court-house  bell  was  run" 
as  a  signal  for  the  assemblage  of  the  two  “  Union 
military  companies  ”  of  Clarksburg,  under  the 
command  of  Captains  A.  C.  Moore  and  J.  C. 
Vance,  who  demanded  that  the  “Confederate 
forces  ”  should  surrender  their  arms  and  dis¬ 


band.  After  a  brief  parley  the  demand  was 
complied  with. 

May  24. — Sergeant  Butterworth,  of  the  FT.  Y. 
Fire  Zouaves,  was  shot  by  a  sentry  at  Alexan¬ 
dria,  Va.,  through  his  failure  to  give  the  word 
when  challenged. — N.  Y.  News ,  May  27. 

— Ax  attempt  to  poison  the  Union  forces  in 
Missouri,  by  means  of  arsenic  in  the  bread,  was 
betrayed  by  a  negress. 

The  Missouri  troops,  organized  under  the 
requisition  of  Governor  Jackson,  refused  to  dis¬ 
band,  according  to  the  terms  of  agreement  be¬ 
tween  General  Harney  and  General  Price. — 
St.  Louis  Democrat ,  May  24. 

— Tiie  Steuben  Voluxteers,  7th  Regiment 
FT.  Y.  S.  V.,  departed  from  New  York  for  the 
seat  of  war. — (Doc.  193.) 

— All  vessels  belonging  to  the  United  States, 
which  arrived  at  New  Orleans,  La.,  after  the 
6th  inst.,  were  formally  seized  by  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  Marshal,  in  conformity  with  the 
act  of  the  Confederate  Congress  in  relation  to 
privateering,  which  gave  thirty  days  for  all  ves¬ 
sels  in  Southern  ports  to  leave,  but  made  no  pro¬ 
vision  for  vessels  arriving  after  its  passage. — 
N.  0.  Picayune ,  May  25. 

— TnE  Senate  of  Kentucky  passed  resolu¬ 
tions  that  that  State  will  not  sever  her  connec¬ 
tion  with  the  National  Government,  nor  tako 
up  arms  for  either  belligerent  party,  but  arm 
herself  for  the  protection  of  peace  within  her 
borders,  and  tender  her  services  as  a  mediator 
to  effect  a  just  and  honorable  peace. —  Ohio 
Statesman ,  May  25. 

Jonx  LoraROP  Motley  published  an  article 
on  the  “  Causes  of  the  Civil  War  in  America,” 
in  the  London  Times  of  this  day. — (Doc.  146V) 

— Jeffersox  Davis  issued  at  Montgomery, 
Ala.,  a  proclamation  appointing  Thursday  the 
13th  day  of  June,  18G1,  to  be  observed  as  a  day 
of  fasting  and  prayer  by  the  people  of  the  seceded 
States. — (Doc  194.) 

— A  general  movement  into  Virginia  was 
executed  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Mansfield. 
The  N.  Y.  Seventh  Regiment  left  their  camp 
in  Washington  at  1:20  a.  m.,  each  man  having 
sixty  rounds  of  ball  cartridge.  They  touched 
the  “  sacred  soil  of  Virginia  ”  at  4  a.  m.,  landing 
at  the  Alexandria  Bridge,  near  which  they 
encamped.  The  New  York  Sixty-ninth  and 
Twenty-eighth  Regiments,  with  Lieut.  Drum¬ 
mond’s  cavalry  and  a  battery,  passed  the  Chain 


May  24.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


70 


Bridge,  below  Georgetown,  at  about  1  a.  m. 
They  first  took  possession  of  the  Loudon  and 
Hampshire  Railroad,  seized  the  train,  arrested 
the  passengers,  took  the  cars  and  engine,  and 
captured  one  secession  soldier,  who  was  oil  board 
the  train.  The  G9th  then  took  position  on 
the  Orange  and  Manassas  Gap  Railroad,  which 
runs  out  of  Alexandria. 

They  took  up  some  of  the  rails,  and  awaited 
in  ambush  the  arrival  of  the  train,  which  they 
supposed  Avould  leave  Alexandria  with  the  fu¬ 
gitives.  When  it  came  it  was  surrounded,  and 
the  train  captured.  About  seven  hundred  per¬ 
sons  were  on  board,  including  300  men.  The 
entire  party  were  held  as  prisoners  of  war,  and 
were  kept  as  hostages  for  the  fair  treatment 
of  any  loyal  citizens  that  may  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  rebels.  Two  companies  of  the  N. 
Y.  Second,  the  N.  Y.  Fifth,  Twelfth,  Twenty- 
fifth,  three  companies  of  the  New  York  Seventy- 
first  and  the  N.  Y.  Fire  Zouaves;  the  Rhode 
Island  First,  and  the  Rhode  Island  batteries; 
the  Michigan  Third ;  the  New  Jersey  Fourth ; 
three  companies  of  an  Ohio  Regiment;  one 
company  Massachusetts  Fifth ;  three  companies 
of  cavalry  regular  army ;  and  twenty-five  hun¬ 
dred  District  of  Columbia  troops,  also  par¬ 
ticipated  in  the  movement  on  Virginia — making 
in  all  13,000  men. — JST.  Y.  Times ,  May  25. 

A  little  before  5  o’clock  a.  m.,  the  com¬ 
mander  of  U.  S.  steamer  Pawnee,  lying  in  the 
Potomac,  off  Alexandria,  Va.,  sent  a  flag  of 
truce  to  the  rebel  forces,  giving  them  one  hour 
in  which  to  withdraw  from  the  town.  At  five, 
the  steamers  Baltimore  and  Mount  Vernon, 
with  the  N.  Y.  Fire  Zouaves,  made  fast  to  the 
wharf.  As  the  steamers  approached,  the  rebel 
sentinels  fired  their  guns  in  the  air  and  retreated. 

The  Zouaves  landed  in  good  order  in  double 
quick  time,  each  company  forming  on  the  street 
facing  the  river.  Company  E,  Capt.  Leveridge. 
was  the  first  to  disembark.  It  was  at  once  de¬ 
tailed  to  destroy  the  railroad  track  leading  to 
Richmond,  which  service  was  promptly  per¬ 
formed.  After  detailing  company  E,  Col.  Ells¬ 
worth  directed  the  adjutant  to  form  the  reg¬ 
iment,  and  then  with  his  aid,  Lieut.  Winser, 
and  a  file  of  men,  started  for  the  telegraph  of¬ 
fice  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  the  wires.  They 
marched  in  double  quick  timo  up  the  street,  and 
had  proceeded  three  blocks,  when  the  attention 
of  Colonel  Ellsworth  was  attracted  by  a  large 
secession  flag  flying  from  the  Marsha1!  House 


kept  by  J.  W.  Jackson.  Col.  Ellsworth  entered 
the  hotel,  and  meeting  a  man  in  the  hall  asked, 
“  Who  put  that  flag  up  ?”  The  man  answered, 
“  I  don’t  know ;  I  am  a  boarder  here.”  Col. 
Ellsworth,  Lieut.  Winser,  the  chaplain  of  the 
regiment,  Mr.  House,  a  volunteer  aid,  and  the 
four  privates,  then  went  up  to  the  roof,  and 
Col.  Ellsworth  cut  down  the  flag.  The  party 
returned  down  the  stairs,  preceded  by  private 
Francis  E.  Brownell  of  Company  A.  As  they 
left  the  attic,  the  man  who  had  said  he  was  a 
boarder,  but  who  proved  to  be  the  landlord, 
Jackson,  was  met  in  the  hall  having  a  double- 
barrel  gun,  which  lie  levelled  at  Brownell. 
Brownell  struck  up  the  gun  with  his  musket, 
when  Jackson  pulled  both  triggers,  and  the 
contents  lodged  in  the  body  of  Col.  Ells¬ 
worth,  entering  between  the  third  and  fifth 
ribs.  Col.  Ellsworth  was  at  the  time  rolling  up 
the  flag.  He  fell  forward  on  the  floor  of  the 
hall  and  expired  instantly,  only  exclaiming  “  My 
God.” 

Private  Brownell  immediately  levelled  his 
musket  at  Jackson,  and  fired.  Tho  ball  struck 
Jackson  on  the  bridge  of  the  nose,  and  crashed 
through  his  skull,  killing  him  instantly.  As  he 
fell  Brownell  followed  his  shot  by  a  thrust  of 
his  bayonet,  which  went  through  Jackson’s 
body.  The  companions  of  Col.  Ellsworth,  seven 
in  number,  immediately  posted  themselves  so 
as  to  command  the  halls  of  the  hotel,  and 
threatened  to  shoot  the  first  man  who  showed 
his  head  outside  of  a  door.  In  this  way  they 
stood  for  ten  minutes.  Their  protracted  ab¬ 
sence  alarmed  Adjutant  Leoser,  who  ordered 
Company  A,  Capt.  Coyle,  to  search  for  the 
Colonel.  The  Company  found  their  commander 
dead,  and  their  comrades  in  possession  of  the 
hotel.  They  made  a  litter  of  muskets,  and 
placing  the  body  of  the  Colonel  on  it,  returned 
to  the  boat,  whence  it  was  soon  after  taken  to 
Washington. 

Simultaneously  with  the  landing  of  the 
Zouaves  the  first  Michigan  Regiment  entered 
Alexandria  by  tho  road  leading  from  Long 
Bridge,  and  proceeded  direct  to  the  rail¬ 
road  depot,  of  which  they  took  possession,  cap¬ 
turing  a  troop  of  rebel  cavalry  numbering  one 
hundred,  with  their  horses  and  equipments. 
All  the  heights  which  command  Washington 
were  occupied  in  this  movement,  and  the  con¬ 
struction  of  earthworks  for  batteries  was  im¬ 
mediately  begun.  Batteries  were  placed  at  each 


80 


end  of  the  two  bridges  which  cross  the  Potomac. 
A  portion  of  the  New  York  troops  were  or¬ 
dered  towards  the  Manassas  Gap  Junction,  and 
the  New  Jersey  regiment  was  posted  at  the 
forks  a  mile  from  the  Long  Bridge.  Numerous 
wagons,  with  camp  equipage,  went  over  about 
noon  to  the  Federal  troops  in  Virginia,  and  a 
great  many  men  commenced  work  at  the  in- 
trenchments. 

Col.  Ellsworth’s  body  was  taken  to  “Wash¬ 
ington  and  placed  in  the  engine-house  at  the 
Navy  Yard.  The  house  was  heavily  draped 
with  American  flags,  crape,  and  bouquets  of  flow¬ 
ers.  It  was  guarded  by  the  Zouaves,  a  com¬ 
pany  of  the  Seventy-first  N.  Y.  regiment,  and 
some  regulars.  Thousands  of  people  assembled 
there  to  seo  the  remains  during  the  day,  the 
President’s  family  among  the  number.  At  seven 
o’clock  Alexandria  was  comparatively  quiet. 
But  the  Zouaves  were  anchored  at  night  on  a 
steamer  in  the  river,  to  prevent  them  from 
avenging  the  death  of  Ellsworth.  They  were 
disposed  to  burn  the  town. — {Doc.  195.) 

May  25. — Colonel  Duryea’s  Zouaves  arrived 
at  Fortress  Monroe,  Va.,  this  morning  by  the 
Alabama,  and  encamped  near  the  Hampton 
Bridge,  with  the  Vermont  and  Troy  regiments. 
The  Pembroke  also  arrived  with  two  com¬ 
panies  of  Massachusetts  troops.  There  are  now 
about  G,000  men  within  or  under  the  walls  of 
the  fortress.  The  Quaker  City  came  up  to  the 
fortress  with  a  rich  prize  this  morning — the 
bark  Winnifred,  of  Richmond,  from  Rio  Janeiro, 
laden  with  coffee.  Gen.  Butler,  accompanied 
by  acting  Adjutant-Gen.  Tallmadge,  and  his 
aids,  made  a  dashing  reconnoissance  several 
miles  between  the  James  and  York  Rivers.  A 
picket  guard  of  rebels  fled  on  their  approach. 

Three  fugitives,  the  property  of  Col.  Mallory, 
commander  of  the  rebel  forces  near  Hampton, 
were  brought  in  to  Fortress  Monroe  by  the  pick¬ 
et  guard  yesterday.  They  represent  that  they 
were  about  to  be  sent  South,  and  hence  sought 
protection.  Major  Cary  came  in  with  a  flag  of 
truce,  and  claimed  their  rendition  under  the 
Fugitive  Slave  law,  but  was  informed  by  Gen. 
Butler  that,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances, 
he  considered  the  fugitives  contraband  of  war, 
and  had  set  them  to  work  inside  the  fortress. 
Col.  Mallory,  however,  was  politely  informed 
that  so  soon  as  lie  should  visit  the  fortress  and 
take  a  solemn  oath  to  obey  the  laws  of  the  Uni- 


[May  25- 

ted  States,  his  property  would  promptly  be  re¬ 
stored. — -N.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  27. 

— Tnn  New  Orleans  Picayune  of  to-day  says: 
“■One  week  henco  there  will  not  be  any  avail¬ 
able  mode  of  letter  or  newspaper  express  or 
telegraphic  communication  between  the  Con¬ 
federate  and  the  United  States.  Our  Post¬ 
master-General  has  announced  his  determination 
to  assume  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  of¬ 
fice  on  the  1st  day  of  June.  From  that  date  all 
existing  U.  S.  mail  contracts,  so  far  as  we  are 
concerned,  will  have  been  annulled.  Meantime, 
the  Washington  Administration  adopt  the  same 
policy,  and  to  make  non-intercourse  thoroughly 
impossible,  prohibit  express  companies  from 
carrying  express  matter,  inclusive  of  letters, 
across  the  Potomac  River.  By  order  of  the 
commanding  general  U.  S.  A.,  at  Washington, 
Adams’  Express  was  opened  on  the  lGtli  inst., 
and  all  such  matter  was  stopped.  Without  mail 
or  express  communication  with  the  North,  and 
the  carrying  of  mail  matter  by  individuals  being 
considered  in  the  light  of  treasonable  ‘  commu¬ 
nication  with  the  enemy,’  in  a  few  days  we 
shall  have  but  scant  opportunity  of  enriching 
our  columns  with  interesting  intelligence  from 
the  other  side  of  the  border.  We  might  get  an 
occasional  budget  by  the  way  of  Havana,  but 
we  suppose  it  is  intended  by  the  despotic  clique 
at  Washington  that  the  blockade  shall  prevent 
that.  Won’t  it  be  queer  to  read,  hereafter,  the 
latest  news  from  ‘  way  down  east,’  via  Paris 
and  London? 

“  Well,  we  suppose  we  can  stand  it  as  well  as 
they  can  on  the  other  side  of  the  line.  Let  us 
sec  who  will  first  get  tired  of  the  embargo.” 

• — Tiie  First  Regiment  N.  Y.  Volunteers, 
Col.  Allen,  left  New  York  for  the  seat  of  war. 
— {Doc.  19G.) 

— Funeral  ceremonies  over  the  body  of  Col. 
Ellsworth  took  place  in  Washington.  The  re¬ 
mains  lay  in  state  in  the  cast  room  of  the 
President’s  house  for  several  hours.  Owing 
to  the  immense  throng  of  anxious  gnzer3  on 
the  remains  of  the  deceased,  the  funeral  cor¬ 
tege  delayed  moving  from  the  Executive  Man¬ 
sion  till  near  1  o’clock.  All  along  the  line  of 
Pennsylvania  avenue  flags  were  displayed  at 
half-mast  and  draped  in  mourning.  Every 
available  point,  including  the  windows,  balco¬ 
nies,  and  house-tops,  was  thronged  with  anxious 
and  sorrowful  gazers.  Various  testimonials  of 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Col.  ELMER  E.  ELLSWORTH,  First  Firemen  Zouaves,  N.  V.  S.  V. 


ZOUAVES,  55tii  Keqiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M. 


May  20.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


81 


respect  were  paid.  All  the  bells  of  the  city 
were  tolled,  and  the  heads  of  the  soldiers  and 
troops  uncovered.  Several  companies  of  the 
City  Corps,  followed  by  the  Now  York  Seventy- 
first  Itegiment,  Marines,  and  the  local  Cavalry 
Corps,  formed  the  military  escort,  with  their 
arms  reversed  and  colors  shrouded.  The 
hearse  was  followed  by  a  detachment  of 
Zouaves,  one  of  whom,  the  avenger  of  Col.  Ells¬ 
worth,  carried  the  identical  secession  flag  torn 
down  by  the  deceased.  Then  followed  the 
President,  accompanied  by  Secretaries  Seward 
and  Smith,  and  the  rest  of  the  procession  was 
composed  of  carriages,  containing  the  captains 
of  the  Zouave  Regiment. — N.  Y.  Times ,  May 
20. 

May  2G. — A  letter  from  Major  Sprague,  U.  S. 
A.,  giving  an  account  of  affairs  in  Texas,  since 
the  arrest  of  the  federal  troops  in  that  locality, 
was  published  in  the  Albany  (N.  Y.)  Argus. — 
{Doc.  197.) 

— The  privateer  Calhoun,  Capt.  Wilson,  ar¬ 
rived  at  New  Orleans,  La.,  having  in  tow  the 
following  prizes:  schooners  John  Adams  and 
Mermaid,  of  Provincetown,  Mass.,  and  the  brig 
Panama,  of  Boston,  Mass. ;  all  these  are  whal¬ 
ers,  and  have  on  board  about  215  bbls.  of  sperm 
and  black  whale  oil.  They  were  taken  about 
20  miles  from  the  passes;  their  crews  number 
63  men ;  and  all  of  them  told  that  these  vessels 
had  been  whaling  for  some  time  and  cruising  in 
the  Gulf — Natchez  Courier ,  May  30. 

— The  Mobile  Register  of  yesterday,  after 
announcing  the  invasion  of  Virginia  by  the 
Federal  troops,  observes:  ‘‘Servile  insurrec¬ 
tion  is  a  part  of  their  programme,  but  they 
expect  no  great  amount  of  practical  good  to  re¬ 
sult  therefrom — consequently,  it  is  contended 
that  it  would  be  a  far  better  course  of  'policy  for 
the  Abolitionists  to  murder  the  slaves  and  thus 
exterminate  slavery.  A  more  monstrous  propo¬ 
sition  could  not  emanate  from  the  most  incar¬ 
nate  fiend  among  the  damned.  But  infamous 
as  it  is  it  finds  an  advocate  in  the  abolition 
press.  The  slaves  are  to  be  indiscriminately 
slaughtered,  and  when  the  last  one  is  butchered, 
then  it  it  is  thought  the  institution  will  cease  to 
exist.  The  soul  recoils  in  horror  at  the  idea  of 
an  unscrupulous  war  upon  the  innocent  and  de¬ 
fenceless  slave.  The  Syrian  massacre  of  the 
Christians  and  all  the  crimes  of  its  bloody  par¬ 
ticipants  pale  before  the  proposed  atrocities  of 
the  Black  Republicans.  Their  masters,  how- 
Diary — 14 


ever,  in  this,  as  all  other  instances,  will  be  their 
protectors  and  saviors.  With  this  much  of 
their  published  programme,  we  must  not  be 
surprised  at  any  act  or  threat  as  the  campaign 
advances.  ” 

— A  corkespoxdext  writes  from  Montgomery 
to  the  New  Orleans  Delta : — “  The  startling  in¬ 
telligence  of  the  invasion  of  the  soil  of  Virginia, 
and  the  actual  occupation  of  Alexandria  by 
United  States  forces,  was  received  here  last 
evening.  The  Cabinet,  I  am  informed,  imme¬ 
diately  went  into  a  procrastinated  session.  No 
event  since  the  initiation  of  this  revolution  has 
ever  created  a  sensation  so  profound,  and  so 
sorrowful.  The  mere  taking  of  a  deserted  and 
exposed  village,  is  in  itself  nothing ;  but  when 
regarded  as  indicative  of  the  future  policy  of 
the  old  Government,  it  -at  once  becomes  a  ques¬ 
tion  pregnant  with  great  importance.  Mr.  Lin¬ 
coln  has  declared  in  his  proclamation,  and  at 
various  other  times  reiterated  the  expression, 
that  the  only  object  his  Government  had  in 
view,  was  the  retaking  and  the  reoccupation  of 
what  he  asserted  to  be  Government  property ; 
but  now,  in  the  face  of  this  promise,  which  has 
gone  before  the  world,  he  converts  his  Abolition 
horde  into  an  army  of  invasion,  and  now  occu¬ 
pies  a  city  within  the  boundaries  of  our  Repub¬ 
lic.  This  Government  has  no  longer  an  election. 
Its  duty  is  now  manifest  to  all.  The  nation 
must  rise  as  a  man  and  drive  the  hireling  mis¬ 
creants  from  a  soil  polluted  by  the  foulness  of 
their  tramp.  Virginia  alone  could  speedily  per¬ 
form  the  work  of  expurgation,  but  her  cause  is 
now  our  cause,  her  battles  our  battles,  and  let 
the  Government  at  large  pour  a  continuous 
stream  of  men  into  Virginia,  and  preserve  from 
dishonor  that  patriotic  mother  of  States.” 

— The  rebel  Congress  passed  an  act  to  pro¬ 
hibit  the  exportation  of  cotton,  except  through 
Southern  seaports. — {Doc.  198.) 

— Tms  afternoon  at  about  4  o’clock,  Gen. 
McClellan,  commanding  the  military  depart¬ 
ment  of  Ohio,  received  information  that  two 
bridges  had  been  burned  near  Farmington,  on 
the  B.  &  0.  R.  R.,  and  that  arrangements  had 
been  made  to  burn  the  others  between  that 
point  and  Wheeling.  The  general  had  been 
making  arrangements  to  move  on  Grafton  in 
force,  but  this  intelligence  caused  him  to  hasten 
his  movements.  He  returned  at  once  to  Cin¬ 
cinnati  and  issued  telegraphic  orders  for  an  ad¬ 
vance.  One  column  was  directed  to  move  from 


82 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[Hay  27. 


"Wheeling  and  Bellaire,  under  command  of  Col. 
B.  F.  Kelly,  1st  Virginia  Volunteers;  another 
from  Marietta,  on  Parkersburg,  under  Col. 
Steedman,  14th  Ohio  Volunteers.  These  offi¬ 
cers  were  directed  to  move  with  caution,  and 
to  occupy  all  the  bridges,  etc.,  as  they  advanced. 
A  proclamation  to  Virginians,  and  address  to 
the  troops,  were  issued  by  Gen.  McClellan  sim¬ 
ultaneously  with  the  advance. — {Doc.  199.) 

— The  First  Regiment  of  New  Hampshire 
Volunteers,  Colonel  Tappan,  passed  through 
New  York  on  their  way  to  the  seat  of  war. 
The  regiment  left  Camp  Union,  at  Concord, 
yesterday  morning.  Its  progress  through  Massa¬ 
chusetts  and  Connecticut  was  an  ovation, 
crowds  assembling  at  all  the  stations  to  give 
them  a  greeting. — {Doc.  200.) 

— Postmaster- General  Blair  issued  the  fol¬ 
lowing  order: — “All  postal  service  in  the 
States  of  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Car¬ 
olina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi, 
Louisiana,  Arkansas,  and  Texas,  will  be  sus¬ 
pended  from  and  after  the  31st  inst.  Letters 
for  offices  temporarily  closed  by  this  order,  will 
be  forwarded  to  the  dead  letter  office,  except 
those  for  Western  Virginia,  which  will  be  sent 
to  Wheeling.” — Boston  Transcript ,  May  27. 

May  27. — Emerson  Etheridge,  of  Tennessee, 
addressed  the  citizens  of  Louisville,  Ky.,  on  the 
great  questions  which  are  dividing  the  South  at 
the  present  time.  lie  commenced  his  address 
with  an  allusion  to  the  distracted  condition  of 
the  country,  congratulating  himself  and  his 
audience  that  he  stood  upon  Kentucky  soil,  a 
State  that  was  yet  loyal  to  the  Union.  IIo 
clearly  proclaimed  himself  for  his  country,  first, 
last,  and  forever.  Having  but  recently  come 
from  a  State  in  which  anarchy  reigned  supreme, 
he  could  the  better  appreciate  the  blessings  of 
political  liberty  which  were  yet  vouchsafed  to 
Kentuckians,  and  which  ho  felt  Kentuckians 
had  the  patriotism,  the  gallantry,  and  the  pow¬ 
er  to  perpetuate.  He  drew  a  picture  of  Ken¬ 
tucky  in  her  proud  position  as  a  sister  in  the 
Union  of  the  States,  of  her  wealth,  of  her  use¬ 
fulness  as  an  asylum  for  the  oppressed  of  both 
sections  of  our  unhappy  and  divided  country, 
and  of  her  grandeur  in  after  days  when  she  has 
safely  outridden  the  storm  which  wrecked  the 
frailer  sisterhood  around  her.  While  he  dealt 
deadly  blows  to  the  apologists  of  dissolution, 
he  spoke  cheering  words  of  comfort  and  assur¬ 
ance  to  the  friends  of  the  Union.  He  was 


withering  in  his  denunciation  of  rebellion,  pow¬ 
erful  in  argument,  ready  and  illustrative  in 
anecdote,  and  fervid  and  glowing  in  eloquence. 
— Louisville  Journal ,  May  28. 

— Gen.  Beauregard  issued  orders  in  Charles¬ 
ton,  relinquishing  command  of  the  forces  around 
Charleston  to  Col.  R.  II.  Anderson. — Augusta 
Chronicle ,  May  28. 

— In  the  case  of  John  Merryman,  a  seces¬ 
sionist  arrested  in  Baltimore  and  detained  a 
prisoner  in  Fort  McHenry,  a  writ  of  habeas  cor¬ 
pus  was  issued  by  Judge  Taney,  made  return¬ 
able  this  day  in  the  United  States  District 
Court.  Gen.  Cadwallader  declined  surrendering 
the  prisoner  till  he  heard  from  Washington,  and 
an  attachment  was  issued  for  Gen.  Cadwallader. 
— V.  Y.  Times,  May  28. 

— The  United  States  steamer  Brooklyn  ar¬ 
rived  off  the  Pass  L’Outre  bar  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  commenced  the  blockade 
of  that  river. — V".  0.  Picayune ,  May  28. 

— Brigadier-General  McDowell,  U.  S. 
army,  took  command  of  the  Union  forces  in 
Virginia,  and  relieved  Major-General  Sandford, 
N.  Y.  State  Militia. — N.  Y.  Herald ,  May  28. 

— George  W.  Thompson,  one  of  the  judges 
of  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  State  of  Virginia, 
issued  a  proclamation  ordering  the  rebels  in  the 
western  part  of  that  State  to  disperse.  Peculiar 
interest  attaches  to  the  document  from  the  fact 
that  one  of  Judge  Thompson’s  sons,  W.  P. 
Thompson,  a  young  lawyer,  resident  at  Fair¬ 
mont,  is  aide-de-camp  to  Gen.  Thomas  S.  Ilay- 
mond,  commander  of  the  confederate  forces  in 
W estern  Virginia,  and  the  leader  of  the  first 
company  which  marched  on  Grafton.  Another 
of  his  sons  is  also  a  secessionist,  and  a  private 
in  the  same  company. — {Doc.  201.) 

— The  blockade  of  Mobile  (Ala.)  harbor  was 
commenced.  The  2Jatcliez  Courier  of  to-day 
says: — “Fort  Morgan  welcomed  the  blockading 
fleet  by  displaying  the  U.  S.  flag,  with  the 
Union  down,  from  the  same  staff,  and  below 
the  confederate  flag.” 

— Col.  A.  Duryea  was  placed  in  command 
of  the  camp  near  Fortress  Monroe,  by  Major- 
General  Butler. — {Doc.  202.) 

— TnE  Twentieth  N.  Y.  Volunteer  Regiment 
left  New  York  city  for  the  seat  of  war. — 
{Doc.  203.) 

— The  First  Regiment  of  Virginia  V olunteers, 
Col.  Kelly,  stationed  at  Wheeling,  Va.,  left  that 


May  28.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


83 


place  at  7  a.  m.,  and  moved  towards  Grafton. 
After  their  departure,  the  Sixteenth  Ohio  Reg¬ 
iment,  1,000  strong,  stationed  at  Bellaire,  Ohio, 
under  command  of  Col.  Irvine,  crossed  the 
Ohio  and  followed  Ool.  Kelly’s  command.  The 
Fourteenth  Ohio  Regiment,  Col.  Steadman, 
crossed  the  Ohio,  at  Marietta,  about  the  same 
time,  and  occupied  Parkersburg.  At  midnight 
‘the  rebels  evacuated  Grafton  in  great  haste. — 
{Doc.  204.) 

— Tiie  Washington  Artillery  of  Mew  Orleans, 
La.,  left  that  city  for  Virginia.  Previous  to 
their  departure,  they  were  addressed  by  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Palmer. — {Doc.  205.) 

May  28. — The  forty-seventh  annual  meeting 
of  the  American  Baptist  Missionary  Union,  was 
held  in  the  Pierrepont  Street  Baptist  Church, 
Brooklyn,  Ex-Gov.  Briggs,  of  Massachusetts,  in 
the  chair.  The  exercises  were  opened  with  pray¬ 
er  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Welch.  The  Chairman  then 
addressed  the  meeting  at  some  length,  setting 
forth  the  object  for  which  they  had  assembled. 
In  reference  to  the  present  state  of  the  country, 
he  said  that  soldiers  were  now  to  be  seen  in 
every  direction,  flags  were  floating  from  every 
window  in  every  street,  old  and  young  were 
rallying  round  the  standard  of  the  Government 
to  sustain  order  and  law,  but  amid  all  this  out¬ 
burst  of  enthusiasm  the  Prince  of  Peace  must 
not  be  deserted.  He  was  sure  that  the  cause 
of  all  our  difference  with  the  South  was  owing 
to  their  misapprehension  of  the  sentiments  of 
the  North,  and  he  believed  that  if  the  heart  of 
the  North  could  be  unvailed  to  their  brethren 
of  the  South,  all  our  national  troubles  would 
cease  at  once.  Speaking  of  the  charge  made 
against  the  North  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Fuller  of 
Baltimore — that  the  bad  men  of  the  North,  the 
pastors,  the  churches,  and  the  politicians,  all 
united  in  crying  for  blood — for  the  blood  of  the 
Southern  people,  he  inquired  if  this  was  the 
case  ?  The  congregation  at  once  responded  a 
vigorous  “  No.”  “No,”  said  he,  a  more  cruel, 
more  unfounded  charge  never  issued  from  the 
mouth  of  man.  lie  denied  that  any  such  sen¬ 
timents  as  Dr.  Fuller  had  imputed  to  the  North 
were  entertained  by  Northern  Christians.  He 
hoped  that  the  Union  would  place  their  senti¬ 
ments  on  this  subject  on  record,  that  the  world 
might  judge  between  truth  and  error. — H.  Y. 
Tribune ,  May  29. 

— Tiie  Ninth  New  York  Regiment,  which 
was  the  first  to  offer  their  services  to  the  Gov¬ 


ernment,  arrived  at  Washington.  Having  en¬ 
listed  for  three  years,  they  lose  their  identity 
as  State  militia,  and  at  once  enter  service  as 
United  States  troops.  Eight  hundred  of  them 
are  fully  uniformed,  and  will  prove  a  valuable 
acquisition  to  the  regular  army. — {Doc.  206.) — 
National  Intelligencer ,  May  29. 

— A  new  military  department  is  formed  by 
Gen.  Scott,  out  of  that  portion  of  Virginia 
lying  east  of  the  Alleghanies  and  north  of  James 
River,  exclusive  of  Fortress  Monroe  and  vicinity, 
and  Brigadier -General  McDowell  is  appointed 
to  its  command.  His  staff  consists  of  Colonel 
P.  Stone,  Fourteenth  Infantry,  who  has  recently 
rendered  inestimable  services  in  organizing  the 
District  of  Columbia  Militia;  Captain  B.  O. 
Tyler,  Brevet  Captain  James  B.  Fry,  and  Lieu¬ 
tenant  Putnam,  of  the  Topographical  Engineers. 
— N.  Y.  Herald l,  May  29. 

— TnE  blockade  of  the  port  of  Savannah  was 
initiated  by  the  U.  S.  gunboat  Union. — Savan¬ 
nah  Republican,  May  31. 

— Brigadier-General  Pierce,  Massachusetts 
Militia,  was  appointed  to  succeed  Gen.  Butler, 
promoted.  He  left  for  Washington  immediately. 
Col.  Waite,  Major  Sprague,  and  the  other  offi¬ 
cers  who  were  captured  in  Texas,  and  liberated 
on  parole  not  to  serve  against  the  Confederate 
States,  reached  Washington,  and  reported  to  the 
War  Department.  Col.  Lefferts,  at  Battalion 
Drill,  took  the  sentiment  of  the  Seventh  N.  Y. 
S.  M.,  about  remaining  until  ordered  home  by 
Government,  their  time  having  expired.  Fur¬ 
loughs  were  offered  to  all  who  wished,  but  only 
five  out  of  1,225  asked  for  them. — 21.  Y.  Times, 
May  29. 

— In  the  case  of  Gen.  Cadwallader,  whose 
arrest  for  contempt  of  Court  was  ordered,  the 
Marshal  reported  that,  on  going  to  Fort  Mc¬ 
Henry,  he  was  refused  admittance. — {Doc.  207.) 

— TnE  Chautauqua  Volunteers,  under  the 
command  of  Capt.  James  M.  Brown,  left  James¬ 
town,  New  York,  for  active  service. — Chautau¬ 
qua  Democrat ,  May  29. 

— In  the  English  House  of  Commons,  a  de¬ 
bate  on  British  relations  with  America  took 
place,  being  opened  by  a  communication  from 
Lord  John  Russell  concerning  the  blockade. 
Lord  John  stated  that  Lord  Lyons  had  properly 
said  to  Admiral  Milne  that  the  blockade,  if  suf¬ 
ficient,  must  be  respected.  Mr.  T.  Duncombe 
spoke  with  some  -warmth  on  the  treatment 


84 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[Mat  29. 


which  British  subjects  received  in  the  Southern 
States,  and  commented  with  great  severity  on 
the  piratical  offer  of  $20  per  head  offered  by 
the  rebels  for  every  person  killed  on  board  an 
American  vessel.  The  debate  was  further  con¬ 
tinued  by  Mr.  B.  Osborne,  Mr.  Bright,  Mr. 
Gregory,  and  Mr.  Bouverie.  Mr.  Gregory 
treated  the  reported  offer  spoken  of  as  a  news¬ 
paper  rumor,  and  declared  that  he  should,  on  the 
7th,  press  his  motion  for  the  acknowledgment 
of  the  “  Confederate  States.” — {Doc.  207-J.) 

— Judge  Hall’s  charge  to  the  grand  jury  at 
Rochester,  IST.  Y.,  on  the  law  of  treason,  was 
published. — AT.  Y.  World,  May  28. 

— Two  letters  from  Edward  Bates,  Attorney- 
General  of  the  United  States,  to  John  Minor 
Botts  of  Virginia,  were  made  public. — {Doc. 
208.) 

— TnE  assertion  of  the  Governor  of  Georgia, 
that  property  of  citizens  of  that  State  found  in 
the  State  of  New  York  is  forcibly  taken  from 
its  owners,  is  denied  in  a  letter  published  this 
day,  signed  by  the  officers  of  seven  New  York 
hanks. — {Doc.  209.) 

— TnE  Rochester  Regiment,  Colonel  Quimby, 
and  the  Syracuse  Regiment,  Colonel  Walrath, 
left  Elmira,  N.  Y.,  for  the  seat  of  war. — Buffa¬ 
lo  Courier ,  May  31. 

— The  Garibaldi  Guard,  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  D’Utassy,  left  New  York  for  the  seat 
of  war. — {Doc.  210.) 

May  29. — A  mass  meeting  of  leading  mem¬ 
bers  of  the  Baptist  Church  was  held  at  Brook¬ 
lyn,  N.  Y.,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  formal 
expression  to  their  feelings,  as  a  religious  com¬ 
munity  in  the  present  crisis,  and  to  record 
their  attachment  to  the  Union,  and  their  deter¬ 
mination  to  uphold  the  efforts  of  the  Federal 
Government,  in  behalf  of  the  Constitution. — 
{Doc.  211.) 

— Tnn  Brooklyn,  Capt.  Poore,  entered  the 
Mississippi  River,  below  New  Orleans,  and  sent 
out  a  number  of  boats,  strongly  manned  with 
armed  men,  to  hoard  the  ships  lying  on  the  bar, 
to  acquaint  them  of  the  terms  of  the  blockade. 
After  some  discussion,  it  was  agreed  that  the 
ships  on  the  bar  should  have  fourteen  days  to 
go  out.  Capt.  Poore  also  made  a  full  survey  and 
soundings  of  the  river. — AT.  O.  Delta,  May  31. 

— A  statement  of  the  Geographical  arrange¬ 
ments  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  cor¬ 
rected  to  date,  is  published. — {Doc.  212.) 


— President  Davis  reached  Richmond  this 
morning,  accompanied  by  his  nephew,  Mr.  Jo¬ 
seph  Davis,  Col.  Northrop,  of  the  Confederate 
Army,  and  Col.  Wigfall.  Gov.  Letcher  and  the 
Executive  Council  met  and  received  the  Presi¬ 
dent  at  Petersburg.  An  immense  assemblage 
welcomed  his  arrival  at  Richmond,  with  the 
most  enthusiastic  demonstrations  of  delight. 
The  President,  in  a  brief  address,  thanked  the 
multitude  for  the  hearty  reception  given  him. 
— AT.  0.  Delta ,  May  30. 

— To-day  the  American  flag  was  raised  over 
the  late  residence  of  Lieutenant-General  Scott, 
at  Elizabethtown,  N.  J.,  in  the  presence  of 
about  five  thousand  people.  When  the  flag 
was  given  to  the  breeze,  the  “  Star-Spangled 
Banner”  was  sung,  the  vast  concourse  of  peo¬ 
ple  joining  the  chorus,  producing  a  fine  effect. 
Mayor  Burnett  presided,  and  speeches  were 
made  by  William  F.  Day  and  Rev.  Hobart 
Chetwood,  which  were  received  with  great 
applause. — -AT.  Y.  Commercial,  May  30. 

— TnE  correspondence  in  relation  to  the 
establishment  of  a  department  of  nurses,  and 
the  acceptance  of  the  services  of  Miss  Dix,  by 
the  Secretary  of  War,  is  published. — {Doc.  213.) 

— The  Nero  Orleans  True  Delta  of  this  day 
contains  the  following: — “We  have  again  and 
again  received  information  of  the  motions  and 
sentiments  of  vagabond  free  persons  of  color, 
upon  whom  it  would  he  well  that  the  police 
should  keep  an  eye.  These  men  are  without 
ostensible  means  of  earning  a  livelihood,  and 
are,  by  many  degrees ,  too  familiar  with  our 
slate  •population,  instilling  into  their  minds  san¬ 
guine  notions  of  the  ‘  good  time ’  to  he  experienced 
in  the  event  of  Lincoln’s  hoped-for  success  over 
the  Southern  people.  The  lake  end  of  the 
Pontchartrain  Railroad  is  infested  with  persons 
of  this  character,  who  exhibit  a  remarlcable 
shrewdness  in  broaching  their  pestiferous  hints 
and  suggestions.  The  city  also  affords  rendez¬ 
vous,  at  which  there  are  gathered  knots  of 
these  vagabonds  at  unseasonable  hours.  Of 
course  the  localities  are  selected  with  a  view  to 
privacy  and  remoteness  from  the  inquisitive 
eyes  of  the  watchman.  Careful  espionage  may 
bring  to  light  the  object  of  these  nocturnal  con¬ 
sultations.” 

— The  Twentieth,  Twenty-first,  and  Twenty- 
fourth  Regiments  of  Pennsylvania  militia  left 
Philadelphia  for  Chambersburg. — AT.  Y.  Com¬ 
mercial,  May  30. 


May  30.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


85 


— Colonel  Mann’s  Regiment  of  Pennsylva¬ 
nia  militia,  arrived  at  Easton,  Pa.,  and  went 
into  camp. — {Doc.  214.) 

— TnE  American  citizens  in  Paris  favorable 
to  the  Union  breakfasted  together  in  the  Hotel 
du  Louvre.  About  one  hundred  and  fifty  at¬ 
tended,  of  whoni  one-tliird  were  ladies,  includ¬ 
ing  the  wife  of  General  Scott.  Mr.  Cowdin 
presided.  Resolutions  were  adopted,  pledging 
the  meeting  to  maintain  the  Union  under  any 
circumstances.  Mr.  Dayton,  the  U.  S.  Minister, 
said  that,  since  his  arrival  in  France,  he  could 
detect  no  unfriendly  feeling  on  the  part  of 
France  to  the  United  States,  and  certainly  no 
French  citizen  would  be  found  among  the  pri¬ 
vateersmen.  He  expressed  the  conviction  that 
the  rebellion  would  be  put  down.  Cassius  M. 
Clay  spoke  at  length,  and  was  emphatic  in  his 
comments  on  the  conduct  of  England  in  recog¬ 
nizing  Southern  belligerent  rights.  He  de¬ 
clared  that  if  ever  the  flag  of  England  was  as¬ 
sociated  with  the  black  flag  of  the  South,  the 
Star-Spangled  Banner  of  the  United  States  and 
the  tri-color  of  France  would  be  seen  together 
against  her,  for  France  had  not  forgotten  St. 
Helena.  Hon.  Anson  Burlingame  spoke  on  the 
same  topic.  Col.  Fremont  was  next  called 
upon,  and  was  received  svith  enthusiasm.  He 
made  a  quiet  and  moderate  speech.  He  re¬ 
gretted  the  fanatical  war,  and  felt  confident  it 
would  end  in  the  triumph  of  truth  and  justice. 
He  had  been  called  back  to  America,  and  would 
lose  no  time  in  responding.  He  was  ready  to 
give  his  best  services  to  his  country.  Rev.  Dr. 
McClintock  followed.  He  said  he  did  not  at¬ 
tach  any  importance  to  the  mutterings  of  the 
English  press.  The  people  of  England  had  not 
yet  spoken,  and  when  they  did  speak,  their 
voices  would  not  be  found  on  the  side  of  piracy 
and  slavery.  Capt.  Simons,  of  the  U.  S.  Army, 
said  he  was  on  his  way  home,  in  obedience  to 
the  summons  of  Gen.  Scott.  Mr.  Haldeman, 
Minister  to  Vienna,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Thayer,  also 
spoke.  All  the  speakers  evinced  not  the  slight¬ 
est  doubt  of  the  final  triumph  of  the  North. — 
Gal ig Rani's  Messenger ,  May  30. 

— The  London  Mews,  of  this  date,  contains  a 
remarkable  article  on  the  “War  in  America.” 
—{Doc.  214£.) 

May  30. — N.  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  was 
appointed  a  Major-General,  and  Robert  C. 
Schenck,  of  Ohio,  a  Brigadier-General  in  the 
Army.  The  eminent  intelligence,  energy,  and 
Diary — 15 


activity  of  these  distinguished  citizens  render 
their  appointment  signally  judicious  and  fortu¬ 
nate. — National  Intelligencer ,  June  1. 

— Tns  Twelfth,  Onondaga,  and  the  Thir¬ 
teenth,  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  Regiments,  com¬ 
manded  by  Colonels  Mulrath  and  Trumby,  left 
Elmira  for  Washington.  The  Buffalo  and  Cay¬ 
uga  Regiments  escorted  them  to  the  depot.  An 
immense  crowd  was  present  to  witness  their 
departure. — N.  Y.  Commercial ,  May  30. 

— Tnn  New  Orleans  Delta  of  to-day  says: 
“  Henceforth  all  the  cotton  and  other  produce 
of  the  South  destined  for  foreign  markets  must 
go  from  our  seaports.  So  it  has  been  deter¬ 
mined  by  our  Congress  at  Montgomery.  The 
only  exemption  under  the  law  is  in  favor  of 
the  trade  between  Mexico  and  Northwestern 
Texas.  This  is  a  wise  measure.  The  threat 
of  the  Northern  journals  to  force  our  shipments 
of  produce  to  the  North  by  a  blockade  of  our 
seaports  is  thus  promptly  met,  and  their 
scheme  defeated.  Now,  let  us  see  who  can 
stand  the  embargo  longest.  Our  cotton  and 
tobacco  planters  can  go  on  and  gather  the  im¬ 
mense  crops  which  this  season  promises,  and 
store  them  in  their  barns  and  warehouses,  only 
sending  to  the  ports  what  may  be  necessary 
to  pay  expenses,  and  which  our  friends  from 
abroad  insist  upon  having,  and  will  take  all 
the  risk  of  buying  and  sending  abroad.  Mean¬ 
time,  what  with  two  crops  of  corn,  and  any 
quantity  of  other  produce,  we  can  maintain  a 
very  comfortable  existence.  The  negroes  not 
being  hurried  to  take  off1  the  crops,  will  have 
a  very  easy  time  of  it.  Their  truck  patches 
will  supply  them  with  an  abundance  of  good 
vegetables.  Their  only  trouble  is  that  they 
can’t  go  to  the  war  and  help  their  young  mas¬ 
ters  to  wallop  the  Abolitionists.  This  is  rather 
hard  upon  them,  especially  as  every  plantation 
and  household  will  have  one  or  more  of  their 
race  to  represent  them  in  battle.  ‘  Old  Wir- 
ginny’  is  the  dance  ground  of  our  negroes,  and 
to  fight  for  it  is  their  highest  ambition.  One 
of  our  negro  acquaintances  asked  us  a  few  days 
ago  to  intercede  with  his  master  to  allow  him 
to  go  on  with  one  of  our  volunteer  companies 
to  the  scene  of  war,  stating  that  he  wanted  to 
fight  for  the  graves  of  his  ancestors,  and  he 
could  not  understand  why  his  master  should 
object  to  his  going,  when  the  Massachusetts 
people  had  placed  a  negro  in  command  of  one 
of  their  divisions.  The  story  of  General  But- 


86 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[May  81. 


ler’s  African  descent  had  been  communicated 
to  him.” 

— TnE  Sixth  Indiana  Regiment,  Colonel  Crit¬ 
tenden,  fully  armed  and  equipped,  passed  through 
Cincinnati,  O.,  on  their  way  to  the  scene  of  ac¬ 
tion.  The  Dunkirk  Battalion  left  Dunkirk  for 
the  city  of  Hew  York.  At  Bethlehem,  Pa.,  a 
very  interesting  ceremony  took  place  at  the 
Young  Ladies’  Seminary.  Three  national  flags 
were  raised  on  the  principal  buildings.  Mr. 
Van  Kirk,  one  of  the  Professors,  made  a 
patriotic  speech,  and  the  pupils,  who  were 
gathered  upon  the  roof  of  the  Seminary, 
amid  loud  cheers,  raised  the  Star-Spangled 
Banner.  Nearly  two  hundred  young  ladies 
joined  in  singing  national  airs.  After  the 
ceremonies,  the  pupils,  with  flags  and  banners, 
paraded  the  town. — V.  Y.  Tribune,  May  31. 

— The  U.  S.  ship  Brooklyn  captured  the 
bark  II.  J.  Spearing,  from  Rio  Janeiro  for  New 
Orleans,  with  $120,000  worth  of  coffee. — Ar. 
O.  Picayune ,  May  31. 

— A  portion  of  the  Confederate  troops  were 
ordered  away  from  Pensacola.  Little  appre¬ 
hension  of  a  fight  existed  there.  General 
Twiggs  was  put  in  command  of  the  Military 
Department  of  Louisiana. — Montgomery  Post , 
May  31. 

— Gen.  Butler,  having  asked  information 
from  head-quarters  in  reference  to  the  matter 
of  fugitive  slaves,  was  ordered  to  retain  such 
as  came  within  his  lines,  employ  them,  and 
keep  an  account  of  their  services  and  expenses. 
—{Doc.  215.) 

— TnE  Mew  Orleans  Delta  of  to-day  publishes 
the  following  concerning  the  condition  of  society 
in  New  Orleans: — “Personal  security  is  fast 
becoming  a  matter  of  doubtful  assurance.  Men 
of  high  and  low  estate  are  met  upon  the  street, 
assaulted,  and  in  many  cases  murderously  used, 
with  an  insolent  disregard  of  law  which  argues 
a  conviction  of  escape  from  punishment.” 

— A  party  of  rowdies  left  Baltimore  at  night 
to  go  to  Federal  Hill  and  kill  some  of  the 
U.  S.  picket-guard  there,  but  the  guard  shot 
three,  and  the  rest  fled.  The  Fire  Zouaves 
seized  sixty  kegs  of  powder  and  five  tons  of 
lead  in  a  house  about  four  and  a  half  miles  from 
the  further  outpost  from  Alexandria,  Va., 
southwest  from  camp.  The  scouting  party 
who  seized  it  were  at  a  loss  to  know  what  to  do 
with  the  prize.  It  would  not  do  to  leave  it, 


and  yet  the  party  was  so  small  and  far  from 
camp  that  they  could  not  separate  to  go  back  to 
give  notice;  so  they  took  all  the  lead,  and 
about  half  the  powder,  in  the  only  conveyance 
they  could  find,  and  blew  up  the  powder  which 
they  could  not  carry  with  them  by  a  train 
which  they  fired  at  a  safe  distance.  The  ex¬ 
plosion  was  distinctly  heard  in  Washington,  and 
for  many  miles  around. — N.  Y.  Times ,  June  1. 

— TnE  Ohio  and  Virginia  troops,  under  com¬ 
mand  of  Col.  Kelly,  occupied  Grafton,  Va.,  at 
2^  o’clock  p.  m.  The  secessionists  fled  without 
firing  a  gun.  The  secession  troops  fell  back 
two  miles  from  Williamsport,  on  the  Potomac, 
in  the  direction  of  Martinsburg.  They  have 
about  500  men  and  two  small  swivel  guns. 
About  100  desertions  have  occurred  since  the 
Williamsport  camp  was  established. — The  Sec¬ 
ond  Maine  Regiment,  Col.  Jamison,  left  Willets 
Point,  N.  Y.,  for  the  seat  of  war. — {Doc.  216.) 

May  31. — Joseph  Holt,  of  Kentucky,  late 
Post-Master  General,  under  President  Bu¬ 
chanan,  wrote  a  letter  to  J.  F.  Speed  upon  the 
policy  of  the  General  Government,  the  pending 
revolution,  its  objects,  its  probable  results  if 
successful,  and  the  duty  of  Kentucky  in  the  cri¬ 
sis.  It  strikes  directly  at  the  heart  of  treason, 
and  gives  it  no  show  of  quarter.  It  vindicates 
the  right  of  the  Federal  Executive  to  send 
troops  into  or  through  any  State  to  suppress 
rebellion,  and  rebukes  unsparingly  the  neutral 
position  assumed  by  the  half-hearted  Unionists 
of  Kentucky.  It  shows  that  the  crimes  and 
outrages  of  the  rebels  are  such  as  no  Govern¬ 
ment  could  afford  to  overlook,  and  that  their 
pretence  that  they  “  want  to  he  let  alone  ”  is 
absurd. — {Doc.  197|.) 

— TnE  North  British  Eevieic  for  this  month, 
discussing  the  future  of  the  United  States,  says: 
“There  surely  cannot  be  a  permanent  retro¬ 
gression  and  decay  in  a  nation  planted  in  the 
noblest  principles  of  right  and  liberty,  and  com¬ 
bining,  in  marvellously  adjusted  proportions, 
the  vigorous  and  energetic  elements  of  the 
world’s  master  races,  in  the  midst  of  which  the 
tone  is  given  and  the  march  is  led  by  that  one 
of  them  which  has  never  faltered  in  its  onward 
course,  and  which  is  possessed  of  such  tenacity 
and  versatility,  that  it  is  everywhere  successful. 
The  present  calamity  and  confusion  probably 
form  the  crucible  fire  in  which  the  Union  is  to 
be  ‘purified,  made  white,  and  tried,’  in  order 
that  she  may  take  her  destined  place  in  the  van 


May  31.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


87 


of  the  world’s  progress  in  Christianity  and  civil¬ 
ization,  fulfdling,  in  the  resistless  march  of  her 
dominant  Anglo-Saxon  race  across  the  American 
continent,  one  grand  part  of  the  Divine  scheme 
for  the  spread  of  that  Gospel  which  shall  sur¬ 
vive  all  changes,  overthrow  all  evils,  and 
achieve  its  mightiest  triumphs  in  the  later  days 
of  our  world’s  history.” 

— The  Charleston  Mercury  of  to-day  contains 
the  following: — “Night  and  day,  for  the  last 
two  months,  has  the  Northern  Government 
been  making  herculean  efforts  in  its  department 
of  war.  Preparation  on  the  most  gigantic  scale 
has  gone  on  steadily  and  unflagging,  under  the 
intelligent  and  able  superintendence  and  direc¬ 
tion  of  General  Scott.  An  immense  body  of 
volunteers  have  been  thrown  into  camp,  and 
are  drilling  eight  hours  a  day  under  competent 
officers  of  West  Point  training.  The  arms  at 
hand  have  been  distributed,  and  all  who  are  to 
engage  soon  in  battle,  have  been  thoroughly 
equipped  with  the  best  weapons.  Factories 
for  the  manufacture  of  cannon,  rifles,  sabres, 
bayonets,  and  ammunition  of  every  description, 
are  in  full  operation  at  the  North  during  the 
whole  twenty-four  hours  of  each  day.  Agents 
have  long  since  been  sent  abroad  to  Europe  to 
procure  and  forward  as  fast  as  possible  cargoes 
of  improved  arms,  and  already  they  have  begun 
to  arrive.  Great  efforts  have  also  been  made 
for  the  health,  comfort,  and  supplies  of  North¬ 
ern  troops.  Energy  and  promptitude  have 
characterized  their  movements  both  in  Mary¬ 
land  and  St.  Louis,  and  their  success  along  the 
border  has  so  far  been  complete.  They  have  in 
the  West  obtained  and  secured  the  great  repos¬ 
itory  of  arms  for  that  section,  equipped  our 
enemies  of  St.  Louis,  Illinois,  Indiana,  and  Ohio, 
leaving  the  resistance  men  of  Missouri  poorly 
proivded,  Kentucky  unarmed  and  overawed, 
and  Tennessee  also,  with  a  meagre  provision  for 
fighting,  dependent  on  the  Cotton  States  for 
weapons  of  defence.  Maryland  has  been  cowed 
and  overpowered,  Washington  rendered  as  se¬ 
cure  as  may  be,  while  Virginia  is  invaded  and 
Richmond  threatened  with  capture.  In  all  this 
the  military  proceedings  of  the  North,  since  the 
fall  of  Sumter,  have  been  eminently  wise.  For 
the  purpose  of  overpowering,  disheartening,  and 
gaining  the  first  advantages,  which,  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  are  of  immense  importance, 
the  concentration  of  all  the  forces  available  as 
promptly  as  possible,  has  been  clearly  the  course 


of  generalship  and  true  economy.  The  first 
blow  is  said  to  be  often  half  the  battle.  The 
war  policy  of  Scott  and  the  Northern  Govern¬ 
ment  has  all  the  effect  of  the  first  blow.  The 
final  result  we  cannot,  in  the  slightest  degree, 
doubt.  The  immediate  signal  will  depend,  in  a 
great  measure,  upon  the  number  of  troops  now 
got  ready,  and  the  efficiency  of  the  preparation 
made  for  them  by  the  Confederate  Government 
during  the  same  period  Scott  has  been  at  work. 
Let  us  not  commit  the  mistake  of  underrating 
our  enemy,  or  of  supposing  that,  in  modern 
warfare,  it  is  only  the  courage  of  a  people  and 
the  relative  military  talent  of  their  field-officers 
that  decide  the  issues  of  war.  Ability  in  com¬ 
binations  and  bravery  in  executing  them  may 
fail  of  success  where  the  material  is  wanting  or 
deficient.  An  hour’s  delay  of  a  corps  of  reserve 
lost  the  battle  of  Waterloo;  and  Napoleon 
fought  the  battle  with  the  best  troops  in  the 
world.  They  were  cut  to  pieces.” 

— TnE  United  States  ship  Powhatan  captured 
the  Mary  Clinton,  from  Charleston  for  New 
Orleans,  off  the  Pass  L’Outre,  with  a  full  cargo 
of  rice,  peas,  &c.' — New  Orleans  Picayune , 
June  1. 

— Me.  W.  II.  Russell’s  letters  from  the 
South  to  the  London  Times ,  create  much  com¬ 
ment.  According  to  one  dated  April  30,  the 
South  Carolinians  long  for  “  one  of  the  royal 
race  of  England  to  rule”  over  them. — (Doc. 
217.) 

— TnE  Seventh  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  left 
Washington  for  New  York.  It  made  a  fine 
appearance  and  received  on  their  departure  the 
same  warm  eulogium  that  greeted  their  arrival. 
— (Doc.  218.) 

— The  National  Intelligencer  of  to-day  con¬ 
tains  the  correspondence  between  the  bank 
presidents  of  the  city  of  NewYork  and  the  Gov¬ 
ernor  of  the  State,  relative  to  the  proclamation 
of  Governor  Brown  of  Georgia,  of  the  26tli  of 
April  last. 

— TnE  First  Regiment  of  Maine  Volunteers 
left  Portland  at  8  30  this  morning,  in  a  train  of 
eleven  cars.  They  were  escorted  through  the 
city  by  the  Fifth  Regiment,  arid  nearly  the 
whole  population.  The  train  left  amid  the 
wildest  cheering,  and  a  salute  from  the  artil¬ 
lery. — (Doc.  219  ..) 

— Ex-Governor  Pratt,  of  Maryland,  was 
arrested  this  evening  at  Annapolis,  by  order  of 


88 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[June  1. 


the  Government,  and  taken  to  the  Washington 
Navy-Yard. — Boston  Transcript,  May  31. 

— ATAcquia  Creek,  55  miles  below  Washing¬ 
ton  on  the  Potomac,  the  U.  S.  gun-boat  Freeborn, 
Capt.  Ward,  opened  fire  about  10  a.  m.,  on  the 


shells  fell  into  the  batteries.  The  fire  from 
the  earthwork  batteries  ceased  in  a  short  time, 
but  a  terrific  fire  was  kept  up  from  the  main 
battery  on  the  hill.  The  boats  hauled  off  at  10 
minutes  of  12. — ( Doc .  220.) 


ferry-boat  Page,  lying  at  the  depot  of  the  Rich¬ 
mond,  Fredericksburg,  and  Potomac  Railroad. 
A  second  round  was  fired  at  the  depot  building, 
and  a  third  across  the  bow  of  the  Page.  Three 
batteries  on  shore,  two  in  the  earthwork,  near 
the  depot,  and  a  third  from  the  hill  above,  im¬ 
mediately  opened  on  the  Freeborn,  when  the 
gun-boat  Anacosta  came  to  her  assistance.  As 
soon  as  the  vessels  had  fixed  their  range  they 
fired  with  marked  effect.  The  Anacosta  took 
up  a  position  and  played  upon  the  depot  with 
rapidity,  firing  thirteen  shells,  three  of  them 
taking  effect  and  causing  much  consternation 
among  the  rebels.  Several  of  the  Freeborn’s 


June  1. — The  bombardment  of  the  rebel  bat¬ 
teries  at  Acquia  Creek  was  re-begun,  at  11  30 
a.  M.,  by  the  U.  S.  gun-boats  Freeborn  and  Paw¬ 
nee.  The  firing  on  shore  was  scarcely  as  spir¬ 
ited  at  any  time  as  on  the  day  before.  The 
heights  were  abandoned,  the  guns  apparently 
having  been  transferred  to  the  earthworks  at 
the  railroad  termination,  to  replace  the  battery 
silenced  there  on  the  31st  ult.  This  railroad 
battery  was  otherwise  repaired.  The  Free¬ 
born  approached  to  within  about  two  miles  from 
the  shore,  and  fired  four  or  five  shots,  when 
the  Pawnee  entered  into  the  conflict,  taking  a 
position  nearer  to  the  land.  For  the  first  two 


June  1.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


89 


hours,  the  fire  from  the  shore  batteries  was 
sharp,  but  was  returned  with  more  expedition 
by  the  Pawnee.  During  the  engagement,  she 
fired  1G0  shells,  one  of  which  was  seen  to  ex¬ 
plode  immediately  over  the  heads  of  the  Con¬ 
federates  who  were  working  the  battery.  The 
observer,  through  a  telescope,  saw  numbers  of 
bodies  of  them  carried  away  on  wagons.  Dur¬ 
ing  that  time  the  shore  movements  were  faster 
than  at  any  other.  The  Freeborn  lodged  three 
shells  in  succession  in  the  beach  battery,  per¬ 
ceptibly  damaging  the  works,  which  had  the 
effect  of  greatly  diminishing  the  fire.  Tho 
Freeborn  received  two  shot,  one  of  which 
passed  through  the  cabin,  damaging  some  of 
the  crockery,  but  not  the  vessel,  except  making 
a  passage  through  the  bulwarks  of  slight  con¬ 
sequence.  The  Pawnee  received  eight  or  nino 
shot,  but  all  too  high  to  inflict  much  damage. 
One  struck  her  main-topsail  yard,  which  was 
thereby  unslung ;  another  grazed  the  mizzen- 
masthead  and  passed  through  the  hammock 
nettings.  It  is  the  opinion  of  the  officers  on 
board,  that  had  the  rebels  been  provided  with 
good  gunners,  the  vessels  might  probably  have 
been  sunk.  Some  of  the  Confederates’  shots 
passed  over  the  masthead  to  the  Maryland 
shore.  After  five  hours  of  incessant  fire  the 
gun-boats  hauled  off  owing  to  the  fatigue  of  the 
men,  the  day  being  very  warm.  During  the 
last  hour  of  the  engagement  only  two  or  three 
shots  were  thrown  from  the  shore,  and  the 
gunners  were  seen  stealthily  now  and  then  to 
emerge  from  the  concealment,  and  hastily  load 
and  fire  a  single  gun.  The  railroad  depot  and 
buildings  on  the  shore  at  Aquia  Creek  are  all 
destroyed.  The  damage  to  the  beach  battery  is 
not  considered  permanent,  as  the  Confederates 
can  soon  repair  it. — V.  Y.  Times,  June  3. 

— About  daylight,  Company  B,  of  the  second 
IT.  S.  Cavalry,  47  privates,  under  Lieutenant 
Tompkins  and  Second  Lieutenant  Gordon,  and 
three  members  of  the  New  York  Fifth  Regi¬ 
ment,  Quartermaster  Fearing,  Assistant  Quar¬ 
termaster  Carey,  and  Adjutant  Frank,  recon¬ 
noitring  within  300  yards  of  Fairfax  Court¬ 
house,  by  the  Winchester  road,  were  fired  on 
by  two  of  a  picket  of  the  Virginia  troops. 
They  captured  the  picket  and  then  entered  the 
village  from  the  North  side,  and  were  fired  on 
from  the  Union  Ilotel  and  from  many  houses, 
and  from  platoons  behind  fences.  They  charged 
down  the  principal  street  upon  the  mounted 
Diary — 16 


riflemen  whom  they  dispersed,  and  then  wheel* 
ed  about  and  instantly  charged  back,  and  were 
then  met  by  two  considerable  detatchments, 
with  a  field-piece.  Turning,  they  cut  through 
a  third  detachment  in  the  rear,  and  left  the 
village  bringing  with  them  five  prisoners,  and 
killing  throughout  the  engagement,  as  the  offi¬ 
cer  in  command  thought,  twenty-seven  men. 
Two  of  the  United  States  cavalry  are  missing, 
two  are  killed,  and  Assistant  Quartermaster 
Carey,  of  the  New  York  Fifth  Regiment,  is 
wounded  in  the  foot.  Lieutenant  Tompkins 
had  two  horses  shot  under  him,  the  last  one 
falling  on  his  leg,  injuring  it  slightly.* — {Doc. 
221.) — Washington  Star ,  June  1. 

— TnE  secession  forces  on  the  upper  Poto¬ 
mac,  attempted  to  take  possession  of  the  ferry¬ 
boat  lying  opposite  Williamsport,  for  the  pur¬ 
pose,  as  is  conjectured,  of  removing  into  “Fall¬ 
ing  Waters,”  a  point  four  miles  below,  where 
there  is  a  considerable  number  of  secession 
troops  stationed,  who  doubtless  intended  by 
means  of  the  boat  to  cross  to  the  Maryland 
side  on  a  marauding  expedition.  The  Union 
company  at  Williamsport,  as  soon  as  they  ob¬ 
served  the  opposite  party  possessing  themselves 
of  the  boat,  ordered  them  to  desist,  which  they 
refused  to  do;  whereupon  the  Union  guns 
opened  fire  upon  them,  which  was  returned, 
and  a  brisk  fire  was  kept  up  on  both  sides  for 
about  an  hour.  Three  or  four  secessionists 
were  wounded,  one  seriously.  None  were  killed 
or  wounded  on  the  Federal  side. — A”.  Y.  Evening 
Post ,  June  3. 

— Shortly  before  12  o’clock  last  night  a 
skirmish  took  place  at  Arlington  Mills,  near 
Alexandria,  between  Capt.  Brown’s  company 
of  Zouaves  and  Capt.  Roth’s,  Company  E,  of 
the  Michigan  Regiment,  and  a  scouting  party 
of  nine  Virginians.  Tho  Zouaves  had  just  ar¬ 
rived  to  relieve  the  Michigan  troops,  and  had 
posted  sentinels  when  the  Virginians  attacked 
them.  The  Federal  troops  drove  them  away. 
One  Zouave  was  killed  and  another  wounded. 

*  Upon  other  authority  it  is  said  that  the  only  one  killed 
in  tho  rebel  camp  was  Capt.  John  Q.  Marr,  of  the  War- 
renton  Rifles.  He  heard  tho  troops  coming  up  and  order¬ 
ed  them  to  halt.  They  replied  that  they  were  Capt.  Pow¬ 
ell’s  Cavalry  Company.  Capt.  Marr  then  ordered  his  men 
to  arms,  when  the  United  States  Dragoons  fired  a  volley, 
killing  the  captain.  Instantly  the  rebels  rushed  out  in 
undress,  and  in  a  disordered  condition,  and  fired  on  tho 
cavalry  at  random.  Capt.  Marr  was  a  member  of  the  Vir¬ 
ginia  State  Convention,  and  a  member  elect  of  the  Legis¬ 
lature  from  Fauquier  County.—  N.  Y.  Times ,  June  2. 


90 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[June  2. 


It  is  supposed  one  rebel  was  killed  or  wounded, 
as  in  the  retreat  he  was  carried  off.  The  rebels 
retired  in  the  woods  during  the  night,  and 
this  morning  took  a  hand-car  and  left  for  parts 
unknown. — N.  Y.  Commercial ,  June  2. 

— At  night  word  came  into  the  camp  of  the 
Twenty-eighth  New  York  Eegiment,  that  the 
two  dragoons  missing  from  Company  B,  which 
made  the  sally  on  Fairfax  Court-house  this 
morning,  were  captured  by  the  rebels,  and 
were  to  bo  hung.  Company  B  was  imme¬ 
diately  summoned  from  their  quarters,  and 
mounting,  rode  up  to  the  Court-house,  and 
having  by  some  means  ascertained  the  precise 
location  of  their  comrades,  made  a  dash  through 
the  village,  and  recovered  the  two  men,  whom 
they  brought  back  in  triumph  to  the  camp. 

Of  the  five  Confederate  prisoners  taken  at 
the  Court-house  one  is  a  6on  of  the  late  Major 
Washington  of  the  Army.  lie  said  he  did  not 
want  to  fight  against  the  United  States,  and 
made  amends  by  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance. 
— N.  Y.  Times,  June  3. 

— Tiie  big  guns  were  planted  at  Cairo,  HI., 
and  the  first  thirty-two  pound  ball  was  sent 
booming  down  the  Mississippi,  a  warning  to  all 
traitors  to  keep  at  a  respectable  distance. 
Great  satisfaction  was  expressed  throughout 
the  camp  that  these  heavy  guns  were  at  length 
in  place.  The  firing  over,  a  whole  regiment  of 
nearly  a  thousand  men,  detailed  for  the  day, 
sprang  to  their  shovels  and  wheelbarrows,  and 
the  work  of  completing  the  breastworks  went 
gaily  on.  The  levee  itself  forms  an  excellent 
breastwork,  behind  which,  now  that  Bird’s 
Point  is  fortified,  the  soldiers  would  be  per¬ 
fectly  protected,  and  with  Sharp’s  rifles  they 
could  mow  down  whole  regiments,  if  the 
steamers  that  bore  them  escaped  the  artillery 
and  effected  a  landing. — National  Intelligencer , 
June  13. 

— Jefferson  Davis  was  serenaded  at  Eich- 
mond,  and  addressed  the  assembled  crowd.  To 
a  person  who  wanted  to  hear  something  about 
Buena  Vista,  he  said  that  they  “  would  make 
the  battle-field  of  Virginia  another  Buena 
Vista,  and  drench  it  with  blood  more  precious 
than  that  which  flowed  there.”  Gov.  Wise  also 
addressed  the  crowd,  and  told  them  to  arm  with 
any  thing  they  could  get,  and  to  take  a  lesson 
from  John  Brown. — {Doc.  222.) 

— There  is  published  an  order  of  the  Post¬ 


master  General  of  the  Southern  Confederacy, 
by  which  the  postmasters  throughout  the 
rebel  States  are  ordered  to  “  retain  ”  the 
stamps,  locks,  etc.,  of  the  various  offices — the 
property  of  the  United  States. — {Doc.  223.) 

— L.  W.  Bliss,  Acting  Governor  of  Jefferson 
Territory,  proclaimed  the  neutrality  of  that 
Territory,  and  forbid  the  payment  of  any  debts 
or  future  dues  to  the  United  States  or  any 
body  else  outside  the  Territory ;  but  he  gener¬ 
ously  offered  to  receive  payment  for  all  debts  due 
to  outsiders  into  the  Territorial  Treasury,  and 
give  his  notes  for  it  on  interest  at  ten  per  cent. 
— {Doc.  224.) 

— The  address  of  the  Central  Committee  of 
Northwestern  Virginia  to  the  people  of  that  lo¬ 
cality,  is  published  in  full. — {Doc.  225.) 

June  2. — Three  thousand  men,  of  Indiana, 
Ohio,  and  Virginia  volunteers,  the  whole  under 
command  of  Col.  Crittenden,  of  Indiana,  were 
assembled  on  the  parade  ground  at  Grafton, 
Va.,  in  the  afternoon,  and  informed  in  gen¬ 
eral  terms  that  they  were  to  start  on  a  forced 
march  that  night.  They  were  then  supplied  with 
ammunition  and  one  day’s  rations,  and  dis¬ 
missed.  The  men  were  full  of  ardor,  expecting 
that  they  were  going  direct  to  Harper’s  Ferry. 
At  eight  o’clock  they  were  again  assembled,  and 
took  up  the  line  of  march  on  the  road  leading 
southward.  A  heavy  rain  soon  commenced  to 
fall,  and  continued  all  night. — N.  Y.  Times , 
June  6. 

— About  midnight  a  squad  of  secession  cav¬ 
alry  made  a  dash  at  the  outposts  of  the  Twenty- 
eighth  New  York  Eegiment,  and  fired  upon 
them.  The  alarm  was  instantly  sounded  and 
the  regiment  turned  out,  and  a  scouting  party 
despatched  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  who  re¬ 
treated.  The  fire  was  returned  by  the  outposts 
of  the  Twenty-eighth,  with  what  effect  is  not 
known,  as  the  night  was  exceedingly  dark.  No 
damage  whatever  was  done  by  the  enemy. — N. 
Y.  Times ,  June  3. 

- — The  Seventy-ninth  Eegiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M., 
Lieut.-Col.  S.  M.  Elliott,  commanding,  left  New 
York  for  Washington,  accompanied  by  a  body 
of  recruits  of  the  Seventy -first  and  Ninth  N.  Y. 
Eegiments. — {Doc.  226.) 

— Gen.  Twiggs  was  appointed  Major-General 
in  the  Confederate  army,  and  accepted  the  rank. 
He  will  command  the  military  district  of 
Louisiana. — Natchez  Courier,  June  4. 


JUNE  3.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


91 


— Senator  Rousseau,  a  member  of  the  upper 
house  of  the  legislature  of  Kentucky,  delivered 
a  strong  Union  speech  before  that  body  on  the 
21st  of  May  last.  The  senator  exposes  the 
folly  of  attempting  to  preserve  a  neutral  attitude 
in  the  present  crisis,  and  boldly  tells  many  very 
plain  truths  to  the  secessionists  of  Kentucky. — 
{Doc.  227.) 

June  3. — Quartermaster  T.  Bailey  Myers  ar¬ 
rived  at  New  York  from  Fortress  Monroe, 
bringing  from  that  quarter  a  secession  flag  as  a 
present  to  the  Union  Defence  Committee.  The 
flag  was  captured  at  Hampton  village,  near  the 
fort,  and  when  taken  was  flying  from  its  staff 
on  the  roof  of  John  Tyler's  country  residence. 
Lieutenant  Duryea,  the  colonel’s  son,  let  down 
the  traitorous  emblem,  and  ran  up  the  Stars  and 
Stripes,  which  are  now  flying.  The  scouting 
detachment  brought  in  the  secession  colors  to 
head-quarters,  and  they  were  forwarded  by 
Major-General  Butler.  The  flag  is  a  dirty 
looking  affair  of  red,  white,  and  blue  flannel, 
with  eight  stars.  It  is  roughly  made,  the  sew¬ 
ing  having  been  done  by  half-taught  fingers. 
— N.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser,  June  4. 

— Gen.  Beauregard  arrived  at  Manassas 
Junction,  and  assumed  command  of  the  rebel 
forces  there. — N.  Y.  Times ,  June  6. 

— At  night  twelve  volunteers  from  Camp 
Lincoln,  near  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  headed  by 
Sergeant  Decurin,  of  the  Elwood  Guards,  armed 
with  Minie  rifles  and  revolvers,  marched  to 
Iatan,  Mo.,  fourteen  miles  above  Leavenworth 
city,  and  crossed  in  skiffs  to  capture  a  secession 
flag.  When  asked  their  purpose,  Decurin  de¬ 
manded  the  flag  by  the  authority  of  the  United 
States.  The  flag  was  hauled  down,  and  the 
party  started  on  their  return,  when  they  were 
fired  at  by  the  secessionists,  and  the  fire  was 
returned.  Three  of  the  volunteers  were 
wounded,  one  severely. — N.  Y.  World ,  June  6. 

— At  1  a.  m.,  the  Union  force  from  Grafton, 
approached  Philippi,  a  little  town  on  the  Monon- 
gahela,  20  miles  south  of  Grafton,  occupied  by 
1,500  rebels.  Scouts  went  forward  to  recon¬ 
noitre,  a  favorable  report  was  received,  and  the 
troops  advanced  about  5  a.  m.,  and  were  fired 
at  by  the  sentinels  on  duty,  who  appeared  to  be 
the  only  men  on  the  alert.  The  camp,  however, 
was  immediately  aroused,  and  before  it  was 
reached  by  our  troops  three  companies  of  rifle¬ 
men  advanced  to  meet  them,  and  delivered  a 


volley  as  Col.  Kelly’s  regiment  turned  the  cor¬ 
ner  of  a  street.  They  then  turned  and  retreated 
towards  the  main  body.  At  this  fire  several  of 
our  men  were  slightly  wounded,  and  Col.  Kelly 
received  a  ball  in  the  side.  The  regiment 
pressed  on,  and  was  quickly  followed  by  the 
Indiana  and  Ohio  regiments.  When  the  column 
got  within  range  of  the  main  body  of  the 
enemy,  the  latter  delivered  a  straggling  fire, 
and  then  at  once  broke  and  fled.  It  was  a 
complete  rout.  The  Union  troops  delivered  a 
volley  with  good  effect  at  the  enemy,  and  then 
charged  upon  them  at  full  run.  The  enemy 
took  the  direction  of  Leedsville,  ten  miles  fur¬ 
ther  south.  Col.  Crittenden  ordered  the  Ohio 
regiment  to  stay  and  guard  the  town,  and  the 
other  two  regiments  continued  the  pursuit. 
They  returned  after  daylight,  with  several  pris¬ 
oners.  The  secessionists  had  no  idea  of  being 
attacked.  They  had  no  intrenchments,  and  had 
only  set  the  ordinary  guard.  One  or  two  of 
the  Federal  troops  were  killed.  The  loss  of  the 
secessionists,  so  far  as  known,  is  sixteen  killed, 
a  large  number  wounded,  and  ten  prisoners. 
Some  twenty-five  of  Col.  Kelly’s  men  were 
wounded,  but  none  dangerously.  The  amount 
of  ammunition  captured  was  not  large,  but 
there  was  a  lot  of  camp  kettles  and  pro¬ 
visions,  and  miscellaneous  camp  equipage,  that 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  federal  troops ;  also 
seventeen  horses.  Col.  Kelly’s  wound  was  not 
mortal. — {Doc.  228.) 

— Stephen  A.  Douglass,  Senator  of  the 
United  States  from  Illinois,  died  at  Chicago  at 
ten  minutes  past  nine  o’clock  in  the  morning. 
— Buffalo  Courier ,  June  4. 

— Tue  Fourteenth  Regiment,  Colonel  John¬ 
son,  and  the  Fifteenth,  Colonel  Oakford,  of 
Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  arrived  at  General 
Patterson’s  camp  at  Chambersburg  from  Lan¬ 
caster. — National  Intelligencer ,  June  G. 

— Tns  British  Government  decided  not  to 
allow  the  entry  of  privateers  into  any  of  their 
ports.  This  was  announced  by  Lord  John  Russell 
in  Parliament,  saying  that  Government  had 
determined  to  prohibit  privateers  from  bringing 
prizes  into  any  British  port.  It  was  also  stated 
that  France  intended  adhering  to  the  law  which 
prohibits  privateers  remaining  in  port  over 
twenty-four  hours. — {Doc.  229.) 

— The  border  State  Convention  met  at 
Frankfort,  Kentucky. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  27. 


92 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[.June  4. 


-Major-General  Patterson,  from  head¬ 
quarters  at  Chambersburg,  Pa.,  issued  a  proc¬ 
lamation  announcing  to  the  soldiers  that  “  they 
would  soon  meet  the  insurgents.” — ( [Doc .  230.) 

— TriE  First  Regiment  Scott  Life  Guard  and 
the  Third  Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  V.,  left  New  York 
city  for  Fortress  Monroe. — {Doc.  231.) 

June  4. — The  Memphis  Bulletin  of  to-day 
contains  the  following  :  “  Persons  having 

slaves  at  home,  whose  services  can  he  dispensed 
with  for  the  nest  ten  or  fifteen  days,  would  do 
a  great  kindness  to  the  volunteers  at  Randolph, 
by  sending  negro  men  to  that  point.  The  vol¬ 
unteers  should  be  drilled,  and  the  fortifications, 
on  which  they  have  labored  so  long  and  faith¬ 
fully,  should  he  finished  by  negroes.” 

— A  man  named  Fletcher,  living  in  Columbia 
township,  Randolph  County,  Ark.,  divulged 
last  week  a  plot  to  the  citizens  which  he  had 
discovered  among  the  negroes  in  that  vicinity. 
The  plot  contemplated  the  murder  of  several 
citizens  who  they  supposed  had  money,  and 
then  making  their  way  to  the  free  States.  An 
investigation  led  to  the  development  of  the 
fact  that  certain  negroes  had  proposed  to  give 
Fletcher  $20  each  to  take  them  to  a  free  State, 
announcing  that  their  plan  contemplated  the 
murder  of  citizens,  the  possession  of  their 
means,  and  their  final  escape  to  the  North. 
The  negroes  implicated  by  Fletcher,  twenty  in 
number,  were  arrested.  A  white  man  named 
Percifield,  found  guilty  of  being  an  instigator 
in  the  affair,  was  hung,  as  was  also  Fletcher, 
who  was  connected  with  Percifield. — Memphis 
( Tenn .)  Avalanche ,  June  5. 

— Elias  Howe,  Jr.,  of  New  York,  the  sew¬ 
ing  machine  millionaire,  presented  each  field 
and  staff  officer  of  the  Massachusetts  Fifth 
Regiment,  at  the  seat  of  war,  with  a  stallion 
fully  equipped  for  service. — N.  Y.  Express. 

— Tiie  Tenth  Regiment  N.  Y.  Volunteers, 
National  Zouaves,  Colonel  McChesney,  left  their 
encampment  at  Sandy  Hook  for  Fortress  Mon¬ 
roe.  Previous  to  their  departure  they  paraded 
through  the  city  of  New  York,  where  they  re¬ 
ceived  a  flag. — N.  Y.  Sun ,  June  5. 

— TnE  Savannah  Republican  of  to-day  has 
the  following:  “ Notice  to  the  Press. — AYe  are 
requested  by  the  military  authorities  of  the 
Confederate  States  to  urge  upon  our  brethren 
of  the  press  throughout  the  South  the  impor¬ 
tance  of  abstaining  from  all  specific  allusions  to 


the  movement  of  troops.  The  very  wisest 
plans  of  the  Government  may  be  thwarted  by 
an  untimely  or  otherwise  injudicious  exposure.” 

A  directly  opposite  policy  appears  to  prevail 
at  the  North.  Rot  only  is  every  movement  of 
the  Federal  troops  heralded  abroad  with  light¬ 
ning  speed  for  the  “sensation  press,”  but  it 
would  seem  as  if  the  news-gatherers  have  access 
to  the  records  of  the  Departments,  so  as  to  en¬ 
able  them  to  proclaim  in  advance  every  plan 
and  purpose  of  the  Government,  whether  great 
or  small. — National  Intelligencer ,  June  13. 

— NoAn  L.  Farnham,  late  Lieutenant-Colo¬ 
nel  of  the  Regiment  of  Fire  Zouaves  of  New 
York,  was  appointed  Colonel  of  that  Regiment, 
in  place  of  the  late  Colonel  Ellsworth. — Ar.  Y. 
World ,  June  5. 

— Judge  Taney’s  written  opinion  in  the 
habeas  corpus  case  of  Merriman,  was  published 
in  the  Washington  National  Intelligencer  of 
this  date.  It  is  simply  a  protest  against  the 
suspension  of  the  writ  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  The  Judge  argues  that  Congress 
alone  has  the  legal  authority  to  suspend  this 
privilege,  and  that  the  . President  cannot  “in 
any  emergency,  or  in  any  state  of  things,”  au¬ 
thorize  its  suspension. 

— Ten  Regiments  of  foot,  with  Doubleday’s, 
Dodge’s,  and  Seymour’s  batteries  of  flying  artil¬ 
lery  and  five  hundred  dragoons,  were  in  camp 
around  Chambersburg,  Pa. — Thirty-two  men 
arrived  at  Williamsport,  Md.,  from  Berkley  Co., 
Va.,  whence  they  had  fled  to  avoid  impress¬ 
ment  into  the  rebel  army. — A  new  Collector 
was  appointed  for  Louisville,  Kentucky,  with 
orders  to  prohibit  the  shipment  South  of  pro¬ 
visions,  via  that  port. — N.  Y.  Herald ,  June  5. 

— A  proclamation  dated  Fort  Smith,  Arkan¬ 
sas,  and  signed  “AY.  F.  Rector,  Asst.  Adjutant- 
General,”  says,  “the  authority  of  the  United 
States  has  ceased  upon  this  frontier.” — (Doc. 
232.) 

— The  Natchez  (Miss.)  Courier  of  this  day 
has  the  following:  “A  wise  and  salutary  law 
was  passed  by  the  Confederate  Congress,  before 
its  adjournment,  prohibiting,  during  the  exist¬ 
ence  of  the  blockade  of  any  of  the  Southern 
ports  by  the  United  States  Government,  the 
exportation  of  any  raw  cotton  or  cotton  yarn 
except  through  the  seaports  of  the  Confederate 
States.  The  penalty  for  a  violation  of  the  law 
is  the  forfeiture  of  the  cotton  or  yarn  so  at- 


J0NE  5.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


93 


tempted  to  be  exported,  as  also  fine  or  impris¬ 
onment  for  the  person  violating  it.  Every 
steamboat  or  railroad  car,  used  with  the  con¬ 
sent  of  the  person  owning  or  in  charge  of  it  for 
the  purpose  of  violating  the  act,  is  also  for¬ 
feited.  This  law  completely  blocks  the  Lincoln 
scheme.  The  Administration’s  idea  was,  that 
if  Southern  ports  were  blockaded,  the  cotton 
would  go  by  inland  routes  to  Northern  seaports 
for  exportation.  Great  Britain  and  France  will 
now  have  to  go  without  cotton,  or  else  raise 
the  Lincoln  blockade.” — ( See  Doc.  p.  292.) 

— Major-Gexeral  Price  (rebel)  of  Mis¬ 
souri,  issued  a  proclamation  “to  prevent  all 
misunderstanding  of  his  opinions  and  inten¬ 
tions,”  and  expressed  the  desire  “that  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  Missouri  should  exercise  the  right  to 
choose  their  own  position”  in  the  contest. — 
{Doc.  233.) 

June  5. — A  demand  was  served  upon  Messrs. 
Daniel  J.  Foley  &  Bros.,  Baltimore,  by  Mr. 
Bonifant,  the  United  States  Marshal,  under 
instructions  from  Mr.  Cameron,  Secretary  of 
War,  calling  for  the  immediate  delivery  into 
the  possession  of  the  Marshal  of  all  the  pow¬ 
der  of  the  Hazard  Powder  Company,  Connec¬ 
ticut,  stored  in  the  powder-house  of  the  com¬ 
pany  at  Lower  Canton.  The  amount  of  the 
powder  on  hand  was  about  3,500  kegs,  or  60,- 
000  pounds,  valued  at  $16,030.  The  agents 
turned  the  powder  over  to  the  Marshal,  who 
took  an  inventory  of  the  same.  A  similar  de¬ 
mand,  from  the  same  source,  was  made  upon 
Messrs.  A.  L.  Webb  &  Bro.,  Baltimore,  agents 
for  the  Messrs.  Dupont’s  powder  works,  Dela¬ 
ware.  The  demand  was  complied  with,  and 
the  powder  on  hand,  a  small  amount,  turned 
over  into  the  possession  of  the  United  States, 
— Baltimore  Sun ,  June  6. 

— Gexeral  Beauregard  issued  a  proclama¬ 
tion  from  Mannassas  Junction,  giving  an  ex¬ 
travagant  picture  of  the  deplorable  consequen¬ 
ces  to  bo  expected  from  an  invasion  of  the 
Federal  forces. — {Doc.  234.) 

— At  Williamsport  a  Baltimorean,  named 
Dewitt  C.  Reuch,  swore  he  could  whip  the 
whole  Union  force,  and  that  he  had  killed  at 
least  one  man  in  the  attack  upon  the  Massachu¬ 
setts  Regiment  in  Baltimore.  His  friends  tried 
to  get  him  away  and  put  him  on  a  horse,  when 
he  drew  a  revolver  and  fired  two  shots  at  indi¬ 
viduals  and  three  into  the  crowd.  Three  shots 


were  returned,  all  taking  effect,  killing  him 
instantly. — Philadelphia  Ledger ,  June  7. 

— Throughout  all  the  counties  of  Virginia, 
within  forty  or  fifty  miles  of  Harper’s  Ferry, 
a  levy  of  militia  is  being  now  made  by  draft. 
All  the  men  between  eighteen  and  fifty  years 
of  age,  not  physically  incapable  of  doing  mili¬ 
tary  duty,  are  enlisted,  and  three-tenths  of 
the  whole  are  to  be  mustered  into  the  field. 
The  names  are  placed  in  one  box,  and  as  many 
numbers — from  one  to  ten  (repeated) — are 
placed  in  another  box.  When  a  name  is  drawn 
forth  a  number  is  also  drawn ;  and  if  it  bo 
either  No.  1,  2,  or  3,  the  person  is  “elected”  a 
soldier  into  the  disunion  army.  Otherwise  he 
escapes  immediate  service. —  Washington  Star, 
June  6. 

— TnE  Ninth  Regiment  N.  Y.  V.,  Colonel 
Hawkins,  left  New  York  for  Fortress  Monroe. 
—{Doc.  235.) 

— The  Richmond  (F«.)  Whig  of  to-day  an¬ 
nounces  that  after  to-day  no  passports  will  be 
issued  to  persons  leaving  the  State,  and  no  one 
will  be  admitted  to  the  State  except  for  reasons 
of  peculiar  force ;  also,  that  the  Tennessee  vol¬ 
unteers  in  Virginia  are  authorized  to  vote  on 
the  ordinance  of  the  secession  of  Tennessee, 
although  stationed  in  Virginia. — A  Bank  Con¬ 
vention,  held  at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  recommended 
that  all  the  Southern  banks,  railroads,  and  tax 
collectors,  receive  the  Treasury  notes  of  the 
Confederacy  as  currency,  and  both  States,  cit¬ 
ies,  and  corporations  having  coupons  payable  at 
New  York,  to  appoint  the  place  of  payment 
South. — JP.  Y.  Herald ,  June  10. 

— About  eight  o’clock  this  morning  the 
steamer  Harriet  Lane,  under  the  command  of 
Capt.  Faunce,  United  States  Navy,  proceeded  up 
the  James  River,  from  Fortress  Monroe,  as  far  as 
the  mouth  of  the  Nasemond,  for  the  purpose  of 
reconnoitring  and  looking  out  for  batteries.  It 
was  not  long  before  she  observed  a  large  and 
heavy  battery  planted  upon  the  point,  which 
is  nearly  opposite  Newport  News  Point,  and 
about  five  miles  distant.  The  steamer  opened 
fire,  which  was  briskly  returned  by  the  bat¬ 
teries,  and  for  nearly  a  half  hour  the  action 
continued.  It  was  found  that  but  one  gun  of 
the  steamer  could  reach  the  battery,  the  guns  of 
which  being  heavier  easily  reached  the  former, 
and  several  shot  struck  her.  During  the  affair 
the  most  intense  excitement  prevailed,  and 


94 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[June  6. 


hundreds  of  soldiers  ascended  the  ramparts  and 
roof  of  the  Eygeia  Hotel,  for  the  purpose  of 
looting  at  the  scene.  The  Lane  returned  in  an 
hour  after  the  action,  and  made  an  official  re¬ 
port  to  Com.  Pendergrast  of  the  squadron. 
Lieut.  Duncan,  of  the  Harriet  Lane,  states  that 
the  fight  was  pretty  hot.  The  steamer  threw 
several  shells  into  the  battery  with  much  accu¬ 
racy.  The  battery  was  well  served,  the  dam¬ 
age  to  the  cutter  having  been  inflicted  with  a 
34-pounder  rifled  cannon.  It  was  at  first 
thought  that  no  battery  existed  at  the  place 
where  the  fight  occurred,  and  the  Harriet  Lane 
was  sent  to  ascertain  if  the  report  was  true. 
She  found  out  that  one  did  exist,  and  that 
seven  guns  were  mounted  upon  it,  and  hence 
the  attempt  made  to  dislodge  them. — National 
Intelligencer ,  June  8. 

— A  letter  from  Cassius  M.  Clay  to  the 
London  Times ,  in  relation  to  the  civil  war  in 
America,  is  published  in  the  United  States. 
Mr.  Clay  says  that  the  rebellion  can  be  subdued, 
but  that  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the  U.  S. 
Government  to  subjugate  the  Southern  States; 
that  only  rebels  will  be  punished  ;  that  it  is  the 
interest  of  England  to  support  the  Govern¬ 
ment  ;  and  that  it  is  unwise  for  England  to 
venture  to  sow  seeds  of  discord,  for  she  is  far 
from  secure  from  home  revolution  or  foreign 
attack  in  the  future.  In  conclusion  Mr.  Clay 
claims  that  England  is  the  natural  ally  of  the 
United  States. — {Doc.  23G.) 

— The  people  of  Wheeling,  Ya.,  were  greatly 
astounded  upon  learning  that  Major  A.  Loring 
had  been  arrested  by  United  States  officers, 
ne  was  taken  to  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail¬ 
road  depot,  where  he  remained  until  7  o’clock, 
when  the  train  left  for  Grafton.  Major  Loring’s 
arrest  was  occasioned  by  certain  papers  found 
upon  the  person  of  W.  J.  Willey,  who  was  cap¬ 
tured  after  the  skirmish  at  Phillippa,  and  who 
is  charged  with  leading  the  party  who  destroy¬ 
ed  the  bridges  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail¬ 
road,  between  Wheeling  and  Grafton. — {Doc. 
237.) 

— The  U.  S.  Marshal  took  possession  of  the 
gun  factory  of  Messrs.  Merrill  &  Thomas,  in 
Baltimore,  and  seized  all  the  breech-loading 
muskets  in  the  establishment.  Intimation  was 
given  that  ample  employment  would  soon  bo 
given  to  the  establishment  in  the  manufacture 
of  arms  for  the  Government. — N.  Y.  Express , 
June  5. 


June  6. — Gov.  Pickens  of  South  Carolina  is¬ 
sued  a  proclamation  saying : — “  I  have  under¬ 
stood  that  many  good  people  have  been  remit¬ 
ting  funds  to  creditors  in  Northern  States.  In 
the  existing  relations  of  the  country  such  con¬ 
duct  is  in  conflict  with  public  law,  and  all  citi¬ 
zens  are  hereby  warned  against  the  conse¬ 
quences.” — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  June  14. 

— This  evening  the  Town  Guard  of  narrods- 
burg,  Ivy.,  were  attracted  to  the  Spring  Grounds 
by  a  noise  in  that  direction.  When  they  came 
near  the  old  shooting  gallery  they  heard  voices 
responding  to  one  who  seemed  to  be  officiating 
as  an  officer.  Surrounding  the  building,  they 
pushed  open  the  door,  and  lo!  an  assembly  of 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle  in  maslcs  !  One 
of  the  Guard,  on  entering,  knocked  off  the  mask 
of  one  of  the  Knights;  and  a  lawyer  and  se¬ 
cessionist  stood  forth.  No  examination  of  the 
arcana  was  made,  a  majority  of  the  Guards 
being  secessionists.  Several  Virginia  gentlemen 
were  in  Harrodsburg  that  night. — Louisville 
Journal ,  June  14. 

— The  Nineteenth  N.  Y.  Regiment,  Colonel 
Clark  commander,  left  Elmira  for  W ashington, 
via  Harrisburg.  An  immense  concourse  of  peo¬ 
ple  witnessed  the  departure.  Great  enthusi¬ 
asm  prevailed. — N.  Y.  Herald ,  June  7. 

— A  meeting  was  held  at  the  Cooper  Insti¬ 
tute,  in  New  York,  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
the  co-operation  of  citizens  in  the  endeavor  to 
provide  for  the  religious  wants  of  volunteers. 
Wm.  E.  Dodge,  Esq.,  presided,  and  addresses 
were  made  by  Rev.  Drs.  Tyng  and  Hitchcock, 
after  which  the  following  resolutions  were 
adopted : 

Resolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
the  project  of  the  Young  Men’s  Christian  Asso¬ 
ciation,  to  provide  for  the  religions  wants  of  the 
Volunteers,  is  wror thy  of  public  confidence  and 
co-operation,  and  that  wo  commend  the  same 
to  the  support  of  the  churches  and  the  com¬ 
munity. 

Resolved ,  That  Messrs.  William  E.  Dodge, 
Wilson  G.  Hunt,  Benj.  F.  Mauiere,  Benj.  W. 
Bonney,  and  Alexander  W.  Bradford,  be  ap¬ 
pointed  a  committee  to  receive  donations  in 
furtherance  of  the  proposed  object,  to  bo  ex¬ 
pended  under  the  supervision  of  the  army  com¬ 
mittee  of  the  Young  Men’s  Christian  Asso¬ 
ciation. — N.  Y.  Commercial ,  June  7. 

— A  Secession  camp  at  Ellicott’s  Mills,  in 


June  7.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


95 


Kentucky,  ten  miles  distant  from  Cairo,  Ill., 
was  dispersed  by  two  companies  sent  thither  by 
General  Prentiss.  Colonel  Wickliffe  protested 
against  the  act  as  an  invasion  of  the  soil  of 
Kentucky ;  to  which  Gen.  Prentiss  said,  in  re¬ 
ply,  that  the  act  had  been  prompted  by  a  letter 
claiming  protection  for  the  Union  men  there. 
He  declared  his  intention  also  to  send  troops 
any  place  needed  for  the  protection  of  loyal 
citizens. — National  Intelligencer ,  Jane  8. 

— Ix  the  Hew  York  Chamber  of  Commerce  it 
was  Resolved ,  That  the  Executive  Committee  of 
this  Chamber,  after  consultation  with  and  sub¬ 
ject  to  the  approval  of  Col.  Anderson,  or  his 
second  in  command,  cause  to  be  prepared  a 
suitable  medal  for  each  of  the  soldiers  and 
non-commissioned  officers  of  the  late  garrison 
of  Fort  Sumter,  and  to  have  them  presented 
at  as  early  a  day  as  possible,  at  the  expense  of 
this  Chamber. 

By  amendment  the  resolution  was  made  to 
include  the  garrison  of  Fort  Pickens  under 
Lieutenant  Slemmer,  and  the  officers  of  both 
garrisons. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  June  7. 

— TniRTY-FiVE  of  the  prisoners  captured  at 
Alexandria,  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  with 
cheerful  alacrity,  and  were  discharged. —  Wash¬ 
ington  Star ,  June  7. 

June  7. — The  Engineer  Corps  of  the  Sixty- 
ninth  Regiment  of  Hew  York,  with  Company 
B,  of  the  Second  Cavalry,  took  five  prisoners 
and  a  drove  of  cattle,  fifty  in  number,  which 
were  on  their  way  to  the  secession  forces. — N. 
Y.  World ,  June  10. 

— Ax  express  messenger  arrived  at  Hew  Or¬ 
leans  from  Mr.  Adolphe  Ducros’s  plantation,  at 
the  mouth  of  Bayou  Bienvenu,  which  empties 
into  Lake  Borgne,  with  information  to  Maj.- 
Gen.  Twiggs,  that  two  fishermen  had  reported 
the  arrival  of  two  small  war  steamers  in  Lake 
Borgne,  one  carrying  three  guns,  and  the  other 
a  long  pivot  gun  forward.  The  fishermen 
stated  that  the  steamers  lay  off  in  the  lake,  and 
that  night  before  last  they  sent  two  boats  tow¬ 
ards  the  mouth  of  the  bayou,  as  was  supposed, 
for  taking  soundings.  Gen.  Twiggs  ordered 
Major  Taylor,  in  command  of  the  barracks,  to 
proceed  immediately  to  Martello  Tower,  at  the 
mouth  of  Bayou  Bienvenu,  with  a  company  of 
infantry,  to  garrison  the  tower,  which  contains 
several  heavy  mounted  guns,  for  the  protection 
of  this  avenue  to  the  city.  This  point  is  but 


ten  miles  from  Hew  Orleans  in  a  direct  line, 
and  a  little  over  fifteen  by  the  Mexican  Gulf 
Railroad.  It  is  celebrated  for  being  the  point 
at  which  the  British  landed  their  troops  in  the 
war  of  1813-14. — New  Orleans  Picayune , 
June  8. 

— The  Tenth  Regiment,  of  Hew  York,  ar¬ 
rived  at  Fortress  Monroe. — N.  Y.  Times,  JuneS. 

— The  tents  at  Camp  McClure,  Cliambers- 
burg,  Pa.,  were  struck  at  six  o’clock  a.  m.,  and 
the  line  of  march  taken  up  soon  afterwards  for 
Brown’s  Mill,  near  Green  Castle,  and  eight 
miles  distant  from  Camp  McClure.  The  force 
in  motion  was  Brig.-Gen.  Thomas’  command, 
was  headed  by  him,  and  included  the  U.  S. 
Cavalry,  (recently  from  Texas,)  4  companies, 
the  Philadelphia  City  Troop,  and  the  2  com¬ 
panies  of  artillerists,  commanded  by  Captains 
Doubleday  and  Seymour,  McMullin’s  Independ¬ 
ent  Rangers,  the  Twenty-third  Regiment,  Col. 
Dare,  the  Twenty-first  Regiment,  Col.  Ballier, 
and  the  Sixth  Regiment,  Col.  Hagle.  The  lino 
was  nearly  2  miles  in  length.  The  men  all  had 
their  knapsacks  closely  slung  to  prevent  jolting, 
and  had  evidently  prepared  themselves,  so  far 
as  their  knowledge  taught  them,  for  a  long 
march. — Idem. 

— TnE  Indiana  Regiment  of  Zouaves,  Col. 
Wallace,  fully  armed  and  equipped,  passed 
through  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  en  route  for  Cum¬ 
berland,  Md.  They  made  a  splendid  appearance, 
and  were  enthusiastically  received. —  Ohio  State 
Journal ,  June  8. 

— Colonel  Corcoran,  of  the  Sixty-ninth  H. 
Y.  Regiment,  with  a  detachment  of  one  hun¬ 
dred  men,  proceeded  to  Ball’s  Corner,  5  miles 
beyond  the  lines  in  Virginia,  where  he  arrested 
a  party  of  five  secessionists,  one  wearing  the 
uniform  of  a  secession  sergeant;  one,  named 
Richard  Meitch,  an  employe  at  the  capital  as 
watchman,  and  one  named  Ball,  a  rich  farmer, 
on  whom  was  found  a  muster  roll  of  a  rebel 
company,  and  in  whose  houso  were  found  arms, 
bedding,  and  cooking  utensils  for  a  company  of 
at  least  fifty  men.  Hine  hundred  dollars  in 
gold  were  also  found,  but  returned  by  the  mis¬ 
taken  generosity  of  the  sergeant,  to  Ball’s 
wife,  without  the  Colonel’s  knowledge  until 
after  their  return  to  the  camp — N  Y.  Times , 
June  8. 

— TnE  Hew  York  nineteenth  Regiment,  from 
Elmira,  commanded  by  Col.  Clark,  and  the 


96 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[June  8. 


Third  Maine  Regiment  Volunteers,  Ool.  How¬ 
ard,  arrived  at  Washington. — {Doc.  238.) 

— A  chew  of  402  seamen,  ordinary  seamen,  and 
landsmen,  left  the  receiving-ship  North  Carolina 
at  Brooklyn,  for  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  where  they 
will  constitute  a  ship’s  company  for  the  United 
States  frigate  Santee,  which,  after  lying  in 
various  positions  at  the  Navy  Yard  for  half  a 
century,  has  been  put  in  commission  for  block¬ 
ade  service.  The  Advance  Brigade  of  Federal 
troops,  under  Col.  Thomas,  reached  Greencastle, 
thirteen  miles  south  of  Chambersburg,  Pa. — 
V.  Y.  World ,  and  N.  Y.  Times ,  June  8. 

June  8. — The  bridges  at  Point  of  Rocks  and 
Berlin,  on  the  Potomac  River,  were  burned  by 
order  of  Johnston,  the  rebel  general.  Neither 
of  them  were  railroad  bridges. — A”.  Y.  Herald , 
June  10. 

— TnE  sanitary  commission  was  authorized 
by  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  approved  by  the 
President.  Its  aim  is  to  help,  by  cautious  sug¬ 
gestion,  in  the  laborious  and  extraordinary  ex¬ 
igencies  of  military  affairs,  when  the  health 
of  the  soldiers  is  a  matter  of  the  most  critical 
importance.  The  commission  consists  of  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Bellows,  Prof.  A.  D.  Bache,  LL.  D., 
Prof.  Wolcott  Gibbs,  M.  D.,  Prof.  Jeffries  Wy¬ 
man,  M.  D.,  W.  II.  Van  Buren,  M.  D.,  Dr.  S. 
G.  Howe,  Dr.  Wood,  U.  S.  A.,  Col.  Cullum,  U. 
S.  A.,  and  Major  Shiras,  U.  S.  A. — JY.  Y.  Com¬ 
mercial, ,  June  10. 

— Some  disunion  troops  from  Leesburg,  Va., 
burnt  four  bridges  on  the  Alexandria,  Loudon, 
and  Hampshire  Railroad,  at  Tuscarora,  Lyco- 
line,  Goose  Creek,  and  Beaver  Dams,  being  the 
balance  of  the  bridges  from  Leesburg  to  Broad 
Run. — JY.  Y.  World ,  June  15. 

— The  ceremony  of  the  presentation  of  a 
Confederate  flag,  from  the  ladies  of  Baltimore 
to  the  members  of  the  Maryland  Guard,  now  in 
Virginia,  took  place  in  the  Capitol  grounds,  at 
Richmond,  Va.  Mrs.  Augustus  McLaughlin, 
the  wife  of  one  of  the  officers  of  the  late  United 
States  Navy,  who  brought  the  flag  from  Balti¬ 
more,  concealed  as  only  a  lady  knows  how,  was 
present,  and  received  the  compliments  of  a  large 
number  of  ladies  and  gentlemen  who  sur¬ 
rounded  her  upon  the  steps  of  the  monument, 
from  which  the  address  was  made.  The  pre¬ 
sentation  speech  was  made  by  the  Hon.  J.  M. 
Mason.  Accompanying  the  flag  is  the  inscrip¬ 
tion  :  “  The  ladies  of  Baltimore  present  this  flag 


of  the  Confederate  States  of  America  to  the 
soldiers  composing  the  Maryland  Regiment,  now 
serving  in  Virginia,  as  a  slight  testimonial  of 
the  esteem  in  which  their  valor,  their  love  of 
right,  and  determination  to  uphold  true  con¬ 
stitutional  liberty,  are  approved,  applauded,  and 
appreciated  by  the  wives  and  daughters  of 
the  monumental  city.” — {Doc.  239.) — Richmond 
Dispatch ,  June  10. 

— Gov.  niCKS,  of  Maryland,  issued  a  procla¬ 
mation  calling  upon  all  persons  having  arms 
belonging  to  that  State,  to  surrender  them. — 
{Doc.  240.) 

— Tms  morning  a  detachment  of  Federal 
troops  from  Annapolis,  on  one  of  the  steamers 
of  the  Ericsson  line,  made  their  appearance  in 
Miles  River,  and  landed  at  the  ferry,  the  nearest 
point  to  Easton,  Md.  On  landing  they  pro¬ 
ceeded  to  arrest  Messrs.  Thomas  and  William 
Holliday,  whom  they  compelled  to  inform  them 
where  the  armory  for  the  safe-keeping  of  the 
guns  was  located.  They  also  arrested  Charles 
G.  Kerr,  Esq.,  late  of  the  Exchange  newspaper, 
and  a  Mr.  Roberts,  and  several  others.  The 
military  then  proceeded  on  their  search  for 
arms,  and  succeeded  in  finding  a  number  of 
muskets,  and  several  iron  field-pieces,  all  of 
which  they  put  on  the  steamer  and  removed  to 
Annapolis.  Two  of  the  old  iron  field-pieces 
were  some  time  since  removed  from  Cambridge, 
where  they  were  planted  for  the  defence  of  that 
place  in  the  war  of  1814.  Before  going  to 
Miles  River  Ferry  they  stopped  at  the  farm  of 
Capt.  Ogle  Tilghman,  a  few  miles  below,  but 
did  not  find  the  proprietor  at  home.  They  re¬ 
ported  to  Mrs.  T.  that  they  were  from  Rich¬ 
mond,  and  had  come  for  the  purpose  of  offering 
arms  to  the  inhabitants,  at  the  same  time  asking 
if  there  were  any  in  the  house.  There  were 
none  but  the  private  arms  of  Capt.  T.,  which 
they  did  not  disturb.  While  the  detachment 
was  drawn  up  on  the  boat,  one  of  the  soldiers 
placed  the  muzzle  of  his  musket  under  his  chin 
for  a  rest  for  his  head,  when  the  weapon  acci¬ 
dentally  discharged.  The  ball  passed  out 
through  the  top  of  his  head,  killing  him  in¬ 
stantly,  and  then  passed  through  the  hurricane 
deck  in  close  proximity  to  two  soldiers  who 
were  there.  The  detachment  consisted  of  250 
men  of  tho  N.  Y.  13th  Regiment,  under  Col. 
Abel  Smith. — Baltimore  Sun ,  June  11. 

— General  T.  A.  Morris,  commanding  tho 
United  States  troops  at  Phillippi,  issued  a  proc- 


June  9.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


97 


lamation  announcing  that  Western  Virginia  is 
now  free  from  the  enemies  to  her  peace,  the 
United  States  forces  having  routed  the  seces¬ 
sionists  at  Philippi,  causing  them  to  flee  for 
refuge  to  the  passes  of  the  mountains ;  and  he 
therefore  calls  upon  all  loyal  Virginians  to 
come  to  the  support  of  the  United  States  Gov¬ 
ernment,  and  serve  in  defence  of  their  own  soil. 
—{Doc.  241.) 

— The  New  Orleans  Catholic  Standard  says : 
<:Let  no  Southern  child  be  educated  outside  the 
limits  of  the  Confederate  States.  We  have 
excellent  schools  and  colleges  at  Eichmond  and 
Norfolk  in  Virginia;  at  Charleston  and  Colum¬ 
bia  in  South  Carolina ;  at  Savannah  and  Au¬ 
gusta  in  Georgia ;  at  St.  Augustine  in  Florida ; 
at  Mobile  in  Alabama ;  at  Bay  St.  Louis,  Pass 
Christian,  Sulphur  Springs,  Vicksburg,  and 
Natchez  in  Mississippi ;  at  Fort  Smith,  Helena, 
and  Little  Eock  in  Ai-kansas;  at  Marksville, 
and  Memphis  in  Tennessee ;  at  Galveston,  New 
Braunfels,  San  Antonio,  Brownsville,  and  Lib¬ 
erty  in  Texas  ;  and  at  St.  Michael’s  Grand  Co- 
teau,  Vermillion ville,  Thibodeaux,  Donaldson- 
ville,  Natchitoches,  Avoyelles,  Alexandria, 
Shreveport,  Iberville,  Algiers,  and  New  Orleans 
in  Louisiana.  The  social  bonds  between  us  and 
the  Catholics  at  the  North  have  been  severed 
by  them.  We  acknowledge  them  no  longer  as 
our  countrymen.  They  and  their  institutions 
have  no  claims  upon  us.” 

— The  Burlington  (Vt.)  Times ,  of  this  date, 
contains  an  extended  narrative  of  the  move¬ 
ments  of  the  First  Vermont  Eegiment  at  For¬ 
tress  Monroe  and  its  vicinity. — {Doc.  242.) 

— Addresses  to  the  People  of  the  United 
States  and  to  the  people  of  Kentucky,  signed 
by  J.  J.  Crittenden,  Jas.  Guthrie  and  others, 
members  of  the  Border  State  Convention, 
lately  in  session  at  Frankfort,  Ivy.,  were  pub¬ 
lished.  Only  the  States  of  Kentucky  and  Mis¬ 
souri  were  represented  ;  one  gentleman  was  ir¬ 
regularly  present  from  Tennessee.  To  the 
people  of  the  United  States  the  Convention 
says  that,  “  in  its  opinion,  the  obligation  exists 
to  maintain  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  and  to  preserve  the  Union  unimpaired;” 
and  suggests  that  something  “ought  to  be 
done”  to  quiet  “  apprehension  within  the  slave 
States  that  already  adhere  to  the  Union.”  To 
the  people  of  Kentucky  they  say  that  the 
proper  course  for  that  State  “  to  pursue,  is  to 
take  no  part  in  the  controversy  between  the 
Diary — 17 


Government  and  the  seceded  States  but  that 
of  mediator  and  intercessor,”  and  ask  if  this 
“is  not  an  attitude  worthy  of  a  great  people.” 
—{Doc.  243.) 

Jane  9. — A  detachment  of  the  Ehode  Island 
Eegiment  finished  building  a  floating  bridge 
on  the  Potomac,  near  Georgetown,  by  which 
thousands  of  men  could  be  transported  across 
in  a  few  hours.  Capt.  Medlar,  Provost-marshal 
of  Alexandria,  seized  army  supplies  consisting 
of  uniforms  and  cavalry  swords,  to  the  value 
of  fifteen  hundred  dollars. — V.  Y.  World , 
June  10. 

— Two  prisoners  were  captured  yesterday  by 
four  privates  of  Company  B,  Michigan  Eegi¬ 
ment,  one  mile  this  side  of  Berks  Station,  and 
thirteen  miles  from  Alexandria,  Va.,  on  the 
Orange  and  Alexandria  Eailroad.  One  of  the 
prisoners  is  a  corporal  in  a  cavalry  company, 
and  the  other  a  private  in  the  Governor’s 
Guards  of  Eichmond,  which  is  also  a  cavalry 
company.  The  Michigan  men  while  scouting 
approached  near  Berks  Station,  when  they  saw 
a  number  of  stacks  of  muskets.  They  put 
back  and  were  pursued  by  the  two  cavalry,  but 
sought  refuge  in  ambush,  and  succeeded  in  cap¬ 
turing  their  prisoners  and  brought  them  to 
Alexandria,  where  they  are  treated  with  exceed¬ 
ing  kindness.  They  appear  to  be  quite  contented, 
and  one  of  them,  who  is  a  physician,  is  writing 
a  statement  of  his  experience.  The  names  of 
the  prisoners  are  Dr.  Thomas  M.  Flemming  and 
Samuel  Green. 

Seven  thousand  yards  of  cassinet  and  other 
military  goods  were  seized  at  the  Adams  Ex¬ 
press  office  to-day,  consigned  to  Point  of  Eocks, 
via  Alexandria  and  Loudon  Eailroad,  valued  at 
about  $10,000. 

Expedition ,  the  first  number  of  the  soldiers’ 
newspaper,  printed  by  the  Pennsylvania  Fifth 
Eegiment,  appeared  this  evening.  It  is  printed 
in  fine  style .  on  the  old  Alexandria  Sentinel 
press,  and  is  full  of  interesting  information  re¬ 
garding  the  condition  of  the  soldiers,  &c.  It  is 
edited  by  Lieutenant  Ely,  of  Lebanon  county. 
Several  columns  are  devoted  to  German  litera¬ 
ture. — V.  Y.  Courier  &  Enquirer ,  June  10. 

— In  the  last  number  of  the  Danville  (Ky.) 
Review ,  Eev.  Dr.  Breckinridge  discusses  the 
southern  rebellion  in  temperate  but  forcible 
language.  He  traces  the  origin  and  progress  of 
the  insurrection,  and  demonstrates  not  only 
that  the  rebel  leaders  are  bent  upon  the  accom- 


98 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[June  10. 


plishment  of  selfish  ends,  but  that  the  latent 
loyalty  of  the  masses  of  the  southern  people 
needs  but  the  protection  of  the  Federal  Gov¬ 
ernment  to  be  able  to  assert  itself,  to  the  utter 
discomfiture  of  Jeff.  Davis  and  his  fellows.  Dr. 
Breckinridge  is  the  uncle  of  the  late  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States. — V.  Y.  Evening 
Post ,  June  22. 

— All  day  the  Naval  Brigade,  under  the  di¬ 
rection  of  a  company  of  United  States  marines, 
were  engaged  off  Fortress  Monroe,  Va.,  practis¬ 
ing  the  management  of  eight  or  ten  scows,  each 
carrying  twenty-four  oars,  and  capable  of  trans¬ 
porting  130  men  each,  besides  the  rowers. 
When  this  marine  drill  was  concluded  every 
oar  was  carefully  muffled,  and  the  scows,  man¬ 
ned  each  by  a  coxswain  and  twenty-six  rowers 
from  the  Naval  Brigade,  glided  out  from  the 
fort,  and  rowed  in  the  harbor  to  the  mouth  of 
Hampton  River,  and  up  the  stream.  At  about 
midnight  they  were  moored  on  the  hither  shore 
in  Hampton,  and  just  below  the  remains  of  the 
bridge  destroyed  in  the  rebel  retreat  two  weeks 
previously.  The  stream  at  that  point  is  from 
sixty  to  one  hundred  yards  in  width.  In  the 
afternoon  orders  were  given  for  a  concerted 
movement  of  forces  from  Newport  News,  and 
from  the  camps  at  Fortress  Monroe,  against  a 
position  that  the  rebels  had  taken  up  at  or  near 
Great  Bethel,  in  York  county,  a  place  about  12 
miles  northwest  of  Fortress  Monroe.  In  accord¬ 
ance  with  the  terms  of  the  order  three  com¬ 
panies  of  Duryea’s  regiment,  under  Capt.  Kil¬ 
patrick,  went  forward  from  Hampton  on  the 
Bethel  road  at  10  p.  m.,  and  soon  after  the 
remainder  of  Duryea’s  regiment,  and  the  New 
York  Third,  Col.  Townsend,  followed,  and  were 
ferried  over  Hampton  Creek  by  the  boats  of  the 
Naval  Brigade  previously  taken  round  from 
Fortress  Monroe.  Meantime,  5  companies,  each 
from  the  Vermont  First  Regiment,  and  the 
Massachusetts  Fourth,  under  Lieut.-Col.  Wash- 
burne;  six  companies  of  the  N.  Y.  Seventh, 
Col.  Bendix,  and  a  squad  of  regulars  with  2 
howitzers,  under  Lieut.  Greble,  moved  forward 
from  the  position  at  Newport  News,  to  form  a 
junction  on  the  road  with  the  men  from  For¬ 
tress  Monroe. 

June  10. — At  1  a.  m.  the  3  companies  of 
the  New  York  Fifth,  under  Capt.  Kilpatrick, 
reached  New  Market  Bridge,  and  there  waited 
for  the  main  body  of  the  Fifth,  which  came  up 
at  3  a.  m.,  when  the  whole  regiment  started 


forwTard  for  Little  Bethel,  where  they  arrived 
about  daylight,  and  encountered  a  picket  guard 
of  the  enemy,  which  was  taken.  Shortly  after 
Duryea’s  regiment  passed  onward  toward  Little 
Bethel,  the  force  from  Newport  News  came  up 
the  road  from  that  place,  and  took  the  road 
from  Hampton  to  Bethel,  not  far  behind  the 
Fifth ;  but  they  left  at  the  junction  of  the  roads, 
under  Col.  Bendix,  a  rear  guard  of  one  hun¬ 
dred  and  seventy  men  and  one  field-piece,  with 
the  order  to  hold  this  position  at  all  hazards. 
This  order  anticipated  the  possibility  that  a 
rebel  force  might  get  in  the  rear  of  the  Federal 
troops  and  cut  off  the  retreat.  Almost  imme¬ 
diately  after,  the  Third  N.  Y.  Regiment  came 
up  the  Hampton  road.  It  was  still  dark,  and 
their  colors  could  not  be  seen.  Their  approach 
also  Tvas  over  a  ridge,  and  as  General  Pierce 
and  staff,  and  Colonel  Townsend  and  staff,  in  a 
body,  rode  in  advance  of  their  troops,  and 
without  any  advance  guard  thrown  out,  as 
customary,  to  reconnoitre,  they  appeared  from 
Col.  Bendix’s  position  to  be  a  troop  of  cavalry. 
It  was  known  that  the  Federal  force  had  no  cav¬ 
alry,  and  the  fire  of  this  rear  guard  was  poured  in¬ 
to  the  advancing  body,  at  the  distance  of  a  quar¬ 
ter  of  a  mile.  But  the  road  in  which  the  Third 
was  marching  was  a  little  below  the  level  of  the 
land  along  the  edge,  and  was  bordered  on  either 
side  by  fences  which  served  as  a  partial  cover, 
and  hence  the  fire  was  comparatively  harmless. 
Ten  men  were  wounded  by  it,  and  one  killed. 
The  Third  fell  back  and  formed  upon  a  hill 
near  the  road,  and  Gen.  Pierce  sent  a  hur¬ 
ried  message  to  Fortress  Monroe  for  support, 
in  accordance  with  which  the  N.  Y.  First  and 
Second,  Cols.  Allen  and  Carr,  were  sent  for¬ 
ward.  Col.  Duryea,  admonished  by  the  fire  in 
his  rear  that  something  was  wrong,  also  brought 
his  regiment  back.  Daylight  soon  divulged  the 
true  state  of  the  case,  and  the  force  was  organ¬ 
ized,  and  Brig.-Gen.  Pierce  of  Mass,  assumed 
the  command. 

Gen.  Pierce  determined  to  push  on  in  ad¬ 
vance,  and  the  force  moved  in  the  following 
order: — Col.  Duryea  with  the  N.  Y.  Fifth; 
Lieut.-Col.  Washburne,  with  the  companies 
from  Newport  News,  and  Greble’s  battery; 
Col.  Townsend,  with  the  N.  Y.  Third; 
Col.  Allen,  with  the  N.  Y.  First;  and  Col. 
Carr,  with  the  N.  Y.  Second.  When  the  fire 
of  Col.  Bendix’s  command  was  delivered,  that 
force  was  stationed  very  near  to  the  outlying 
camp  of  the  enemy,  who  at  once  took  the 


June  10.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


99 


alarm,  and  got  away.  Thus  the  rebels  at  Great 
Bethel  were  informed  of  the  advance  of  a  su¬ 
perior  force,  and  sent  back  to  their  head-quar¬ 
ters  at  Yorktown  for  re-inforcements.  "When 
the  column  reached  Little  Bethel  it  was  fired 
upon  from  a  house  which  was  consequently 
burned,  and  communicated  its  flames  to  several 
others.  The  Federal  forces  had  finally  reached 
a  place  in  the  outskirts  of  Great  Bethel,  where 
the  road  along  which  they  moved  is  crossed  by 
a  marshy  stream  called  Back  River.  Until  re¬ 
cently  this  stream  was  spanned  by  a  bridge 
known  as  the  County  Bridge;  this  had  been 
destroyed  by  the  x’ebels,  and  almost  before  its 
destruction  was  noticed,  a  heavy  fire  was 
opened  upon  the  Federal  troops  from  two 
masked  batteries  mounting  rifled  cannon  upon 
the  further  bank  of  the  stream.  Fortunately 
this  first  fire  was  not  very  accurate,  and  the 
missiles  carried  nearly  a  mile  beyond  the  posi¬ 
tion  the  troops  occupied.  Then  came  a  dis¬ 
charge  of  musketry.  Thus  surpi’ised,  the  Fed¬ 
eral  troops  were  thrown  into  some  disorder; 
but  were  soon  rallied,  and  formed  with  the 
artillery  in  the  centre,  (upon  the  road,)  and  the 
infantry  upon  the  right,  and  left  partially  cov¬ 
ered  in  woods.  In  this  position  the  enemy’s 
fire  was  returned  at  a  distance  of  one  hundred 
yards.  Under  cover  of  this  fire  an  attempt  was 
made  to  carry  the  enemy’s  works  by  a  charge, 
and  Capts.  Winslow,  Bartlett,  and  Killpatrick 
of  the  Fifth,  charged  with  their  commands  in 
front;  Captain  Denike,  and  Lieut.  Durvea,  (son 
of  Col.  Duryea,)  and  about  two  hundred  of  the 
Troy  Rifles  upon  the  right,  Col.  Townsend  with 
his  men  to  the  left.  The  enemy  were  forced 
out  of  the  first  battery,  all  the  forces  were  rap¬ 
idly  advancing,  and  every  thing  promised  a 
speedy  victory,  when  250  of  the  Vermont  men, 
with  Lieut. -Col.  Washburne,  on  the  extreme  left 
were  mistaken  for  the  enemy  by  Col.  Townsend, 
who  thereupon  ordered  his  men  to  fall  back. 
The  Zouaves  in  front  thus  left  unsupported  also 
fell  back,  and  the  advantage  so  bravely  gained 
was  thus  forfeited;  upon  consultation  it  was 
deemed  impossible  to  flank  the  rebel  position, 
and  as  after  half  an  hour’s  experiment  the  fire 
of  the  light  howitzers  and  musketry  was  found 
utterly  ineffective  against  the  enemy,  who  was 
well  supplied  with  rifled  cannon,  the  order  to 
retreat  was  given,  and  the  force  was  brought  off 
in  good  order.  Casualties  in  the  Federal  army 
were  (as  far  as  known) — killed,  13 ;  wounded, 


30.  Several  were  missing.  Of  the  wounded, 
10,  and  of  the  dead,  1,  were  the  loss  by  the 
error  on  the  road  when  Col.  Bendix  fired  into 
the  N.  Y.  Third.  Among  the  killed  were  Lieut. 
Greble,  of  the  regular  service,  in  command  of 
the  artillery,  and  Major  Theodore  Wintlirop,  aid 
to  Gen.  Butler.  Of  the  Confederate  loss,  little 
is  known.  It  is  stated  by  the  Charleston  Mer¬ 
cury  at  IT  killed.  The  enemy  is  thought  to 
have  had  at  least  10  guns  in  battery,  and  is 
known  to  have  had  2,200  men.  The  retreat  of 
the  Federal  forces  was  necessarily  very  slow  and 
tedious,  many  almost  falling  back  and  with  diffi¬ 
culty  made  to  keep  their  places.  All  expected 
that  the  rebels  had  flanked  around  into  Hampton, 
and  would  fight  them  at  the  ferry.  The  rear  of 
the  entire  force  was  covered  by  the  howitzers, 
which  charged  upon  the  pursuing  cavalry  until 
they  fell  back  toward  the  batteries.  The  news 
of  the  retreat  arrived  at  Hampton  long  before 
the  troops,  and  the  ferry  transports  were  all 
moored  along  the  shore  by  the  order  of  Gen. 
Butler,  who  was  on  the  Monroe-ward  side  of 
the  stream.  "When  at  last  the  poor  soldiers 
came  in  and  saw  their  way  safe,  a  shout  of  joy 
sprang  from  the  ranks  and  many  of  them  sang 
most  heartily.  The  wounded  and  dead,  with  a 
few  exceptions,  had  been  gathered  up,  and  were 
carried  by  the  weary  retreating  force  and  in  the 
baggage  wagons. — (Doc.  244.) 

— Tins  evening  the  propeller  Resolute,  Capt. 
Budd,  arrived  at  the  Navy  Yard,  at  Washing¬ 
ton,  together  with  the  propeller  Young  Amer¬ 
ica  seized  by  the  Cumberland  at  Old  Point,  and 
now  in  the  service  of  the  Government.  Last 
Saturday  night  Capt.  Budd,  with  a  boat’s  crew 
of  five  men,  went  into  Briton’s  Bay,  and  seizing 
the  schooner  Somerset  at  Leonardtown,  towed 
her  out  into  the  Potomac,  where  they  fired 
her,  the  schooner  burning  to  the  water’s  edge. 
On  Monday  morning  master’s-mate  Fuller,  with 
a  boat’s  crew  of  four,  went  on  board  the 
schooner  William  Sampson,  lying  at  the  shore, 
about  five  miles  above  Acquia  Creek,  and  burnt 
her  also,  completely  destroying  her.  The  own¬ 
er  and  his  plantation  hands  stood  on  shore 
at  the  time,  but  thought  it  prudent  to  say 
nothing.  Neither  of  the  vessels  were  loaded, 
and  were  in  a  very  bad  condition  through  want 
of  repairs,  and  as  it  was  well-known  that  they 
had  been  carrying  provisions,  &c.,  over  to  the 
Virginians,  their  fate  was  very  soon  decided. — 
National  Intelligencer ,  June  13. 


100 


REBELLION"  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[Junk  11. 


— Major-General  Banks  was  detailed  to 
the  command  of  the  Department  of  Annapolis, 
and  established  his  head-quarters  at  Baltimore, 
Md. — A".  Y.  Ilerald ,  June  10. 

— Three  battalions  of  the  District  of  Co¬ 
lumbia  Volunteers  passed  through  Georgetown, 
D.  C.,  and  at  about  the  same  time  the  Second 
Connecticut,  First  New  Hampshire,  and  New 
York  Ninth  Regiments  broke  camp  and  pro¬ 
ceeded  by  the  Rock  Creek  Road.  The  two 
forces  were  to  unite  at  Tenlytown,  three 
miles  above  Georgetown.  Their  destination  is 
supposed  to  be  Edward’s  Ferry,  on  the  Poto¬ 
mac.  The  latter  point  is  about  thirty  miles 
from  Georgetown,  and  an  equal  distance  from 
Harper’s  Ferry  and  'Washington.  In  the  morn¬ 
ing  Capt.  Owens  proceeded  with  the  District 
troops,  and  about  forty  of  the  Second  Texas 
cavalry  went  in  the  same  direction.  In  addi¬ 
tion  to  camp  equipage  and  intrenching  tools, 
they  were  provisioned  for  twelve  days.  Large 
trains  of  wagons  crossed  into  Virginia  at  the 
Government  Ferry  at  Georgetown  throughout 
the  day,  indicating,  it  is  supposed,  that  one  or 
more  regiments  on  that  side  have  received  or¬ 
ders  to  march.  One  of  the  Ohio  regiments,  it 
is  expected,  will  soon  take  up  its  line  of  march 
to  follow  Col.  Stone’s  column. — Hon.  John 
Cochran  of  New  York  was  authorized  by  the 
Secretary  of  War  to  have  mustered  for  imme¬ 
diate  service,  under  a  United  States  Commis¬ 
sion,  for  three  years,  a  regiment  of  infantry,  to 
be  commanded  by  himself  as  Colonel. —  Wash¬ 
ington  Star ,  June  10. 

— TnE  Fourth  Connecticut  Regiment  over 
1,000  strong,  completely  armed  and  equipped, 
left  Hartford,  Conn.,  for  Jersey  City  on  board 
steamers  City  of  Hartford  and  Granite  State. 
Four  military  companies  turned  out  to  escort 
them,  and  at  least  10,000  persons  witnessed 
their  departure,  which  took  place  amid  the 
greatest  enthusiasm  and  firing  of  cannon. — 
{Doc.  245.) 

June  11. — Lieut.  Slemmer,  late  in  command 
of  Fort  Pickens,  had  a  handsome  reception  at 
Independence  Hall,  Philadelphia.  A  military 
procession,  consisting  of  Col.  Small’s  Regiment 
of  ten  companies,  preceded  by  a  drum  corps 
and  a  brass  band,  playing  Hail  Columbia,  es¬ 
corted  the  Lieutenant  and  his  aged  father-in-law 
from  the  Continental  Hotel  to  the  Hall,  where 
Mayor  Henry  addressed  him  in  behalf  of  the 
Councils  and  people  of  the  city  in  happy  terms, 


saying,  among  other  things :  “  It  is  for  that 

firm  maintenance  of  the  Constitution  and  its 
laws  that  your  fellow-citizens  have  assembled 
this  day  to  greet  you  with  their  applause  and 
admiration.  It  is  in  support  of  that  Constitu¬ 
tion  that  Philadelphia  has  sent  her  sons  by 
thousands  to  the  tented  field,  and  will,  if  the 
necessity  arises,  pour  forth  hosts  of  brave  and 
willing  men  to  battle  in  this  great  cause.  Per¬ 
mit  me  to  express  the  sincere  wishes  of  your 
fellow-citizens  for  the  restoration  of  that  health 
which  has  been  materially  impaired  by  your 
arduous  services,  and  with  it  to  convey  the  as¬ 
surance  that  they  will  regard  with  interest 
each  new  laurel  that  will  adorn  your  future  ca¬ 
reer.” 

To  this  Lieut.  Slemmer  replied:  “Mr. 
Mayor  and  Councils  of  Philadelphia,  I  thank 
you  very  heartily  for  your  expression  of  esteem 
and  approval.  When  I  stood  almost  alone, 
with  a  handful  of  men  on  Santa  Rosa  Island,  it 
was  the  thought  of  just  such  sympathy  as  you 
have  here  expressed  which  made  the  perform¬ 
ance  of  that  duty  a  more  welcome  task.  Ene¬ 
mies  were  around  us,  but  we  felt  that  we  were 
not  alone;  for  we  knew  that  the  whole  North 
in  heart,  soul,  and  prayers  was  with  us.  Gen¬ 
tlemen,  I  would  like  to  have  seen  the  end  of 
that  little  piece  of  work  before  coming  among 
you  ;  but  having  waited  patiently  for  four  long 
months,  my  men,  who  so  nobly  stood  around 
me  in  darkness  and  peril,  having  become  dis¬ 
eased  through  confinement  and  want  of  proper 
food,  I  concluded  that  the  best  thing  for  them 
and  the  country  would  be  to  bring  them  North 
where  they  might  recruit  their  strength  so  as 
to  enter  again  those  stirring  scenes  where  soon 
every  soldier  will  be  needed.” — National  In¬ 
telligencer ,  June  15. 

— In  the  Maryland  Legislature  in  session  at 
Frederick,  Mr.  McKaig  presented  a  report  from 
the  Commissioners  appointed  by  the  Legis¬ 
lature  to  visit  Montgomery.  Accompanying 
this  was  a  paper  from  Jefferson  Davis  express¬ 
ing  his  gratification  to  hear  that  the  State  of 
Maryland  was  enlisted  on  the  side  of  peace  and 
reconciliation,  and  avoicing  his  perfect  'willing¬ 
ness  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities ,  and  a  readi¬ 
ness  to  receive  any  proposition  for  peace  from 
the  United  States  Government. — {Doc.  24G.) 

— Colonel  Wallace,  with  his  Indiana  regi¬ 
ment,  proceeded  from  Cumberland,  Md.,  about 
forty  miles  into  Virginia,  to  a  place  called 


Mtwwi,., 


MAJ.  GEK  GEO  B.  Mc  CLEL1AN.  TJ.  S.  A. 


JCNE  12.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


101 


Romney,  •where  he  surprised  a  body  of  about 
five  hundred  armed  rebels.  They  showed 
fight,  and  a  brisk  little  battle  followed,  result¬ 
ing  in  the  rout  of  the  rebels.  Colonel  Wallace 
pursued  them,  killing  two,  and  wounding  one 
of  them  sure,  as  that  number  was  left  on  the 
field.  Some  of  the  killed  and  wounded  among 
the  rebels  were  conveyed  away  in  the  flight. 
Only  one  of  Colonel  Wallace’s  men  was 
wounded,  none  killed.  The  Indiana  hoys  seized 
a  considerable  amount  of  arms,  ammunition, 
some  horses,  and  provisions.  Colonel  Wallace 
then  returned  with  his  force  to  Cumberland, 
instead  of  holding  Romney,  which  is  on  the 
route  towards  Harper’s  Ferry,  and  about  fifty 
miles  from  the  latter  place. — Baltimore  Ameri¬ 
can,  June  14. 

June  12. — The  Second  Regiment  Missouri 
Volunteers,  Col.  Siegel,  went  up  the  Pacific 
Railroad  from  St.  Louis,  and  occupied  the  line 
as  far  as  the  Gasconade  River  in  order  to  pre¬ 
vent  further  damage  by  the  rebels.  They  met 
with  no  opposition  from  the  traitors  in  that 
section. — N.  Y.  Herald ,  June  20. 

— The  steamer  City  of  Alton,  with  two 
companies  of  Col.  Oglesby’s  Regiment  and  a 
squad  of  artillery-men,  with  two  field-pieces, 
made  an  excursion  from  Cairo,  Ill.,  down  the 
Mississippi,  five  miles  below  Columbus,  Ken¬ 
tucky,  to-day.  On  returning,  when  near  Co¬ 
lumbus,  some  machinery  of  the  boat  broke, 
and  the  boat  drifted  ashore.  While  the  ma¬ 
chinery  was  repairing,  the  captain  of  the  boat, 
with  three  of  his  crew,  went  ashore  and  cut 
down  a  secession  flag  which  was  flying  on  the 
shore,  and  brought  it  to  Cairo.  No  attempt 
was  made  to  prevent  their  taking  the  flag. 
Passengers,  who  have  arrived  from  Columbus 
since  the  City  of  Alton  left,  say,  that  great  ex¬ 
citement  prevailed  among  the  citizens,  and  that 
locomotives  and  cars  were  immediately  de¬ 
spatched  to  Union  city  to  convey  rebel  troops  to 
Columbus.  No  rebel  troops  were  seen  by  the 
excursionists  between  Cairo  and  Columbus. — 
Louisville  Courier ,  June  15. 

— Governor  Jackson  of  Missouri  issued  a 
proclamation  rehearsing  the  so-called  griev¬ 
ances  inflicted  by  the  Federal  Government, 
which,  he  said,  were  designed  to  reduce  Missouri 
to  the  same  condition  as  Maryland.  He  accused 
the  Federal  authorities  of  fostering  the  inaugura¬ 
tion  of  revolution  and  civil  war  for  the  over¬ 
throw  of  the  State  Government,  and  called 


50,000  State  militia  into  active  service  for  the 
protection  of  the  lives,  liberty,  and  property  of 
the  citizens. — (Doc.  247) 

— A  man  was  discovered  in  an  attempt  to 
poison  some  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Second 
Michigan  Regiment  at  Washington  by  offering 
them  water  to  drink,  in  which  strvchnine  was 
deposited.  He  was  immediately  arrested. — Ar. 
Y.  World ,  June  13. 

— TnE  state-room  of  William  Trappman,  a 
passenger  on  hoard  the  steamer  America,  which 
left  Boston  for  Liverpool  to-day,  was  visited 
and  searched  on  the  suspicion  that  he  was  a 
bearer  of  despatches  from  the  Confederate  Gov¬ 
ernment.  He  produced  papers  showing  that 
he  was  Prussian  Consul  at  Charleston,  and  also 
a  bearer  of  despatches  from  Lord  Lyons  to  the 
British  Government.  Nothing  of  an  objec¬ 
tionable  character  was  found  in  his  possession, 
and  he  was  released.  Subsequently  a  despatch 
was  received  from  the  War  Department  au¬ 
thorizing  his  arrest  on  the  charge  of  treason, 
but  the  steamer  had  in  the  meantime  sailed. — 
Boston  Post ,  June  13. 

— The  Western  Virginia  Convention  met  yes¬ 
terday  at  Wheeling,  and  after  effecting  a  tem¬ 
porary  organization  adjourned  till  ten  o’clock 
this  morning.  About  forty  counties  were 
represented  on  the  basis  of  their  represen¬ 
tation  in  the  Legislature.  Arthur  J.  Bore- 
man,  of  Wood  county,  was  chosen  permanent 
chairman,  and  delivered  a  patriotic  address  on 
taking  his  seat.  He  reviewed  the  ordinance  of 
secession  passed  by  the  Richmond  convention, 
and  exhorted  the  delegates  to  firm,  decided,  and 
thorough  action.  The  delegates  were  then 
sworn  in.  The  programme  of  the  convention 
seems  to  he  the  formation  of  a  provisional  gov¬ 
ernment  for  the  whole  State  ;  the  deposition  of 
the  present  State  authorities,  and  the  entire 
reorganization  of  the  municipal  Government. 

Mr.  Carlile  offered  a  resolution,  which  was 
unanimously  adopted,  thanking  Gen.  McClelland 
for  sending  troops  to  Western  Virginia ;  com¬ 
mending  the  gallant  troops  at  Philippa,  and 
complimenting  the  bravery  of  Col.  Kelly  of  the 
First  Virginia  Regiment. — N.  Y.  Commercial 
Advertiser ,  June  12. 

— The  Louisville  Journal  of  to-day  contains 
the  following :  “  A  facetious  account  has  been 
given  of  Gov.  Rector’s  response  to  President 
Lincoln’s  demand  for  troops,  (‘  Nary  one — see 
you  d — d  first.’)  We  find  the  genuine  despatch 


102 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61, 


[June  13. 


embodied  in  his  message  to  the  Legislature,  as 
follows: 

“  Execttitk  Office,  ? 

Little  Rock,  Ap.k.,  April  22, 1861.  $ 

'•''lion.  Simon  Cameron ,  Secretary  of  War, 
Washington  City ,  I).  C. : 

“In  answer  to  your  requisition  for  troops 
from  Arkansas,  to  subjugate  the  Southern 
States,  I  have  to  say  that  none  will  be  furnished. 
The  demand  is  only  adding  insult  to  injury. 

“  The  people  of  this  Commonwealth  are  free¬ 
men,  not  slaves,  and  will  defend  to  the  last  ex¬ 
tremity  their  honor,  lives,  and  property  against 
northern  mendacity  and  usurpation. 

“Henry  M.  Rector, 

Governor  of  Arkansas.” 

June  13. — By  proclamation  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  this  day  was  observed  as  a  fast-day 
throughout  the  States  in  rebellion  against  the 
U.  S.  Government. — AT.  Y.  Times ,  June  2. 

— TnE  United  Turner  Rifles,  Twentieth  Regi¬ 
ment  N.  Y.  S.  V.,  Colonel  Max  Weber,  left 
New  York  for  Fortress  Monroe  and  the  army 
of  Southeastern  Virginia.  In  their  march 
through  the  city  they  were  drawn  up  in  front 
of  the  City  Hall,  where  a  flag  was  presented  to 
them  by  Samuel  B.  Ruggles,  in  behalf  of  Mrs. 
Charles  E.  Strong  and  other  ladies  of  New 
York. — {Doc.  248.) 

— Brigadier-General  Schenck  has  been  as¬ 
signed  to  the  Second  Michigan  Regiment  now 
in  Washington.  He  is  thus  attached  to  the 
Military  Department  of  Washington,  the  chief 
of  which  is  General  Mansfield. — Conflicting 
statements  having  been  made,  it  is  proper  to 
say — while  Major-General  Banks  superseded 
General  Cadwalader  in  command  of  the  De¬ 
partment  at  Annapolis,  the  latter  has  been  as¬ 
signed  to  command  a  new  division  to  cooperate 
with  General  Patterson  in  the  progressing  ac¬ 
tions  against  Harper’s  Ferry. — Rochester  Union , 
June  14. 

— Tiie  steamer  Iatan,  with  the  Second  Bat¬ 
talion  of  the  First  Regiment  of  Missouri  vol¬ 
unteers,  under  command  of  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Andrews,  one  section  of  Totten’s  light  artillery 
and  two  companies  of  regulars,  under  Captain 
Lathrop,  and  the  steamer  J.  C.  Swon,  with  the 
First  Battalion  of  the  First  Regiment,  under 
Colonel  Blair,  and  another  section  of  Totten’s 
battery,  and  a  detachment  of  pioneers,  and 
General  Lyon  and  staff,  numbering  1,500  men 
all  told,  left  St  Louis  for  some  point  up  the 


Missouri  River,  supposed  to  be  Jefferson  city. 
They  had  horses,  wagons,  and  all  necessary 
camp  equipage,  ammunition,  and  provisions 
for  a  long  march. — Louisville  Journal ,  June  14. 

— The  troops  which  started  from  Washing¬ 
ton  on  Monday,  left  the  vicinity  of  Tenlytown 
the  next  day,  and  are  now  beyond  Rockville ; 
the  National  Rifles,  under  Major  Smead,  the 
Slemmer  Guards,  Capt.  Knight,  and  the  Cam¬ 
eron  Guards,  accompanied  by  Capt.  Magruder’s 
battery  of  U.  S.  Artillery,  with  three  field- 
pieces,  being  in  advance.  The  troops  have 
taken  the  river  route,  and  will  be  followed  im¬ 
mediately  by  the  First  Penns}-lvania  and  New 
York  Ninth  Regiments,  which  were  at  Rock¬ 
ville  on  Tuesday.  What  is  called  the  river 
route  is  the  road  which  diverges  from  the 
Frederick  Road  outside  of  Rockville,  and  passes 
through  Poolesville  direct  to  Edwards’  Ferry 
and  on  to  Leesburg,  Va.  For  several  weeks 
past  the  Edwards’  Ferry  route  has  been  a  gen¬ 
eral  thoroughfare  for  secessionists  from  Mary¬ 
land,  and  also  for  •military  stores,  provisions, 
etc.  The  Fifth  Battalion  D.  C.  Volunteers 
took  boats  at  the  Chain  Bridge  yesterday 
morning  at  eight  o’clock,  and  proceeded  to¬ 
wards  Edwards’  Ferry.  This  battalion  is  com¬ 
manded  by  Lieut.-Col.  Everett. —  Washington 
Star,  June  12. 

— The  Third  Michigan  Regiment,  numbering 
1,040  men,  left  Grand  Rapids  this  morning  for 
the  seat  of  war.  They  are  a  fine  body  of  men 
fully  armed,  equipped,  and  ready  for  service. — 
AT.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser,  June  13. 

— Tiie  Sixth  Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  V.,  Colonel 
William  Wilson’s  Zouaves,  left  New  York  for 
Fort  Pickens.  Previous  to  its  departure  the 
regiment  was  presented  with  a  set  of  colors  by 
the  ladies  of  the  Relief  Committee. — {Doc.  249.) 

— A  portion  of  Montgomery’s  men,  under 
Capt.  Jamison,  armed  with  Sharp’s  rifles  and 
revolvers,  reached  Wyandotte,  Kansas,  from 
Lawrence  under  orders  from  Col.  Mitchell. 
Montgomery,  with  several  hundred  mounted 
men,  will  at  once  take  possession  of  the  Kan¬ 
sas  side  of  the  Missouri  line,  so  as  to  be  ready 
to  meet  Gov.  Jackson’s  forces  whenever  they 
make  a  movement  from  Independence  towards 
Kansas  City.  The  militia  and  volunteer  com¬ 
panies  are  ready  to  march  to  the  order,  as  soon 
as  the  orders  are  sent. — St.  Louis  Democrat , 
June  18. 


JCNE  14.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


103 


— The  largest  meeting  ever  known  in  Dover, 
Delaware,  was  held  there  to-day.  Chancellor 
Harrington  presided.  The  following,  among 
other  resolutions,  was  adopted  unanimously  : 

Resolved ,  That,  considering  the  sentiments 
embodied  in  the  foregoing  resolution,  incom¬ 
patible  with  the  views  of  James  A.  Bayard, 
now  Senator,  as  expressed  in  his  last  speech  in 
the  Senate,  and  his  recent  addresses  to  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  Delaware,  we  most  respectfully  request 
him  to  resign. 

Not  less  than  three  thousand  persons  were 
at  the  meeting,  and  great  enthusiasm  prevailed. 
A  resolution  was  also  passed  requesting  the 
Governor  to  call  the  Legislature  together. — 
Rochester  Union ,  June  14. 

— An  attack  was  made  by  the  rebels  on  the 
outpost  of  the  Pennsylvania  Fifth  regiment  at 
Alexandria,  in  which  a  private  of  company  G 
was  wounded  in  the  arm.  His  arm  was  am¬ 
putated. — W.  Y.  Gommer.  Advertiser ,  Jane  14. 

— Gen.  Beauregard  ordered  the  Fairfax 
Court-House  Company,  Capt.  Ball,  recently 
prisoners  in  Washington,  to  leave  the  State  of 
Virginia,  because  they  took  the  oath  of  alle¬ 
giance  to  the  United  States.  Those  of  them  who 
may  be  induced  to  violate  it,  will,  of  course,  bo 
excepted  from  the  operation  of  this  order. — 
N.  Y.  World ,  June  15. 

June  14. — A  signal  balloon  was  seen  at  a  con¬ 
siderable  elevation  over  beyond  the  chain 
bridge,  on  the  Leesburgh  Road,  at  night,  sup¬ 
posed  to  have  been  sent  up  by  the  rebels,  for 
the  purpose  of  communicating  intelligence  to 
secessionists  in  or  near  Washington. —  Wash¬ 
ington  Star ,  June  15. 

— A  little  fight  occurred  near  Seneca’s  Mill, 
on  the  Maryland  side  of  the  Potomac,  28  miles 
above  Washington.  Lieut.-Ool.  Everett,  in 
command  of  three  companies  of  District  Vol¬ 
unteers,  200  men,  (a  detachment  of  Col.  Stone’s 
column,)  started  in  canal  boats  from  George¬ 
town,  D.  C.,  and  were  obliged  to  leave  after  a  few 
miles  up,  the  rebels  having  cut  the  dam.  At 
Seneca  the  detachment  was  fired  upon  by  100 
cavalry,  on  the  Virginia  side  of  the  river.  Col. 
Everett  marched  his  men  into  the  dry  bed  of 
the  canal,  and,  sheltered  by  tho  opposite  bank, 
returned  the  cavalry  fire.  Shots  were  exchang¬ 
ed  for  some  time  across  the  Potomac,  a  distance 
of  seven-eighths  of  a  mile.  None  of  Col.  E.’s 
men  were  injured.  Two  Virginia  troopers  I 


were  shot,  one  thought  to  be  killed,  as  well  as 
the  commander,  supposed  to  be  Capt.  Shreves. 
Upon  the  fall  of  their  leader,  the  cavalry  re¬ 
treated.  During  tho  fight  bullets  were  flattened 
on  stones  near  our  men,  who  lay  down  in  per¬ 
fect  shelter. — AT.  Y.  Express ,  June  17. 

— Jonx  A.  Dix,  Major-General  of  the  New 
York  State  forces,  was  appointed  Major-General 
in  the  army  of  the  United  States. — N.  Y.  Tri¬ 
bune,  June  14. 

— At  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  a  flag  was  raised  upon 
tho  court-house.  Tho  ceremonies  were  com¬ 
menced  with  a  prayer  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Dewey, 
followed  by  the  hoisting  of  the  flag,  during 
the  playing  of  the  “  Star-Spangled  Banner.” 
Speeches  were  then  made  by  Judge  John  C. 
Chumasero,  Roswell  Hart,  and  II.  B.  Ensworth. 
— Rochester  Express ,  June  14. 

— On  tho  representation  of  certain  Irish¬ 
women  of  Alexandria,  that  their  husbands,  who 
had  never  been  naturalized,  and  were  therefore 
British  subjects,  had  been  impressed  into  tho 
rebel  service,  Lord  Lyons  instructed  the  British 
consul  at  that  point  to  make  an  investigation, 
and,  if  satisfied  of  the  truth  of  the  statements, 
to  demand  their  release  of  the  commanding 
general. — JY.  Y.  World ,  June  15. 

— Harper’s  Ferry,  Md.,  was  finally  evacu¬ 
ated  by  the  Confederate  forces.  This  step  had 
so  often  been  predicted,  and  denied  with  such 
confident  assertions  of  the  impregnable  fortifi¬ 
cations  erected  there  and  of  the  determination 
of  the  Confederate  leaders  to  make  it  the  chosen 
point  for  a  desperate  stand,  that  the  first  reports 
were  received  with  doubts  and  incredulity. 
Confirmatory  statements,  however,  of  the  with¬ 
drawal  of  pickets  from  all  points  above  and  be¬ 
low  the  Ferry,  of  the  burning  of  tho  railroad 
bridge,  and  the  destruction  of  provisions  they 
were  unable  to  carry  off,  finally  not  only  con¬ 
firmed  the  evacuation,  but  gave  to  it  somewhat 
of  the  aspect  of  a  hurried  retreat.  The  troops 
left  in  two  columns — one  column  going  toward 
Winchester  with  the  intention  of  joining  the 
force  at  Manassas  Junction  ;  the  other  retreat¬ 
ing  through  Loudon  county  toward  Leesburg. 
Before  leaving  Harper’s  Ferry  the  Confederates 
destroyed  all  the  public  property  in  the  vicinity. 
The  fine  bridge,  including  the  Winchester  span, 
over  ono  thousand  feet  in  length,  was  burnt. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  blow  up  the  piers. 
The  Government  Armory  buildings  were  burnt. 


104 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1800-61. 


[Juke  15. 


The  machinery  had  previously  been  removed 
to  Richmond.  The  railroad  bridge  at  Martins- 
burg  and  the  turnpike  bridge  over  the  Potomac 
at  Shepherdstown  were  also  destroyed. — Balti¬ 
more  American ,  June  15 — {Doc.  264.) 

— Gov.  Jacksox,  of  Missouri,  having  learned 
that  Gen.  Lyon  was  on  the  way  to  attack  him 
at  Jefferson  city,  evacuated  that  place.  Soon 
after  sunrise  but  few  of  the  rebels  were  to  be 
found  in  the  town.  Orders  were  given  by 
Governor  Jackson  for  the  destruction  of  the 
Moreau  Bridge,  four  miles  down  the  Mis¬ 
souri,  and  Gen.  Sterling  Price  attended  to 
the  demolition  of  the  telegraph.  All  the  cars 
and  locomotives  that  could  be  used  were  taken 
by  the  rebels  in  their  flight,  and  as  fast  as  they 
crossed  streams  they  secured  themselves  from 
pursuit  by  burning  the  bridges.  They  were 
quite  cautious  in  concealing  their  place  of  des¬ 
tination  from  the  loyal  men  of  Jefferson,  but 
certain  remarks  made  it  pretty  certain  that  they 
were  bound  for  Booneville,  forty  miles  above, 
and  one  of  the  strongest  secession  towns  in  the 
State. — N.  Y.  Herald ,  June  20. 

June  15. — Privateer  No.  1 — of  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States — (the  Savannah)  captured  May  3d, 
by  U.  S.  brig  Perry,  arrived  in  the  port  of  New 
York. — {Doc.  251.) 

— The  obstructions  of  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Railroad  at  Point  of  Rocks,  Md.,  were  re¬ 
moved,  and  the  road  was  re-opened  to  Harper’s 
Ferry  for  the  first  time  this  morning  sinco  the 
occupation  and  obstruction  of  the  road  by  the 
secessionists.  The  immense  boulder,  weighing 
about  one  hundred  tons,  thrown  from  the  Point 
of  Rocks  upon  the  road  by  the  Confederate 
troops,  was  removed  last  night  by  blasting,  and 
the  track  now  passes  over  its  crushed  frag¬ 
ments,  which  served  to  fill  up  the  depression  in 
the  bed  of  the  road,  caused  by  its  fall.  An  im¬ 
mense  mass  of  the  rock  projects  into  the  canal, 
leaving  sufficient  space,  however,  for  the  pas¬ 
sage  of  the  canal  boats.  The  culverts  which 
were  attempted  to  have  been  blown  up  are  now 
fully  repaired,  tho  solid  character  of  the  work 
rendering  tho  attempted  destruction  but  partial 
in  extent. — Baltimore  American ,  June  15. 

— i  iie  First  Massachusetts  Regiment,  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Cowdin,  left  Boston 
for  tho  seat  of  war. — {Doc.  252.) 

— Jeffeesox  City,  Mo.,  was  occupied  by 
Gen.  Lyon,  in  command  of  tho  Union  force, 


who  was  warmly  welcomed  by  the  mass  of  the 
citizens.  Gen.  Lyon  there  learned  that  Gov. 
Jackson  and  the  whole  military  and  civil  gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  State  had  fled  to  Booneville, 
forty  miles  above,  and  that  they  have  not  far 
from  fifteen  hundred  men  there,  the  most  of 
them  armed  with  their  own  rifles  and  shot-guns, 
six  or  eight  iron  cannon,  and  are  throwing  up 
earthworks  to  protect  the  town  from  attack, 
both  by  river  and  by  land. — Ar.  Y.  Herald , 
June  20. 


— Ax'  experiment  with  Sawyer’s  American 
rifled  cannon  Avas  made  at  the  Rip  Raps,  in 
Hampton  Roads.  Seven  of  eleven  48-pound 


shells  exploded  a  short  distance  from  the  rebel 
camp,  on  Sew  all’s  Point,  and  one  of  them  over 
their  intrenchments.  It  created  a  sensation 
among  tho  secessionists.  A  house  near  the 
secession  banner  displayed  a  white  flag. — N.  Y. 
Times ,  June  18. 

June  1G. — This  afternoon  J.  G.  Morrison,  Jr., 
and  several  of  his  friends,  unfurled  the  Star- 
Spangled  Banner  on  the  Maryland  abutment 
of  tho  bridge  lately  destroyed  at  Harper’s 
Ferry.  The  cherished  symbol  of  the  Union  was 
hailed  with  delight  by  the  people  of  Harper’s 
Ferry,  and  particularly  by  the  women,  who 
flocked  to  the  opposite  bank  and  saluted  it  by 


•:  cl 


CAP'1'  NATHL  LYON,  U.S.A. 

{NOW  BRIG  GEN  USA./ 


.’Ertaraved  for  RdbclRon  .Record 


*NTVW  YORK .  G  P.  PUTNAM 


June  16.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


105 


the  waving  of  handkerchiefs  and  other  mani¬ 
festations  of  j  oy. — Baltimore  American ,  J une  20. 

— General  Josepii  H.  Lane,  of  Kansas,  was 
appointed  a  Brigadier-General  in  the  army  of 
the  United  States. — JY.  Y.  Tribune ,  June  20. 

— A  reconnoissance  of  the  Loudon  and 
Hampshire  Railroad,  in  Va.,  was  made  under 
Col.  Powers,  accompanied  by  the  Pirst  Regi¬ 
ment  of  Connecticut  troops.  All  the  bridges 
were  found  safe,  and  the  train  returned.  When 
two  miles  east  of  Vienna,  a  man  in  ambush 
fired  on  the  train,  wounding  George  Busbee,  of 
the  Connecticut  Life  Guards.  Gen.  Tyler  was 
standing  beside  the  wounded  man,  on  an  open 
car.  The  shot  was  evidently  intended  for  him. 
The  train  was  stopped  as  soon  as  possible,  and 
the  companies  were  divided  to  scour  the  woods, 
and  search  the  neighboring  farm-houses,  etc., 
to  make  a  circuit  of  a  mile.  Two  men  were 
arrested,  named  Walker  and  McMills,  in  the 
house  of  the  latter.  All  the  evidence  that  could 
be  obtained,  tended  towards  criminating  Walk¬ 
er,  who,  with  the  other  prisoner  and  a  negro 
witness,  was  brought  to  Alexandria.  The 
train  was  within  three  miles  of  900  rebel  troops, 
and  six  miles  of  Fairfax  Court  House,  where,  it 
is  understood,  there  are  2,500  troops,  besides 
recent  arrivals. — N.  Y.  Times ,  June  17. 

June  17. — A  letter  from  Cronstadt,  Russia, 
written  by  the  mate  of  a  ship,  says:  “There  is 
a  Charleston  ship  lying  alongside  of  us  that 
hoisted  the  flag  of  the  Confederate  States,  and 
for  so  doing  I  understand  that  the  captain  was 
arrested  and  placed  in  the  guard-house  of  the 
Russian  officers.  They  would  not  acknowledge 
or  in  any  way  recognize  the  flag  of  the  rebels.” 
— Boston  Journal ,  July  12. 

— Lieut.  George  H.  Butler  with  others  pro¬ 
ceeded  from  Fortress  Monroe  to  Big  Bethel  to 
bring  away  the  remains  of  Major  Winthrop. 
At  Little  Bethel  a  picket  took  their  message  to 
Colonel  Magruder,  who  sent  Captain  Kilsen,  of 
Louisiana,  to  receive  them.  Two  hours  after 
Colonel  Magruder  came,  and  they  were  hand¬ 
somely  received.  With  Colonel  Magruder  were 
Colonel  De  Rusey,  brother  of  the  Chief  of  the 
Engineers  at  Fortress  Monroe,  Colonel  Hill,  of 
North  Carolina,  and  other  late  officers  of  the 
army.  None  of  Lieutenant  Butler’s  party  were 
permitted  to  go  near  the  batteries.  The  body 
of  Major  Winthrop  was  taken  up  by  Colonel 
Magruder’s  men  and  escorted  to  the  wagon  by 
Diary — 19 


a  force  of  three  hundred,  who  fired  a  volley. 
Most  of  them  had  shot  guns.  An  escort  was 
offered  to  Hampton,  but  Lieutenant  Butler  de¬ 
clined  it.  Colonel  Magruder  and  others  spoke 
in  the  highest  terms  of  Major  Winthrop’s 
bravery.  He  was  distinctly  seen  for  some  time 
leading  a  body  of  men  to  the  charge,  and  had 
mounted  a  log  and  was  waving  his  sword  and 
shouting  to  his  men  to  “ Come,  on!”  when  a 
North  Carolina  drummer-boy  borrowed  a  gun, 
leaped  on  the  battery,  and  shot  him  deliberately 
in  the  breast.  He  fell  nearer  to  the  enemy’s 
works  than  any  other  man  went  during  the 
fight.  He  wore  the  sword  of  Colonel  Wai’drop 
of  the  Massachusetts  Third,  and  it  was  supposed 
that  it  was  Colonel  Wardrop  who  fell.  The 
sword  was  sent  to  North  Carolina  as  a  trophy. 
— N.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  June  19. 

— In  the  Wheeling  (Va.)  Convention  Mr. 
Dorsey,  of  Monongalia,  moved  that  the  Decla¬ 
ration  of  Independence  be  put  upon  its  passage, 
calling  for  the  yeas  and  nays.  It  was  unani¬ 
mously  adopted:  Yeas,  56 — not  a  vote  in  the 
negative.  Thirty  members  were  absent  on 
leave,  and  the  Declaration  was  signed  by  fifty- 
six,  the  same  number  as  signed  the  National 
Declaration  of  Independence. — {Doc.  256.) 

— TnREE  hundred  Federal  troops,  under 
Capt.  Gardner,  of  the  Pennsylvania  First  Regi¬ 
ment,  had  a  skirmish  at  Edwards’  Ferry,  with 
a  considerable  force  of  secessionists.  The  fight 
lasted  nearly  three  hours,  when  the  rebels  fled, 
having  had  fifteen  to  twenty  of  their  number 
killed  and  wounded,  one  private  in  Capt.  Gard¬ 
ner’s  command  was  killed,  and  three  or  four 
were  wounded  slightly.  The  fight  occurred 
from  across  the  river.  The  attack  was  made 
by  the  enemy  with  a  view  to  taking  possession 
of  the  Ferry.  The  news  was  brought  to  Wash¬ 
ington  by  Capt.  Gardner’s  First  Lieutenant, 
who  was  engaged  in  the  action. — N.  Y.  Times , 
June  20. 

— This  morning,  at  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  a  part  of 
Col.  Kallman’s  Regiment  of  reserve  corps  were 
returning  from  the  North  Missouri  Railroad, 
when  opposite  the  Recorder’s  Court-room  on 
Seventh  street,  between  Olive  and  Locust,  a 
company  near  the  rear  of  the  column  suddenly 
wheeled  and  discharged  their  rifles,  aiming 
chiefly  at  the  windows  of  the  Recorder’s  Court 
and  the  second  story  of  an  adjoining  house,  kill¬ 
ing  four  citizens,  mortally  wounding  two,  and 


106 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[JlTNK  17. 


slightly  injuring  one.  The  statements  regard¬ 
ing  the  cause  of  the  firing  were  very  conflicting 
— one  being  that  a  pistol  shot  was  fired  from 
the  window  of  a  house  on  the  corner  of  Seventh 
and  Locust,  which  took  effect  in  the  shoulder 
of  one  of  the  captains,  when  he  gave  word  to 
fire;  another,  that  a  soldier  accidentally  dis¬ 
charged  his  rifle  in  the  ranks,  at  which  the 
whole  company  became  frightened  and  dis¬ 
charged  a  full  volley  into  the  crowd  on  the 
sidewalk  and  windows  of  houses.  The  Re¬ 
corder’s  Court  was  in  session,  crowded  with 
prisoners  and  spectators.  Police  officer  Pratt 
was  shot  in  the  side,  and  died  in  ten  minutes. 
Deputy  Marshal  Frauzo  received  three  balls  in 
the  legs  and  arms.  The  window  just  behind 
Recorder  Peers’  desk  was  riddled  with  bullets, 
and  broken  glass  scattered  over  his  desk. — San¬ 
dusky  Register ,  June  18. 

—In  lion&r  of  the  day — the  anniversary  of 
the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill — the  Charlestown 
City  Guard,  comprising  two  companies  of  the 
Massachusetts  Fifth,  gave  a  grand  entertain¬ 
ment  at  their  camp  near  Alexandria,  Ya.  Un¬ 
der  the  pleasant  shade  of  a  luxuriant  grove 
long  tables  were  spread  with  dainties  quite  un¬ 
usual  in  that  part  of  the  land.  Many  of  the 
dishes  were  furnished  by  the  generous  ladies 
of  Massachusetts,  and  vividly  recalled  the  good 
living  of  that  dear  old  State — ever  true  to  lib¬ 
erty  and  constitutional  law.  The  edibles  dis¬ 
posed  of,  sentiments  were  the  order  of  the 
hour.  The  memory  of  Warren  was  appropri¬ 
ately  toasted,  and  there  were  a  dozen  patriotic 
speeches  from  the  officers  and  friends  of  the 
Guard,  which,  coming  from  the  shadow  of  the 
solid  column  commemorating  the  glory  of 
Warren  and  his  heroic  comrades,  always  hon¬ 
or  the  day  with  peculiar  enthusiasm.  At  this 
time,  and  in  sight  of  the  spot  where  Ellsworth 
— who  has  been  well  denominated  the  Warren 
of  the  great  struggle  in  which  we  are  now  in¬ 
volved — gave  his  life  a  willing  sacrifice  to  his 
country,  the  proceedings  of  this  afternoon  were 
exceedingly  fitting  —  and  honorable  to  the 
Guard. 

At  Boston,  Mass.,  the  anniversary  was  ob¬ 
served  with  more  than  usual  manifestations  of 
patriotism.  At  the  monument  in  Charlestown 
there  was  a  civic  and  military  gathering.  The 
Stars  and  Stripes  were  raised  on  a  flag-staff  about 
40  feet  above  the  shaft,  making  the  height  260 
feet  from  the  ground.  Gov.  Andrew  and  others 


made  eloquent  speeches  appropriate  to  the  oc¬ 
casion. —  Washington  Star ,  June  20. 

— Gen.  Lyon  issued  a  strong  proclamation, 
pointing  out  the  determined  efforts  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernor  and  Legislature  to  force  the  State  out  of 
the  Union,  and  the  unconstitutionality  of  the 
military  bill.  He  rehearsed  the  result  of  the 
conference  with  Governor  Jackson,  and  stated 
that  attempts  to  execute  the  provisions  of  the 
military  bill  had  imposed  most  exasperating 
hardships  on  peaceful  and  loyal  citizens,  with 
persecutions  and  proscriptions  of  those  opposed 
to  its  provisions.  Complaints  of  these  acts,  he 
said,  had  been  received  by  him  as  commander 
of  the  Federal  forces,  and  also  sent  to  Wash¬ 
ington  with  appeals  for  relief  from  Union  men 
who,  in  many  instances,  had  been  driven  from 
the  State.  He  gave  his  orders  received  from 
the  President,  stating  that  it  devolved  upon 
him  to  stop  them  summarily  by  the  forces 
under  his  command,  with  such  aid  as  might  be 
required  from  Kansas,  Iowa,  and  Illinois. — 
{Doc.  257.) 

— An  expedition  of  300  Zouaves,  commanded 
by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Warren,  and  accompa¬ 
nied  by  Capt.  Smith,  of  the  United  States  Top¬ 
ographical  Corps,  left  Fortress  Monroe  to  make 
a  reconnoissance  in  the  vicinity  of  Big  Bethel 
and  up  the  route  to  Yorktown. — N.  Y.  Times , 
June  19. 

— At  4  p.  m.,  as  a  train  with  telegraph  con¬ 
structors  and  660  of  the  First  Ohio  Regiment 
went  up  the  Loudon  and  Hampshire  Railroad, 
Ya.,  they  were  fired  upon  by  a  rebel  battery 
stationed  on  a  hill  at  a  curve  in  the  road,  near 
Yienna,  a  small  station  about  15  miles  from 
Alexandria.  The  battery  consisted  of  three 
6-pounders,  and  was  worked  by  a  company  from 
Alexandria.  Its  first  fire  was  very  destructive. 
The  men  were  immediately  brought  out  of  the 
car  and  formed  and  returned  the  fire,  when,  by 
some  mismanagement  the  train  returned  to 
Alexandria  and  left  them.  They  were  however 
brought  oft'  in  good  order.  Six  were  killed 
and  nine  wounded.  Two  of  the  wounded  sub¬ 
sequently  died.  The  rebels  also  had  six  killed. 
The  rebel  battery  was  supported  by  800  infantry 
and  200  cavalry.  Directly  after  the  retreat  of 
the  Ohio  troops,  a  regiment  of  South  Caroli¬ 
nians,  with  a  battery  of  six  pieces,  arrived  upon 
the  scene  of  action.  Shortly  after  their  appear¬ 
ance,  an  alarm  was  raised  by  the  supposed  ap¬ 
proach  of  a  large  body  of  Union  troops,  when 


June  18.] 


DIARY  OF  EVENTS. 


107 


the  whole  rebel  force  beat  a  sudden  retreat 
through  Vienna,  in  the  direction  of  Fairfax 
Court  House.  A  resident  of  Vienna,  who  saw 
them  pass  two  hours  after  the  action,  estimated 
them  at  two  thousand. — {Doc.  258.) 

— Near  Independence,  Missouri,  a  detach¬ 
ment  of  Union  troops,  under  Captain  Stanley, 
with  a  flag  of  truce,  visited  the  camp  of  the 
State  troops  to  ascertain  the  purposes  of  Cap¬ 
tain  Holloway,  the  rebel  officer.  During  the 
conference  Captain  Stanley  suspected  move¬ 
ments  were  being  made  with  the  design  of  at¬ 
tacking  him,  and  ordered  his  detachment  to  re¬ 
treat.  While  retreating  they  were  fired  on  by 
the  State  troops,  at  an  order  given  by  a  private ; 
but  their  fire  was  so  irregular  they  killed  their 
own  commander,  Captain  Holloway,  and  J.  B. 
Clanahan,  and  severely  wounded  several  more 
of  their  own  men.  Captain  Stanley’s  men  did 
not  fire,  they  having  received  orders  not  to  do 
so  under  any  circumstances.  Captain  Stanley 
retreated  to  Kansas  City  and  reported  the  af¬ 
fair,  when  Captain  Prince,  with  a  strong  body 
of  troops,  attacked  and  routed  the  State  forces, 
capturing  thirty  horses  and  a  large  quantity  of 
baggage. — N.  Y.  Herald ,  June  20. 

— Gex.  Lyox  left  Jefferson  City,  Mo.,  for 
Boone ville.  He  landed  four  miles  below  the 
town  and  opened  a  heavy  cannonade  against 
the  rebels,  who  retreated  and  dispersed  into 
an  adjacent  wood,  whence,  hidden  by  brushes 
and  trees,  they  opened  a  brisk  fire  on  our  troops. 
General  Lyon  then  ordered  a  hasty  retreat 
to  the  boats;  and  the  rebels,  encouraged  by 
this  movement,  rallied  and  followed  the  troops 
into  a  wheatfiekl,  and  were  thus  drawn  from 
cover.  General  Lyon  halted,  faced  his  troops 
about,  and,  bringing  the  whole  force  of  his 
artillery  to  bear,  opened  a  murderous  fire  on 
the  rebels,  many  of  whom  were  killed,  and  the 
balance  fled  in  all  directions,  leaving  their  arms 
on  the  field.  General  Lyon  then  moved  for¬ 
ward  and  took  possession  of  Booneville.  Gov¬ 
ernor  Jackson  viewed  the  battle  from  a  distant 
hill,  and  fled  for  parts  unknown  after  the  defeat 
of  his  forces.  General  Price  was  not -in  the  bat¬ 
tle,  and  his  absence  is  thus  accounted  for :  Sun¬ 
day  morning  the  pickets  brought  a  report  that 
seven  steamboats  were  coming  up  the  river  with 
Union  troops.  A  consultation  was  immediately 
had  between  Gov.  Jackson  and  Gen.  Price,  and 
the  Governor  ordered  the  State  troops  to  dis¬ 
band,  they  not  being  able  to  sustain  themselves 


against  such  force.  General  Price  then  went 
home ;  the  troops,  however,  were  determined 
to  have  a  fight.  Col.  Marmaduke  then  became 
disaffected,  and  resigned.  A  few  hours  later 
the  report  about  the  steamboats  proved  untrue, 
and  the  Governor  ordered  the  troops  to  prepare 
for  resistance,  appointing  Mr.  Little  to  com¬ 
mand. — There  is  no  reliable  account  as  to  the 
number  of  killed,  wounded,  or  taken  prisoners, 
though  the  killed  are  stated  at  300.  It  is  stated 
that  General  Lyon’s  force  had  the  State  troops 
in  a  position  where  they  could  have  killed  them 
in  large  numbers.  Ho  ordered  the  firing  to 
cease,  and  halted  to  make  them  prisoners. — St. 
Louis  Republican ,  June  18. — {Doc.  258£.) 

— Col.  Boeknstein,  commanding  the  Federal 
force  at  Jefferson  City,  Mo.,  issued  a  proclama¬ 
tion  establishing  a  Provisional  Government  in 
consequence  of  the  absence  of  the  proper  au¬ 
thorities.  He  promised  protection  to  life  and 
property,  and  urged  the  Union  men,  four  com¬ 
panies,  to  assist  him. — {Doc.  259.) 

- — The  First  Regiment  of  Massachusetts  Vol¬ 
unteers,  pioneers  of  the  three  years’  enlistments 
from  that  State,  arrived  at  Washington  and  took 
quarters  in  Woodward’s  buildings,  Pennsylva¬ 
nia  avenue.  The  regiment  numbers  1,050  men, 
and  is  fully  provided  with  camp  equipage — 
Sibley  and  Wall  tents,  army  wagons,  &c.  The 
uniform  is  the  standard  gray,  furnished  by  the 
State — the  muskets  the  Springfield  rifle. 

General  Patterson  crossed  the  Potomac  at 
Williamsport,  and  inarched  down  the  Virginia 
banks  of  the  Potomac  towards  Harper’s  Ferry. 
— National  Intelligencer ,  June  18. 

June  18. — Gen.  Lyon  issued  another  procla¬ 
mation  to  the  people  of  Missouri  from  his  camp 
at  Booneville.  He  released  the  prisoners  taken 
in  the  late  engagement,  in  consideration  of 
their  youth  and  of  the  deceit  that  had  been 
practised  upon  them,  simply  requiring  their 
pledge  not  again  to  bear  arms  against  the 
United  States.  His  proclamation  warned  all 
persons  against  presuming  upon  a  like  clemency 
in  future,  as  the  continuance  of  treason  would 
certainly  render  harsh  measures  necessary. — 
{Doc.  200.) 

— Tns  Federal  force  at  Hagerstown  and  Wil¬ 
liamsport,  Md.,  comprise  the  Pennsylvania  1st, 
2d,  3d,  7th,  11th,  13th,  and  24th  Regiments, 
together  with  the  First  Rhode  Island  Regiment, 
two  Regiments  of  United  States  Regulars,  and 


108 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


[June  18. 


seven  hundred  United  States  Cavalry.  Included 
in  this  formidable  body  are  Capt.  Doubleday’s 
corps  and  McMullen’s  Company  of  Philadelphia 
Rovers.  The  portion  of  the  force  which  forded 
the  river  at  Williamsport  were  under  command 
of  Gen.  Thomas,  and  comprised  the  two  regi¬ 
ments  of  regulars  and  about  six  hundred  of  the 
Rhode  Islanders.  The  men  waded  through  the 
stream  generally  up  to  their  hips  in  water,  and 
occasionally  up  to  their  arms.  Their  passage 
on  the  occasion  is  said  to  have  been  a  very  im¬ 
posing  and  spirited  spectacle.  The  men  dashed 
into  the  stream  singing  “  Dixie”  and  other  pop¬ 
ular  camp  airs  with  great  vim  and  enthusiasm. 
— National  Intelligencer ,  June  20. 

— Near  Conrad’s  Ferry,  Maryland,  the  rebels 
practised  upon  the  Federal  troops  from  the  op¬ 
posite  side  of  the  Potomac  with  three  or  four  6- 
pounders.  Their  fire  was  returned  from  the  rifle 
pieces  of  some  twenty  picked  marksmen,  who  in 
the  course  of  their  firing  brought  down  one  of  the 
enemy’s  gunners.  The  distance  across  is  so 
great,  however,  that  even  rifled  muskets  are 
of  little  avail  except  by  chance  shots. — N.  Y. 
Evening  Post ,  June  18. 

— The  Twenty-seventh  Pennsylvania  Reg¬ 
iment,  (mostly  Germans,)  Colonel  Einstein, 
about  one  thousand  strong,  passed  through 
Baltimore,  Md.,  on  the  route  to  the  seat  of  war. 
They  are  well  armed  and  equipped,  and  have 
entered  the  service  with  the  spirit  of  true  sol¬ 
diers.  Whilst  at  Camden,  opposite  Philadelphia, 
where  they  encamped  for  some  time,  they  were 
treated  with  great  kindness  by  the  people  of 
that  city. — {Doc.  261.) 

— A  balloon  ascension  for  military  purposes 
took  place  at  Washington.  The  elevation  at¬ 
tained  was  not  very  great,  though  it  was  per¬ 
fectly  satisfactory  as  an  experiment.  The 
aeronauts  were  Prof.  Lowe,  Gen.  Burns,  of  the 


Telegraph  Company,  and  H.  C.  Robinson,  op¬ 
erator.  The  balloon  was  connected  with  the 
War  Department  by  telegraph.  The  first  mes¬ 
sage  ever  telegraphed  from  a  balloon  was  then 
sent  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  by 
Prof.  Lowe.  It  was  as  follows  : 

Balloon  Enterpise,  "Washington,  June  17. 
To  tiie  President  of  toe  United  States  : 

Sir  : — This  point  of  observation  commands 
an  area  nearly  fifty  miles  in  diameter.  The 
city,  with  its  girdle  of  encampments,  presents 
a  superb  scene.  I  take  great  pleasure  in  send¬ 
ing  you  this  first  despatch  ever  telegraphed 
from  an  aerial  station,  and  in  acknowledging 
my  indebtedness  to  your  encouragement  for 
the  opportunity  of  demonstrating  the  avail¬ 
ability  of  the  science  of  aeronautics  in  the  mil¬ 
itary  service  of  the  country. 

Yours  respectfully, 

T.  S.  C.  Lowe. 

— An  official  order  from  the  Duke  of  New¬ 
castle,  forbidding  privateers  to  enter  the  ports 
of  Canada,  was  published  in  the  Montreal 
(Canada)  papers. — {Doc.  262.) 

— The  Fourteenth  Regiment  N.  Y.  S.  Y. 
passed  through  New  York  City  en  route  for 
the  Sea.  of  War. — The  Eighteenth  Regiment 
N.  Y.  Volunteers  left  Albany. — {Doc.  263.) 

— Capt.  Budd,  commanding  the  United  States 
steamer  Resolute,  arrived  at  Washington,  bring¬ 
ing  as  a  prize  the  schooner  Buena  Yista,  seized 
in  the  St.  Mary’s  River.  He  captured  two  other 
vessels — namely,  the  schooner  Bachelor  and  the 
sloop  H.  Day.  The  former  had  disregarded  a 
warning  given  several  days  ago,  and  had  de¬ 
ceived  Captain  Rowan  by  false  statements,  and 
was  found  on  the  Maryland  side,  opposite  Mat¬ 
thias  Point,  at  a  place  where  it  was  convenient 
for  crossing.  They  belonged  to  the  same  owner. 
— N.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser,  June  19. 


DOCUMENTS  AND  NARRATIVES. 


Doc.  I.— REPLY  OF  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  MA¬ 
RYLAND  TO  THE  COMMISSIONER  FROM 
MISSISSIPPI. 

State  of  Maryland,  Executive  Chamber, 
Annapolis,  Dec.  19,  1860. 

Sir  :  Your  letter  of  the  18th  instant  informs  me 
that  you  have  been  appointed  by  the  Governor  of 
Mississippi,  in  pursuance  of  a  resolution  of  her 
Legislature,  a  Commissioner  to  the  State  of  Mary¬ 
land,  and  that  the  occasion  of  your  mission  is  “the 
present  crisis  in  the  national  affairs  of  this  country, 
and  the  danger  which  impends  the  safety  and  rights 
of  the  Southern  States,  by  reason  of  the  election  of 
a  sectional  candidate  to  the  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  upon  a  platform  of  principles 
destructive  of  our  constitutional  rights  and  which, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  State  of  Mississippi,  calls  for 
prompt  and  decisive  action,  for  the  purpose  of  our 
protection  and  future  security.”  1 

You  also  inform  me  that  Mississippi  desires  the 
co-operation  of  her  sister  States  of  the  South  in 
measures  necessary  to  defend  our  rights ;  and  to  this 
end,  you  desire  to  know  whether  I  will  convene  the 
Legislature  of  Maryland  for  the  purpose  of  counsel¬ 
ling  with  the  constituted  authorities  of  the  State  of 
Mississippi,  and  at  what  time  it  may  be  expected 
our  General  Assembly  will  be  called  for  that  pur¬ 
pose. 

In  the  conversation  I  had  with  you  this  morning, 
you  were  good  enough  to  explain  more  fully  the 
views  and  intentions  of  Mississippi  in  this  matter — 
her  desire  that  our  Legislature  should  also  appoint 
Commissioners  to  meet  those  of  other  Southern 
States ;  and  that  action  at  once  be  had  by  all  the 
Southern  States  for  the  formation  of  a  new  Govern¬ 
ment  among  themselves. 

The  position  of  Maryland,  as  a  small  Southern 
Border  State,  renders  the  exercise  of  any  power  I 
may  possess,  for  the  purpose  indicated  by  you,  a 
matter  of  very  grave  importance. 

Our  State  is  unquestionably  identified  with  the 
Southern  States,  in  feeling  and  by  the  institutions 
and  habits  which  prevail  among  us.  But  she  is 
also  conservative,  and,  above  all  things  devoted  to 
the  Union  of  these  States  under  the  Constitution. 
Her  people  will  use  all  honorable  means  to  preserve 
and  perpetuate  these.  I  think  I  know  the  senti¬ 
ments  of  her  citizens  in  this  matter,  and  that  I  am 
not  mistaken  when  I  say  that,  almost  unanimously, 
they  intend  to  uphold  that  Union,  and  to  maintain 
their  rights  under  it — that  they  believe  these  last 
will  yet  be  admitted  and  secured  ;  and  that  not  un¬ 
til  it  is  certain  they  will  be  respected  no  longer — 
not  until  every  honorable,  Constitutional,  and  law- 
Documents — 1 


ful  effort  to  secure  them  is  exhausted — will  they 
consent  to  any  effort  for  its  dissolution. 

The  people  of  Maryland  are  anxious  that  time  be 
given,  and  an  opportunity  afforded,  for  a  fair  and 
honorable  adjustment  of  the  difficulties  and  griev¬ 
ances  of  which  they,  more  than  the  people  of  any 
other  Southern  State  have  a  right  to  complain. 
And,  in  my  opinion,  if  the  people  of  this  Union 
really  desire  its  continuance  and  perpetuity,  such 
adjustment  may  be  effected.  I  hope  and  believe  it 
will  be  effected — and  promptly.  And  until  the 
effort  is  found  to  be  in  vain,  I  cannot  consent,  by 
any  precipitate  or  revolutionary  action,  to  aid  iu 
the  dismemberment  of  this  Union. 

When  I  shall  see  clearly  that  there  is  no  hope  of 
such  adjustment,  and  am  convinced  that  the  power 
of  the  Federal  Government  is  to  be  perverted  to 
the  destruction  instead  of  being  used  for  the  pro¬ 
tection  of  our  rights — then,  and  not  till  then,  can 
I  consent  so  to  exercise  any  power  with  which  I 
am  invested,  as  to  afford  even  the  opportunity  for 
such  a  proceeding. 

Whatever  powers  I  may  have  I  shall  use  only 
after  full  consultation,  and  in  fraternal  concert,  with 
the  other  Border  States;  since  we  and  they,  in  the 
event  of  any  dismemberment  of  the  Union,  will 
suffer  more  than  all  others  combined. 

I  am  now  in  correspondence  with  the  Governors 
of  those  States,  and  1  await  with  solicitude  for  the 
indications  of  the  course  to  be  pursued  by  them. 
When  this  is  made  known  to  me,  I  shall  be  ready 
to  take  such  steps  as  our  duty  and  interest  shall  de¬ 
mand,  and  I  do  not  doubt  the  people  of  Maryland 
are  ready  to  go  with  the  people  of  those  States  for 
weal  or  woe. 

I  fully  agree  with  all  that  you  have  said  as  to  the 
necessity  for  protection  to  the  rights  of  the  South ; 
and  my  sympathies  are  entirely  with  the  gallant 
people  of  Mississippi,  who  stand  ready  to  resent 
any  infringement  of  those  rights.  But  I  earnestly 
hope  they  will  act  with  prudence  as  well  as  with 
courage. 

Let  us  show  moderation  as  well  as  firmness,  and 
be  unwilling  to  resort  to  extreme  measures  until 
necessity  shall  leave  us  no  choice. 

I  am  unable  to  inform  you  when  the  Legislature 
of  this  State  will  be  called  together,  for  until  I  can 
perceive  the  necessity  for  such  a  step  I  am  not  wil¬ 
ling  to  awake  the  apprehension  and  excite  the 
alarm  which  such  a  call  at  the  present  time  could 
not  fail  to  create. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your 
obedient  servant,  THOS.  II.  HICKS. 

Hon  A.  H.  Handy,  Commissioner  of  Mississippi. 


2 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-1. 


Doc.  2.— SECESSION  ORDINANCE  OF  SOUTH 
CAROLINA. 

An  Ordinance  to  Dissolve  the  Union  between  the 

State  of  South  Carolina  and  other  States  united 

with  her  under  the  compact  entitled  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  of  the  United  States  of  America : 

We,  the  people  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  in 
Convention  assembled,  do  declare  and  ordain,  and 
it  is  hereby  declared  and  ordained,  that  the  ordi¬ 
nance  adopted  by  us  in  Convention,  on  the  23d  day 
of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1788,  whereby  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America  was 
ratified,  and  also  all  Acts  and  parts  of  Acts  of  the 
General  Assembly  of  this  State  ratifying  the  amend¬ 
ments  of  the  said  Constitution,  are  hereby  repealed, 
and  that  the  union  now  subsisting  between  South 
Carolina  and  other  States  under  the  name  of  the 
United  States  of  America  is  hereby  dissolved. 

The  ordinance  was  taken  up  and  passed  by  a 
unanimous  vote  of  169  members,  at  1J  o’clock. 

The  following  is  a  summary  of  the  debate  on  the 
passage  of  the  ordinance: 

Mr.  Magrath — I  think  the  special  matter  of  the 
ordinance  should  be  immediately  considered.  To 
my  understanding  there  is  no  Collector  of  the  Port 
nor  Postmaster  now  within  the  limits  of  South 
Carolina.  What  you  have  done  to-day  has  extin¬ 
guished  the  authority  of  every  man  in  South  Caro¬ 
lina  deriving  authority  from  the  General  Govern¬ 
ment.  I  am  in  favor  of  this  body  making  such 
provisional  arrangements  as  may  be  necessary  in 
the  interval  which  may  exist  between  this  moment 
and  the  time  when  the  Legislature  may  act.  I  am 
not,  however,  to  be  implicated  as  sanctioning  the 
idea  that  there  is  no  lawful  authority  within  the 
limits  of  the  State  except  the  General  Government. 

Mr.  Gregg — After  South  Carolina  abrogated  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  are  its  laws  still 
in  force  ?  I  think  not.  All  the  laws  of  Congress 
fall  instantly  to  the  ground  on  the  act  of  Seces¬ 
sion. 

Mr.  Ciieves — As  an  immense  chasm  will  be 
made  in  the  law,  and  as  it  is  necessary  to  avoid  in¬ 
convenience  to  the  people,  we  must  make  some 
temporary  arrangements  to  carry  on  the  Govern¬ 
ment. 

Mr.  Gregg — There  is  no  law  on  the  subject  of 
the  collection  of  the  duties  in  South  Carolina  now. 
We  have  now  accomplished  the  work  after  forty 
years. 

Mr.  IIayne — The  Congress  of  the  United  States 
is  no  longer  our  Government.  It  will  be  for  our 
Legislature  to  say  what  laws  of  the  United  States 
shall  be  continued  and  what  not.  The  simple  act 
of  secession  does  not  abrogate  all  the  laws.  We 
have  a  great  many  laws  on  our  statute  books  which 
were  passed  by  the  Governor  and  the  Privy  Council. 

Mr.  Gregg — The  Congressional  laws  for  the  col¬ 
lection  of  revenue  are  for  the  support  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Government  at  Washington,  and  all  our  Post- 
office  laws  fall  on  our  dissolution  with  that  Govern¬ 
ment. 

Mr.  Miles — We  have  to  deal  with  facts  and  stern 
realities.  We  must  prevent  confusion,  anarchy, 
and  the  derangement  of  our  Government  affairs. 
Things  must  for  the  present  remain  in  statu  quo,  or 
confusion  will  arise. 

Mr.  Hayne — Sudden  action  is  injurious. 

Mr.  Chesnut — Two  questions  are  involved _ 

power  and  duty.  We  must  preserve  our  people, 


not  only  from  inconveniences,  but  chaotic  condition. 
We  must  revivify  such  laws  as  will  best  preserve  us 
from  calamities.  As  to  duty,  will  you  turn  the  ship 
of  State  adrift  ?  what  will  become  of  the  officers  ? 

Mr.  Maseyck — There  is  no  duty  for  the  Collector 
of  the  Port  to  do.  The  Post-office  has  been  swept 
off.  My  opinion  is  that  the  present  system  of  pos¬ 
tal  arrangements  is  a  nuisance.  The  public  can  be 
better  served  by  private  parties  between  cities  like 
Philadelphia  and  New  York,  one  cent  instead  of 
three,  and  between  less  important  ten  or  more 
cents. 

Mr.  Calhoun — We  have  pulled  a  temple  down 
that  has  been  built  three-quarters  of  a  century. 
We  must  clear  the  rubbish  away  to  reconstruct  an¬ 
other.  We  are  now  houseless  and  homeless,  and 
we  must  secure  ourselves  against  storms. 

Mr.  Dunkin — If  that  ordinance  be  passed  things 
will  go  on  in  the  Custom-house  and  Post-office  ex¬ 
actly  as  now,  until  other  arrangements  can  be  made 
by  this  Convention.  There  is  nothing  in  the  Ordi¬ 
nance  to  affect  the  dignity,  honor,  and  welfare  of  the 
State  of  South  Carolina.  We  must  keep  the  wheels 
of  the  Government  going.  The  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  is  not  entirely  abrogated  by  the  Or¬ 
dinance.  What  is  legal  tender  in  the  payment  of 
debts?  Is  it  not  gold  and  silver  of  the  United 
States?  In  the  case  of  clearing  and  entry  of  ves¬ 
sels,  we  are  very  liable  to  have  the  same  confiscat¬ 
ed. 

Mr.  Carroll — The  present  revenue  would  be 
continued  till  an  act  of  the  Legislature  authorized 
otherwise. 

Mr.  Brown — There  is  no  longer  communication 
with  the  Government  from  which  we  are  just  separ¬ 
ated. 

Mr.  Dunkin — The  spirit  of  the  ordinance  must 
be  temporarily  sustained  till  we  treat  with  the  Gen¬ 
eral  Government. 

Mr.  Gregg — The  President  of  the  United  States 
has  thrown  down  the  gauntlet  in  his  Message.  Ho 
has  said  that  it  wras  his  duty  to  collect  the  revenue, 
and  that  he  would  do  it.  On  one  side  the  Federal 
Government  claims  the  right  and  declares  its  inten¬ 
tion  to  execute  the  power  of  collecting  revenue  in 
our  ports;  on  the  other  side,  we  have  declared  that 
we  are  free.  I  desire  no  compromise.  Is  it  neces¬ 
sary  to  maintain  the  fifteen  to  thirty  per  cent,  du¬ 
ties  imposed  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States? 
Should  these  duties  continue  to  be  levied  our  peo¬ 
ple  will  suffer  a  terrible  calamity.  For  carrying  the 
mails  let  the  present  contracts  be  assumed  by 
South  Carolina  instead  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Riiett — This  great  revolution  must  go  on 
with  as  little  danger  as  possible  to  the  country. 
By  making  the  Federal  agents  ours,  the  machinery 
will  move  on.  The  Federal  laws  of  taxation  must 
not  exist  over  us.  I  trust  that  the  present  system 
of  taxation  has  fallen  forever. 

Mr.  Barnwell — We  have  seceded  from  the 
United  States,  and  established  our  independence. 
We  can’t  allow  the  United  States  to  exercise  au¬ 
thority  over  us  any  more.  Let  postal  convenience 
be  sacrificed  if  necessary.  There  never  was  any 
thing  purchased  worth  having,  unless  it  cost  a  sac¬ 
rifice. 

Mr.  Maseyck  said,  in  regard  to  the  mail,  all  re¬ 
strictions  must  be  removed.  Let  us  appoint  our 
officers.  Let  the  Collector  of  the  Port  battle  with 
the  difficulties  as  they  come. 

— New  York  Times,  Dec.  21,  1860. 


DOCUMENTS. 


3 


Doc.  3.— DECLARATION  OF  CAUSES  WIUCH 
INDUCED  THE  SECESSION  OF  SOUTH 
CAROLINA. 

The  people  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina  in  Con¬ 
vention  assembled,  on  the  2d  day  of  April,  A.  D. 
1852,  declared  that  the  frequent  violations  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  by  the  Federal 
Government,  and  its  encroachments  upon  the  re¬ 
served  rights  of  the  States,  fully  justified  this  State 
in  their  withdrawal  from  the  Federal  Union;  but  in 
deference  to  the  opinions  and  wishes  of  the  other 
Slaveholding  States,  she  forbore  at  that  time  to  ex¬ 
ercise  this  right.  Since  that  time  these  encroach¬ 
ments  have  continued  to  increase,  and  further  for¬ 
bearance  ceases  to  be  a  virtue. 

And  now  the  State  of  South  Carolina  having 
resumed  her  separate  and  equal  place  among  na¬ 
tions,  deems  it  due  to  herself,  to  the  remaining 
United  States  of  America,  and  to  the  nations  of  the 
world,  that  she  should  declare  the  immediate  causes 
which  have  led  to  this  act. 

In  the  year  1765,  that  portion  of  the  British  Em¬ 
pire  embracing  Great  Britain  undertook  to  make 
laws  for  the  Government  of  that  portion  composed 
of  the  thirteen  American  Colonies.  A  struggle  for 
the  right  of  self-government  ensued,  which  resulted, 
on  the  4th  of  July,  1776,  in  a  Declaration,  by  the 
Colonies,  “  that  they  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be, 
free  and  independent  states  ;  and  that,  as  free 
and  independent  States,  they  have  full  power  to  levy 
war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances,  establish 
commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things  which 
independent  States  may  of  right  do.” 

They  further  solemnly  declared  that  whenever  any 
“form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  the 
ends  for  which  it  was  established,  it  is  the  right  of 
the  people  to  alter  or  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  a 
new  government.”  Deeming  the  Government  of 
Great  Britain  to  have  become  destructive  of  these 
ends,  they  declared  that  the  Colonies  “  arc  absolved 
from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown,  and  that  all 
political  connection  between  them  and  the  State  of 
Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved.” 

In  pursuance  of  this  Declaration  of  Independence, 
each  of  the  thirteen  States  proceeded  to  exercise  its 
separate  sovereignty  ;  adopted  for  itself  a  Constitu¬ 
tion,  and  appointed  officers  for  the  administration 
of  government  in  all  its  departments — Legislative, 
Executive  and  Judicial.  For  purposes  of  defence 
they  united  their  arms  and  their  counsels ;  and,  in 
1778,  they  entered  into  a  League  known  as  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  whereby  they  agreed  to 
intrust  the  administration  of  their  external  relations 
to  a  common  agent,  known  as  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  expressly  declaring,  in  the  first  arti¬ 
cle,  “that  each  State  retains  its  sovereignty,  free¬ 
dom  and  independence,  and  every  power,  jurisdic¬ 
tion  and  right  which  is  not,  by  this  Confederation, 
expressly  delegated  to  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled.” 

Under  this  Confederation  the  "War  of  the  Revolu¬ 
tion  was  carried  on ;  and  on  the  3d  of  September, 
1783,  the  contest  ended,  and  a  definite  Treaty  was 
signed  by  Great  Britain,  in  which  she  acknowledged 
the  Independence  of  the  Colonies  in  the  following 
terms : 

“Article  1,  His  Britannic  Majesty  acknowledges 
the  said  United  States,  viz. :  New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence 
Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 


Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  to  be  free, 
sovereign,  and  independent  States;  that  he  treats 
with  them  as  such ;  and,  for  himself,  his  heirs  and 
successors,  relinquishes  all  claims  to  the  govern¬ 
ment,  propriety,  and  territorial  rights  of  the  same 
and  every  part  thereof.” 

Thus  were  established  the  two  great  principles  as¬ 
serted  by  the  Colonies,  namely,  the  right  of  a  State 
to  govern  itself ;  and  the  right  of  a  people  to  abolish 
a  Government  when  it  becomes  destructive  of  the 
ends  for  which  it  was  instituted.  And  concurrent 
with  the  establishment  of  these  principles,  was  the 
fact,  that  each  Colony  became  and  was  recognized 
by  the  mother  country  as  a  free,  sovereign  and 
independent  state. 

In  1787,  Deputies  were  appointed  by  the  States 
to  revise  the  articles  of  Confederation;  and  on  17th 
September,  1787,  these  Deputies  recommended,  for 
the  adoption  of  the  States,  the  Articles  of  Union, 
known  as  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

The  parties  to  whom  this  constitution  was  sub¬ 
mitted  were  the  several  sovereign  States ;  they 
were  to  agree  or  disagree,  and  when  nine  of  them 
agreed,  the  compact  was  to  take  effect  among 
those  concurring;  and  the  General  Government, 
as  the  common  agent,  was  then  to  be  invested  with 
their  authority. 

If  only  nine  of  the  thirteen  States  had  concurred, 
the  other  four  would  have  remained  as  they  then 
were — separate,  sovereign  States,  independent  of 
auy  of  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution.  In  fact, 
two  of  the  States  did  not  accede  to  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  until  long  after  it  had  gone  into  operation 
among  the  other  eleven  ;  and  during  that  interval, 
they  each  exercised  the  functions  of  an  independent 
nation. 

By  this  Constitution,  certain  duties  were  imposed 
upon  the  several  States,  and  the  exercise  of  certain 
of  their  powers  was  restrained,  which  necessarily 
impelled  their  continued  existence  as  sovereign 
states.  But,  to  remove  all  doubt,  an  amendment 
was  added,  which  declared  that  the  powers  not 
delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution, 
nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to 
the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people.  On  the 
23d  May,  1788,  South  Carolina,  by  a  Convention  of 
her  people,  passed  an  ordinance  assenting  to  this 
Constitution,  and  afterwards  altered  her  own  Con¬ 
stitution  to  conform  herself  to  the  obligations  she 
had  undertaken. 

Thus  was  established,  by  compact  between  the 
States,  a  Government  with  defined  objects  and 
powers,  limited  to  the  express  words  of  the  grant. 
This  limitation  left  the  whole  remaining  mass  of 
power  subject  to  the  clause  reserving  it  to  the 
States  or  the  people,  and  rendered  unnecessary  any 
specification  of  reserved  rights.  We  hold  that  the 
Government  thus  established  is  subject  to  the  two 
great  principles  asserted  in  the  Declaration  of  In¬ 
dependence  ;  and  we  hold  further,  that  the  mode 
of  its  formation  subjects  it  to  a  third  fundamental 
principle,  namely,  the  law  of  compact.  We  main¬ 
tain  that  in  every  compact  between  two  or  more 
parties,  the  obligation  is  mutual ;  that  the  failure 
of  one  of  the  contracting  parties  to  perform  a  ma¬ 
terial  part  of  the  agreement,  entirely  releases  the 
obligation  of  the  other  ;  and  that,  where  no  arbiter 
is  provided,  each  party  is  remitted  to  His  own  judg¬ 
ment  to  determine  the  fact  of  failure,  with  all  its 
consequences. 


4 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-1. 


In  the  present  case,  that  fact  is  established  with 
certainty.  We  assert  that  fourteen  of  the  States 
have  deliberately  refused  for  years  past  to  fulfil 
their  constitutional  obligations,  and  we  refer  to 
their  own  statutes  for  the  proof. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  in  its 
fourth  Article,  provides  as  follows : 

“No person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State 
under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall, 
in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be 
discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be 
delivered  up,  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such 
service  or  labor  may  be  due.” 

Tliis  stipulation  was  so  material  to  the  compact 
that  without  it  that  compact  would  not  have 
been  made.  The  greater  number  of  the  contract¬ 
ing  parties  held  slaves,  and  they  had  previously 
evinced  their  estimate  of  the  value  of  such  a  stipu¬ 
lation  by  making  it  a  condition  in  the  Ordinance 
for  the  government  of  the  territory  ceded  by  Vir¬ 
ginia,  which  obligations,  and  the  law's  of  the 
General  Government,  have  ceased  to  effect  the  ob¬ 
jects  of  the  Constitution.  The  States  of  Maine, 
New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Con¬ 
necticut,  Rhode  Island,  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
Illinois,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  Iowa, 
have  enacted  laws  which  either  nullify  the  acts  of 
Congress,  or  render  useless  any  attempt  to  execute 
them.  In  many  of  these  States  the  fugitive  is  dis¬ 
charged  from  the  service  of  labor  claimed,  and  in 
none  of  them  has  the  State  Government  complied 
with  the  stipulation  made  in  the  Constitution.  The 
State  of  New  Jersey,  at  an  early  day,  passed  a  law  in 
conformity  with  her  constitutional  obligation  ;  but 
the  current  of  Anti-Slavery  feeling  has  led  her 
more  recently  to  enact  laws  which  render  inopera¬ 
tive  the  remedies  provided  by  her  own  laws  and 
by  the  laws  of  Congress.  In  the  State  of  New 
York  even  the  right  of  transit  for  a  slave  has  been 
denied  by  her  tribunals ;  and  the  States  of  Ohio 
and  Iowa  have  refused  to  surrender  to  justice  fugi¬ 
tives  charged  wuth  murder,  and  with  inciting  servile 
insurrection  in  the  State  of  Virginia.  Thus  the  con¬ 
stitutional  compact  has  been  deliberately  broken 
and  disregarded  by  the  non-slaveholding  States ; 
and  the  consequence  follows  that  South  Carolina  is 
released  from  her  obligation. 

The  ends  for  w'hich  this  Constitution  was  framed 
are  declared  by  itself  to  be  “to  form  a  more  perfect 
union,  to  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquil¬ 
lity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the 
general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty 
to  ourselves  and  our  posterity.” 

These  ends  it  endeavored  to  accomplish  by  a  Fed¬ 
eral  Government,  in  which  each  State  was  recog¬ 
nized  as  unequal,  and  had  separate  control  over  its 
own  institutions.  The  right  of  property  in  slaves 
was  recognized  by  giving  to  free  persons  distinct 
political  rights;  by  giving  them  the  right  to  repre¬ 
sent,  and  burdening  them  with  direct  taxes  for,  three- 
fifths  of  their  slaves;  by  authorizing  the  importa¬ 
tion  of  slaves  for  twenty  years ;  and  by  stipulating 
for  the  rendition  of  fugitives  from  labor. 

We  affirm  that  these  ends  for  which  this  Govern¬ 
ment  was  instituted  have  been  defeated,  and  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  itself  has  been  destructive  of  them  by  the 
action  of  the  non-slaveholding  States.  Those  States 
have  assumed  the  right  of  deciding  upon  the  pro¬ 
priety  of  our  domestic  institutions;  and  have  de¬ 
nied  the  rights  of  property  established  in  fifteen  of 


the  States  and  recognized  by  the  Constitution ;  they 
have  denounced  as  sinful  the  institution  of  Slavery ; 
they  have  permitted  the  open  establishment  among 
them  of  societies,  whose  avowed  object  is  to  dis¬ 
turb  the  peace  of  and  eloin  the  property  of  the 
citizens  of  other  States.  They  have  encouraged 
and  assisted  thousands  of  our  slaves  to  leave  their 
homes;  and  those  who  remain,  have  been  incited 
by  emissaries,  books,  and  pictures,  to  servile  insur¬ 
rection. 

For  twenty-five  years  this  agitation  has  been 
steadily  increasing,  until  it  has  now  secured  to  its 
aid  the  power  of  the  common  Government.  Ob¬ 
serving  the  forms  of  the  Constitution,  a  sectional 
party  has  found  within  that  article  establishing  the 
Executive  Department,  the  means  of  subverting  the 
Constitution  itself.  A  geographical  line  has  been 
drawn  across  the  Union,  and  all  the  States  north  of 
that  line  have  united  in  the  election  of  a  man  to  the 
high  office  of  President  of  the  United  States  whose 
opinions  and  purposes  are  hostile  to  Slavery.  He  is 
to  be  intrusted  with  the  administration  of  the  com¬ 
mon  Government,  because  he  has  declared  that  that 
“  Government  cannot  endure  permanently  half  slave, 
half  free,”  and  that  the  public  mind  must  rest  in 
the  belief  that  Slavery  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate 
extinction. 

This  sectional  combination  for  the  subversion  of 
the  Constitution  has  been  aided,  in  some  of  the 
States,  by  elevating  to  citizenship  persons  who,  by 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  are  incapable  of  be¬ 
coming  citizens;  and  their  votes  have  been  used  to 
inaugurate  a  new  policy,  hostile  to  the  South,  and 
destructive  of  its  peace  and  safety. 

On  the  4th  of  March  next  this  party  will  take 
possession  of  the  Government.  It  has  announced 
that  the  South  shall  be  excluded  from  the  common 
territory,  that  the  Judicial  tribunal  shall  be  made 
sectional,  and  that  a  war  must  be  waged  against 
Slavery  until  it  shall  cease  throughout  the  United 
States. 

The  guarantees  of  the  Constitution  will  then  no 
longer  exist;  the  equal  rights  of  the  States  will  be 
lost.  The  Slaveholding  States  will  no  longer  have 
the  power  of  self-government,  or  self-protection, 
and  the  Federal  Government  will  have  become  their 
enemy. 

Sectional  interest  and  animosity  will  deepen  the 
irritation ;  and  all  hope  of  remedy  is  rendered  vain, 
by  the  fact  that  the  public  opinion  at  the  North  has 
invested  a  great  political  error  with  the  sanctions  of 
a  more  erroneous  religious  belief. 

We,  therefore,  the  people  of  South  Carolina,  by 
our  delegates  in  Convention  assembled,  appealing 
to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude 
of  our  intentions,  have  solemnly  declared  that  the 
Union  heretofore  existing  between  this  State  and  the 
other  States  of  North  America  is  dissolved,  and 
that  the  State  of  South  Carolina  has  resumed  her 
position  among  the  nations  of  the  world,  as  sep¬ 
arate  and  independent  state,  with  full  power  to 
levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances,  estab¬ 
lish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things 
which  independent  States  may  of  right  do. 


Doc.  4— SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  SEWARD, 

New  York,  Dec.  22. 

Fellow-citizens :  My  friend,  Mr.  Evarts,  I  be¬ 
lieve,  is  acting  as  Chairman  of  Committee  here,  or 
President,  or  something  of  that  sort — I  do  not 


DOCUMENTS. 


exactly  understand  what.  Coming  a  stranger  as  I 
do  to  the  Astor  House  [laughter]  I  am  put  under 
duresse  as  soon  as  I  get  here,  and  am  brought  down 
from  my  own  private  room  to  this  place.  That  is 
all  I  know  about  myself  or  you  either  [laughter]  ; 
but  I  find  you  here,  and  Mr.  Evarts  with  his  mallet 
in  his  hand.  I  suppose  it  means  that  he  is  some¬ 
thing  like  a  presiding  officer  or  speaker,  or  some¬ 
thing  of  that  kind.  Mr.  Draper  has  intimated  to 
me  that  you’re  all  Yankees,  [A  voice — “  Yes,  we 
are,”]  and  I  thought  it  as  likely  as  not  that  you 
were.  Therefore,  I  suppose  that  I  might  as  well 
set  all  doubt  about  myself  at  rest  at  once,  and 
anticipate  all  your  inquiries.  I  left  Auburn  this 
morning  at  9  o’clock,  after  breakfast ;  I  got  here  at 
rather  a  late  hour,  for  ra«ther  a  late  dinner.  [A 
voice — “  Did  you  come  by  the  express  train  ?  ”]  I 
came  by  the  express  train.  Nothing  particular 
happened  me  on  the  way  [roars  of  laughter]  except 
that  I  might  as  well  anticipate  the  Express  on 
Monday  morning,  as  I  did  not  anticipate  the  Ex¬ 
press  last  Monday  morning,  by  saying  that  I  met 
Thurlow  Weed  in  the  cars.  [Laughter.] 

A  voice — “  What  did  he  say  ?  ” 

Mr.  Seward — There  the  Yankee  comes  out  at 
once.  A  gentleman  asks  me  what  he  said.  Now  I 
am  not  a  Yankee.  There  is  no  New  England  blood 
in  me,  and  I  do  not  answer  impertinent  questions. 
[Laughter.]  I  will  not  tell  what  he  said  to  me.  I 
will  only  tell  what  I  said  to  him,  and  that  was  that 
I  repudiated — all  compromises  whatsoever,  which 
New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  England  could 
not  stand  upon.  I  learned  from  him  that  he  had 
been  in  Springfield,  in  the  State  of  Illinois.  I  sup¬ 
pose  you  would  all  like  to  know  what  he  told 
me  he  learned  there.  [Laughter,  and  shouts  of 
“Yes.”]  I  will  give  you  the  best  satisfaction  I 
can.  He  prints  a  newspaper  called  the  Evening 
Journal.  He  is  a  man  of  truth,  I  believe  ;  and  if 
he  is,  and  wants  to  tell  what  he  learned,  you  can 
get  it  in  his  newspaper.  [Laughter.]  But  I  have 
somehow  got  off  from  the  direct  course  of  my 
argument.  I  began  to  tell  you  about  myself,  and, 
somehow  or  other,  I  have  got  to  telling  about  Mr. 
Weed  and  his  journey  to  Springfield.  I  may  as 
well  go  on  in  this  indirect  way  till  I  get  back  to 
my  direct  road.  I  met  the  Governor  going  up  to 
Albany.  He  did  not  tell  me  exactly,  but  I  had  a 
strong  suspicion,  from  his  appearance  generally, 
and  from  some  hints  which  he  dropped,  that 
Charles  Stetson,  of  the  Astor  House,  would  prob¬ 
ably  be  Inspector  General  of  the  State  of  New 
York.  [Laughter.]  I  judge  so  because  the  Gov¬ 
ernor  asked  me  my  opinion  about  Mr.  Stetson.  I 
told  him  that,  as  a  tavern  keeper,  I  did  not  know 
a  great  deal  in  his  favor,  but  that  as  a  military 
officer,  I  thought  he  hud  no  superior  [roars  of 
laughter],  and  that  if  it  should  turn  out  that  the 
State  of  Florida  should  invade  the  State  of  New 
York  in  these  troubles  of  ours,  I  did  not  know  any 
better  man  to  send  out  to  meet  them  than  Charles 
Stetson  [uproarious  laughter],  who  would  disarm 
them  of  all  hostility  by  bringing  them  in  to  a 
supper  like  this  at  the  Astor  House. 

Fellow-citizens — he  continued,  in  a  more  serious 
tone — these  are  extraordinary  things  that  are  hap¬ 
pening  in  our  day.  I  remember  that  it  was  the 
men  of  New  England,  who  lived  only  two  or  three 
times  as  long  ago  as  I  have  lived,  and  as  my  friend 
Mr.  Joseph  Grinnell  has  lived,  whom  I  am  glad  to 
see  here.  I  hope  he  is  sounder  in  his  politics  than 


he  was  the  last  time  I  heard  of  him.  [Laughter.] 
I  hope  he  is  as  sound  as  his  brother  Moses.  It  is 
only  twice  as  long  ago  as  we  have  lived,  I  say, 
since  these  men  of  New  England  invented  the 
greatest  political  discovery  in  the  world — the  con¬ 
federation  of  republican  states.  The  first  confed¬ 
eration  of  republican  states  in  America  was  the 
invention  of  New  England.  I  have  always  admired 
and  respected  the  people  of  New  England  for  that 
great  discovery,  which,  after  having  been  put  into 
successful  operation  in  the  colonies  of  Massachu¬ 
setts  Bay  and  Plymouth,  and  Connecticut  and  New 
Haven,  came  ultimately,  after  having  been  sanc¬ 
tioned  by  the  wisdom  and  experience  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  to  be  adopted  by  the  people  of  the 
thirteen  British  colonies  on  this  continent,  south 
of  the  St.  Lawrence.  It  has  been  reserved  for  our 
day,  and  for  this  very  hour,  to  see  an  innovation  of 
another  kind,  of  an  opposite  nature,  by  a  portion 
of  our  countrymen  residing  south  of  the  Potomac. 
The  Yankees  invented  confederation.  The  people 
of  South  Carolina  have  invented  secession.  The 
wisdom  of  the  latter  is  now  to  be  tried  in  com¬ 
parison  with  the  experience  of  the  former.  At  the 
first  glance  it  exhibits  this  singular  anomaly — that 
of  a  state  which  has  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  two  seats,  and  in  the  House  of  Representa¬ 
tives  six  members,  each  of  them  paid  $3,000  a  year 
out  of  a  treasury  to  which  they  contribute  only 
a  small  part — a  state  consisting  of  700,000  people 
of  all  conditions,  and  of  whom  274,000  are  white, 
going  out  of  the  Union,  to  stand  by  itself,  and 
sending  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  three 
commissioners  to  stand  outside  of  the  bar  to  nego¬ 
tiate  for  their  interests,  and  to  be  paid  by  herself, 
instead  of  having  two  senators  and  six  representa¬ 
tives  in  Congress,  on  an  equality  with  all  the  other 
states.  This  is  the  experiment  that  is  to  be  tried 
by  states  on  this  continent — whether  they  will  find 
it  wiser  to  occupy  seats  within  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  have  their  representatives 
paid  by  the  United  States  for  coming  there  ;  or,  in 
lieu  of  that,  to  send  Commissioners  to  present  their 
claims  and  their  rights  at  the  bar  of  the  United 
States,  without  the  privilege  of  voting  on  their  own 
claims,  and  to  be  paid  for  by  the  states  themselves. 
This  is  the  last  political  invention  of  the  times.  I 
need  not  say  to  you  that  I  do  not  think  it  is  likely 
to  be  followed  by  many  other  states  on  this  con¬ 
tinent,  or  to  be  persevered  in  long,  because  it  is 
manifestly  very  much  inferior  to  the  system  that 
already  exists.  The  State  of  South  Carolina  desires 
to  go  out.  Just  at  this  moment  1  am  going  back  to 
Washington  for  the  purpose  of  admitting  the  State 
of  Kansas  in ;  and  I  venture  to  say  that  for  every 
state  on  this  continent  that  will  go  out  of  the 
Union,  there  stand  already  waiting  at  least  two 
states  that  will  be  glad  to  come  in  and  take  their 
place.  [Loud  cheers.]  They  will  do  so  for  this 
simple  reason — that  every  state  on  the  continent  of 
North  America  will  be  a  democratic  or  republican 
state.  You,  gentlemen  of  New  England,  do  not 
like  always  to  hear  the  word  democratic.  I  will, 
therefore,  use  the  word  republican.  No  repub- 
!  lican  state  on  this  continent  or  any  other  can 
stand  alone.  That  is  an  impossibility.  And  the 
reason  is  a  simple  one.  So  much  liberty,  so  much 
personal  independence,  such  scope  to  emulation 
and  ambition,  as  a  free  republic  gives,  where 
universal  suffrage  exists,  are  too  much  for  any 
one  state,  standing  alone,  to  maintain.  There- 


6 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


fore  it  is,  as  you  have  seen,  that  the  moment 
it  was  thought  that  secession  had  commenced 
in  this  great  national  confederacy  of  ours,  you 
begin  to  hear  at  once  of  secession,  not  only  in 
South  Carolina,  but  of  secession  in  California,  seces¬ 
sion  in  New  England,  and  lastly,  you  begin  to  hear 
of  secession  of  New  York  city  and  Long  Island 
from  the  State  of  New  York.  [Laughter.]  They 
are  right  in  all  this.  Dissolve  this  American  Union, 
and  there  is  not  one  state  that  can  stand  without 
renewing  perpetually  the  process  of  secession  until 
we  are  brought  to  the  condition  of  the  States  of 
Central  America — pitiful  states,  unable  to  stand 
alone.  No,  gentlemen,  republican  states  are  like 
the  sheaves  in  the  harvest  field.  Put  them  up  sin* 
gly,  and  every  gust  blows  them  down ;  stack  them 
together,  and  they  defy  all  the  winds  of  heaven. 
[Tumultuous  applause.]  And  so  you  have  seen 
that  these  thirteen  republican  states  all  came  to  the 
conviction,  each  of  them  that  it  could  not  stand 
alone  ;  and  the  thirteen  came  together,  and  you  have 
seen  other  states  added  to  them.  The  state  of  Mi¬ 
chigan,  the  state  of  Indiana,  of  Illinois,  the  state 
of  Wisconsin,  the  state  of  Iowa  and  the  state  of 
Louisiana — what  under  heaven  kept  each  of  these 
states  from  setting  up  for  itself  and  becoming  inde¬ 
pendent?  Nothing,  but  that  it  could  not  stand 
alone.  And  they  are  ready  to  be  united  to  other 
republican  states  on  this  continent.  So  it  was  with 
Texas.  She  was  independent.  Why  did  she  not 
remain  so?  You  know  how  much  it  tried  us  to  ad¬ 
mit  her  into  the  Union ;  but  it  tried  her  much  harder 
to  stay  out  as  long  as  she  did.  Why  is  not  Kansas 
content  to  remain  out?  Simply  because  of  the 
sympathy  and  the  interest  which  makes  it  needful 
that  all  republican  states  on  this  continent  shall  be 
united  in  one.  Let  South  Carolina,  let  Alabama,  let 
Louisiana — let  any  other  state  go  out,  and  while 
they  are  rushing  out  you  will  see  Canada  and  all  the 
Mexican  States  rushing  in  to  fill  up  the  vacuum. 
[Loud  applause.]  It  is  the  wisdom  discovered  by 
our  fathers  which  is  all  concentrated  in  these  three 
words  of  such  pregnant  meaning — E  Pluribus 
Unum.  [Loud  applause.]  There  is  no  such  thing 
as  one,  separate  from  the  many,  in  republican 
states.  [Continued  applause.]  And  now,  fellow- 
citizens,  I  will  speak  one  word  concerning  the  anom¬ 
alous  condition  of  our  affairs  produced  by  this 
disposition  of  some  of  the  American  states  to  se¬ 
cede  from  the  Union.  It  has  taken,  as  it  ought  to 
have  taken,  the  American  people  and  the  world  by 
surprise.  Why  has  it  taken  them  by  surprise  ?  Be¬ 
cause  it  is  unwise  and  unnatural.  It  is  wise  that  all 
the  republican  states  of  this  continent  should  be 
confederated.  It  is  unwise  that  any  of  them  should 
attempt  to  separate.  And  yet  it  ought  not  to  have 
taken  us  by  surprise.  Whoever  could  have  imagin¬ 
ed  that  a  machine  so  complicated,  so  vast,  60  new, 
so  untried,  as  this  confederated  system  of  republi¬ 
can  states,  should  be  exempt  from  the  common  lot 
of  states  which  have  figured  in  the  history  of  the 
world  ?  A  more  complex  system  of  government 
was  never  devised — never  conceived  of  among  men. 
IIow  strange  it  is,  how  unreasonable  it  is,  that  we 
should  be  surprised  that  a  pin  may  drop  out  of  this 
machinery  and  that  the  wheel  should  drag,  or  that 
the  gudgeon  should  be  worn  until  the  wheel  should 
cease  to  play  with  the  regular  action !  How  could 
we  expect  to  subsist  for  a  period  of  seventy  years 
exempt  from  the  necessity  of  repairing  our  political 
system  of  government?  Every  state  in  this  Union 


is  just  like  the  federal  Union — a  republic.  It  has 
its  constitution,  and  its  regular  system  of  action. 
No  state  is  more  than  seventy  years  old,  and  there 
is  not  in  any  one  state  of  this  Union  a  constitution 
which  is  more  than  twenty-five  years  old ;  and  so 
certain  has  it  become  that  no  state  can  adopt  a  con¬ 
stitution  which  will  last  for  more  than  twenty-five 
years  without  being  repaired  and  renewed,  that  in 
our  own  state  the  constitution  which  we  adopted 
twenty  years  ago  contains  a  provision  that  next 
year,  without  any  appeal  to  the  people  whatever,  a 
convention  shall  come  together  in  the  state  of  New 
York  and  make  a  new  constitution.  Is  it  strange, 
then,  that  this  complex  system  of  our  government 
should  be  found,  after  a  lapse  of  seventy  years,  to 
work  a  little  rough,  a  little  unequal,  and  that  it 
should  require  that  the  engineer  should  look  at 
the  machinery  to  see  where  the  gudgeon  is  worn 
out,  and  to  see  that  the  main  wheel  is  kept  in  mo¬ 
tion  ?  A  child  can  withdraw  a  pin  from  the  mightiest 
machine  and  arrest  all  its  motion,  and  the  engineer 
cannot  see  it  when  it  is  being  done ;  but  if  the  engine 
be  rightly  devised  and  strongly  constructed,  the 
engineer  has  only  to  see  where  the  pin  has  fallen 
out  and  replace  it,  and  the  machine  will  then  go  on 
stronger  and  more  vigorous  than  ever.  [Applause.] 
We  are  a  family  of  thirty-three  states,  and  next 
Monday  I  hope  that  we  shall  be  a  family  of  thirty- 
four.  [Cheers.]  Would  it  not  be  strange,  in  a 
family  of  thirty-four  members,  if  there  should  not, 
once  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  be  one  or  two,  or 
three  or  four,  or  five  of  the  members  who  would  get 
discontented,  and  want  to  withdraw  awhile,  and  see 
how  much  better  they  could  manage  their  fortunes 
alone?  I  think  there  is  nothing  strange  in  this.  I 
only  wonder  that  nobody  has  ever  withdrawn  be¬ 
fore,  to  see  how  much  better  they  could  get  along 
on  their  own  hook,  than  they  get  along  in  this  plain, 
old-fashioned  way  under  the  direction  of  Uncle  Sam. 
They  say  that,  while  I  was  a  boy,  Massachusetts  and 
some  of  the  New  England  States  got  the  same  idea 
of  contumacy  for  the  common  parent  and  want  of 
affection  for  the  whole  family,  and  got  up  a  Hart¬ 
ford  Convention.  [Laughter.]  I  hope  you  do  not 
think  this  personal.  [No,  no.]  Somebody  in  Mas¬ 
sachusetts — I  do  not  know  who — tried  it.  All  I 
know  about  it  is,  that  for  the  first  twenty  years  of 
my  political  life,  although  I  was  a  democrat — a  Jef¬ 
fersonian — born  and  dyed  in  the  faith  of  the  Re¬ 
publican  fathers,  somehow  or  other,  because  I  hap¬ 
pened  to  become  a  whig,  I  was  held  responsible  for 
the  Hartford  Convention.  [Laughter.]  And  I 
have  made  this  singular  discovery  in  contrasting 
those  times  with  the  present ;  that,  whereas,  when 
Massachusetts  or  any  New  England  State,  gets  in 
a  pet  and  proposes  to  go  out  of  the  Union,  the  de¬ 
mocratic  party  all  insist  that  it  is  high  treason,  and 
ought  to  be  punished  by  coercion  ;  w  hen  one  of  the 
slave  states  gets  into  the  same  fret,  and  proposes  to 
go  out  of  the  Union,  the  democratic  party  think  it 
exceedingly  excusable,  and  have  doubts  whether — 
she  ought  not  be  helped  out  of  the  Union,  and 
wdiether  we  ought  not  to  give  her  a  good  dowry  be¬ 
sides.  [Laughter.]  Now,  gentlemen,  my  belief 
about  all  this  is,  that  whether  it  is  Massachusetts  or 
South  Carolina,  or  whether  it  is  New  York  or  Flori¬ 
da,  it  would  turn  out  the  same  way  in  each  case. 
There  is  no  such  thing  in  the  book,  no  such  thing 
in  reason,  no  such  thing  in  philosophy,  and  no  such 
thing  iu  nature,  us  any  state  existing  on  the  conti¬ 
nent  of  North  America  outside  of  the  United  States 


DOCUMENTS. 


7 


of  America.  I  do  not  believe  a  word  of  it ;  and  I  do 
not  believe  it,  for  a  good  many  reasons.  Some  I 
have  already  hinted  at ;  and  one  is,  because  I  do  not 
see  any  good  reason  given  for  it.  The  best  reason 
I  see  given  for  it  is,  that  the  people  of  some  of  the 
southern  states  hate  us  of  the  free  states  very  bad¬ 
ly,  and  they  say  that  we  hate  them,  and  that  all  love 
is  lost  between  us.  Well,  I  do  not  believe  a  word  of 
that.  On  the  other  hand,  I  do  know  for  myself  and 
lor  you,  that,  bating  some  little  differences  of  opinion 
about  advantages,  and  about  proscription,  and  about 
office,  and  about  freedom,  and  about  slavery  and 
all  those  which  are  family  difficulties,  for  which 
we  do  not  take  any  outsiders  in  any  part  of  the 
world  into  our  councils  on  either  side,  there  is  not 
a  state  on  the  earth,  outside  of  the  American  Union, 
which  I  like  half  so  well  as  I  do  the  state  of  South 
Carolina — [cheers] — neither  England,  nor  Ireland, 
nor  Scotland,  nor  France,  nor  Turkey ;  although 
from  Turkey  they  sent  me  Arab  horses,  and  from 
South  Carolina  they  send  me  nothing  but  curses. 
Still,  I  like  South  Carolina  better  than  I  like  any  of 
them  ;  and  I  have  the  presumption  and  vanity  to  be¬ 
lieve  that  if  there  were  nobody  to  overhear  the  state 
of  South  Carolina  when  she  is  talking,  she  would 
confess  that  she  liked  us  tolerably  well.  I  am  very 
sure  that  if  anybody  were  to  make  a  descent  on 
New  York  to-morrow — whether  Louis  Napoleon,  or 
the  Prince  of  Wales,  or  his  mother  [laughter],  or 
the  Emperor  of  Russia,  or  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
all  the  hills  of  South  Carolina  would  pour  forth 
their  population  for  the  rescue  of  New  York. 
[Cries  of  “  Good,”  and  applause.]  God  knows  how 
this  may  be.  I  do  not  pretend  to  know,  I  only 
conjecture.  But  this  I  do  know,  that  if  any  of  those 
powers  were  to  make  a  descent  on  South  Carolina, 

I  know  who  would  go  to  her  rescue.  [A  voice — 
“We’d  all  go.”]  We  would  all  go — everybody. 
[“  That’s  so,”  and  great  applause.]  Therefore  they 
do  not  humbug  me  with  their  secession.  [Laugh¬ 
ter.]  And  I  do  not  think  they  will  humbug  you  ; 
and  I  do  not  believe  that,  if  they  do  not  humbug 
you  and  me,  they  will  much  longer  succeed  in  hum¬ 
bugging  themselves.  [Laughter.]  Now,  fellow- 
citizens,  this  is  the  ultimate  result  of  all  this  busi¬ 
ness.  These  states  are  always  to  be  together — 
always  shall.  Talk  of  striking  down  a  star  from 
that  constellation.  It  is  a  thing  which  cannot  be 
done.  [Applause.]  I  do  not  see  any  less  stars  to¬ 
day  than  I  did  a  week  ago,  and  I  expect  to  see 
more  all  the  while.  [Laughter.]  The  question 
then  is,  what  in  these  times — when  people  are  labor¬ 
ing  under  the  delusion  that  they  are  going  out  of 
the  Union  and  going  to  set  up  for  themselves — 
ought  we  to  do  in  order  to  hold  them  in.  I  do  not 
know  any  better  rule  than  the  rule  which  every 
good  father  of  a  family  observes.  It  is  this.  If  a 
man  wishes  not  to  keep  his  family  together,  it  is 
the  easiest  thing  in  the  world  to  place  them  apart. 
He  will  do  so  at  once  if  he  only  gets  discontented 
with  his  son,  quarrels  with  him,  complains  of  him, 
torments  him,  threatens  him,  coerces  him.  This  is 
the  way  to  get  rid  of  the  family,  and  to  get  them 
all  out  of  doors.  On  the  other  hand,  if  you  wish 
to  keep  them,  you  have  got  only  one  way  to  do  it. 
That  is,  be  patient,  kind,  paternal,  forbearing,  and 
wait  until  they  come  to  reflect  for  themselves.  The 
South  is  to  us  what  the  wife  is  to  her  husband.  I 
do  not  know  any  man  in  the  world  who  cannot  get 
rid  of  his  wife  if  he  tries.  I  can  put  him  in  the 
way  to  do  it  at  once.  [He  has  only  got  two  things 


to  do.  One  is  to  be  unfaithful  to  her.  The  other 
is  to  be  out  of  temper  with  her.  I  do  not  know  a 
man  on  earth  who — even  though  his  wife  was  as 
troublesome  as  the  wife  of  Socrates— cannot  keep 
his  wife  if  he  wants  to  do  so  ;  all  that  he  needs  is, 
to  keep  his  own  virtue  and  his  own  temper.  [Ap¬ 
plause.]  Now,  in  all  this  business  I  propose  that 
we  shall  keep  our  own  virtue,  which,  in  politics,  is 
loyalty,  and  our  own  temper,  which,  in  politics, 
consists  in  remembering  that  men  may  differ,  that 
brethren  may  differ.  If  we  keep  entirely  cool  and 
entirely  calm,  and  entirely  kind,  a  debate  will  ensue 
which  will  be  kindly  in  itself,  and  it  will  prove  very 
soon  either  that  we  are  wrong — and  we  shall  con¬ 
cede  to  our  offended  brethren — or  else  that  we  are 
right,  and  they  will  acquiesce  and  come  back  into 
fraternal  relations  with  us.  I  do  not  wish  to  anti¬ 
cipate  any  question.  We  have  a  great  many  states¬ 
men  who  demand  at  once  to  know  what  the  North 
propose  to  do — what  the  Government  proposes  to 
do — whether  we  propose  to  coerce  our  southern 
brethren  back  into  their  allegiance.  They  ask  us, 
as  of  course  they  may  rightfully  ask,  what  will  be 
the  value  of  fraternity  which  is  compelled  ?  All  I 
have  to  say  on  that  subject  is,  that  so  long  ago  as 
the  time  of  Sir  Thomas  More,  he  discovered,  and 
set  down  the  discovery  in  his  writing,  that  there 
were  a  great  many  schoolmasters,  and  that  while 
there  were  a  very  few  who  knew  how  to  instruct 
children,  there  were  a  great  many  who  knew  how 
to  whip  them.  [Laughter.]  I  propose  to  have  no 
question  on  that  subject,  but  to  hear  complaints,  to 
redress  them  if  they  ought  to  be  redressed,  and  if 
we  have  the  power  to  redress  them  ;  and  I  expect 
them  to  be  withdrawn  if  they  are  unreasonable,  be¬ 
cause  I  know  that  the  necessities  which  made  this 
Union  exist,  for  these  states,  are  stronger  to-day 
than  they  were  when  the  Union  was  made,  and  that 
those  necessities  are  enduring,  while  the  passions 
of  men  are  short  lived  and  ephemeral.  I  believe 
that  secession  was  stronger  on  the  night  of  the  6th 
of  November  last,  when  a  President  and  Vice- 
president  who  were  unacceptable  to  the  Slave  States 
were  elected,  than  it  is  now.  That  is  now  some 
fifty  days  since,  and  I  believe  that  every  day’s  sun 
which  set  since  that  time,  has  set  on  mollified  pas¬ 
sions  and  prejudices,  and  that  if  you  will  only  give 
it  time,  sixty  days’  more  suns  will  give  you  a  much 
brighter  and  more  cheerful  atmosphere.  [Loud 
and  long  continued  applause.] 


Doc.  5.— TOOMBS’S  ADDRESS. 

I  came  here  to  secure  your  constitutional  rights, 
and  to  demonstrate  to  you  that  you  can  get  no 
guarantee  for  those  rights  from  your  Northern  con¬ 
federates.  The  whole  subject  was  referred  to  a 
Committee  of  Thirteen  in  the  Senate.  I  was  ap¬ 
pointed  on  the  Committee,  and  accepted  the  trust. 
I  submitted  propositions,  which,  so  far  from  re¬ 
ceiving  decided  support  from  a  single  member  of 
the  Republican  party  of  the  Committee,  were  all 
treated  with  derision  or  contempt.  A  vote  was 
then  taken  in  the  Committee  on  amendments  to 
the  Constitution  proposed  by  Hon.  J.  J.  Crittenden, 
and  each  and  all  of  them  were  voted  against  unani¬ 
mously  by  the  Black  Republican  members  of  the 
Committee.  In  addition  to  these  facts,  a  majority 
of  the  Black  Republican  members  of  the  Committee 
declared  distinctly  that  they  had  no  guarantees  to 


8 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


offer,  which  was  silently  acquiesced  in  by  the  other 
members.  The  Black  Republican  members  of  this 
Committee  of  Thirteen  are  representative  men  of 
the  party  and  section,  and,  to  the  extent  ot  my 
information,  truly  represent  them. 

The  Committee  of  Thirty-three  on  Friday  ad¬ 
journed  for  a  week,  without  coming  to  any  vote, 
after  solemnly  pledging  themselves  to  vote  on  all 
the  propositions  then  before  them  on  that  day.  It 
is  controlled  by  the  Black  Republicans,  your  ene¬ 
mies,  who  only  seek  to  amuse  you  with  delusive 
hope  until  your  election,  that  you  may  defeat  the 
friends  of  secession.  If  you  are  deceived  by  them, 
it  shall  not  be  my  fault.  I  have  put  the  test  fairly 
and  frankly.  It  is  decisive  against  you  now.  I 
tell  you,  upon  the  faith  of  a  true  man,  that  all 
further  looking  to  the  North  for  security  for  your 
constitutional  rights  in  the  Union  ought  to  be 
instantly  abandoned.  It  is  fraught  with  nothing 
but  ruin  to  yourselves  and  your  posterity.  Seces¬ 
sion  by  the  4th  day  of  March  next  should  be  thun¬ 
dered  from  the  ballot-box  by  the  unanimous  vote 
of  Georgia  on  the  2d  day  of  January  next.  Such  a 
voice  will  be  your  best  guarantee  for  liberty,  secu¬ 
rity,  tranquillity,  and  glory.  R.  Toomds. 


Doc.  6.— LETTER  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA  CON¬ 
GRESSMEN  TO  THE  SPEAKER  OF  THE 
HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 

Sir:  We  avail  ourselves  of  the  earliest  oppor¬ 
tunity  since  the  official  communication  of  the 
intelligence,  of  making  known  to  your  honorable 
body  that  the  people  of  the  State  of  South  Caro¬ 
lina,  in  their  sovereign  capacity,  have  resumed  the 
powers  heretofore  delegated  by  them  to  the  Federal 
Government  of  the  United  States,  and  have  thereby 
dissolved  our  connection  with  the  House  of  Re¬ 
presentatives.  In  taking  leave  of  those  with  whom 
we  have  been  associated  in  a  common  agency,  we, 
as  well  as  the  people  of  our  Commonwealth,  desire 
to  do  so  with  a  feeling  of  mutual  regard  and  respect 
for  each  other— cherishing  the  hope  that  in  our 
future  relations  we  may  better  enjoy  that  peace 
and  harmony  essential  to  the  happiness  of  a  free 
and  enlightened  people. 

John  McQueen, 

Dec.  24.  M.  L.  Bonham, 

W.  W.  Boyce, 

J.  D.  Ashmore, 

To  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 


Doc.  7.— EVACUATION  OF  FORT  MOULTRIE. 

It  was  given  out  yesterday  at  Fort  Moultrie,  on 
Sullivan’s  Island,  that  an  attack  was  expected  to  be 
made  upon  it  by  the  people  of  this  city,  and  that 
therefore  it  would  be  necessary  to  remove  the  wives 
and  children  of  the  men  to  a  more  secure  place. 
Accordingly  three  schooners  were  engaged,  which 
hauled  up  to  the  Fort  wharf  and  loaded  with  what 
was  supposed  by  the  few  persons  resident  on  the 
island,  to  be  the  bedding  and  furniture  of  the  men’s 
families.  It  was  given  out  that  these  vessels  were 
to  land  their  passengers  and  their  goods  at  Fort 
Johnson ,  on  James  Island ;  and  they  hoisted  sail  and 
apparently  6teered  for  that  point. 

On  last  night,  at  about  half-past  nine  o’clock,  the 
entire  force,  with  the  exception  of  about  six  or 


eight  men,  embarked  on  board  of  their  own  row 
boats,  and  proceeded  to  Fort  Sumter,  which  they 
garrisoned  at  once,  and  where  they  met  the  persons 
who  had  left  in  the  schooners,  with  many  munitions 
of  war  which  they  had  surreptitiously  taken  from 
Fort  Moultrie.  The  few  men  left  at  the  fortification 
last  night,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Foster, 
as  soon  as  the  evacuation  had  taken  place,  at  once 
commenced  the  spiking  of  the  guns,  the  cutting 
down  of  the  fag-staff,  and  the  burning  of  the  gun- 
carriages,  the  smoke  of  which  could  be  seen  this 
morning  from  our  wharves. 

Fort  Moultrie  in  a  mutilated  state,  with  use¬ 
less  guns,  and  flames  rising  in  different  portions  of 
it,  will  stand  to  show  the  cowardly  conduct  of  the 
officers  who  had  charge  of  it,  and  who  in  times  of 
peace  basely  deserted  their  post  and  attempted  to 
destroy  a  fortification  which  is  surrounded  with  so 
many  historical  reminiscences  that  the  arm  of  the 
base  scoundrel  who  would  have  ruined  it  should  have 
dropped  from  its  socket. 

The  schooners,  we  are  informed,  although  pre¬ 
tending  to  sail  for  Fort  Johnson,  stood  off  and  on 
until  nightfall  when  they  put  into  the  wharf  at  Fort 
Sumter.  We  feel  an  anxiety  to  know  the  names  of 
these  vessels  and  their  captains,  and  shall  endeavor 
to  find  them  out. 

About  half-past  seven  o’clock  last  evening  two 
heavy  discharges  from  Fort  Moultrie,  w'ere  heard  in 
the  city,  and  was  the  object  of  considerable  talk, 
and  the  news  of  this  morning  satisfied  us  that  it 
must  have  been  the  signal  of  the  debarkation  of  the 
troops. — Charleston  News,  Dec.  27. 


Doc.  8.— FORTS  SUMTER  AND  MOULTRIE. 

“  In  order  to  ascertain  truthful  statements  of  the 
actual  damage  done  to  the  forts,  of  the  causes  of 
the  movement,  and  of  the  state  of  affairs  generally, 
reporters  w’ere  despatched  to  the  scene  during  the 
forenoon.  On  the  way  across  the  harbor,  the  hoist¬ 
ing  of  the  American  flag  from  the  staff  of  Fort 
Sumter,  at  precisely  12  o’clock,  gave  certain  indica¬ 
tion  that  the  stronghold  was  occupied  by  the  troops 
of  the  United  States.  On  a  nearer  approach  the 
fortress  was  discovered  to  be  occupied,  the  guns 
appeared  to  be  mounted,  and  sentinels  were  discov¬ 
ered  on  duty,  and  the  place  to  give  every  sign  of 
occupancy  and  military  discipline.  The  grim  fort¬ 
ress  frowned  defiance  on  every  side;  the  busy 
notes  of  preparation  resounded  through  its  unfor¬ 
bidding  recesses,  and  everything  seemed  to  indi¬ 
cate  the  utmost  alacrity  in  the  work  on  hand. 

“  Turning  towards  Fort  Moultrie,  a  dense  cloud 
of  smoke  was  seen  to  pour  from  the  end  facing  the 
sea.  The  flagstaff  was  down,  and  the  whole  place 
had  an  air  of  desolation  and  abandonment  quite  the 
reverse  of  its  busy  look  one  week  ago,  when  scores 
of  laborers  were  engaged  in  adding  to  its  strength 
all  the  works  skill  and  experience  could  suggest. 

“  In  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  rear  or  land- 
side  entrance,  however,  greater  activity  was  notice¬ 
able.  At  the  time  of  our  visit,  a  large  force  of 
hands  had  been  summoned  to  deliver  up  their  im¬ 
plements  for  transportation  to  Fort  Sumter.  Around 
on  every  side  were  the  evidences  of  labor  in  the 
fortification  of  the  work.  In  many  places,  a  por¬ 
tion  of  the  defences  were  strengthened  by  every 
appliance  that  art  could  suggest  or  ingenuity  de- 


DOCUMENTS. 


9 


vise;  while,  in  others,  the  uncompleted  works  gave 
evidences  of  the  utmost  confusion.  On  all  hands 
the  process  of  removing  goods,  furniture,  and  mu¬ 
nitions  was  yet  going  on.  The  heavy  guns  upon 
the  ramparts  of  the  fort  were  thrown  down  from 
their  carriages  and  spiked.  Every  ounce  of  powder 
and  every  cartridge  had  been  removed  from  the 
magazines ;  and,  in  fact,  every  thing  like  small 
arms,  clothing,  provisions,  accoutrements,  and 
other  munitions  of  war  had  been  removed  off  and 
deposited — nothing  but  heavy  balls  and  useless 
cannon  remained. 

“  The  entire  place  was,  to  all  appearances,  littered 
up  with  the  odds,  ends,  and  fragments  of  war’s 
desolation.  Confusion  could  not  have  been  more 
complete  had  the  late  occupants  retired  in  the  face 
of  a  besieging  foe.  Fragments  of  gun  carriages, 
&c.,  broken  to  pieces,  bestrewed  the  ramparts. 
Sand  bags,  and  barrels  filled  with  earth,  crowned 
the  walls,  and  were  firmly  imbedded  in  their  bomb¬ 
proof  surface,  as  an  additional  safeguard — and  not¬ 
withstanding  the  heterogeneous  scattering  of  mate¬ 
rials  and  implements,  the  walls  of  the  fort  evinced 
a  vague  degree  of  energy  in  preparing  for  an  attack. 
A  ditch  some  fifteen  feet  wide  and  about  the  same 
in  depth  surrounds  the  entire  wall  on  three  sides. 
On  the  south  side,  or  front,  a  glacis  has  been  com¬ 
menced  and  prosecuted  nearly  to  completion,  with 
a  rampart  of  sand  bags,  barrels,  &c. 

“  On  one  side  of  the  fort  a  palisade  of  Palmetto 
logs  is  extended  around  the  ramparts  as  a  complete 
defence  against  an  escalading  party.  New  embra¬ 
sures  have  been  cut  in  the  walls  so  as  to  command 
the  faces  of  the  bastion  and  ditch.  These  new  de¬ 
fences  are  all  incomplete,  and  are  evidence  of  the 
haste  with  which  they  were  erected.  Considering 
the  inferior  force,  in  point  of  numbers,  under  his 
command,  Major  Anderson  had  paid  particular  at¬ 
tention  to  strengthening  only  a  small  part  of  the 
fort. 

“  A  greater  portion  of  the  labor  expended  was 
spent  upon  the  citadel  or  centre  of  the  west  point 
of  the  position.  This  he  had  caused  to  be  strength¬ 
ened  in  every  way ;  loop-holes  were  cut  and  every 
thing  was  so  arranged  that  in  case  a  well-concerted 
attack  was  made,  he  would  have  retired  from  the 
outer  bastions  to  the  citadel,  and  afterwards  blow 
up  the  other  portions  of  the  fort.  For  this  purpose 
mines  had  already  been  sprung,  and  trains  had  been 
laid  ready  for  the  application  of  the  match.  The 
barrack  rooms  and  every  other  part  of  the  fort  that 
was  indefensible  would  have  gone  at  a  touch. 

“  On  the  ramparts  of  the  fort  fronting  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter,  were  nine  eight-inch  columbiads,  mounted  on 
wooden  carriages.  As  soon  as  the  evacuation  of 
the  fort  was  complete,  the  carriages  of  these  guns 
were  fired,  and  at  the  time  of  visiting  the  fort  yes¬ 
terday,  were  nearly  consumed,  and  the  guns  thereby 
dismounted.  These  guns,  as  well  as  those  consti¬ 
tuting  the  entire  armament  of  the  fortress,  were 
spiked  before  it  was  abandoned.  This  is  the  only 
damage  done  the  fortification,  further  than  cutting 
down  the  flagstaff,  and  the  breaking  up  of  ammu¬ 
nition  wagons  to  form  ramparts  on  the  walls  of  the 
fort.’’ — Charleston  Courier,  Dec.  28. 


Doc.  9.— MAJOR  ANDERSON’S  MOVEMENT. 

We  must  own  that  the  news  of  the  transaction  in 
Charleston  harbor  was  learned  by  us  yesterday  with 


a  prouder  beating  of  the  heart.  We  could  not  but 
feel  once  more  that  we  had  a  country — a  fact  which 
has  been  to  a  certain  degree  in  suspense  for  some 
weeks  past.  What  is  given  up  for  the  moment  is 
of  no  consequence,  provided  the  one  point  stands 
out  clear,  that  the  United  States  means  to  maintain 
its  position,  where  its  rights  exist ,  and  that  its  offi¬ 
cers,  civil  and  military,  intend  to  discharge  their  duty. 
The  concentration  of  the  disposable  force  in  Charles¬ 
ton  harbor  in  a  defensible  post,  is  thus  a  bond  of 
union.  It  is  a  decisive  act,  calculated  to  rally  the 
national  heart.  *  *  We  are  not  disposed  to 

allow  the  Union  to  be  broken  up  for  grievances  of 
South  Carolina,  which  might  be  settled  within  the 
Union  ;  and  if  there  is  to  be  any  fighting,  we  prefer 
it  within,  rather  than  without.  The  abandonment 
of  Fort  Moultrie  was  obviously  a  necessary  act,  in 
order  to  carry  into  effect  the  purpose  contemplated 
with  such  an  inferior  force  as  that  under  the  com¬ 
mand  of  Major  Anderson. — Boston  Courier. 

If  anybody  ever  doubted  Major  Anderson’s  emi¬ 
nent  military  capacity,  that  doubt  must  be  dispelled 
by  the  news  that  we  publish  in  another  column. 
Of  his  own  accord,  without  orders  from  Washing¬ 
ton,  but  acting  on  the  discretion  which  an  officer  in 
an  independent  command  always' possesses.  Major 
Anderson,  commander  of  the  defences  of  Charleston 
harbor,  transports  his  troops  to  the  key  of  his  posi¬ 
tion,  Fort  Sumter,  against  which  no  gun  can  be 
laid  which  is  not  itself  commanded  by  a  10-inch 
columbiad  in  the  embrasures  of  that  octagon  cita¬ 
del.  This  rapid,  unexpected  manoeuvre  has  dis¬ 
concerted  treason,  and  received  the  highest  military 
commendation  in  the  country. 

Brave  Major  of  Artillery,  true  servant  of  your 
country,  soldier  of  penetrating  and  far-seeing 
genius,  when  the  right  is  endangered  by  fraud  or 
force,  at  the  proper  time  the  needed  man  is  always 
provided.  The  spirit  of  the  age  provides  him,  and 
lie  always  regards  the  emergency.  Washing¬ 
ton,  Garibaldi,  Anderson. — Boston  Atlas  and 
Bee. 

The  announcement  of  the  evacuation  of  Fort 
Moultrie  and  the  occupation  of  Fort  Sumter,  was 
received  with  various  expressions  of  opinion  ;  but 
the  predominant  one  was  a  feeling  of  admiration  for 
the  determined  conduct  and  military  skill  of  Col. 
Anderson  in  abandoning  an  indefensible  position, 
and,  by  a  strategetic  coup  de  main  which  has  re¬ 
versed  the  whole  position  of  affairs,  transferring  his 
force  to  Fort  Sumter,  the  strongest  of  the  Charles¬ 
ton  fortifications,  and  the  key  of  its  defences.  Col. 
Anderson  is  believed  to  have  acted  in  this  matter 
without  special  orders,  but  as  he  has  charge 
of  all  the  forts,  the  disposition  of  the  force 
under  his  command  is  a  matter  in  regard  to 
which  he  may  be  supposed  to  have  full  authority. — 
Baltimore  American. 

Concerning  the  object  of  the  movement  of  Major 
Anderson,  we  can,  as  at  present  informed,  say  lit¬ 
tle.  But  whether  he  acted  in  pursuance  of  orders 
from  head-quarters,  or  consulted  merely  his  own 
judgment,  the  step  he  has  taken  must  be  conceded 
to  have  been  a  wise  and  prudent  one.  He  could 
not,  with  the  force  under  his  command,  have  de¬ 
fended  both  Fort  Moultrie  and  Fort  Sumter;  and  by 
retiring  to  the  one  which  is  not  only  the  strongest 
in  itself,  but  is  the  key  of  the  position,  he  has 
rendered  an  attack  upon  his  post  less  probable  than 


10 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


it  was  before,  and  has  placed  himself  in  a  better 
situation  to  resist  it. — Baltimore  Exchange. 


Doc.  10.— SECRETARY  FLOYD  TO  THE  PRE¬ 
SIDENT. 

War  Department,  Dec.  29,  1860. 
Sir  :  On  the  morning  of  the  27th  inst.  I  read  the 
following  paper  to  you  in  the  presence  of  the 
Cabinet : 

Counsel  Chamber,  Executive  Mansion. 
Sir:  It  is  evident  now  from  the  action  of  the 
Commander  of  Fort  Moultrie,  that  the  solemn  pledges 
of  the  Government  have  been  violated  by  Major 
Anderson.  In  my  judgment  but  one  remedy  is 
now  left  us  by  which  to  vindicate  our  honor  and 
prevent  civil  war.  It  is  in  vain  now  to  hope  for 
confidence  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  South  Caro¬ 
lina  in  any  further  pledges  as  to  the  action  of  the 
military.  One  remedy  is  left,  and  that  is  to  with¬ 
draw  the  garrison  from  the  harbor  of  Charleston. 
I  hope  the  President  will  allow  me  to  make  that 
order  at  once.  This  order,  in  my  judgment,  can 
alone  prevent  bloodshed  and  civil  war. 

(Signed.) 

John  B.  Floyd, 

Secretary  of  War. 

I  then  considered  the  honor  of  the  Administration 
pledged  to  maintain  the  troops  in  the  position  they 
occupied,  for  such  had  been  the  assurances  given  to 
the  gentlemen  of  South  Carolina  who  had  a  right  to 
speak  for  her.  South  Carolina,  on  the  other  hand, 
gave  reciprocal  pledges  that  no  force  should  be 
brought  by  them  against  the  troops  or  against  the 
property  of  the  United  States.  The  sole  object  of 
both  parties  in  these  reciprocal  pledges  was  to  pre¬ 
vent  a  collision  and  the  effusion  of  blood,  in  the 
hope  that  some  means  might  be  found  for  a  peace¬ 
ful  accommodation  of  the  existing  troubles,  the 
two  Houses  of  Congress  having  both  raised  Com¬ 
mittees  looking  to  that  object.  Thus  affairs  stood 
until  the  action  of  Major  Anderson,  taken  unfor¬ 
tunately  while  the  Commissioners  were  on  their 
way  to  this  capital  on  a  peaceful  mission  looking  to 
the  avoidance  of  bloodshed,  has  complicated  mat¬ 
ters  in  the  existing  manner.  Our  refusal  or  even 
delay  to  place  affairs  back  as  they  stood  under  our 
agreement,  invites  a  collision  and  must  inevitably 
inaugurate  civil  war.  I  cannot  consent  to  be  the 
agent  of  such  calamity.  I  deeply  regret  that  I  feel 
myself  under  the  necessity  of  tendering  to  you  my 
resignation  as  Secretary  of  War,  because  I  can  no 
longer  hold  it  under  my  convictions  of  patriotism, 
nor  with  honor,  subjected  as  I  am  to  a  violation  of 
solemn  pledges  and  plighted  faith. 

With  the  highest  personal  regard, 

I  am  most  truly  yours, 

John  B.  Floyd. 

To  His  Excellency  the  President 
of  the  United  States. 

the  president’s  reply. 

Washington,  Dec.  31,  1860. 

My  Dear  Sir  :  I  have  received  and  accepted  your 
resignation  of  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War;  and 
not  wishing  to  impose  upon  you  the  task  of  per¬ 
forming  its  mere  routine  duties,  which  you  have  so 
kindly  offered  to  do,  I  have  authorized  Postmaster- 


general  Holt  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  De¬ 
partment  until  your  successor  shall  be  appointed. 

Yours,  very  respectfully, 

James  Buchanan. 

Hon.  John  B.  Floyd. 


Doc.  11.— GENERAL  WOOL’S  LETTERS  TO  A 
FRIEND  IN  WASHINGTON. 

Troy,  December  31,  1S60. 

My  Dear  Sir  : — South  Carolina,  after  twenty- 
seven  years — Mr.  Rhett  says  thirty  years — of  con¬ 
stant  and  increasing  efforts  by  her  leaders  to  induce 
her  to  secede,  has  declared  herself  out  of  the  Union ; 
and  this,  too,  without  the  slightest  wrong  or  injus¬ 
tice  done  her  people  on  the  part  of  the  government 
of  the  United  States.  Although  she  may  have 
seized  the  revenue  cutter,  raised  her  treasonable 
Palmetto  flag  over  the  United  States  Arsenal,  the 
Custom-house,  Post-office,  Castle  Pinckney,  and  Fort 
Moultrie,  she  is  not  out  of  the  Union,  nor  beyond 
the  pale  of  the  United  States.  Before  she  can  get 
out  of  their  jurisdiction  or  control,  a  re-construc¬ 
tion  of  the  constitution  must  be  had  or  civil  war 
ensue.  In  the  latter  case  it  would  require  no  proph¬ 
et  to  foretell  the  result. 

It  is  reported  that  Mr.  Buchanan  has  received 
informally  the  Commissioners  appointed  by  the  rebels 
of  South  Carolina  to  negotiate  for  the  public  prop¬ 
erty  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston,  and  for  other  pur¬ 
poses.  It  is  also  reported  that  the  President  dis¬ 
approved  of  the  conduct  of  Major  Anderson,  who, 
being  satisfied  that  he  would  not  be  able  to  defend 
Fort  Moultrie  with  the  few  men  under  his  com¬ 
mand,  wisely  took  possession  of  Fort  Sumter, 
where  he  could  protect  himself  and  the  country 
from  the  disgrace  which  might  have  occurred,  if  ho 
had  remained  in  Fort  Moultrie.  Being  the  com¬ 
mander  in  the  harbor,  he  had  the  right  to  occupy 
Fort  Sumter,  an  act  which  the  safety  of  the  Union 
as  well  as  his  own  honor  demanded.  It  is  likewise 
stated  that  apprehensions  are  entertained  that 
Major  Anderson  will  be  required  to  abandon  Fort 
Sumter  and  re-occupy  Fort  Moultrie.  There  can 
be  no  foundation  for  such  apprehensions  ;  for  surely 
the  President  would  not  surrender  the  citadel  of  the 
harbor  of  Charleston  to  rebels.  Fort  Sumter  com¬ 
mands  the  entrance,  and  in  a  few  hours  could  de¬ 
molish  Fort  Moultrie.  So  long  as  the  United 
States  keeps  possession  of  this  fort,  the  inde¬ 
pendence  of  South  Carolina  will  only  be  in  name 
and  not  in  fact.  If,  however,  it  should  be  surren¬ 
dered  to  South  Carolina,  which  I  do  not  apprehend, 
the  smothered  indignation  of  the  free  states  would  be 
roused  beyond  control.  It  would  not  be  in  the  power 
of  any  one  to  restrain  it.  In  twenty  days  two  hun¬ 
dred  thousand  men  would  be  in  readiness  to  take  ven¬ 
geance  on  all  who  would  betray  the  Union  into  the 
hands  of  its  enemies.  Be  assured  that  I  do  not  ex¬ 
aggerate  the  feelings  of  the  people.  They  are 
already  sufficiently  excited  at  the  attempt  to  dis¬ 
solve  the  Union,  for  no  other  reason  than  that  they 
constitutionally  exercised  the  most  precious  right 
conferred  on  them,  of  voting  for  the  person  whom 
they  considered  the  most  worthy  and  best  qualified 
to  fill  the  office  of  President.  Fort  Sumter  there¬ 
fore  ought  not,  and  I  presume  will  not,  be  delivered 
over  to  South  Carolina. 

I  am  not,  however,  pleading  for  the  free  States, 
for  they  are  not  in  danger,  but  for  the  Union  and 


DOCUMENTS. 


11 


the  preservation  of  the  cotton  States.  Those  who 
60 w  the  wind  may  expect  to  reap  the  whirlwind. 
The  leaders  of  South  Carolina  could  not  have  no¬ 
ticed  that  we  live  in  an  age  of  progress,  and  that  all 
Christendom  is  making  rapid  strides  in  the  march 
of  civilization  and  freedom.  If  they  had,  they  would 
have  discovered  that  the  announcement  of  every 
victory  obtained  by  the  hero  of  the  nineteenth  cen¬ 
tury,  Garibaldi,  in  favor  of  the  oppressed  of  Italy,  did 
not  fail  to  electrify  every  American  heart  with  joy 
and  gladness.  “  Where  liberty  dwells  there  is  my 
country,”  was  the  declaration  of  the  illustrious 
Franklin.  This  principle  is  too  strongly  implanted 
in  the  heart  and  mind  of  every  man  in  the  free  States, 
to  be  surrendered  because  South  Carolina  desires  it 
in  order  to  extend  the  area  of  slavery.  With  all 
christianized  Europe  and  nearly  all  the  civilized 
world  opposed  to  slavery,  are  the  Southern  States 
prepared  to  set  aside  the  barriers  which  shield 
and  protect  their  institutions  under  the  United 
States  government?  Would  the  separation  of 
the  South  from  the  North,  give  greater  security 
to  slavery  than  it  has  now  under  the  Constitution  of 
the  Union?  What  security  would  they  have  for 
the  return  of  runaway  slaves  ?  I  apprehend  none  ; 
whilst  the  number  of  runaways  would  be  greatly 
augmented,  and  the  difficulties  of  which  slavehold¬ 
ers  complain  would  be  increased  ten-fold.  How¬ 
ever  much  individuals  might  condemn  slavery,  the 
Free  States  are  prepared  to  sustain  and  defend 
it  as  guarantied  by  the  Constitution. 

In  conclusion,  I  would  avoid  the  bloody  and 
desolating  example  of  the  Mexican  States.  I  am 
now,  and  forever,  in  favor  of  the  Union,  its  pres¬ 
ervation,  and  the  rigid  maintenance  of  the  rights 
and  interests  of  the  States,  individually  as  well  as 
collectively.  Yours,  &c.,  John  E.  Wool. 

GENERAL  WOOL  TO  GENERAL  CASS,  BEFORE  THE 
RESIGNATION  OF  THE  LATTER. 

[Private.]  Tr.ov,  Dec.  6,  1S60. 

My  Dear  General  :  Old  associations  and  former 
friendship  induce  me  to  venture  to  address  to  you 
a  few  words  on  the  state  of  the  country.  My 
letter  is  headed  “  private,”  because  I  am  not  author¬ 
ized  to  address  you  officially. 

I  have  read  with  pleasure  the  President’s  Mes¬ 
sage.  South  Carolina  says  she  intends  to  leave  the 
Union.  Her  representatives  in  Congress  say  she 
has  already  left  the  Union.  It  would  seem  that  she 
is  neither  to  be  conciliated  nor  comforted.  I  com¬ 
mand  the  Eastern  Department ,  which  includes  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  and  Missis¬ 
sippi.  You  know  me  well.  I  have  ever  been  a 
firm,  decided,  faithful,  and  devoted  friend  of  my 
country.  If  I  can  aid  the  President  to  preserve  the 
Union  I  hope  he  will  command  my  services.  It  will 
never  do  for  him  or  you  to  leave  Washington  without 
every  star  in  this  Union  is  in  its  place.  Therefore, 
no  time  should  be  lost  in  adopting  measures  to 
defeat  those  who  are  conspiring  against  the  Union. 
Hesitancy  or  delay  may  be  no  less  fatal  to  the 
Union  than  to  the  President  or  your  own  high 
standing  as  a  statesman. 

It  seems  to  me  that  troops  should  be  sent  to 
Charleston  to  man  the  forts  in  that  harbor.  You 
have  eight  companies  at  Fort  Monroe,  Ya.  Three 
or  four  of  these  companies  should  be  sent ,  without  a 
moment's  delay ,  to  Port  Moultrie.  It  will  save  the 
U  len  and  the  President  much  trouble.  It  is  said 


that  to  send  at  this  time  troops  to  that  harbor 
would  produce  great  excitement  among  the  people. 
That  is  nonsense,  when  the  people  are  as  much  ex¬ 
cited  as  they  can  be,  and  the  leaders  are  determined 
to  execute  their  long  meditated  purpose  of  sepa¬ 
rating  the  state  from  the  Union.  So  long  as  you 
command  the  entrance  to  the  city  of  Charleston, 
South  Carolina  cannot  separate  herself  from  the 
Union.  Do  not  leave  the  forts  in  the  harbor  in  a 
condition  to  induce  an  attempt  to  take  possession 
of  them.  It  might  easily  be  done  at  this  time.  If 
South  Carolina  should  take  them  it  might,  as  she 
anticipates,  induce  other  states  to  join  her. 

Permit  me  to  entreat  you  to  urge  the  President  to 
send  at  once  three  or  four  companies  of  artillery  to 
Fort  Moultrie.  The  Union  can  be  preserved,  but 
it  requires  firm,  decided,  prompt  and  energetic 
measures  on  the  part  of  the  President.  He  ha3 
only  to  exert  the  power  conferred  on  him  by  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  Congress,  and  all  will  be 
safe,  and  he  will  prevent  a  civil  war,  which  never 
fails  to  call  forth  all  the  baser  passions  of  the 
human  heart.  If  a  separation  should  take  place, 
you  may  rest  assured  blood  would  flow  in  torrents, 
followed  by  pestilence,  famine,  and  desolation,  and 
Senator  Sewards  irrepressible  conflict  will  be  brought 
to  a  conclusion  much  sooner  than  he  could  possibly 
have  anticipated.  Let  me  conjure  you  to  save  the 
Union,  and  thereby  avoid  the  bloody  and  desolating 
example  of  the  states  of  Mexico.  A  separation  of 
the  States  will  bring  with  it  the  desolation  of  the 
cotton  States,  which  are  unprepared  for  war.  Their 
weakness  will  be  found  in  the  number  of  their 
slaves,  with  but  few  of  the  essentials  to  carry  on 
war,  whilst  the  free  States  will  have  all  the  elements 
and  materials  for  war,  and  to  a  greater  extent  than 
any  other  people  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 

Think  of  these  things,  my  dear  General,  and 
save  the  country,  and  save  the  prosperous  South 
from  pestilence,  famine,  and  desolation.  Peaceable 
secession  is  not  to  be  thought  of.  Even  if  it 
should  take  place,  in  three  months  we  would  have 
a  bloody  war  on  our  hands. 

Very  truly  your  friend,  John  E.  Wool. 

Hon.  Lewis  Cass,  Secretary  of  State, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

—  Troy  Times ,  Dec.  81. 


Doc.  12.— THE  CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN 
THE  SOUTH  CAROLINA  COMMISSIONERS 
AND  TnE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES. 

Washington,  Dec.  29, 1860. 

Sir:  We  have  the  honor  to  transmit  to  you  a 
copy  of  the  full  powers  from  the  Convention  of  the 
people  of  South  Carolina,  under  which  we  are 
“  authorized  and  empowered  to  treat  with  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  United  States  for  the  delivery  of 
the  forts,  magazines,  light-houses,  and  other  real 
estate,  with  their  appurtenances,  iti  the  limits  of 
South  Carolina;  and  also  for  an  apportionment  of 
the  public  debt,  and  for  a  division  of  all  other  prop¬ 
erty  held  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
as  agent  of  the  Confederated  States,  of  which  South 
Carolina  was  recently  a  member,  and  generally  to 
negotiate  as  to  all  other  measures  and  arrangements 
proper  to  be  made  and  adopted  in  the  existing  rela¬ 
tion  of  the  parties,  and  for  the  continuance  of  peace 
and  amity  between  this  Commonwealth  and  the 
Government  at  Washington.” 


12 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


In  the  execution  of  this  trust  it  is  our  duty  to  | 
furnish  vou,  as  we  now  do,  with  an  official  copy  of 
the  Ordinance  of  Secession,  by  which  the  State  of 
South  Caroliua  has  resumed  the  powers  she  dele¬ 
gated  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and 
has  declared  her  perfect  sovereignty  and  inde¬ 
pendence. 

It  would  also  have  been  our  duty  to  have  inform¬ 
ed  you  that  we  were  ready  to  negotiate  with  you 
upon  all  such  questions  as  are  necessarily  raised  by 
the  adoption  of  this  Ordinance,  and  that  we  were 
prepared  to  enter  upon  this  negotiation,  with  the 
earnest  desire  to  avoid  all  unnecessary  and  hostile 
collision,  and  so  to  inaugurate  our  new  relations  as 
to  secure  mutual  respect,  general  advantage,  and  a 
future  of  good  will  and  harmony,  beneficial  to  all 
the  parties  concerned. 

But  the  events  of  the  last  twenty-four  hours  ren¬ 
der  such  an  assurance  impossible.  We  came  here 
the  representatives  of  an  authority  which  could,  at 
any  time  within  the  past  sixty  days,  have  taken  pos¬ 
session  of  the  forts  in  Charleston  harbor,  but  which, 
upon  pledges  given  in  a  manner  that  we  cannot 
doubt,  determined  to  trust  to  your  honor  rather 
than  to  its  own  power.  Since  our  arrival  here  an 
officer  of  the  United  States,  acting  as  we  are  assured, 
not  only  without,  but  against  your  orders,  has  dis¬ 
mantled  one  fort  and  occupied  another — thus  alter¬ 
ing  to  a  most  important  extent,  the  condition  of  af¬ 
fairs  under  which  we  came. 

Until  these  circumstances  are  explained  in  a  man 
ncr  which  relieves  us  of  all  doubt  as  to  the  spirit  in 
which  these  negotiations  shall  be  conducted,  we  are 
forced  to  suspend  all  discussion  as  to  any  arrange¬ 
ment  by  which  our  mutual  interests  may  be  amica¬ 
bly  adjusted. 

And,  in  conclusion,  we  w'ould  urge  upon  you  the 
immediate  withdrawal  of  the  troops  from  the  harbor 
of  Charleston.  Under  present  circumstances,  they 
are  a  standing  menace  which  renders  negotiation 
impossible,  and,  as  our  recent  experience  show's, 
threatens  speedily  to  bring  to  a  bloody  issue  ques¬ 
tions  which  ought  to  be  settled  with  temperance 
and  judgment.  We  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servants, 

R.  W.  Barnwell,  1 

J.  II.  Adams,  >  Commissioners. 

Jas.  L.  Orr,  ) 

To  the  President  of  the  United  States. 


THE  president’s  REPLY. 

■Washington  City,  Dec.  30,  1860. 

Gentlemen  :  I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your 
communication  of  28th  inst.,  together  with  a  copy 
of  “  your  full  powers  from  the  Convention  of  the 
people  of  South  Carolina,”  authorizing  you  to  treat 
with  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  on 
various  important  subjects  therein  mentioned,  and 
also  a  copy  of  the  Ordinance,  bearing  date  on  the 
20th  inst.,  declaring  that  “  the  Union  now  subsist¬ 
ing  between  South  Carolina  and  other  States,  under 
the  name  of  the  United  States  of  America,  is  here¬ 
by  dissolved.” 

In  answer  to  this  communication,  I  have  to  say 
that  my  position  as  President  of  the  United  States 
was  clearly  defined  in  the  message  to  Congress,  on 
the  3d  inst.  In  that  I  stated  that,  “  apart  from  the 
execution  of  the  laws,  so  far  as  this  may  be  prac¬ 
ticable,  the  Executive  has  no  authority  to  decide 


what  shall  be  the  relations  between  the  Federal 
Government  and  South  Carolina.  He  has  been  in¬ 
vested  with  no  such  discretion.  He  possesses  no 
power  to  change  the  relations  hitherto  existing  be¬ 
tween  them,  much  less  to  aeknowdedge  the  inde¬ 
pendence  of  that  State.  This  w’ould  be  to  invest  a 
mere  executive  officer  with  the  power  of  recogniz¬ 
ing  the  dissolution  of  the  Confederacy  among  our 
thirty-three  sovereign  States.  It  bears  no  resem¬ 
blance  to  the  recognition  of  a  foreign  de  facto  govern¬ 
ment — involving  no  such  responsibility.  Any  at¬ 
tempt  to  do  this  would,  on  his  part,  be  a  naked  act 
of  usurpation.  It  is,  therefore,  my  duty  to  submit 
to  Congress  the  whole  question  in  all  its  bearings. 

Such  is  my  opinion  still.  I  could,  therefore,  meet 
you  only  as  private  gentlemen  of  the  highest  charac¬ 
ter,  and  was  entirely  willing  to  communicate  to  Con¬ 
gress  any  proposition  you  might  have  to  make  to 
that  body  upon  the  subject.  Of  this  you  were  well 
aware.  It  w  as  my  earnest  desire  that  such  a  dispo¬ 
sition  might  be  made  of  the  whole  subject  by  Con¬ 
gress,  who  alone  possess  the  power,  as  to  prevent 
the  inauguration  of  a  civil  war  between  the  parties 
in  regard  to  the  possession  of  the  Federal  forts  in 
the  harbor  of  Charleston  ;  and  I,  therefore,  deeply 
regret  that,  in  your  opinion,  “the  events  of  the  last 
tw'enty-four  hours  render  this  impossible.”  In  con 
elusion,  you  urge  upon  me  “  the  immediate  w  ith¬ 
drawal  of  the  troops  from  the  harbor  of  Charles¬ 
ton,”  stating  that  “under  present  circumstances 
they  are  a  standing  menace,  which  renders  negotia¬ 
tion  impossible,  and,  as  our  recent  experience  shows, 
threaten  speedily  to  bring  to  a  bloody  issue  ques¬ 
tions  which  ought  to  be  settled  with  temperance  and 
judgment.” 

The  reason  for  this  change  in  your  position  is, 
that  since  your  arrival  in  Washington,  “  an  officer 
of  the  United  States  acting,  as  we  (you)  are  assured, 
not  only  without,  but  against  your  (my)  orders,  has 
dismantled  one  fort  and  occupied  another — thus 
altering  to  a  most  important,  extent  the  condition  of 
affairs  under  which  we  (you)  came.”  You  also 
allege  that  you  came  here  “the  representatives  of 
an  authority  which  could,  at  any  time  within  the 
past  sixty  days,  have  taken  possession  of  the  forts 
in  Charleston  harbor,  but  which,  upon  pledges  given 
in  a  manner  that  we  (you)  cannot  doubt,  determin¬ 
ed  to  trust  to  your  (my)  honor  rather  than  to  its 
power.” 

This  brings  me  to  a  consideration  of  the  nature  of 
those  alleged  pledges,  and  in  w hat  manner  they  have 
been  observed.  In  my  Message  of  the  3d  of  Decem¬ 
ber  last,  I  stated,  in  regard  to  the  property  of  the 
United  States  in  South  Carolina,  that  it  “has  been 
purchased  for  a  fair  equivalent,  by  the  consent  of 
the  Legislature  of  the  State,  for  the  erection  of  forts, 
magazines,  arsenals,  &c.,  and  over  these  the  author¬ 
ity  ‘to  exercise  exclusive  legislation,’  has  been  ex¬ 
pressly  granted  by  the  Constitution  to  Congress.  It 
is  not  believed  that  any  attempt  will  be  made  to  ex¬ 
pel  the  United  States  from  this  property  by  force; 
but  if  in  this  I  should  prove  to  be  mistaken,  the  of¬ 
ficer  in  command  of  the  forts  has  received  orders 
to  act  strictly  on  the  defensive.  In  such  a  con¬ 
tingency,  the  responsibility  for  consequences  would 
rightfully  rest  upon  the  heads  of  the  assailants.” 
This  being  the  condition  of  the  parties,  on  Saturday, 
8th  December,  four  of  the  Representatives  from 
South  Carolina,  called  upon  me,  and  requested  an 
interview.  We  had  an  earnest  conversation  on  the 
subject  of  these  forts,  and  the  best  means  of  pre- 


DOCUMENTS. 


13 


venting  a  collision  between  the  parties,  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  sparing  the  effusion  of  blood.  I  suggested, 
for  prudential  reasons,  that  it  would  be  best  to  put 
in  writing  what  they  said  to  me  verbally.  They  did 
so,  accordingly,  and  on  Monday  morning,  the  10th 
inst.,  three  of  them  presented  to  me  a  paper  signed 
by  all  the  Representatives  from  South  Carolina,  with 
a  single  exception,  of  which  the  following  is  a 
copy: 

To  His  Excellency  James  Buchanan ,  President  of  the 
United  States. 

In  compliance  with  our  statement  to  you  yester¬ 
day,  we  now  express  to  you  our  strong  convictions 
that  neither  the  constituted  authorities,  nor  any 
body  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina, 
will  either  attack  or  molest  the  United  States 
forts  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston,  previously  to 
the  act  of  the  Convention,  and  we  hope  and  be¬ 
lieve  not  until  an  offer  has  been  made  through  an 
accredited  representative,  to  negotiate  for  an  ami¬ 
cable  arrangement  of  all  matters  between  the  State 
and  the  Federal  Covernment,  provided  that  no  re¬ 
inforcements  shall  be  sent  into  those  forts,  and 
their  relative  military  status  shall  remain  as  at 
present. 

John  McQueen, 

M.  L.  Boniiam, 

W.  W.  Boyce, 

Lawrence  M.  Keitt. 

Washington,  Dec.  9, 1S60. 

And  here  I  must,  in  justice  to  myself,  remark 
that  at  the  time  the  paper  was  presented  to  me,  I 
objected  to  the  word  “  provided,”  as  it  might  be 
construed  into  an  agreement  on  my  part,  which  I 
never  would  make.  They  said  that  nothing  was 
further  from  their  intention — they  did  not  so  un¬ 
derstand  it,  and  I  should  not  so  consider  it.  It  is 
evident  they  could  enter  into  no  reciprocal  agree¬ 
ment  with  me  on  the  subject.  They  did  not  profess 
to  have  authority  to  do  this,  and  were  acting  in 
their  individual  character.  I  considered  it  as  noth¬ 
ing  more,  in  effect,  than  the  promise  of  highly 
honorable  gentlemen  to  exert  their  influence  for  the 
purpose  expressed.  The  event  has  proven  that 
they  have  faithfully  kept  this  promise,  although  I 
have  never  since  received  a  line  from  any  one  of 
them,  or  from  any  member  of  the  convention  on 
the  subject.  It  is  well  known  that  it  was  my  de¬ 
termination,  and  this  I  freely  expressed,  not  to  re¬ 
inforce  the  forts  in  the  harbor,  and  thus  produce  a 
collision,  until  they  had  been  actually  attacked,  or 
until  I  had  certain  evidence  that  they  were  about 
to  be  attacked.  This  paper  I  received  most  cor¬ 
dially,  and  considered  it  as  a  happy  omen  that 
peace  might  be  still  preserved,  and  that  time  might 
be  thus  given  for  reflection.  This  is  the  whole 
foundation  for  the  alleged  pledge. 

But  I  acted  in  the  same  manner  as  I  would  have 
done  had  I  entered  into  a  positive  and  formal  agree¬ 
ment  with  parties  capable  of  contracting,  although 
such  an  agreement  would  have  been  on  my  part, 
from  the  nature  of  my  official  duties,  impossible.  The 
world  knows  that  I  have  never  sent  any  reinforce¬ 
ments  to  the  forts  in  Charleston  harbor,  and  I  have 
certainly  never  authorized  any  change  to  be  made 
“  in  their  relative  military  status.”  Bearing  upon 
this  subject.  I  refer  you  to  an  order  issued  by  the 
Secretary  of  War,  on  the  11th  inst.  to  Maj.  Ander¬ 
son,  but  not  brought  to  my  notice  until  the  21st 
inst.  It  is  as  follows : 


Memorandum  of  Verbal  Instructions  to  Major 
Anderson,  First  Artillery,  commanding  Fort 
Moultrie,  S.  C. 

You  are  aware  of  the  great  anxiety  of  the  Sec¬ 
retary  of  War  that  a  collision  of  the  troops  with  the 
people  of  this  State  shall  be  avoided,  and  of  his 
studied  determination  to  pursue  a  course  with  ref¬ 
erence  to  the  military  force  and  forts  in  this  harbor, 
which  shall  guard  against  such  a  collision.  He  has, 
therefore,  carefully  abstained  from  increasing  the 
force  at  this  point,  or  taking  any  measures  which 
might  add  to  the  present  excited  state  of  the  public 
mind,  or  which  would  throw  any  doubt  on  the  con¬ 
fidence  he  feels  that  South  Carolina  will  not  attempt 
by  violence  to  obtain  possession  of  the  public  works, 
or  interfere  with  their  occupancy. 

But  as  the  counsel  and  acts  of  rash  and  impul¬ 
sive  persons  may  possibly  disappoint  these  expecta¬ 
tions  of  the  Government,  he  deems  it  proper  that 
you  should  be  prepared  with  instructions  to  meet  so 
unhappy  a  contingency,  ne  has  therefore  directed 
me,  verbally,  to  give  you  such  instructions. 

You  are  carefully  to  avoid  every  act  which  would 
needlessly  tend  to  provoke  aggression,  and  for  that 
reason  you  are  not,  without  necessity,  to  take  up 
any  position  which  could  be  construed  into  the  as¬ 
sumption  of  a  hostile  attitude ;  but  you  are  to  hold 
possession  of  the  forts  in  the  harbor ,  and  if  attacked , 
you  are  to  defend  yourself  to  the  last  extremity.  The 
smallness  of  your  force  will  not  permit  you,  perhaps, 
to  occupy  more  than  one  of  the  three  forts,  but  an 
attack  on,  or  attempt  to  take  possession  of  either 
of  them,  will  be  regarded  as  an  act  of  hostility,  and 
you  may  then  -  put  your  command  into  either  of 
them  which  you  may  deem  most  proper  to  increase 
its  power  of  resistance.  You  are  also  authorized  to 
take  similar  steps  whenever  you  have  tangible  evidence 
of  a  design  to  proceed  to  a  hostile  act. 

D.  P.  Butler,  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 
Fort  Moultrie,  S.C.,  Dec.  11, 1S60. 

This  is  in  conformity  to  my  instructions  to  Major 
Buell.  John  B.  Floyd,  Secretary  of  War. 

These  were  the  last  instructions  transmitted  to 
Major  Anderson  before  his  removal  to  Fort  Sumter, 
with  a  single  exception,  in  regard  to  a  particular 
which  does  not  in  any  degree  affect  the  present 
question.  Under  these  circumstances  it  is  clear 
that  Major  Anderson  acted  upon  his  own  respon¬ 
sibility,  and  without  authority,  unless,  indeed,  ho 
had  “  tangible  evidence  of  a  design  to  proceed  to  a 
hostile  act”  on  the  part  of  South  Carolina,  which 
has  not  yet  been  alleged.  Still  he  is  a  bravo  and 
honorable  officer,  and  justice  requires  that  he  should 
not  be  condemned  without  a  fair  hearing. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  when  I  learned  that  Major  An¬ 
derson  had  left  Fort  Moultrie  and  proceeded  to 
Fort  Sumter,  my  first  promptings  were  to  command 
him  to  return  to  his  former  position,  and  there  to 
await  the  contingencies  presented  in  his  instruc¬ 
tions.  This  would  only  have  been  done  with  any 
degree  of  safety  to  the  command  by  the  concurrence 
of  the  South  Carolina  authorities.  But  before  any 
step  could  possibly  have  been  taken  in  this  direc¬ 
tion,  we  received  information  that  the  “Palmetto 
flag  floated  out  to  the  breeze  at  Castle  Pinckney, 
and  a  large  military  force  went  over  last  night  (the 
27th)  to  Fort  Moultrie.”  Thus  the  authorities  of 
South  Carolina,  without  waiting  or  asking  for  any 
explanations,  and  doubtless  believing,  as  you  have 
expressed  it,  that  the  officer  had  acted  not  only 


14 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


without  but  against  my  orders,  on  the  very  next 
day  after  the  night  when  the  removal  was  made, 
seized  by  a  military  force  two  of  the  Federal  forts 
in  the  harbor  of  Charleston,  and  have  covered  them 
under  their  own  flag  instead  of  that  of  the  United 
States. 

At  this  gloomy  period  of  our  history,  startling 
events  succeed  each  other  rapidly.  On  the  very 
day,  the  27th  instant,  that  possession  of  these  two 
forts  was  taken,  the  Palmetto  flag  was  raised  over 
the  Federal  Custom-house  and  Post-office  in  Char¬ 
leston  ;  and  on  the  same  day  every  officer  of  the 
Customs — Collector,  Naval  Officer,  Surveyor,  and 
Appraiser — resigned  their  offices. — And  this,  al¬ 
though  it  was  well  known  from  the  language  of  my 
message  that,  as  an  executive  officer,  I  felt  myself 
bound  to  collect  the  revenue  at  the  port  of  Charles¬ 
ton,  under  the  existing  laws.  In  the  harbor  of 
Charleston  we  now  find  three  forts  confronting  each 
other,  over  all  of  which  the  Federal  flag  floated 
only  four  days  ago ;  but  now,  over  two  of  them, 
this  flag  has  been  supplanted,  and  the  Palmetto  flag 
has  been  substituted  in  its  stead.  It  is  under  all 
these  circumstances  that  I  am  urged  immediately 
to  withdraw  the  troops  from  the  harbor  of  Charles¬ 
ton,  and  am  informed  that  without  this  negotiation 
is  impossible.  This  I  cannot  do — this  I  will  not  do. 
Such  an  idea  was  never  thought  of  by  me  in  any 
possible  contingency.  No  such  allusion  had  been 
made  in  any  communication  between  myself  and 
any  human  being.  But  the  inference  is  that  I  am 
bound  to  withdraw  the  troops  from  the  only  fort 
remaining  in  the  possession  of  the  United  States  in 
the  harbor  of  Charleston,  because  the  officer  there 
in  command  of  all  of  the  forts  thought  proper, 
without  instructions,  to  change  his  position  from 
one  of  them  to  another. 

At  this  point  of  writing,  I  have  received  infor¬ 
mation  by  telegraph  from  Capt.  Humphreys,  in  com¬ 
mand  of  the  arsenal  at  Charleston,  that  “it  has 
to-day  (Sunday,  the  30th)  been  taken  by  force  of 
arms.”  It  is  estimated  that  the  munitions  of  war 
belonging  to  this  arsenal  are  worth  half  a  million 
of  dollars. 

Comment  is  needless.  After  this  information,  I 
have  only  to  add,  that  whilst  it  is  my  duty  to  defend 
Fort  Sumter,  as  a  portion  of  the  public  property 
of  the  United  States,  against  hostile  attacks,  from 
whatever  quarter  they  may  come,  by  such  means 
as  I  possess  for  this  purpose,  I  do  not  perceive  how 
such  a  defence  can  bo  construed  into  a  menace 
against  the  city  of  Charleston.  With  great  personal 
regard  I  remain,  yours  very  respectfully, 

James  Buchanan. 

To  Hon.  Robert  W.  Barnwei.i.,  James  H.  Adams, 

James  L.  Orr. 


SECOND  LETTER  OF  THE  COMMISSIONERS  TO 
THE  PRESIDENT. 

Washington,  D.  C.,  Jan.  1,  1861. 

Sir:  Wc  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  re¬ 
ceipt  of  your  letter  of  the  30th  December,  in  reply 
to  a  note  addressed  by  us  to  you,  on  the  28th  of 
the  same  month,  as  Commissioners  from  South 
Carolina. 

In  reference  to  the  declaration  with  which  vour 
reply  commences,  that  your  “  position  as  President 
of  the  United  States  was  already  defined  in  the 
message  to  Congress  of  the  3d  instant ;  ”  that  you 
possess  “  no  power  to  change  the  relations  here¬ 
tofore  existing  between  South  Carolina  and  the 


United  States,”  “much  less  to  acknowledge  the  in¬ 
dependence  of  that  State,”  and  that  consequently 
you  could  meet  us  only  as  private  gentlemen  of  the 
highest  character,  with  an  entire  willingness  to 
communicate  to  Congress  any  proposition  we  might 
have  to  make — we  deem  it  only  necessary  to  say 
that  the  State  of  South  Carolina  having,  in  the  ex¬ 
ercise  of  that  great  right  of  self-government  which 
underlies  all  our  political  organizations,  declared 
herself  sovereign  and  independent,  we,  as  her  rep¬ 
resentatives,  felt  no  special  solicitude  as  to  the 
character  in  which  you  might  recognize  us.  Satis¬ 
fied  that  the  State  had  simply  exercised  her  unques¬ 
tionable  right,  we  were  prepared,  in  order  to  reach 
substantial  good,  to  waive  the  formal  considerations 
which  your  constitutional  scruples  might  have  pre¬ 
vented  you  from  extending.  We  came  here  there¬ 
fore  expecting  to  be  received  as  you  did  receive  us, 
and  perfectly  content  with  that  entire  willingness, 
of  which  you  assured  us,  to  submit  any  proposition 
to  Congress  which  we  might  have  to  make  upon 
the  subject  of  the  independence  of  the  State.  The 
willingness  was  ample  recognition  of  the  condition 
of  public  affairs,  which  rendered  our  presence  ne¬ 
cessary.  In  this  position,  however,  it  is  our  duty 
both  to  the  State  which  we  represent  and  to  our¬ 
selves,  to  correct  several  important  misconceptions 
of  our  letter,  into  which  you  have  fallen. 

You  say  :  “  It  was  my  earnest  desire  that  such  a 
disposition  might  be  made  of  the  whole  subject  by 
Congress,  who  alone  possess  the  power,  to  prevent 
the  inauguration  of  a  civil  war  between  the  parties 
in  regard  to  the  possession  of  the  Federal  forts  in 
the  harbor  of  Charleston;  and  I  therefore  deeply 
regret  that  in  your  opinion  the  events  of  the  last 
twenty-four  hours  render  this  impossible.”  We 
expressed  no  such  opinion ;  and  the  language  which 
you  quote  as  ours,  is  altered  in  its  sense  by  the 
omission  of  a  most  important  part  of  the  sentence. 
What  we  did  say  was,  “  But  the  events  of  the  last 
twenty-four  hours  render  such  an  assurance  impos¬ 
sible.”  Place  that  “  assurance,”  as  contained  in 
our  letter,  in  the  sentence,  and  we  are  prepared  to 
repeat  it. 

Again,  professing  to  quote  our  language,  you 
say :  “  Thus  the  authorities  of  South  Carolina, 
without  waiting  or  asking  for  any  explanation,  and 
doubtless  believing,  as  you  have  expressed  it,  that 
the  officer  had  acted  not  only  without  but  against 
my  orders,”  &c.  We  expressed  no  such  opinion  in 
reference  to  the  belief  of  the  people  of  South  Caro¬ 
lina.  The  language  which  you  have  quoted  was 
applied  solely  and  entirely  to  our  assurances  ob¬ 
tained  here,  and  based,  as  you  well  know,  upon 
your  own  declaration — a  declaration  which,  at  that 
time,  it  was  impossible  for  the  authorities  of  South 
Carolina  to  have  known.  But,  without  following 
this  letter  into  all  its  details,  we  propose  only  to 
meet  the  chief  points  of  the  argument. 

Some  weeks  ago  the  State  of  South  Carolina  de¬ 
clared  her  intention,  in  the  existing  condition  of 
public  affairs,  to  secede  from  the  United  States. 
She  called  a  Convention  of  her  people  to  put  her 
declaration  in  force.  The  Convention  met  and 
passed  the  Ordinance  of  Secession.  All  this  you 
anticipated,  and  your  course  of  action  was  thor¬ 
oughly  considered  in  your  Annual  Message.  You 
declared  you  had  no  right,  and  would  not  attempt, 
to  coerce  a  seceding  State,  but  that  you  were 
bound  by  your  constitutional  oath,  and  would  de¬ 
fend  the  property  of  the  United  States  within  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


15 


borders  of  South  Carolina  if  an  attempt  was  made 
to  take  it  by  force.  Seeing  very  early  that  this 
question  of  property  was  a  difficult  and  delicate 
one,  you  manifested  a  desire  to  settle  it  without  colli¬ 
sion.  You  did  not  reinforce  the  garrison  in  the 
harbor  of  Charleston.  You  removed  a  distinguish¬ 
ed  and  veteran  officer  from  the  command  of  Fort 
Moultrie  because  he  attempted  to  increase  his 
supply  of  ammunition.  You  refused  to  send  addi¬ 
tional  troops  to  the  same  garrison  when  applied  for 
by  the  officer  appointed  to  succeed  him.  You  ac¬ 
cepted  the  resignation  of  the  oldest  and  most  emi¬ 
nent  member  of  your  Cabinet,  rather  than  allow 
the  garrison  to  be  strengthened.  You  compelled  an 
officer  stationed  at  Fort  Sumter  to  return  imme¬ 
diately  to  the  arsenal  forty  muskets  which  he  had 
taken  to  arm  his  men.  You  expressed  not  to  one, 
but  to  many,  of  the  most  distinguished  of  our  public 
characters,  whose  testimony  will  be  placed  upon  the 
record  whenever  it  is  necessary,  your  anxiety  for  a 
peaceful  termination  of  this  controversy,  and  your 
willingness  not  to  disturb  the  military  status  of  the 
forts,  if  Commissioners  should  be  sent  to  the  Gov¬ 
ernment,  whose  communications  you  promised  to 
submit  to  Congress.  You  received  and  acted  on 
assurances  from  the  highest  official  authorities  of 
South  Carolina,  that  no  attempt  would  be  made  to 
disturb  your  possession  of  the  forts  and  property  of 
the  United  States,  if  you  would  not  disturb  their 
existing  condition  until  the  Commissioners  had 
been  sent,  and  the  attempt  to  negotiate  had  failed. 
You  took  from  the  members  of  the  House  of  Rep¬ 
resentatives  a  written  memorandum  that  no  such 
attempt  should  be  made,  “provided  that  no  re¬ 
inforcements  should  be  sent  into  those  forts,  and 
their  relative  military  status  shall  remain  as  at  pres¬ 
ent.”  And  although  you  attach  no  force  to  the 
acceptance  of  such  a  paper — although  you  “  con¬ 
sidered  it  as  nothing  more  in  effect  than  the  prom¬ 
ise  of  highly  honorable  gentlemen  ” — as  an  obliga¬ 
tion  on  one  side,  without  corresponding  obligation 
on  the  other — it  must  be  remembered  (if  we  were 
rightly  informed)  that  you  were  pledged,  if  you  ever 
did  send  reinforcements,  to  return  it  to  those  from 
whom  you  had  received  it,  before  you  executed 
your  resolution.  You  sent  orders  to  your  officers, 
commanding  them  strictly  to  follow  a  line  of  con¬ 
duct  in  conformity  with  such  an  understanding. 
Besides  all  this,  you  had  received  formal  and  official 
notice  from  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina  that  we 
had  been  appointed  Commissioners,  and  were  on 
our  way  to  Washington.  You  knew  the  implied 
condition  under  which  we  came  ;  our  .arrival  was 
notified  to  you,  and  an  hour  appointed  for  an  inter¬ 
view.  We  arrived  in  Washington  on  Wednesday, 
at  3  o’clock,  and  you  appointed  an  interview  with 
us  at  1  the  next  day.  Early  on  that  day,  (Thurs¬ 
day.)  the  news  was  received  here  of  the  movement 
of  Major  Anderson.  That  news  was  communicated 
to  you  immediately,  and  you  postponed  our  meet¬ 
ing  until  2-J  o’clock  on  Friday,  in  order  that  you 
might  consult  your  Cabinet.  On  Friday  we  saw 
you,  and  we  called  upon  you  then  to  redeem  your 
pledge.  You  could  not  deny  it.  With  the  facts 
we  have  stated,  and  in  the  face  of  the  crowning 
and  conclusive  fact  that  your  Secretary  of  War  had 
resigned  his  seat  in  the  Cabinet,  upon  the  publicly 
avowed  ground  that  the  action  of  Major  Anderson 
had  violated  the  pledged  faith  of  the  Government, 
and  that  unless  the  pledge  was  instantly  redeemed, 
he  was  dishonored,  denial  was  impossible ;  you 


did  not  deny  it.  You  do  not  deny  it  now,  but  you 
seek  to  escape  from  its  obligation  on  the  grounds, 
first,  that  we  terminated  all  negotiation  by  demand¬ 
ing,  as  a  preliminary,  the  withdrawal  of  the  United 
States  troops  from  the  harbor  of  Charleston  ;  and, 
second,  that  the  authorities  of  South  Carolina,  in¬ 
stead  of  asking  explanation,  and  giving  you  the  op¬ 
portunity  to  vindicate  yourself,  took  possession  of 
other  property  of  tlie  United  States.  We  will  ex¬ 
amine  both. 

In  the  first  place,  we  deny  positively  that  we 
have  ever  in  any  way  made  any  such  demand.  Our 
letter  is  in  your  possession  ;  it  will  stand  by  this  on 
record.  In  it  we  informed  you  of  the  objects  of 
our  mission.  We  say  that  it  would  have  been  our 
duty  to  have  assured  you  of  our  readiness  to  com¬ 
mence  negotiations,  with  the  most  earnest  and 
anxious  desire  to  settle  all  questions  between  us 
amicably  and  to  our  mutual  advantage,  but  that 
events  had  rendered  that  assurance  impossible.  We 
stated  the  events,  and  we  said  that  until  some  satis¬ 
factory  explanation  of  these  events  was  given  us,  we 
could  not  proceed ;  and  then,  having  made  this 
request  for  explanation,  we  added:  “And  in  con¬ 
clusion,  we  would  urge  upon  you  the  immediate 
withdrawal  of  the  troops  from  the  harbor  of  Charles¬ 
ton.  Under  present  circumstances  they  are  a  stand¬ 
ing  menace,  which  renders  negotiation  impossible,” 
&c.  “  Under  present  circumstances  !  ”  What  cir¬ 

cumstances?  Why,  clearly  the  occupation  of  Fort 
Sumter  and  the  dismantling  of  Fort  Moultrie  by 
Major  Anderson,  in  the  face  of  your  pledges,  and 
without  explanation  or  practical  disavowal.  And 
there  is  nothing  in  the  letter  which  would,  or  could, 
have  prevented  you  from  declining  to  withdraw  the 
troops,  and  offering  the  restoration  of  the  status  to 
which  you  were  pledged,  if  such  has  been  your  de¬ 
sire.  It  would  have  been  wiser  and  better,  in  our 
opinion,  to  have  withdrawn  the  troops ;  and  this 
opinion  we  urged  upon  you ;  but  we  demanded 
nothing  but  such  nn  explanation  of  the  events  of 
the  last  twenty-four  hours  as  would  restore  our  con¬ 
fidence  in  the  spirit  with  which  the  negotiations 
should  be  conducted.  In  relation  to  this  with¬ 
drawal  of  the  troops  from  the  harbor,  we  are  com¬ 
pelled,  however,  to  notice  one  passage  of  your  let¬ 
ter.  Referring  to  it,  you  say :  “  This  I  cannot  do. 
This  I  will  not  do.  Such  an  idea  was  never  thought 
of  by  me  in  any  possible  contingency.  No  allusion 
to  it  had  ever  been  made  in  any  communication 
between  myself  and  any  human  being.” 

In  reply  to  this  statement,  we  are  compelled  to 
say,  that  your  conversation  with  us  left  upon  our 
minds  the  distinct  impression,  that  you  did  seriously 
contemplate  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops  from 
Charleston  harbor.  And  in  support  of  this  impres¬ 
sion,  we  would  add,  that  we  have  the  positive  as¬ 
surance  of  gentlemen  of  the  highest  possible  public 
reputation  and  the  most  unsullied  integrity — men 
whose  name  and  fame,  secured  by  long  service  and 
patriotic  achievements,  place  their  testimony  be¬ 
yond  cavil— that  such  suggestions  had  been  made 
to  and  urged  upon  you  by  them,  and  had  formed 
the  subject  of  more  than  one  earnest  discussion 
with  you.  And  it  was  this  knowledge  that  induced 
us  to  urge  upon  you  a  policy,  which  had  to  recom¬ 
mend  it  its  own  wisdom  and  the  might  of  such 
authority.  As  to  the  second  point,  that  the  author¬ 
ities  of  South  Carolina,  instead  of  asking  explana¬ 
tions,  and  giving  you  the  opportunity  to  vindicate 
yourself,  took  possession  of  other  property  of  the 


16 


REBELLION"  RECORD,  1860-61. 


United  States,  we  would  observe:  1.  That  even  if 
this  were  so,  it  does  not  avail  you  for  defence,  for 
the  opportunity  for  decision  was  afforded  you  be¬ 
fore  these  facts  occurred.  We  arrived  in  Washing¬ 
ton  on  Wednesday ;  the  news  from  Major  Anderson 
reached  here  early  on  Thursday,  and  was  immedi¬ 
ately  communicated  to  you.  All  that  day  men  of 
the  highest  consideration — men  who  had  striven 
successfully  to  lift  you  to  your  great  office — who 
had  been  your  tried  and  true  friends  through  the 
troubles  of  your  administration,  sought  you  and  en¬ 
treated  you  to  act — to  act  at  once.  They  told  you 
that  every  hour  complicated  your  position.  They 
only  asked  you  to  give  the  assurance  that  if  the 
facts  were  so — that  if  the  commander  had  acted 
without  and  against  your  orders,  and  in  violation 
of  your  pledges — that  you  would  restore  the  status 
you  had  pledged  your  honor  to  maintain.  You  re¬ 
fused  to  decide.  Your  Secretary  at  War,  your  im¬ 
mediate  and  proper  adviser  in  this  whole  matter, 
waited  anxiously  for  your  decision,  until  he  felt  that 
delay  was  becoming  dishonor.  More  than  twelve 
hours  passed,  and  two  Cabinet  meetings  had  ad¬ 
journed,  before  you  knew  what  the  authorities  of 
South  Carolina  had  done ;  and  your  prompt  decision 
at  any  moment  of  that  time  would  have  avoided 
the  subsequent  complications.  But,  if  you  had 
known  the  acts  of  the  authorities  of  South  Carolina, 
should  that  have  prevented  your  keeping  your 
faith?  What  was  the  condition  of  things?  For  the 
last  sixty  days  you  have  had  in  Charleston  harbor, 
not  force  enough  to  hold  the  forts  against  an  equal 
enemy.  Two  of  them  were  empty — one  of  those 
two  the  most  important  in  the  harbor.  It  could 
have  been  taken  at  any  time.  You  ought  to  know 
better  than  any  man  that  it  would  have  been  taken, 
but  for  the  efforts  of  those  who  put  their  trust  in 
your  honor.  Believing  that  they  were  threatened 
by  Fort  Sumter  especially,  the  people  were  with  dif¬ 
ficulty  restrained  from  securing,  without  blood,  the 
possession  of  this  important  fortress.  After  many 
and  reiterated  assurances,  given  on  your  behalf, 
which  we  cannot  believe  unauthorized,  they  deter¬ 
mined  to  forbear,  and  in  good  faith  sent  on  their 
Commissioners  to  negotiate  with  you.  They  meant 
you  no  harm — wished  you  no  ill.  They  thought  of 
you  kindly,  believed  you  true,  and  were  willing,  as 
far  as  was  consistent  with  duty,  to  spare  you  un¬ 
necessary  and  hostile  collision.  Scarcely  had  these 
Commissioners  left  than  Major  Anderson  waged 
war.  No  other  words  will  describe  his  action.  It 
was  not  a  peaceful  change  from  one  fort  to  another ; 
it  was  a  hostile  act  in  the  highest  sense,  and  only 
justified  in  the  presence  of  a  superior  enemy,  and 
in  imminent  peril.  lie  abandoned  his  position, 
6piked  his  guns,  burned  his  gun-carriages,  made 
preparations  for  the  destruction  of  his  post,  and 
withdrew,  under  cover  of  the  night,  to  a  safer  posi¬ 
tion.  This  was  war.  No  man  could  have  believed 
(without  your  assurance)  that  any  officer  could 
have  taken  such  a  step,  “not  only  without  orders, 
but  against  orders.”  What  the  State  did  was  in 
simple  Self-defence ;  for  this  act,  with  all  its  attend¬ 
ing  circumstances,  was  as  much  war  as  firing  a 
volley ;  and  war  being  thus  begun,  until  those 
commencing  it  explained  their  action  and  disavowed 
their  intention,  there  was  no  room  for  delay ;  and 
even  at  this  moment  while  we  are  writing,  it  is  more 
than  probable,  from  the  tenor  of  your  letter,  that 
reinforcements  are  hurrying  on  to  the  conflict,  so 
that  when  the  first  gun  shall  bo  fired,  there  will 


have  been  on  your  part  one  continuous,  consistent 
series  of  actions,  commencing  in  a  demonstration 
essentially  warlike,  supported  by  regular  reinforce¬ 
ments  and  terminating  in  defeat  or  victory.  And 
all  this  without  the  slightest  provocation;  for, 
among  the  many  things  which  you  have  said,  there 
is  one  thing  you  cannot  say — you  have  waited 
anxiously  for  news  from  the  seat  of  war,  in  hopes 
that  delay  would  furnish  some  excuse  for  this  pre¬ 
cipitation.  But  this  “tangible  evidence  of  a  design 
to  proceed  to  a  hostile  act,  on  the  part  of  the  au¬ 
thorities  of  South  Carolina,”  which  is  the  only  justi¬ 
fication  of  Major  Anderson  you  are  forced  to  admit, 
“  has  not  yet  been  alleged.”  But  you  have  decided, 
you  have  resolved  to  hold,  by  force,  what  you  have 
obtained  through  our  misplaced  confidence ;  and  by 
refusing  to  disavow  the  action  of  Major  Anderson, 
have  converted  his  violation  of  orders  into  a  legiti¬ 
mate  act  of  your  executive  authority.  Be  the  issue 
what  it  may,  of  this  we  are  assured,  that,  if  Fort 
Moultrie  has  been  recorded  in  history  as  a  memorial 
of  Carolina  gallantry,  Fort  Sumter  will  live  upon 
the  succeeding  page  as  an  imperishable  testimony 
of  Carolina  faith. 

By  your  course,  you  have  probably  rendered  civil 
war  inevitable.  Be  it  so.  If  you  choose  to  force 
this  issue  upon  us,  the  State  of  South  Carolina  will 
accept  it,  and,  relying  upon  Ilim  who  is  the  God  of 
Justice  as  well  as  the  God  of  Hosts,  will  endeavor 
to  perform  the  great  duty  which  lies  before  her 
hopefully,  bravely,  and  thoroughly. 

Our  mission  being  one  for  negotiation  and  peace, 
and  your  note  leaving  us  without  hope  of  a  with¬ 
drawal  of  the  troops  from  Fort  Sumter,  or  of  the 
restoration  of  the  status  quo  existing  at  the  time  of 
our  arrival,  and  intimating,  as  we  think,  your  de¬ 
termination  to  reinforce  the  garrison  in  the  harbor 
of  Charleston,  we  respectfully  inform  you  that  we 
purpose  returning  to  Charleston  to-morrow  after¬ 
noon. 

We  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir,  very  respectfully 
your  obedient  servants. 

R.  W.  Barnwell,  ) 

J.  H.  Adams,  V  Commissioners. 

James  L.  Orr,  ) 

To  His  Excellency  the  President  of  the  United 

States. 

The  following  is  the  indorsement  upon  the 
document : 

Executive  Mansion,  34  o’clock,  Wednesday. 

This  paper,  just  presented  to  the  President,  is 
of  such  a  character  that  he  declines  to  receive  it. 


Doc.  13.— THE  MERCURY’S  APPEAL. 

To  our  friends  in  Florida  we  would  respectfully 
pass  a  word.  There  are  two  powerful  strongholds 
and  most  important  points  of  military  offence  and 
defence  in  Florida — Pensacola  and  Key  West.  The 
States  both  of  Georgia  and  Alabama  have  wisely 
taken  time  by  the  forelock,  and  put  themselves  in 
possession  of  such  fortresses  as  lie  within  their 
borders,  simply  because  they  do  not  choose  that 
their  territories  should  be  occupied,  their  commerce 
cut  off,  and  the  lives  of  their  people  put  in  jeopardy, 
by  General  Scott’s,  or  Mr.  Buchanan’s  despotic 
theory  of  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  executive 
officer  of  a  consolidated,  vulgar  mobocracy.  They 
have  chosen  to  ward  off  violence  and  outrage  by  a 
timely  precaution.  If  any  thing  could  tend  to  de- 


DOCUMENTS. 


17 


monstrate  to  the  Executive  at  Washington  the  folly 
of  attempting  the  blockading  of  southern  ports,  it 
would  be  the  late  action  of  Georgia  and  Alabama  in 
regard  to  their  forts.  Yet  it  is  impossible  to  tell  to 
what  extremities  folly  and  desperation  may  drive 
men.  In  this  view,  it  is  important  for  the  people 
of  Florida  to  reflect  that  there  are,  perhaps,  no  for¬ 
tresses  along  our  whole  southern  coast  more  im¬ 
portant  than  those  of  Florida.  These  forts  can 
command  the  whole  Gulf  trade.  And  should  Mr. 
Buchanan  carry  out  what  appears  to  be  his  present 
plan,  he  certainly  must  desire  to  hold  possession  of 
these  forts.  He  may  thus,  with  the  assistance  of 
war-steamers,  block  up  the  whole  Gulf.  But  let 
Florida  hold  these  forts,  and  the  entire  aspect  of 
affairs  is  changed.  Such  vessels,  in  time  of  war, 
will  have  no  port  of  entry,  and  must  be  supplied 
in  every  way  from  a  very  long  distance,  and  that  at 
sea ;  while  the  commerce  of  the  North  in  the  Gulf 
will  fall  an  easy  prey  lo  our  bold  privateers ;  and 
California  gold  will  pay  all  such  little  expenses  on 
our  part. 

We  leave  the  matter  for  the  reflection  and  de¬ 
cision  of  the  people  of  Florida. — Charleston  Mercury. 


Doc.  14.— A  RECOMMENDATION  TO  THE  PEO¬ 
PLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Numerous  appeals  have  been  made  to  me  by 
pious  and  patriotic  associations  and  citizens,  in  view 
of  the  present  distracted  and  dangerous  condition 
of  our  country,  to  recommend  that  a  day  be  set 
apart  for  humiliation,  fasting  and  prayer  through¬ 
out  the  Union.  In  compliance  with  their  request, 
and  my  own  sense  of  duty,  I  designate 

Friday,  the  4th  Day  or  January',  1861, 
for  this  purpose,  and  recommend  that  the  people  as¬ 
semble  on  that  day,  according  to  their  several  forms 
of  worship,  to  keep  it  as  a  solemn  fast. 

The  Union  of  the  States  is  at  tlie'present  moment 
threatened  with  alarming  and  immediate  danger — 
panic  and  distress  of  a  fearful  character  prevail 
throughout  the  land — our  laboring  population  are 
without  employment,  and  consequently  deprived  of 
the  means  of  earning  their  bread — indeed,  hope 
seems  to  have  deserted  the  minds  of  men.  All 
classes  are  in  a  state  of  confusion  and  dismay ;  and 
the  wisest  counsels  of  our  best  and  purest  men  are 
wholly  disregarded. 

In  this,  the  hour  of  our  calamity  and  peril,  to 
whom  shall  we  resort  for  relief  but  to  the  God  of 
our  Fathers?  His  omnipotent  arm  only  can  save 
us  from  the  awful  effects  of  our  own  crimes  and 
follies — our  own  ingratitude  and  guilt  towards  our 
Heavenly  Father. 

Let  us,  then,  with  deep  contrition  and  penitent 
sorrow,  unite  in  humbling  ourselves  before  the  Most 
High,  in  confessing  our  individual  and  national  sins, 
and  in  acknowledging  the  justice  of  our  punishment. 
Let  us  implore  Him  to  remove  from  our  hearts  that 
false  pride  of  opinion  which  would  impel  us  to  per¬ 
severe  in  wrong  for  the  sake  of  consistency,  rather 
than  yield  a  just  submission  to  the  unforeseen  exi¬ 
gencies  by  which  we  are  now  surrounded.  Let  us, 
with  deep  reverence,  beseech  Him  to  restore  the 
friendship  and  good  will  which  prevailed  in  former 
days  among  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and, 
above  all,  to  save  us  from  the  horrors  of  civil  war 
and  “  blood  guiltiness.”  Let  our  fervent  prayers 
ascend  to  His  throne,  that  He  would  not  desert  us 
Documents — 2 
' 


in  this  hour  of  extreme  peril,  but  remember  us  as 
He  did  our  fathers  in  the  darkest  days  of  the  Revo¬ 
lution,  and  preserve  our  constitution  and  our  Union 
— the  work  of  their  hands — for  ages  yet  to  come. 
An  Omnipotent  Providence  may  overrule  existing 
evils  for  permanent  good.  He  can  make  the  wrath 
of  man  to  praise  Him,  and  the  remainder  of  wrath 
He  can  restrain.  Let  me  invoke  every  individual, 
in  whatever  sphere  of  life  he  may  be  placed,  to  feel 
a  personal  responsibility  to  God  and  his  country  for 
keeping  this  day  holy,  and  for  contributing  all  in  his 
power  to  remove  our  actual  and  impending  diffi¬ 
culties.  James  Buchanan. 

■Washington,  Dec.  14,  1SG0. 


Doc.  15.— CARRINGTON’S  CALL. 

“  To  the  Public  :  Whereas,  the  militia  of  the  dis¬ 
trict  is  not  organized,  and  threats  have  been  made 
that  the  President-elect  shall  not  be  inaugurated  in 
Washington,  and  there  is  reason  therefore  to  appre¬ 
hend  that  on  the  4th  of  March  next  our  city  may  be 
made  the  scene  of  riot,  violence,  and  bloodshed; 
and,  whereas,  the  undersigned  believes  that  the 
honor  of  the  nation  and  our  city  demands  that  the 
President-elect  shall  be  inaugurated  in  the  national 
metropolis,  and  that  the  young  men  of  Washington 
City  are  determined  not  to  desert  their  homes  in 
the  hour  of  danger,  but  to  maintain  their  ground 
and  defend  their  families  and  friends,  in  the  Union 
and  on  the  side  of  the  constitution  and  the  laws, 
therefore,  the  undersigned  earnestly  invites  all  who 
concur  with  him  in  opinion,  and  who  are  not  now 
connected  with  some  military  company,  to  join 
with  him  in  forming  a  temporary  military  organiza¬ 
tion,  with  a  view  of  preserving  peace  and  order  in 
our  midst  on  the  4th  of  March  next,  or  whenever 
the  emergency  requires  it — and  for  that  purpose  to 
unite  with  the  volunteer  companies  of  our  city, 
which  have,  in  a  spirit  of  gallantry  and  patriotism 
worthy  of  our  imitation,  pledged  themselves  to 
the  cause  of  the  Union,  the  constitution,  and  the 
laws.  It  is  proper  to  state  that  I  take  this  step 
after  consultation  with  friends  in  whom  I  have  the 
greatest  confidence.  It  is  not  my  object  to  inter¬ 
fere  with  my  brother  officers  of  the  militia — the 
organization  proposed  is  to  be  purely  volunteer,  for 
the  purpose  above  stated,  in  which  I  am  willing  to 
serve  in  any  capacity.  I  make  the  proposition  not 
as  one  of  the  generals  of  the  militia,  but  as  a  citizen 
of  Washington,  who  is  prepared  to  defend  his  homo 
and  his  honor,  at  the  peril  of  his  life. 

“  Edward  C.  Carrington.” 


Doc.  16.— EXTRACT  FROM  GOV.  HICKS’ 
ADDRESS. 

I  firmly  believe  that  a  division  of  this  Govern¬ 
ment  would  inevitably  produce  civil  war.  The 
secession  leaders  in  South  Carolina,  and  the  fanat¬ 
ical  demagogues  of  the  North,  have  alike  proclaimed 
that  such  would  be  the  result,  and  no  man  of  sense, 
in  my  opinion,  can  question  it.  What  could  the 
Legislature  do  in  this  crisis,  if  convened,  to  remove 
the  present  troubles  which  beset  the  Union  ?  We 
are  told  by  the  leading  spirits  of  the  South  Caro¬ 
lina  Convention  that  neither  the  election  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  nor  the  non-execution  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  law,  nor  both  combined,  constitute  their 
grievances.  They  declare  that  the  real  cause  of 


18 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


their  discontent  dates  as  fur  back  as  1833.  Mary¬ 
land  and  every  other  State  in  the  Union,  with  a 
united  voice,  then  declared  the  cause  insufficient  to 
justify  the  course  of  South  Carolina.  Can  it  be 
that  this  people,  who  then  unanimously  supported 
the  cause  of  Gen.  Jackson,  will  now  yield  their 
opinions  at  the  bidding  of  modern  secessionists? 
I  have  been  told  that  the  position  of  Maryland 
should  be  defined  so  that  both  sections  can  under¬ 
stand  it.  Do  any  really  understand  her  position  ? 
Who  that  wishes  to  understand  it  can  fail  to  do 
so?  If  the  action  of  the  Legislature  would  be 
simply  to  declare  that  Maryland  is  with  the  South 
in  sympathy  and  feeling;  that  she  demands  from 
the  North  the  repeal  of  offensive,  unconstitutional 
statutes,  and  appeals  to  it  for  new  guarantees ;  that 
she  will  wait  a  reasonable  time  for  the  North  to 
purge  her  statute-books,  as  to  do  justice  to  her 
Southern  brethren,  and,  if  her  appeals  are  vain, 
will  make  her  common  cause  with  her  sister  border 
States  in  resistance  to  tyranny  if  need  be,  it  would 
only  be  saying  what  the  whole  country  well  knows, 
and  what  may  be  said  much  more  effectually 
by  her  people  themselves,  in  their  meetings,  than 
by  the  Legislature,  chosen  eighteen  months  since, 
when  none  of  these  questions  were  raised  before 
them.  That  Maryland  is  a  conservative  Southern 
State  all  know  who  know  any  thing  of  her  people  or 
her  history.  The  business  and  agricultural  classes, 
planters,  merchants,  mechanics,  and  laboring  men  ; 
those  who  have  a  real  stake  in  the  community,  who 
would  be  forced  to  pay  the  taxes  and  do  the  fight¬ 
ing,  are  the  persons  who  should  be  heard  in  pref¬ 
erence  to  excited  politicians,  many  of  whom, 
having  nothing  to  lose  from  the  destruction  of  the 
Government,  may  hope  to  derive  some  gain  from 
the  ruin  of  the  State.  Such  men  will  naturally 
urge  you  to  pull  down  the  pillars  of  this  “accursed 
Union,”  which  their  allies  at  the  North  have  de¬ 
nominated  a  “covenant  with  hell.”  The  people  of 
Maryland,  if  left  to  themselves,  would  decide,  with 
scarcely  an  exception,  that  there  is  nothing  in  the 
present  causes  of  complaint  to  justify  immediate 
secession  ;  and  yet,  against  our  judgments  and 
solemn  convictions  of  duty,  we  are  to  be  pre¬ 
cipitated  into  this  revolution,  because  South  Caro¬ 
lina  thinks  differently.  Are  we  not  equals  ?  Or 
shall  her  opinions  control  our  actions?  After  we 
have  solemnly  declared  for  ourselves,  as  every  man 
must  do,  arc  we  to  be  forced  to  yield  our  opinions 
to  those  of  another  State,  and  thus  in  effect  obey 
her  mandates  ?  She  refuses  to  wait  for  our  coun¬ 
sels.  Are  we  bound  to  obey  her  commands?  The 
men  who  have  embarked  in  this  scheme  to  convene 
the  Legislature,  will  spare  no  pains  to  carry  their 
point.  The  whole  plan  of  operations,  in  the  event 
of  the  assembling  of  the  Legislature,  is,  as  I  have 
been  informed,  already  marked  out,  the  list  of  am¬ 
bassadors  who  are  to  visit  the  other  States  is 
agreed  on,  and  the  resolutions  which  they  hope 
will  be  passed  by  the  Legislature,  fully  committing 
this  State  to  secession,  are  said  to  be  already  pre¬ 
pared.  In  the  course  of  nature,  I  cannot  have 
long  to  live,  and  I  fervently  trust  to  be  allowed  to 
end  my  days  a  citizen  of  this  glorious  Union.  But 
should  I  be  compelled  to  witness  the  downfall  of 
that  Government  inherited  from  our  fathers,  estab¬ 
lished,  as  it  were,  by  the  special  favor  of  God,  I 
will  at  least  have  the  consolation,  at  my  dying  hour, 
that  I  neither  by  word  nor  deed  assisted  in  hasten¬ 
ing  its  disruption.  (Signed)  Thomas  II.  Hicks. 


Doc.  17.— CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  GOV. 

ELLIS  AND  SECRETARY  HOLT. 

January  12,  1861. 

Sir: — Reliable  information  has  reached  this  De¬ 
partment,  that,  on  the  8th  inst.,  Forts  Johnson  and 
Caswell  were  taken  possession  of  by  State  troops 
and  persons  resident  in  that  vicinity,  in  an  irregular 
manner. 

Upon  receipt  of  this  information  I  immediately 
issued  a  military  order  requesting  the  forts  to  be 
restored  to  the  authorities  of  the  United  States, 
which  orders  will  be  executed  this  day. 

My  information  satisfies  me  that  this  popular  out¬ 
break  was  caused  by  a  report,  very  generally  cred¬ 
ited,  but  which,  for  the  sake  of  humanity,  I  hope  is 
not  true,  that  it  was  the  purpose  of  the  adminis¬ 
tration  to  coerce  the  Southern  States,  and  that 
troops  were  on  their  way  to  garrison  the  Southern 
ports  and  to  begin  the  work  of  subjugation.  This 
impression  is  not  yet  erased  from  the  public  mind, 
which  is  deeply  agitated  at  the  bare  contemplation 
of  so  great  an  indignity  and  wrong ;  and  I  would 
most  earnestly  appeal  to  your  Excellency  to 
strengthen  my  hands  in  my  efforts  to  preserve  the 
public  order  here,  by  placing  it  in  my  power  to 
give  public  assurance  that  no  measures  of  force  are 
contemplated  towards  us. 

Your  Excellency  will  pardon  me,  therefore,  for 
asking  whether  the  United  States  forts  will  bo  gar¬ 
risoned  with  United  States  troops  during  your  ad¬ 
ministration. 

This  question  I  ask  in  perfect  respect,  and  with 
an  earnest  desire  to  prevent  consequences  which  I 
know  would  be  regretted  by  your  Excellency  as 
much  as  myself. 

Should  I  receive  assurance  that  no  troops  will  be 
sent  to  this  State  prior  to  the  4th  of  March  next, 
then  all  will  be  peace  and  quiet  here,  and  the  prop¬ 
erty  of  the  United  States  will  be  fully  protected  as 
heretofore.  If,  however,  I  am  unable  to  get  such 
assurances,  I  will  not  undertake  to  answer  for  the 
consequences. 

The  forts  in  this  State  have  long  been  unoccupied, 
and  their  being  garrisoned  at  this  time  will  unques¬ 
tionably  be  looked  upon  as  a  hostile  demonstra¬ 
tion,  and  will,  in  my  opinion,  certainly  be  resisted. 

Secretary  Holt  responded,  under  date  of  Jan.  15  : 

“  Your  letter  of  the  12th  inst.,  addressed  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  has  by  him  been  re¬ 
ferred  to  this  Department,  and  he  instructs  me  to 
express  his  gratification  at  the  promptitude  with 
which  you  have  ordered  the  expulsion  of  the  lawless 
men  who  recently  occupied  Forts  Johnson  and  Cas¬ 
well.  He  regards  this  action  on  the  part  of  your 
Excellency  as  in  complete  harmony  with  the  honor 
and  patriotic  character  of  the  people  of  North  Car¬ 
olina,  whom  you  so  worthily  represent. 

“  In  reply  to  your  inquiry,  whether  it  is  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  the  President  to  garrison  the  forts  of  North 
Carolina  during  his  administration,  I  am  directed  to 
say  that  they,  in  common  with  the  other  forts, 
arsenals,  and  other  property  of  the  United  States, 
are  in  the  charge  of  the  President,  and  that  if  as¬ 
sailed,  no  matter  from  what  quarter  or  under  what 
pretext,  it  is  his  duty  to  protect  them  by  all  the 
means  which  the  law  has  placed  at  his  disposal.  It 
is  not  his  purpose  to  garrison  the  forts  to  which 
you  refer  at  present,  because  he  considers  them  en¬ 
tirely  safe,  as  heretofore,  under  the  shelter  of  that 


DOCUMENTS. 


19 


law-abiding  sentiment  for  which  the  people  of 
North  Carolina  have  ever  been  distinguished. 
Should  they,  however,  be  attacked  or  menaced  with 
danger  of  being  seized  or  taken  from  the  possession 
of  the  United  States,  he  could  not  escape  from  his 
constitutional  obligation  to  defend  and  preserve 
them.  The  very  satisfactory  and  patriotic  assur¬ 
ance  given  by  your  Excellency  justifies  him,  how¬ 
ever,  in  entertaining  the  confident  expectation  that 
no  such  contingency  will  arise.” 


Doc.  18.— CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  MAJ. 
ANDERSON  AND  GOV.  PICKENS. 

To  ITis  Excellency  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina: 

Sir  :  Two  of  your  batteries  fired  this  morning  on 
an  unarmed  vessel  bearing  the  flag  of  my  Govern¬ 
ment.  As  I  have  not  been  notified  that  war  has 
been  declared  by  South  Carolina  against  the  United 
States.  I  cannot  but  think  this  a  hostile  act,  com¬ 
mitted  without  your  sanction  or  authority.  Under 
that  hope  I  refrain  from  opening  a  fire  on  your  bat¬ 
teries.  I  have  the  honor,  therefore,  respectfully  to 
ask  whether  the  above-mentioned  act — one  which  I 
believe  without  parallel  in  the  history  of  our  coun¬ 
try  or  any  other  civilized  Government — was  com¬ 
mitted  in  obedience  to  your  instructions,  and  notify 
you,  if  it  is  not  disclaimed,  that  I  regard  it  as  an  act 
of  war,  and  I  shall  not,  after  reasonable  time  for  the 
return  of  my  messenger,  permit  any  vessel  to  pass 
within  the  range  of  the  guns  of  my  fort.  In  order 
to  save,  as  far  as  it  is  in  my  power,  the  shedding  of 
blood,  I  beg  you  will  take  due  notification  of  my 
decision  for  the  good  of  all  concerned, — hoping, 
however,  your  answer  may  justify  a  further  contin¬ 
uance  of  forbearance  on  my  part. 

I  remain,  respectfully, 

Robert  Anderson. 

gov.  pickens’  reply. 

Gov.  Pickens,  after  stating  the  position  of  South 
Carolina  towards  the  United  States,  says  that  any 
attempt  to  send  United  States  troops  into  Charleston 
harbor,  to  reinforce  the  forts,  would  be  regarded  as 
an  act  of  hostility;  and  in  conclusion  adds,  that  any 
attempt  to  reinforce  the  troops  at  Fort  Sumter,  or 
to  retake  and  resume  possession  of  the  forts  within 
the  waters  of  South  Carolina,  which  Major  Ander¬ 
son  abandoned,  after  spiking  the  cannon  and  doing 
other  damage,  cannot  but  be  regarded  by  the 
authorities  of  the  State  as  indicative  of  any  other 
purpose  than  the  coercion  of  the  State  by  the  armed 
force  of  the  Government ;  special  agents,  therefore, 
have  been  off  the  bar  to  warn  approaching  vessels, 
armed  and  unarmed,  having  troops  to  reinforce 
Fort  Sumter  aboard,  not  to  enter  the  harbor. 
Special  orders  have  been  given  the  commanders  at 
the  forts  not  to  fire  on  such  vessels  until  a  shot 
across  their  bows  should  warn  them  of  the  prohibi¬ 
tion  of  the  State.  Under  these  circumstances  the 
Star  of  the  West,  it  is  understood,  this  morning  at¬ 
tempted  to  enter  the  harbor  with  troops,  after  hav¬ 
ing  been  notified  she  could  not  enter,  and  conse¬ 
quently  she  was  fired  into.  This  act  is  perfectly 
justified  by  me. 

In  regard  to  your  threat  about  vessels  in  the  har¬ 
bor,  it  is  only  necessary  for  me  to  say,  you  must  be 
the  judge  of  your  responsibility.  Your  position  in 
the  harbor  has  been  tolerated  by  the  authorities  of 
the  State,  and  while  the  act  of  which  you  complain 


is  in  perfect  consistency  with  the  rights  and  duties 
of  the  State,  it  is  not  perceived  how  far  the  conduct 
you  propose  to  adopt  can  find  a  parallel  in  the  his¬ 
tory  of  any  country,  or  be  reconciled  with  any  other 
purpose  than  that  of  your  Government  imposing  on 
the  State  the  condition  of  a  conquered  province. 

F.  W.  Pickens. 

second  communication  from  major  andrrson. 

To  n is  Excellency  Governor  Pickens: 

Sir  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  your  communication,  and  say,  that  under  the 
circumstances  I  have  deemed  it  proper  to  refer  the 
whole  matter  to  my  Government,  and  intend  defer¬ 
ring  the  course  I  indicated  in  my  note  this  morning 
until  the  arrival  from  Washington  of  such  instruc¬ 
tions  as  I  may  receive. 

I  have  the  honor  also  to  express  the  hope  that  no 
obstructions  will  be  placed  in  the  way,  and  that  you 
will  do  me  the  favor  of  giving  every  facility  for  the 
departure  and  return  of  the  bearer,  Lieut.  T.  Talbot, 
who  is  directed  to  make  the  journey. 

Robert  Anderson. 

attack  on  the  star  of  the  west. 

“About  half-past  six  o’clock  yesterday  (Wedncs- 
day)  morning,  the  steamer  General  Clinch  discover¬ 
ed  the  steamship  Star  of  the  West  and  signalled  the 
fact  of  her  approach  to  the  occupants  of  the  bat¬ 
tery  on  Morris  Island.  As  soon  as  the  signals  were 
seen  by  those  on  guard  there,  Morris  Island  was 
astir  with  men  at  their  posts  before  the  orders  could 
be  given  them  to  prepare  for  action.  They  remain¬ 
ed  in  anxious  suspense,  but  ready  for  what  they  be¬ 
lieved  was  sure  to  come,  a  volley  from  Fort  Sumter. 
The  Star  of  the  West  rounded  the  point,  took  the 
ship  channel  inside  the  bar,  and  proceeded  straight 
forward  until  opposite  Morris  Island,  about  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  battery.  A  ball  was 
then  fired  athwart  the  bows  of  the  steamer.  The 
Star  of  the  West  displayed  the  stars  and  stripes. 
As  soon  as  the  flag  was  unfurled  the  fortification 
fired  a  succession  of  shots.  The  vessel  coutinued 
on  her  course  with  increased  speed;  but  two  shots 
taking  effect  upon  her,  she  concluded  to  retire. 
Fort  Moultrie  fired  a  few  shots  at  her,  but  she 
was  out  of  their  range.  The  damage  done  to  the 
Star  of  the  West  is  trifling,  as  only  two  out  of  seven- 
j  teen  shots  took  effect  upon  her.  Fort  Sumter  made 
no  demonstration,  except  at  the  port-holes,  where 
the  guns  were  run  out  bearing  on  Morris  Island.” — 
Charleston  Courier ,  Jan.  10. 


Doc.  19.— THE  ALABAMA  ORDINANCE  OF 
SECESSION. 

An  ordinance  to  dissolve  the  union  between  the 

State  of  Alabama  and  other  States,  united 

UNDER  TOE  COMPACT  AND  STYLE  OF  THE  UNITED 

States  of  America. 

Whereas,  The  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
Hannibal  Hamlin  to  the  offices  of  President  and 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States  of  America,  by 
a  sectional  party,  avowedly  hostile  to  the  domestic 
institutions,  and  peace  and  security  of  the  people  of 
the  State  of  Alabama,  following  upon  the  heels  of 
many  and  dangerous  infractions  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  by  many  of  the  States  and 
people  of  the  Northern  section,  is  a  political  wrong 
of  so  insulting  and  menacing  a  character,  as  to 


20 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


justify  the  people  of  the  State  of  Alabama  in  the 
adoption  of  prompt  and  decided  measures  for  their 
future  peace  and  security. 

Therefore,  be  it  declared  and  ordained,  by  the 
people  of  the  State  of  Alabama,  in  convention  as¬ 
sembled,  that  the  State  of  Alabama  now  withdraws 
from  the  Union,  known  as  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  henceforth  ceases  to  be  one  of  the 
said  United  States,  and  is  and  of  right  ought  to  be  a 
sovereign  independent  State. 

Sec.  2.  And  be  it  further  declared  and  ordained 
by  the  people  of  the  State  of  Alabama  in  conven¬ 
tion  assembled,  that  all  powers  over  the  territories 
of  said  State,  and  over  the  people  thereof,  hereto¬ 
fore  delegated  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  be,  and  they  are  hereby,  with¬ 
drawn  from  the  said  Government,  and  are  hereby 
resumed  and  vested  in  the  people  of  the  State  of  Ala¬ 
bama. 

And  as  it  is  the  desire  and  purpose  of  the  people 
of  Alabama,  to  meet  the  slaveholding  States  of  the 
South  who  approve  of  such  a  purpose,  in  order  to 
frame  arevisional  as  a  permanent  Government,  upon 
the  principles  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  be  it  also  resolved  by  the  people  of  Alabama, 
in  convention  assembled,  that  the  people  of  the 
States  of  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Florida,  Georgia,  Missis¬ 
sippi,  Louisiana,  Texas,  Arkansas,  Tennessee,  Ken¬ 
tucky  and  Missouri,  be  and  they  are  hereby  invited 
to  meet  the  people  of  the  State  of  Alabama,  by 
their  delegates  in  convention,  on  the  4th  day  of 
February  next  in  Montgomery,  in  the  State  of  Ala¬ 
bama,  for  the  purpose  of  consultation  with  each 
other,  as  to  the  most  effectual  mode  of  securing 
concerted,  harmonious  action  in  whatever  measures 
may  be  deemed  most  desirable  for  the  common 
peace  and  security. 

And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  President  of 
this  convention  be  and  he  is  hereby  instructed 
to  transmit  forthwith  a  copy  of  the  foregoing  pre¬ 
amble,  ordinance  and  resolutions  to  the  Governors 
of  the  several  States  named  in  the  said  resolutions. 

Done  by  the  people  of  Alabama,  in  convention 
assembled,  at  Montgomery,  this  lltli  day  of  Janu¬ 
ary,  1S61. 

The  preamble,  ordinance  and  resolutions  were 
adopted  by  Ayes  61,  Nays  39. 

CELEBRATION  IN  MOBILE. 

Yesterday  was  the  wildest  day  of  excitement  in 
the  annals  of  Mobile.  The  whole  people  seemed  to 
be  at  the  top  point  of  enthusiasm  from  the  time  that 
the  telegraphic  announcement  of  the  passage  of  the 
secession  ordinance  in  the  convention  was  received, 
until  the  hour  when  honest  men  should  be  abed.  To 
add,  if  possible,  to  the  excitement,  the  news  of  the 
secession  of  our  sister  State  of  Florida  was  received 
simultaneously  with  that  of  the  withdrawal  of  Ala¬ 
bama. 

Immediately  on  the  receipt  of  the  news,  an  im¬ 
mense  crowd  assembled  at  the  “  secession  pole,”  at 
the  foot  of  Government-street,  to  witness  the  spread¬ 
ing  of  the  Southern  flag,  and  it  was  run  up  amid  the 
shouts  of  the  multitude  and  the  thunders  of  cannon. 
One  hundred  and  one  guns  for  Alabama  and  fifteen 
for  Florida  were  fired,  and  after  remarks  from  Dr. 
Woodcock,  Mr.  Lude,  and  other  gentlemen,  the 
crowd  repaired  to  the  Custom  House,  walking  in  pro¬ 
cession  with  a  band  of  music  at  the  head,  braying 
the  warlike  notes  of  the  “  Southern  Marseillaise.” 


Arrived  at  the  Custom  House,  a  lone  star  flag  was 
waved  from  its  walls  amid  enthusiastic  shouts.  The 
balcony  of  the  Battle  House,  opposite,  was  thronged 
with  ladies  and  gentlemen,  and  the  street  was  crowd¬ 
ed  with  excited  citizens.  Standing  upon  the  steps 
of  the  Custom  House,  brief  and  stirring  addresses 
were  delivered  by  Dr.  Woodcock,  Gen.  Niel  Robin¬ 
son,  Gen.  Lawler,  Gen.  Butler,  Dr.  Lyle,  Robert  H. 
Smith,  Mayor  Withers,  and  Hon.  George  N.  Stewart. 

It  was  announced  that  a  despatch  had  been  re¬ 
ceived  from  the  Governor,  to  the  effect  that  he  ex¬ 
pected  that  Mobile  would  raise  a  hundred  thousand 
dollars  for  the  defence  of  the  city.  Gen.  Robinson 
and  Gen.  Lawler  immediately  put  down  their  names 
for  a  thousand  dollars  each,  Dr.  Lyle,  of  Mississippi, 
for  two  hundred  and  fifty,  and  other  gentlemen  for 
other  sums.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  canvass 
the  city  and  obtain  subscriptions. 

The  military  paraded  the  streets.  The  Cadets 
were  out  in  force,  bearing  the  splendid  flag  which 
was  presented  them  the  day  previous,  and  is  a  most 
gorgeous  banner,  and,  with  the  Independent  Rifles, 
marched  to  Bienville  Square,  where  they  fired  con¬ 
tinuous  salvos  of  musketry. 

The  demonstration  at  night  was  worthy  the  magni¬ 
tude  of  the  event  celebrated.  The  display  was  of 
the  most  brilliant  description.  During  the  whole  day 
the  “  busy  sound  of  hammers  ”  on  all  sides  gave  note 
of  preparation  for  illumination ;  and  when  night  fell, 
the  city  emerged  from  darkness  into  a  blaze  of  such 
glory  as  could  only  be  achieved  by  the  most  reck¬ 
lessly  extravagant  consumption  of  tar  and  tallow. 
The  broad  boulevard  of  Government-street  was  an 
avenue  of  light,  bonfires  of  tar-barrels  being  kindled 
at  intervals  of  a  square’s  distance  along  its  length, 
and  many  residences  upon  it  were  illuminated.  The 
Court  House  and  other  buildings  at  the  intersection 
of  Royal-street  shone  with  a  plenitude  of  candles. 

Royal  street  was  a  gorgeous  gush  of  light,  the 
great  front  of  the  Battle  House  and  other  buildings 
being  a  perfect  conflagration  of  illumination.  All 
the  newspaper  offices  were,  of  course,  numbered 
among  the  Illuminati  of  the  occasion.  Dauphin- 
street,  for  many  squares,  was  a  continuous  blaze  of 
light,  and  the  buildings  around  Bienville  Square 
rivalled  each  other  in  taste  and  magnificence  of  dis¬ 
play.  With  a  choice  epicureanism  of  triumph  and 
rejoicing,  the  Custom  House  was  illuminated  by  a  fair 
show  of  patriotic  candles — Ossas  of  insult  being  thus 
piled  on  Pelions  of  injury  to  Uncle  Sam. 

In  the  remote,  unfrequented  streets  of  the  city,  as 
well  as  in  the  more  prominent  avenues  of  business 
or  residence,  frequent  illuminated  buildings  could  be 
seen  dispersing  the  gloom  of  night  from  about  them. 
Rockets  blazed  and  crackers  popped,  and  the  people 
hurrahed  and  shouted  as  they  never  did  before.  The 
streets,  as  light  as  day,  were  overflowed  with  crowds 
of  ladies  who  had  turned  out  to  see  the  display. 
Many  of  the  designs  of  illuminatory  work  were  ex¬ 
ceedingly  tasteful  and  beautiful.  The  “  Southern 
Cross  ”  was  a  favored  emblematic  pattern,  and  gleam¬ 
ing  in  lines  of  fire,  competed  with  the  oft-repeated 
“Lone  Star”  for  admiration  and  applause  from  the 
multitude.  In  short,  the  occasion  seemed  several 
Fourth  of  Julys,  a  number  of  New  Year’s  eves,  va¬ 
rious  Christmases,  and  a  sprinkling  of  other  holidays 
all  rolled  into  one  big  event.  While  we  write,  at  a 
late  hour,  some  enthusiastic  orator  is  haranguing  a 
shouting  multitude  from  the  steps  of  the  Custom 
House,  and  all  the  juvenile  fireworks  of  China  and 
the  other  Indies  seem  to  be  on  a  grand  burst  of  com- 


DOCUMENTS. 


21 


bined  explosion,  startling  the  ear  of  night  with  their 
mimic  artillery  of  gratulation. 

— Mobile  Advertiser ,  Jan.  12. 


Doc.  20.— N.  Y.  STATE  RESOLUTIONS. 

Whereas ,  The  insurgent  State  of  South  Carolina, 
after  seizing  the  Post  Offices,  Custom  House,  moneys 
and  fortifications  of  the  Federal  Government,  has,  by 
firing  into  a  vessel  ordered  by  the  Government  to 
convey  troops  and  provisions  to  Fort  Sumter,  virtu¬ 
ally  declared  war ;  and, 

Whereas ,  The  forts  and  property  of  the  United 
States  Government  in  Georgia,  Alabama  and  Louisi¬ 
ana  have  been  unlawfully  seized,  with  hostile  inten¬ 
tions;  and. 

Whereas,  Their  Senators  in  Congress  avow  and 
maintain  their  treasonable  acts ;  therefore, 

Resolved ,  That  the  Legislature  of  New  York  is 
profoundly  impressed  with  the  value  of  the  Union, 
and  determined  to  preserve  it  unimpaired ;  that  it 
greets  with  joy  the  recent  firm,  dignified  and  patri¬ 
otic  Special  Message  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  we  tender  to  him,  through  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  our  own  State,  whatever  aid  in  men 
and  money  may  be  required  to  enable  him  to  enforce 
the  laws  and  uphold  the  authority  of  the  Federal 
Government ;  and  that,  in  the  defence  of  the  Union, 
which  has  conferred  prosperity  and  happiness  upon 
the  American  people,  renewing  the  pledge  given  and 
redeemed  by  our  fathers,  we  are  ready  to  devote  our 
fortunes,  our  lives,  and  our  sacred  honor. 

Resolved ,  That  the  Union-loving  citizens  and  rep¬ 
resentatives  of  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  Kentucky,  Missouri  and  Tennessee,  who 
labor  with  devoted  courage  and  patriotism  to  with¬ 
hold  their  States  from  the  vortex  of  secession,  are 
entitled  to  the  gratitude  and  admiration  of  the  whole 
people. 

Resolved ,  That  the  Governor  be  respectfully  re¬ 
quested  to  forward,  forthwith,  copies  of  the  foregoing 
resolutions  to  the  President  of  the  Nation,  and  the 
Governors  of  all  the  States  of  the  Union. 

— N.  Y.  Times ,  Jan.  12, 


Doc.  21.— CAPT.  MCGOWAN’S  REPORT. 

Steamship  Star  of  ttie  West,  ) 
New  York,  Saturday,  Jan.  12,  1861.  ( 

M.  0.  Roberts,  Esq. — Sir  :  After  leaving  the 
wharf  on  the  5th  inst.,  at  5  o’clock  P.  M.,  we  pro¬ 
ceeded  down  the  Bay,  where  we  hove  to,  and  took 
on  board  four  officers  and  two  hundred  soldiers,  with 
their  arms,  ammunition,  &c.,  and  then  proceeded  to 
sea,  crossing  the  bar  at  Sandy  Hook  at  9  P.  M. 
Nothing  unusual  took  place  during  the  passage,  which 
was  a  pleasant  one  for  this  season  of  the  year. 

We  arrived  at  Charleston  Bar  at  1,80  A,  M.  on  the 
9th  inst.,  but  could  find  no  guiding  marks  for  the 
Bar,  as  the  lights  were  all  out.  W e  proceeded  with 
caution,  running  very  slow  and  sounding,  until  about 
4  A.  M.,  being  then  in  fathoms  water,  when  we 
discovered  a  light  through  the  haze  which  at  that 
time  covered  the  horizon.  Concluding  that  the  lights 
were  on  Fort  Sumter,  after  getting  the  bearings  of 
it,  we  steered  to  the  S.  W.  for  the  main  ship-chan¬ 
nel,  where  we  hove  to,  to  await  daylight,  our  lights 
having  all  been  put  out  since  12  o’clock,  to  avoid 
being  seen. 

M  the  day  began  to  break,  we  discovered  a  steamer 


just  in  shore  of  us,  who,  as  soon  as  she  saw  us, 
burned  one  blue  light  and  two  red  lights  as  signals, 
and  shortly  after  steamed  over  the  bar  and  into  the 
ship-channel.  The  soldiers  were  now  all  put  below, 
and  no  one  allowed  on  deck  except  our  own  crew. 
As  soon  as  there  was  light  enough  to  see,  we  crossed 
the  bar  and  proceeded  on  up  the  channel,  (the  outer 
bar  buoy  having  been  taken  away,)  the  steamer  ahead 
of  us  sending  off  rockets,  and  burning  lights  until 
after  broad  daylight,  continuing  on  her  course  up 
nearly  two  miles  ahead  of  us.  When  we  arrived 
about  two  miles  from  Fort  Moultrie,  Fort  Sumter 
being  about  the  same  distance,  a  masked  battery  on 
Morris  Island,  where  there  was  a  red  Palmetto  flag 
flying,  opened  lire  upon  us — distance,  about  five- 
eighths  of  a  mile.  1 1  rc  had  the  American  flag  flying 
at  our  flagstaff  at  the  time,  and  soon  after  the  first 
shot,  hoisted  a  large  American  Ensign  at  the  fore. 
We  continued  on  under  the  fire  of  the  battery  for 
over  ten  minutes,  several  of  the  shots  going  clear 
over  us.  One  shot  just  passed  clear  of  the  pilot¬ 
house,  another  passed  between  the  smoke-stack  and 
walking-beams  of  the  engine,  another  struck  the  ship 
just  abaft  the  fore-rigging  and  stove  in  the  planking, 
while  another  came  within  an  ace  of  carrying  away 
the  rudder.  At  the  same  time  there  was  a  movement 
of  two  steamers  from  near  Fort  Moultrie,  one  of  them 
towing  a  schooner,  (I  presume  an  armed  schooner,) 
with  the  intention  of  cutting  us  off.  Our  position 
now  became  rather  critical,  as  we  had  to  approach 
Fort  Moultrie  to  within  three-quarters  of  a  mile  be¬ 
fore  we  could  keep  away  for  Fort  Sumter.  A  steam¬ 
er  approaching  us  with  an  armed  schooner  in  tow, 
and  the  battery  on  the  island  firing  at  us  all  the  time, 
and  having  no  cannon  to  defend  ourselves  from  the 
attack  of  the  vessels,  we  concluded  that,  to  avoid 
certain  capture,  or  destruction,  we  would  endeavor  to 
get  to  sea.  Consequently  we  wore  round  and  steered 
down  the  channel,  the  battery  firing  upon  us  until 
the  shot  fell  short.  As  it  was  now  strong  ebb  tide, 
and  the  water  having  fallen  some  three  feet,  we  pro¬ 
ceeded  with  caution,  and  crossed  the  bar  safely  at 
8.50  A.  M.,  and  continued  on  our  course  for  this 
port,  where  we  arrived  this  morning  after  a  boister¬ 
ous  passage.  A  steamer  from  Charleston  followed 
us  for  about  three  hours,  watching  our  movements. 

In  justice  to  the  officers  and  crews  of  each  depart¬ 
ment  of  the  ship,  I  must  add  that  their  behavior 
while  under  the  fire  of  the  battery  reflected  great 
credit  on  them. 

Mr.  Brewer,  the  Now  York  pilot,  was  of  very  great 
assistance  to  me  in  helping  to  pilot  the  ship  over 
Charleston  Bar,  and  up  and  down  the  channel. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

John  McGowan,  Captain. 

— Times,  Jan.  14. 

Doc.  22. — GEORGIA  SECESSION  ORDINANCE. 

An  Ordinance  to  dissolve  the  Union  between  the 
State  of  Georgia  and  other  States  united 

WITH  HER  UNDER  THE  COMPACT  OF  GOVERNMENT 
ENTITLED  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED 

States. 

We,  the  people  of  the  State  of  Georgia,  in  Con¬ 
vention  assembled,  do  declare  and  ordain,  and  it  is 
hereby  declared  and  ordained,  that  the  ordinances 
adopted  by  the  people  of  the  State  of  Georgia  in 
convention  in  1788,  whereby  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  was  assented  to,  ratified  and 


* 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1SG0-61. 


O  i) 

+mmJ 


adopted,  and  also  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts  of  the 
General  Assembly  ratifying  and  adopting  amend¬ 
ments  to  the  said  Constitution,  are  hereby  repealed, 
rescinded  and  abrogated. 

And  we  do  further  declare  and  ordain  that  the 
Union  now  subsisting  between  the  State  of  Georgia 
and  other  States,  under  the  name  of  the  United 
States,  is  hereby  dissolved,  and  that  the  State  of 
Georgia  is  in  full  possession  and  exercise  of  all 
those  rights  of  sovereignty  which  belong  and  ap¬ 
pertain  to  a  free  and  independent  State. 


Doc.  23.— SPEECH  OF  JEFFERSON  DAVIS  ON 
LEAVING  THE  SENATE. 

I  rise  for  the  purpose  of  announcing  to  the  Senate 
that  I  have  satisfactory  evidence  that  the  State  of 
Mississippi,  by  solemn  ordinance  in  convention  assem¬ 
bled,  has  declared  her  separation  from  the  United 
States.  Under  these  circumstances,  of  course,  my 
functions  terminate  here.  It  has  seemed  to  be  proper 
that  I  should  appear  in  the  Senate  and  announce  that 
fact,  and  to  say  something,  though  very  little,  upon 
it.  The  occasion  does  not  invite  me  to  go  into  the 
argument,  and  my  physical  condition  will  not  permit 
it,  yet  something  would  seem  to  be  necessary  on  the 
part  of  the  State  I  here  represent,  on  an  occasion  like 
this.  It  is  known  to  Senators  who  have  served  here, 
that  I  have  for  many  years  advocated,  as  an  essential 
attribute  of  State  sovereignty,  the  right  of  a  State  to 
secede  from  the  Union.  If,  therefore,  I  had  not  be¬ 
lieved  there  was  justifiable  cause — if  I  had  thought 
the  State  was  acting  without  sufficient  provocation — 
still,  under  my  theory  of  government,  I  should  have 
felt  bound  by  her  action.  I,  however,  may  say  I 
think  she  had  justifiable  cause,  and  I  approve  of  her 
acts.  I  conferred  with  the  people  before  that  act 
was  taken,  and  counselled  them  that  if  they  could 
not  remain,  that  they  should  take  the  act.  I  hope 
none  will  confound  this  expression  of  opinion  with 
the  advocacy  of  the  right  of  a  State  to  remain  in  the 
Union,  and  disregard  its  constitutional  obligations  by 
nullification.  Nullification  and  secession  are  indeed 
antagonistic  principles.  Nullification  is  the  remedy 
which  is  to  be  sought  and  applied,  within  the  Union, 
against  an  agent  of  the  United  States,  when  the  agent 
has  violated  constitutional  obligations,  and  the  State 
assumes  for  itself,  and  appeals  to  other  States  to  sup¬ 
port  it.  But  when  the  States  themselves,  and  the 
people  of  the  States,  have  so  acted  as  to  convince  us 
that  they  will  not  regard  our  constitutional  rights, 
then,  and  then  for  the  first  time,  arises  the  question 
of  secession  in  its  practical  application.  That  great 
man  who  now  reposes  with  his  fathers,  who  has  been 
so  often  arraigned  for  want  of  fealty  to  the  Union, 
advocated  the  doctrine  of  nullification,  because  it 
preserved  the  Union.  It  was  because  of  his  deep- 
seated  attachment  to  the  Union  that  Mr.  Calhoun 
advocated  the  doctrine  of  nullification,  which  he 
claimed  would  give  peace  within  the  limits  of  the 
Union,  and  not  disturb  it,  and  only  be  the  means  of 
bringing  the  agent  before  the  proper  tribunal  of  the 
States  for  judgment.  Secession  belongs  to  a  different 
class  of  rights,  and  is  to  be  justified  upon  the  basis 
that  the  States  are  sovereign.  The  time  has  been, 
and  I  hope  the  time  will  come  again,  when  a  better 
appreciation  of  our  Union  will  prevent  any  one  de¬ 
nying  that  each  State  is  a  sovereign  in  its  own  right. 
Therefore,  I  say  I  concur  in  the  act  of  my  State,  and 
feel  bound  by  it.  It  is  by  this  confounding  of  nulli¬ 


fication  and  secession  that  the  name  of  another  great 
man  has  been  invoked  to  justify  the  coercion  of  a 
seceding  State.  The  phrase  “  to  execute  the  law,”  as 
used  by  General  Jackson,  was  applied  to  a  State  re¬ 
fusing  to  obey  the  laws  and  still  remaining  in  the 
Union.  I  remember  well  when  Massachusetts  was 
arraigned  before  the  Senate.  The  record  of  that 
occasion  will  show  that  I  said,  if  Massachusetts,  in 
pursuing  the  line  of  steps,  takes  the  last  step  which 
separates  her  from  the  Union,  the  right  is  hers,  and 
I  will  neither  vote  one  dollar  nor  one  man  to  coerce 
her,  but  I  will  say  to  her,  “  God  speed  !  ”  Mr. 
Davis  then  proceeded  to  argue  that  the  equality 
spoken  of  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
the  equality  of  a  class  in  political  rights,  referring  to 
the  charge  against  George  III.  for  inciting  insurrec¬ 
tion,  as  proof  that  it  had  no  reference  to  the  slaves. 
But  we  have  proclaimed  our  independence.  This  is 
done  with  no  hostility  or  any  desire  to  injure  any 
section  of  the  country,  nor  even  for  our  pecuniary 
benefit,  but  from  the  high  and  solid  foundation  of 
defending  and  protecting  the  rights  we  inherited,  and 
transmitting  them  unshorn  to  our  posterity.  I  know 
I  feel  no  hostility  to  you  Senators  here,  and  am  sure 
there  is  not  one  of  you,  whatever  may  have  been  the- 
sharp  discussion  between  us,  to  whom  I  cannot  now 
say,  in  the  presence  of  my  God,  I  wish  you  well. 
And  such  is  the  feeling,  I  am  sure,  the  people  I  rep¬ 
resent  feel  towards  those  whom  you  represent.  I, 
therefore,  feel  I  but  express  their  desire,  when  I  say 
I  hope  and  they  hope  for  those  peaceful  relations 
with  you,  though  we  must  part,  that  may  be  mutually 
beneficial  to  us  in  the  future.  There  will  be  peace 
if  you  so  will  it,  and  you  may  bring  disaster  on  every 
part  of  the  country,  if  you  thus  will  have  it.  And  if 
you  will  have  it  thus,  we  will  invoke  the  God  of  our 
fathers,  who  delivered  them  from  the  paw  of  the  lion, 
to  protect  us  from  the  ravages  of  the  bear ;  and  thus 
putting  our  trust  in  God,  and  our  own  firm  hearts  and 
strong  arms,  we  will  vindicate  and  defend  the  rights 
we  claim.  In  the  course  of  my  long  career,  I  have 
met  with  a  great  variety  of  men  here,  and  there  have 
been  points  of  collision  between  us.  Whatever  of 
offence  there  has  been  to  me,  I  leave  here.  I  carry 
no  hostile  feelings  away.  Whatever  of  offence  I 
have  given,  which  has  not  been  redressed,  I  am  will¬ 
ing  to  say  to  Senators  in  this  hour  of  parting,  I  offer 
you  my  apology  for  any  thing  I  may  have  done  in  the 
Senate ;  and  I  go  thus  released  from  obligation,  re¬ 
membering  no  injury  I  have  received,  and  having 
discharged  what  I  deem  the  duty  of  man,  to  offer  the 
only  reparation  at  this  hour  for  every  injury  I  have 
ever  inflicted. 

[As  the  Senators  from  Florida,  Alabama  and  Mis¬ 
sissippi  were  about  to  retire  from  the  Senate,  all  the 
Democratic  Senators  crowded  around  them  and  shook 
hands  w-ith  them.  Messrs.  Hale  and  Cameron  were 
the  only  Republican  Senators  that  did  so.] 

— Herald, ,  Jan.  22. 


Doe.  24.— SIIERRARD  CLEMENS’  SPEECH. 

He  thanked  God  that  he  was  permitted,  after  a 
long  sickness,  to  take  his  stand  upon  that  floor  in 
renovated  health,  at  a  time  when  his  services  might 
prove  most  valuable  to  his  constituents.  ITe  would 
not  now  speak  in  passion.  It  would  not  befit  the 
solemn  and  portentous  issues  of  the  hour.  They 
were  in  the  midst  of  great  events.  It  might  be 
that  they  were  in  the  dying  days  of  the  Republic, 


DOCUMENTS. 


23 


and  he  would  not  therefore  utter,  even  in  a  whisper, 
one  word  which  might  tend  to  bring  down  the  im¬ 
pending  avalanche  upon  the  quiet  homes  of  the  peo¬ 
ple.  He  would  at  the  same  time  speak  as  a  South¬ 
ern  man,  identified  with  all  the  interests  of  the 
South.  He  would  speak  as  a  Western  Virginian, 
and  as  the  custodian  of  those  who  were  not  old 
enough  to  know  the  perils  to  which  they  were  ex¬ 
posed,  by  those  who  were  now  riding  on  the  crest 
of  the  popular  wave,  but  who  were,  nevertheless, 
destined  to  sink  into  the  very  trough  of  the  sea  to 
a  depth  so  unfathomable  that  not  a  bubble  would 
ever  rise,  to  mark  the  spot  where  they  went  so  ig- 
nominiously  down.  Well  might  those  who  had 
inaugurated  the  revolution  which  was  now  stalking 
over  the  land,  cry  out  with  uplifted  hands  for  peace, 
and  deprecate  the  effusion  of  blood.  It  was  the 
inventor  of  the  guillotine  who  was  its  first  victim, 
and  the  day  was  not  far  off  when  they  would  find 
among  their  own  people,  those  who  would  have  to 
rely  upon  the  magnanimity  of  that  population, 
whom  they  had  most  cruelly  outraged  and  deceived. 
He  had  not  the  heart  to  enter  into  a  detail  of  the 
arguments,  or  to  express  the  indignant  emotions, 
which  rose  to  his  lips  for  utterance.  But  before 
God,  and  in  his  inmost  conscience  he  believed  that 
Slavery  would  be  crucified,  should  this  unhappy 
controversy  end  in  a  dismemberment  of  the  Union. 
If  not  crucified,  it  would  carry  the  death-rattle  in 
its  throat.  It  remained  to  be  seen  whether  treason 
could  be  carried  out  with  the  same  facility  with 
which  it  has  been  plotted.  There  was  a  holy  cour¬ 
age  among  the  minority  of  every  State  that  might 
be  for  the  time  overwhelmed.  Lazarus  was  not 
dead,  but  slept;  and  ere  long  the  stone  would  be 
rolled  away  from  the  mouth  of  the  tomb,  and  they 
would  witness  all  the  glories  of  a  resurrection.  It 
would  not  be  forgotten,  that  among  the  clans  of 
Scotland,  beacon  fires  used  to  be  lit  by  concerted 
signals  from  crag  to  crag,  in  living  volumes  of 
flame,  yet  expiring  even  in  its  own  fierceness,  and 
sinking  into  ashes  as  the  fagots  which  fed  them 
were  consumed.  To  such  a  picture  as  that  might  be 
likened  a  rebellion  such  as  political  leaders  some¬ 
times  excite  for  a  brief  hour ;  but  the  fires  of  re¬ 
bellion  burnt  out  with  the  fagots,  and  all  was  cold 
and  dark  again.  There  was  a  striking  contrast 
between  such  a  movement,  between  such  a  rebel¬ 
lion  as  he  alluded  to,  and  the  uprising  of  the  masses 
of  the  people  in  vindication  of  violated  rights.  As 
great  a  difference  as  there  was  between  Snug,  the 
joiner,  and  Bottom,  the  weaver,  who  “could  roar 
you  as  fierce  as  a  lion,  or  coo  you  as  gently  as  a 
sucking-dove.”  One  was  the  stage-trick  of  a  polit¬ 
ical  harlequin,  the  other  was  a  living  reality — the 
one  was  a  livid  and  fitful  flame,  the  other  was  a 
prairie  on  fire,  finding  in  every  step  of  its  progress 
food  for  its  all-ravening  maw.  In  the  present  emer¬ 
gency,  before  this  political  conspiracy,  it  might  be 
that  he  would  stand  alone  with  his  colleague,  (Mr. 
Wilson.)  Let  it  be  so.  He  sought  no  office.  His 
political  race  was  very  nearly  voluntarily  run.  His¬ 
tory  would  record  the  proceeding  of  this  turbulent 
period,  and  time — the  gentle  but  infallible  arbiter 
of  all  things  earthly — would  decide  the  truth.  Upon 
that  he  would  take  his  stand.  They  lived  in  an 
age  of  political  paradoxes.  Broad,  expansive  love 
of  country  had  become  a  diseased  sentimentality. 
Patriotism  had  become  a  starveling  birdling,  cling¬ 
ing  with  unfledged  wings  around  the  nest  of  twigs 
where  it  was  born.  A  statesman  must  now  not 


only  narrow  his  mind  and  give  up  to  party  what 
was  meant  for  mankind,  but  lie  must  recede  as  sub¬ 
missively  as  a  blind  horse  in  a  bark  mill  to  every 
perverted  opinion  which  sits,  whip  in  hand,  on  tho 
revolving  shaft,  at  the  end  of  which  he  is  harnessed. 
To  be  a  diamond  of  the  first  water,  he  must  stand 
in  the  Senate  House  of  his  country,  and  in  the  face 
of  a  forbearing  people,  glory  in  being  a  traitor  and 
a  rebel.  He  must  solemnly  proclaim  the  death  of 
the  nation  to  which  he  had  sworn  allegiance,  and 
with  the  grave  stolidity  of  an  undertaker,  invite  its 
citizens  to  their  own  funeral.  He  must  dwarf  and 
provincialize  his  patriotism  to  the  State  on  whose 
local  passion  he  thrives,  to  the  country  where  he 
practises  court,  or  to  the  city  where  he  flaunts  iti 
all  the  meretricious  dignity  of  a  Doge  of  Venice. 
He  can  take  an  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  but  he  can  enter  with  honor  into 
a  conspiracy  to  overthrow  it.  Ho  can,  under  the 
sanctity  of  the  same  oath,  advise  the  seizure  of 
forts  and  arsenals,  dockyards  and  ships,  and  money 
belonging  to  the  Union,  whose  officer  he  is,  and  find 
a  most  loyal  and  convenient  retreat  in  State  author¬ 
ity  and  State  allegiance.  He  was  ready  to  laugh  in 
their  faces  if  they  only  told  him  that,  before  the 
time  when  he  was  “  muling  and  puking  in  his 
nurse’s  arms,”  there  lived  a  very  obscure  person 
named  Geougf,  Washington,  wdio,  before  he  died, 
became  eminent  by  perpetrating  the  immortal  joke 
of  advising  the  people  of  the  United  States,  that  it 
was  of  infinite  moment,  that  they  should  properly 
estimate  the  immense  value  of  their  national  Union 
— that  they  should  cherish  a  cordial,  habitual  and  im¬ 
movable  attachment  to  it — that  they  should  watch 
itspreservation  with  jealous  anxiety,  discountenance 
whatever  might  suggest  a  suspicion  that  it  could 
in  any  event  be  abandoned,  and  indignantly  frown 
down  the  first  dawning  attempt  to  alienate  any 
portion  of  the  country  from  the  rest,  or  to  enfeeblo 
the  sacred  ties  which  linked  together  its  various 
parts.  Washington  saw  into  the  future,  and  dis¬ 
covered  that  disastrous  period  in  our  history  against 
which  he  warned  his  countrymen  when  he  told 
them  to  “  beware  of  geographical  parties.”  These 
extreme  parties,  North  and  South,  had  at  last  met. 
Their  differences  had  been  created  and  carried  o:t 
by  systematic  perversions  of  each  other’s  aims  and 
objects.  In  the  North  it  had  been  represented  that 
the  South  desired  and  intended  to  monopolize  with 
slave  territory  all  the  public  lands,  and  to  drive  there¬ 
from  free  labor,  to  convert  every  free  State  into 
common  ground  for  the  recapture  of  colored  persons 
as  slaves  who  were  free,  and  to  put  the  Federal  Gov¬ 
ernment  in  all  its  departments  under  the  control  of  a 
slave  oligarchy.  These  and  all  other  stratagems  that 
could  be  resorted  to  aroused  antagonistic  feelings, 
which  were  welded  with  turbulent  passions.  As  they 
planted  so  they  reaped.  Now  that  victory  had  been 
w'on  by  the  Republican  party,  and  the  Government 
must  be  administered  upon  national  policy ;  the  fis¬ 
sures  in  the  ground  occupied  by  them  became  ap¬ 
parent,  and  hence  there  would  necessarily  be  a  large 
defection  in  its  ranks  among  the  more  ultra  of  its 
adherents,  who  were,  as  a  general  thing,  ideal,  specu¬ 
lative,  and  not  practical  men.  Out  of  actual  power, 
a  party  was  apt  to  be  radical.  Vest  it  with  power, 
and  it  became  conservative.  This  was  the  ordeal 
through  which  the  Republican,  like  all  other  parties, 
was  now  passing,  and  ho  hoped  for  the  peace  of  the 
country,  and  the  triumph  of  practical,  rather  than 
ideal  policy  and  measures.  Herein  consisted  the 


24 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18GO-61. 


almost  insuperable  difficulty  of  coming  to  any  feas¬ 
ible  adjustment  upon  the  existing  discontents.  The 
bulk  of  politicians,  North  and  South,  were  bound  by 
a  past  record  and  past  professions.  They  were,  in 
fact,  thinking  all  the  while  “what  Mrs.  Grundy  would 
say.”  The  people  themselves  understood  the  cause 
of  the  difficulty,  and  if  they  but  once  interfered,  the 
country  would  be  saved.  What  was  the  difficulty 
now  ?  He  appealed  whether  it  was  not  that  in  the 
hands  of  ultras,  North  and  South,  the  slaveholder  had 
been  used  as  a  shuttlcdore,  who,  for  purposes  utterly 
dissimilar,  had  been  banded  from  South  Carolina  to 
Massachusetts,  and  from  Massachusetts  back  again  to 
South  Carolina,  until  now  the  last  point  of  endurance 
had  been  reached  ?  Every  violent  word  uttered  North 
had  been  sent  South,  and  the  South  had  responded 
in  the  spirit.  The  abolitionist  himself  had  been 
granted  an  audience  in  every  Southern  city,  at  every 
Southern  political  meeting,  and  the  most  violent 
insulting,  agrarian  speeches  repeated  even  in  the 
hearing  of  the  slaves  themselves.  Was  it  not  hu¬ 
miliating  to  confess,  that  the  very  people  who  would 
burn  in  effigy,  if  not  at  the  stake,  a  postmaster  who 
would  dare  to  distribute  a  copy  of  abolition  speeches, 
honor  as  among  their  chief  defenders  the  candidates 
who  could  quote  the  most  obnoxious  passages  from 
all  who  had  made  Southern  politics  a  vast  hot-bed 
for  the  propagation  of  abolition  sentiments  ?  The 
two  great  sections  of  the  nation  stood  at  that  mo¬ 
ment  towards  each  other  like  two  encamped  armies, 
waiting  the  orders  to  engage.  The  patriot  planned, 
deplored,  and  appealed,  but  found  little  succor  in  the 
only  quarter  whence  succor  could  come.  The  abo¬ 
litionist  revelled  in  the  madness  of  the  hour.  He  saw 
the  cracks  in  the  iceberg  at  last.  To  him  the  desert 
and  the  battle-field  were  alike  welcome.  He  had 
knelt  down  in  the  desert  with  the  camels,  for  a  speck 
in  the  far  distance  showed  that  the  simoom  was  com¬ 
ing.  He  looked  into  the  future  as  into  a  dark  cloud 
in  the  morning,  when  nothing  but  the  early  lark  was 
on  the  wing.  But  soon  history,  like  the  light  of  the 
eastern  horizon,  would  curtain  back  that  cloud,  and 
paint  in  blood’s  ruddiest  tints  field  and  forest,  hamlet 
and  city,  the  very  mountains  to  their  pine-crowned 
tops,  and  the  great  ocean  itself,  as  an  ensanguined 
flood,  where  brother  contending  with  brother  should 
find  a  nameless  sepulchre.  No  anaconda,  with  his 
filthy  folds  around  the  banyan  tree,  threw  out  the 
venomous  tongue  and  yearned  with  fiercer  passion 
for  the  crushed  bone  and  the  pulpy  flesh  than  he,  the 
abolitionist,  now  expectant  of  his  prey,  yearned  for 
this  long-proposed  repast  Well  might  he  cry  that 
the  day  of  jubilee  had  come.  Well  might  he  marshal 
his  hosts  to  the  last  great  war  of  sections  and  of 
races.  Defeated,  stigmatized,  insulted,  scoffed  at, 
ostracized  and  gibbeted  by  his  countrymen,  he  now 
gloated  over  the  most  fearful  of  all  retributions.  His 
deadliest  foes  in  the  South  had  now  struck  hands  in 
a  solemn  league  of  kindred  designs,  and  with  exult¬ 
ant  tramp,  6tolidly  marched,  adorned,  like  a  Roman  ox, 
with  the  garlands  of  sacrifice,  to  their  eternal  doom. 
At  this  moment,  when  a  sudden  frenzy  had  struck 
blind  the  Southern  people,  this  picture  could  not  even 
be  realized  in  all  its  horrors.  When  he  looked  at  his 
country,  and  its  present  distracted  and  desolate  con¬ 
dition,  and  its  possible  fate,  he  felt  almost  ready  to 
close  the  quick  accents  of  speech,  and  allow  the  heart 
to  sink  down  voiceless  in  its  despair.  He  would 
refer  them  to  the  words  of  Lloyd  Garrison,  and 
demand  what  answer  would  be  given  to  them.  Mr. 
Clemens  then  referred  to  an  article  in  the  Liberator , 


which  appeared  a  few  days  after  the  secession  of 
South  Carolina,  in  which  Garrison  said  that  “  the 
last  covenant  with  death  was  annulled,  and  the  agree¬ 
ment  with  hell  broken,  by  the  action  of  South  Caro¬ 
lina  herself closing  with  an  appeal  to  Massachusetts, 
ending  with  the  words,  “  How  stands  Massachusetts 
at  this  hour  in  reference  to  the  Union  ? — in  an  atti¬ 
tude  of  hostility.”  Mr.  Clemens  then  quoted  from  a 
speech  of  Wendell  Phillips,  delivered  in  the  Music 
Ilall,  at  Boston,  a  few  days  ago,  in  which  Phillips 
declared,  “  We  are  Disunionists,  not  for  any  love  of 
separate  confederacies,”  &c.,  ending  with  a  reference 
to  South  Carolina,  “  and  Egypt  will  rejoice  that  she 
has  departed.”  The  people  had,  therefore,  arrayed 
against  them  these  knights  of  a  new  crusade.  The 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  the  sanctified 
Jerusalem  against  which  their  deluded  cohorts  bat¬ 
tled.  They  contended  that  the  only  mode  to  over¬ 
throw  slavery  was  to  overthrow  the  constitution. 
These  men  claimed  that  their  allegiance  was  only  due 
to  the  States  wherein  they  lived.  They  claimed  to 
be  States’  rights  men  of  the  strictest  sect,  and  they 
would  wield  the  legislative  power  of  the  State  for  the 
extinction  of  slavery,  as  South  Carolina  professed  to 
wield  it  for  the  perpetuation  of  slavery.  In  this  crisis 
it  was  meet  that  Massachusetts,  so  largely  partaking 
of  the  common  glory  in  the  past — Massachusetts, 
where  the  first  blood  for  American  liberty  had  been 
shed — should  rise  superior  to  the  convulsions  of  the 
hour,  and  give  an  earnest  at  least  that  the  spirit  of 
conciliation,  of  intcr-State  comity,  of  fraternal  affec¬ 
tion,  was  not  yet  wholly  lost.  As  the  worn  traveller 
in  the  midst  of  the  snows  of  the  Alps  lingered  with 
delighted  gaze  upon  the  friendly  light  which  peered 
from  the  windows  of  the  convent  where  from  the 
desolation  of  the  storm  around  him  he  might  at  last 
find  repose,  so  did  he  hail  the  little  gleam  of  hope  in 
the  future.  Mr.  Clemens  gave  statistics  of  popula¬ 
tion  and  slavery  in  the  Border  States  and  in  the  Gulf 
States,  for  the  purpose  of  showing,  as  he  said,  that 
there  was  an  irreversible  law  of  population  governing 
the  question,  and  that  the  South  wanted  population 
and  capital  rather  than  territory.  If  secession  were 
allowed  to  be  carried  out,  he  would  show  them  a 
Southern  Confederacy  from  which  every  man  would 
turn  back  affrighted  and  pale,  because  it  would  be  on 
the  bloody  hand  that  his  rights  of  property  would 
have  to  depend.  Slavery  cannot  expand  rapidly, 
either  within  the  Union  or  without  the  Union,  so  long 
as  slaves  remained  at  their  present  high  prices.  The 
only  mode  by  which  slavery  could  ever  expand,  was 
to  reduce  the  price,  and  have  a  new  source  of  supply. 
That  was,  in  fact,  the  real  design  of  the  coast  States. 
Mr.  Clemens,  in  proof  of  this,  referred  to  all  the 
Southern  Conventions  of  late  years,  and  cited  the 
admissions  of  Messrs.  Miles,  Bonham,  McRae,  and 
Crawford,  in  the  House,  to  show  that  the  object  was 
the  re-opening  of  the  slave-trade.  Suppose,  said  he, 
that  they  do  not  get,  out  of  the  Union,  this  equality 
which  they  now  claim  ?  That  is  a  little  problem  in 
the  Rule  of  Three,  which  will  be  ciphered  out  if  these 
events  are  much  longer  pending.  The  Border  Slave 
States  might  as  well  be  prepared  first  as  last  for  the 
realization  of  the  truth.  But  where  was  slavery  to 
expand  ?  If  the  South  left  the  Union,  she  would 
never  get  as  much  of  the  present  territory  as  ho 
could  grasp  in  his  hand.  A  war  of  thirty  years  would 
never  get  it  back,  nor  could  there  ever  be  extorted 
from  the  North  a  treaty  giving  the  same  guarantees 
to  slavery  that  it  now  had.  Where  was  slavery  to 
expand  ?  Not  to  Central  America,  for  England  exer- 


DOCUMENTS. 


25 


eised  sovereignty  over  one-half  her  domain.  Not  to 
Mexico,  for  England  had  caused  the  abolition  of 
slavery  there  also.  Their  retiring  confederates  ought 
not  to  forget  the  events  of  1834,  when  George 
Thompson,  the  English  abolitionist,  was  sent  to  en¬ 
lighten  the  dead  conscience  of  the  American  people. 
In  this  connection  he  cited  a  letter  from  Thompson 
to  Murrell,  of  Tennessee,  in  which  was  this  sen¬ 
tence  :  “  The  dissolution  of  the  Union  is  the  object 
to  be  kept  steadily  in  view.”  In  the  event  of  a 
Southern  Confederacy,  there  will  be,  besides  the 
African  slave-trade,  other  elements  of  discord  and 
agitation.  Slavery  was  the  great  ruling  interest  of 
the  extreme  States,  while  the  other  States  had  other 
great  interests  which  could  not  be  lightly  abandoned. 
It  would  be  for  the  interest  of  the  coast  States  to 
have  free  trade  in  manufactured  goods;  but  how 
would  that  operate  on  the  mechanical  and  manufac¬ 
turing  industry  of  Missouri,  Kentucky,  Virginia, 
Maryland  and  Delaware  ?  There  would  be,  therefore, 
in  the  proposed  Union,  an  antagonism  quite  as  great 
as  there  ever  has  been  in  this.  But  if  manufactories 
were  to  be  protected  and  encouraged  in  the  Border 
Slave  States,  their  white  population  would  increase 
so  fast  that  they  would  be  but  nominally  Slave  States, 
and  would  finally  become  Free  States.  He  appealed 
to  the  North  to  guarantee  by  constitutional  enact¬ 
ments  the  principle  secured  by  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  in  the  Dred  Scott  case.  Let  us  feel, 
he  said,  that  we  have  a  country  to  save  instead  of  a 
geographical  section  to  represent.  Let  us  act  as 
men,  and  not  as  partisans,  and  the  old  Constitution, 
now  in  the  trough  of  the  sea,  with  battered  masts 
and  sails,  will  weather  the  storm. 

—  Times ,  Jan.  23. 


Doe.  25.— THE  DISUNION  MOVEMENT. 

Never  for  many  years  can  the  United  States  be  to 
the  world  what  they  have  been.  Mr.  Buchanan’s  mes¬ 
sage  has  been  a  greater  blow  to  the  American  peo¬ 
ple  than  all  the  rants  of  the  Georgian  Governor  or 
the  “ordinances”  of  the  Charleston  Convention. 
The  President  has  dissipated  the  idea  that  the 
States  which  elected  him  constitute  one  people. 
We  had  thought  that  the  Federation  was  of  the  na¬ 
ture  of  a  nationality ;  we  find  it  is  nothing  more 
than  a  partnership.  If  any  State  may,  on  grounds 
satisfactory  to  a  local  convention,  dissolve  the  union 
between  itself  and  its  fellows ;  if  discontent  with  the 
election  of  a  President,  or  the  passing  of  an  obnox¬ 
ious  law  by  another  State,  or,  it  may  be,  a  restrict¬ 
ive  tariff,  gives  a  State  the  “  right  of  revolution,” 
and  permits  it  to  withdraw  itself  from  the  commu¬ 
nity,  then  the  •position  of  the  American  people  icith 
respect  to  foreign  Powers  is  completely  altered.  It  is 
strange  that  a  race  whose  patriotic  captiousness 
when  in  the  society  of  Europeans  is  so  remarkable, 
should  be  so  ready  to  divide  and  to  give  up  the  ties 
of  fellow-citizenship  for  a  cause  which  strangers  are 
unable  to  appreciate.  Still  stranger  is  it  that  a 
chief  magistrate,  who  would  have  plunged  the  world 
in  war  rather  than  a  suspicious  craft  should  be 
boarded  by  English  officers  after  it  had  displayed 
the  Stars  and  Stripes,  or  would  have  done  battle 
against  despots  for  any  naturalized  refugee  from 
Continental  Europe,  should,  without  scruple,  and 
against  the  advice  of  his  own  Secretary  of  State,  de¬ 
clare  the  Federal  Union  dissolved  whenever  a  re¬ 
fractory  State  chooses  to  secede. 


It  may  well  be  imagined  that  the  American  peo¬ 
ple  have  been  taken  by  surprise,  both  by  the  sud¬ 
denness  and  violence  of  the  outcry  for  secession, 
and  by  the  ready  concessions  of  the  President, 
From  the  day  the  message  appeared  it  was  evident 
that  South  Carolina  no  longer  formed  part  of  the 
Union.  The  State  had,  by  every  organ  which  it 
possessed — by  its  Senators,  its  Representatives,  by 
the  voice  of  the  Press,  of  the  great  slaveowners, 
and  of  the  multitude — declared  its  resolution  to  se¬ 
cede.  Only  courage  like  that  of  General  Jackson 
could  have  quelled  the  “  Gamecock  State,”  as  we 
perceive  some  of  its  admirers  call  it.  But  there 
was  a  middle  path  between  civil  war  and  such  an 
instant  recognition  as  Mr.  Buchanan  thought  advis¬ 
able.  As  one  charged  with  the  duty  of  upholding 
the  Federal  power,  he  might  have  easily  used  the 
authority  vested  in  him  to  delay  the  movement,  and 
give  the  Union  and  South  Carolina  itself  time  for 
reflection.  Mr.  Cass  would,  probably,  deprecate 
holding  a  State  by  force,  but  he  still  declined  to  re¬ 
main  in  the  cabinet  of  the  statesman  who  would  not 
reinforce  Fort  Moultrie,  and  assert,  during  the  short 
remainder  of  his  term  of  office,  the  supremacy  of 
the  constitution.  But  as  things  went  the  action  of 
South  Carolina  was  predetermined.  On  the  20th 
of  December  that  State  seceded  from  the  Union  by 
an  unanimous  vote,  and  by  this  time  has  probably 
gained  possession  of  all  the  Federal  property  within 
its  borders,  and  established  a  post-office  and  custom¬ 
house  of  its  own.  The  instruments  which  the  Car¬ 
olinians  drew  up  on  this  occasion  are  singular  and 
almost  amusing.  The  philosophy  and  phraseology 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of  177  6  are  imi¬ 
tated.  Whole  paragraphs  are  copied  from  that  fa¬ 
mous  document.  The  thoughts  and  style  of  Jeffer¬ 
son  were  evidently  influenced  by  the  great  writers 
of  his  age,  and  we  may  trace  Montesquieu  and  Rous¬ 
seau  in  every  line  of  his  composition.  It  is  rather 
interesting  to  see  his  language,  which  denounced 
King  George’s  violation  of  the  social  compact,  used 
by  a  conclave  of  frantic  negro-drivers  to  stigmatize 
the  conduct  of  those  who  will  not  allow  a  Southern 
gentleman  to  bring  his  “body  servant”  into  their 
territory.  South  Carolina,  however,  has  shown  wis¬ 
dom  in  thus  taking  high  ground.  People  are  gen¬ 
erally  taken  at  the  value  which  they  set  on  them¬ 
selves,  and  Carolina  does  right  to  play  the  part  of 
outraged  patience  and  indignant  virtue.  She  has 
declared,  in  the  language  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Re¬ 
public,  that  the  Federal  Union  no  longer  answers 
the  ends  of  its  foundation  by  insuring  the  happiness 
and  prosperity  of  South  Carolina,  and  that  the  con¬ 
duct  of  several  States  having  been  a  violation  of  the 
compact  made  by  all,  South  Carolina  resumes  her 
rights  as  a  sovereign  community,  and  will  make  war 
or  peace,  conclude  treaties,  or  establish  commerce, 
independently  of  the  Government  at  Washington. 

This  bold  course  has  its  natural  effect  on  the  ex- 
citeablo  slaveowners.  The  secession  of  South  Car¬ 
olina  has  been  received  everywhere  with  enthusi¬ 
asm.  It  may,  perhaps,  be  said  that  the  other  States 
have  feigned  an  approbation  which  they  do  not  feel, 
in  order  to  bring  the  North  to  terms  by  the  menace 
of  a  Southern  Republic.  But,  whether  from  feeling 
or  policy,  the  secession  cry  was  just  at  its  loudest  at 
the  close  of  the  year.  It  was  looked  upon  as  cer¬ 
tain  that  six  or  seven  States  would  separate  from 
the  Union  in  the  first  days  of  1861.  Georgia  leads 
the  van.  The  ordinance  of  secession  was  looked 
upon  as  already  passed.  The  North  Carolina  Leg- 


26 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-61. 


jslature  had  read  a  second  time  the  bill  for  arming 
the  State.  Alabama  had  voted,  by  a  large  majority, 
in  favor  of  secession.  In  Virginia,  the  oldest,  the 
most  conservative,  and  the  most  cautious  of  the 
Slave  States,  we  are  told  that  the  secession  feeling 
was  gaining  ground.  State  conventions  are  to  meet 
in  Florida  on  the  3d  of  January,  in  Alabama  on  the 
7th,  in  Texas  on  the  8th,  in  Georgia  on  the  9th,  and 
in  Louisiana  on  the  23d ;  and  our  correspondent 
believes  that  “there  will  be  a  majority  in  each  of 
them  in  favor  of  immediate  and  separate  secession.” 
Hence  in  a  few  days  more  the  United  States  of 
America,  as  the  world  has  hitherto  known  them, 
will  cease  to  exist. 

But  now  comes  the  most  singular  part  of  this 
history.  Till  within  a  few  weeks  hardly  any  body 
in  this  country  believed  in  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  People  thought  that  instincts  of  patriotism 
and  private  interest  would  prevail,  and  that  the 
Yankees  and  the  Southerners  would  quarrel  harmo¬ 
niously  for  many  years  to  come.  The  event  seems 
to  be  against  these  anticipations,  and  Englishmen 
are  content  to  look  on  in  silence  and  wonder.  Not 
so  the  Americans.  While  every  mail  is  bringing 
news  of  fiery  speeches  aDd  the  planting  of  palmetto 
trees,  the  almost  universal  tone  of  private  letters  is 
that  there  is  nothing  in  it  at  all.  South  Carolina 
cannot  secede,  or  if  she  does  she  must  come  back 
again.  The  other  States  only  want  to  make  terms 
and  to  come  back  into  the  Union  after  having  ex¬ 
torted  new  concessions  as  the  price  of  reconcilia¬ 
tion.  The  wish  may  be  father  to  the  thought,  but 
that  such  is  the  thought  is  to  be  learnt  from  the 
most  cursory  glance  at  the  American  newspapers. 
The  course  of  proceeding  is  to  be  as  follows:  South 
Carolina,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Florida,  Texas,  per¬ 
haps  Louisiana,  are  to  separate,  form  a  federation 
of  their  own,  and  then  treat  on  equal  terms  with 
those  who  remain  faithful  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  The 
Northern  Slave  States,  with  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina  at  their  head,  are  to  act  as  mediators,  and 
enforce  concessions  by  the  threat  of  joining  the 
Southern  league,  which  would  then  number  fifteen 
Slave  States,  with  a  vast  territory,  and  the  prospect 
of  conquering  all  the  riches  of  Mexico.  The  Pres¬ 
ident,  it  is  whispered,  is  in  favor  of  compromise ;  Gov. 
Seward  is  in  favor  of  compromise  ;  in  short,  now  that 
the  loss  of  Southern  wealth  threatens  them,  great  num¬ 
bers  of  the  stanchest  Anti-Slavery  men  are  in  favor 
of  compromise.  What  the  terms  of  the  compromise 
shall  be  of  course  remains  in  doubt.  The  hope  of 
the  democratic  party  in  the  North  is  that  the  slave¬ 
holders  will  not  be  too  exacting,  or  insist  on  the  re¬ 
peal  of  the  personal  liberty  acts,  by  which  some  of 
the  Abolitionist  States  have  nullified  the  Fugitive 
Slave  act.  Many  of  the  Republicans  are  anxious  to 
revive  the  Missouri  compromise,  by  which  slavery 
will  be  prohibited  in  any  part  of  the  United  States 
territory  north  of  36°  30'.  But  as  the  abolition  of 
this  compromise  and  the  assertion  of  the  slaveown¬ 
ers’  right  to  carry  negroes  into  any  part  of  the  ter¬ 
ritory  is  a  recent  and  very  great  victory,  it  is  hard¬ 
ly  likely  that  the  South  will  concede  this.  No  one 
in  this  country  can  pretend  to  judge  of  the  event; 
but  this  we  may  conclude  from  the  tone  of  Ameri¬ 
can  discussion,  that  the  North  will  not  be  too  rigid, 
and  that  the  slaveowners  will  receive  what  all  but 
the  most  rabid  of  them  will  consider  satisfaction. 
Gov.  Seward,  who  first  spoke  of  the  “irrepressible 
conflict”  which  was  impending,  now  prophesies 
peace  and  harmony  at  no  distant  day,  while  many 


of  his  most  intimate  friends  have  given  their  adhe¬ 
sion  to  the  scheme  of  compromise  brought  lorwardby 
Mr.  Crittenden.  But  whatever  may  be  the  final  re¬ 
sult,  we  may  expect  to  hear  shortly  that  other  States 
have  followed  the  example  set  by  South  Carolina. 

— London  Times,  Jan.  9. 


Doc.  26.— CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  SENA¬ 
TOR  TOOMBS  AND  MAYOR  WOOD. 

Milledgevillb,  Jan.  24,  1861. 

To  Ifis  Honor  Mayor  Wood: 

Is  it  true  that  any  arms  intended  for  and  con¬ 
signed  to  the  State  of  Georgia  have  been  seized  by 
public  authorities  in  New  York?  Your  answer  is 
important  to  us  and  to  New  York.  Answer  at  once. 

R.  Toombs. 

To  this  the  Mayor  returned  the  following  answer : 
lion.  Robert  Toombs,  Milled gerille,  Ga. : 

In  reply  to  your  dispatch,  I  regret  to  say  that 
arms  intended  for  and  consigned  to  the  State  of 
Georgia,  have  been  seized  by  the  Police  of  this 
State,  but  that  the  City  of  New  York  should  in  no 
way  be  made  responsible  for  the  outrage. 

As  Mayor,  I  have  no  authority  over  the  Police. 
If  I  had  the  power  I  should  summarily  punish  the 
authors  of  this  illegal  and  unjustifiable  seizure  of  pri¬ 
vate  property.  Fernando  Wood. 

• — N.  T.  Times,  Jan.  26. 


Doc.  27.— LOUISIANA  SECESSION  ORDINANCE. 

“  An  Ordinance  to  dissolve  the  Union  between 
the  State  of  Louisiana  and  the  other  States 

UNITED  WITH  HER,  UNDER  THE  COMPACT  ENTITLED 

the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of 
America  : 

“We,  the  people  of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  in  Con¬ 
vention  assembled,  do  declare  and  ordain,  and  it  is 
hereby  declared  and  ordained  that  the  ordinance 
passed  by  the  State  of  22d  November,  1807,  where¬ 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America 
and  the  amendments  of  said  Constitution  were 
adopted,  and  all  the  laws  and  ordinances  by  which 
Louisiana  became  a  member  of  the  Federal  Union, 
be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  repealed  and  abro¬ 
gated,  and  the  Union  now  subsisting  between 
Louisiana  and  the  other  States,  under  the  name  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  is  hereby  dissolved. 

“  We  further  declare  and  ordain,  that  the  State  of 
Louisiana  hereby  resumes  the  rights  and  powers 
heretofore  delegated  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  and  its  citizens  are  ab¬ 
solved  from  allegiance  to  the  said  Government,  and 
she  is  in  full  possession  of  all  the  rights  and 
sovereignty  that  appertain  to  a  free  and  independent 
State. 

“  We  further  declare  and  ordain,  that  all  rights  ac¬ 
quired  and  vested  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  or  any  act  of  Congress,  or  treaty,  or 
under  laws  of  this  State  not  incompatible  with  this 
ordinance,  shall  remain  in  force,  and  have  the  same 
effect  as  though  this  ordinance  had  not  passed.” 

A  resolution  was  reported  to  the  Convention  that 
the  following  be  added  to  the  ordinance  : 

“We,  the  people  of  Louisiana,  recognize  the 
right  of  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River  and 
tributaries  by  all  friendly  States  bordering  thereon , 


DOCUMENTS. 


27 


we  also  recognize  the  right  of  the  ingress  and  egress 
of  the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi  by  all  friendly 
States  and  Powers,  and  hereby  declare  our  willing¬ 
ness  to  enter  into  stipulations  to  guarantee  the  exer¬ 
cise  of  those  rights.” 


Doc.  28.— TEE  CUTTER  MCCLELLAND. 

The  following  statement  in  relation  to  the  sur¬ 
render  of  the  revenue  cutter  Robert  McClelland ,  is 
derived  from  an  official  source : 

On  the  19th  of  January,  four  days  after  Secretary 
Dix  took  charge  of  the  Treasury  Department,  he 
sent  Mr.  Wm.  Hemphill  Jones,  Chief  Clerk  in  the 
First  Comptroller’s  Office,  to  New  Orleans  and  Mo¬ 
bile,  to  save,  if  possible,  the  two  cutters  on  service 
there.  Captain  Morrison,  a  Georgian,  in  command 
of  the  Lewis  Cass  at  Mobile,  must  have  surrendered 
her  before  Mr.  Jones’  arrival.  On  the  29th  of 
January,  the  Secretary  received,  in  relation  to  the 
other,  the  following  telegraphic  dispatch  from  Mr. 
Jones: 

New  Orleans,  Jan.  29,  1SG1. 

Hon.  J.  A.  Dix,  Secretary  of  Treasury  :  Capt. 
Breshwood  has  refused  positively  in  writing,  to 
obey  any  instructions  of  the  Department.  In  thi3 
I  am  sure  he  is  sustained  by  the  Collector,  and  be¬ 
lieve  acts  by  his  advice.  What  must  I  do? 

W.  H.  Jones,  Special  Agent. 

To  this  dispatch  Secretary  Dix  immediately  re¬ 
turned  the  following  answer,  before  published  : 

Treasury  Department,  Jan.  29,  1SG1. 

W.  Hemphill  Jones,  New  Orleans:  Tell  Lieut. 
Caldwell  to  arrest  Capt.  Breshwood,  assume  com¬ 
mand  of  the  cutter,  and  obey  the  order  through  you. 
If  Capt.  Breshwood,  after  arrest,  undertakes  to  in¬ 
terfere  with  the  command  of  the  cutter,  tell  Lieut. 
Caldwell,  to  consider  him  as  a  mutineer,  and  treat 
him  accordingly.  If  any  one  attempts  to  haul  down 
the  American  flag,  shoot  him  on  the  spot. 

Joun  A.  Dix,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

This  dispatch  must  have  been  intercepted  both  at 
Montgomery  and  New  Orleans,  and  withheld  from 
Mr.  Jones,  and  the  treason  of  Captain  Breshwood 
was  consummated  by  means  of  a  complicity  on  the 
part  of  the  telegraph  line  within  the  States  of  Ala¬ 
bama  and  Louisiana.  (See  Doc.  81.) 

— N,  Y.  Times,  February  8, 


Doc.  29.— THE  MINT  AT  NEW  ORLEANS. 

The  Louisiana  Convention,  after  having  taken 
possession  of  the  United  States  Sub-Treasury  at 
New  Orleans,  passed  the  subjoined  ordinance, 
authorizing  the  payment  therefrom  of  certain  Gov¬ 
ernment  drafts  : 

Whereas,  The  State  of  Louisiana  has  taken  under  its 
control  the  funds  deposited  in  the  late  Sub-Treasury 
of  the  United  States  at  New  Orleans,  hut  consider¬ 
ing  it  just  that  certain  drafts  drawn  against  the  same 
should  be  paid ; 

Therefore ,  be  it  ordained  by  the  people  of  the  State 
of  Louisiana  in  convention  assembled,  That  the  State 
depositary  of  said  funds  be,  and  he  is  authorized  to 
pay  all  drafts  drawn  in  the  legitimate  course  of  dis¬ 
bursement  by  the  disbursing  officers  of  the  United 
States  on  the  funds  heretofore  deposited  in  the  Sub- 
Treasury  of  the  United  States  at  New  Orleans,  to 


the  credit  of  said  officers  respectively  :  Provided, 
That  no  draft  shall  be  paid  except  out  of  the  balance 
standing  to  the  credit  of  the  officer  drawing  the 
same:  And,  provided,  further,  That  the  aggregate 
amount  of  drafts  hereby  authorized  to  be  paid  shall 
not  exceed  the  sum  of  $306,592  80. 

Be  it  further  ordained.  That  the  State  depositary 
aforesaid  be,  and  he  is  hereby  authorized  to  pay  all 
outstanding  drafts  drawn  by  the  United  States  prior 
to  the  passage  of  the  ordinance  of  secession,  against 
the  funds  heretofore  deposited  in  the  Sub-Treasury 
of  the  United  States  at  New  Orleans,  to  the  credit 
of  the  public  revenue  of  the  United  States,  Pro- 
j  vicled,  that  the  aggregate  amount  of  said  drafts  shall 
not  exceed  the  sum  of  $146,226  74  ;  but  no  trans¬ 
fer  drafts  on  the  bullion  fund  shall  be  recognized  or 
paid. 

Be  it  further  ordained,  That  the  sum  of  $31,164 
44,  standing  to  the  credit  of  the  Post  Office  Depart¬ 
ment  on  the  books  of  the  late  Sub-Treasurer  of  the 
United  States,  at  New  Orleans,  is  hereby  held  sub¬ 
ject  to  draft  of  the  United  States,  in  payment  of 
postal  services,  until  otherwise  ordered  bv  this  con¬ 
vention  or  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State. 


Doc.  30.— THE  TEXAS  ORDINANCE  OF  SECES¬ 
SION. 

An  Oupinance  to  Dissolve  tiie  Union  between 
the  State  of  Texas  and  the  other  States  un¬ 
der  THE  COMPACT  STYLED  “  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF 
the  United  States  of  America.” 

Sec.  1.  Whereas,  the  Federal  Government  has 
failed  to  accomplish  the  purposes  of  the  compact 
of  union  between  these  States,  in  giving  protection 
either  to  the  persons  of  our  people  upon  an  exposed 
frontier,  or  to  the  property  of  our  citizens;  and 
whereas,  the  action  of  the  Northern  States  is  viola¬ 
tive  of  the  compact  between  the  States  and  the 
guarantees  of  the  Constitution ;  and,  whereas,  the 
recent  developments  in  federal  affairs  make  it 
evident  that  the  power  of  the  Federal  Government 
is  sought  to  be  made  a  weapon  with  which  to  strike 
down  the  interests  and  property  of  the  people  of 
Texas  and  her  sister  slaveholding  States,  instead  of 
permitting  it  to  be,  as  was  intended — our  shield 
against  outrage  and  aggression — therefore,  “We, 
the  people  of  the  State  of  Texas,  by  delegates  in 
the  Convention  assembled,  do  declare  and  ordain 
that  the  ordinance  adopted  by  our  Convention  of 
delegates  on  the  fourth  (4th)  day  of  July,  A.D. 
1845,  and  afterwards  ratified  by  us,  under  which  the 
Republic  of  Texas  was  admitted  into  the  Union 
with  other  States,  and  became  a  party  to  the  com¬ 
pact  styled  ‘  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
of  America’  be,  and  is  hereby  repealed  and  an¬ 
nulled.” 

That  all  the  powers  which,  by  the  said  compact, 
were  delegated  by  Texas  to  the  Federal  Government 
are  resumed.  That  Texas  is  of  right  absolved  from 
all  restraints  and  obligations  incurred  by  said 
compact,  and  is  a  separate  sovereign  State,  and 
that  her  citizens  and  people  are  absolved  from 
all  allcgance  to  the  United  States  or  the  Government 
thereof. 

Sec.  2  The  ordinance  shall  be  submitted  to  the 
people  of  Texas  for  their  ratification  or  rejection, 
by  the  qualified  voters,  on  the  23d  day  of  February, 
1861;  and  unless  rejected  by  a  majority  of  the 
votes  cast,  shall  take  effect  and  be  in  force  on  and 


28 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


after  the  2d  day  of  March,  A.D.  1861.  Provided 
that  in  the  representative  district  of  El  Paso  said 
election  may  be  held  on  the  18tli  day  of  February, 
1861. 

Done  by  the  people  of  the  State  of  Texas,  in  con¬ 
vention  assembled,  at  Austin,  the  1st  day  of  Feb¬ 
ruary,  A.D.  1S61. 


Doc.  31.— A  REPORT  FROM  SECRETARY  DIX. 

Secretary  Dix  sent  a  report  to  the  House  of  Rep¬ 
resentatives,  in  answer  to  Mr.  Sickles’  resolution  of 
inquiry,  showing  the  following  state  of  facts: 

“  First. — The  impediments  to  commerce  by  usurp¬ 
ing  control  of  the  ports  of  Mobile,  Charleston,  Pen¬ 
sacola  and  New  Orleans. 

“  Second. — The  control  of  commerce  of  the  Missis¬ 
sippi  Valley,  by  requiring  the  duties  on  all  goods 
entered  at  New  Orleans  for  delivery  at  St.  Louis, 
Nashville,  Louisville,  and  Cincinnati,  to  be  paid  to 
the  State  of  Louisiana. 

“  Third. — The  seizure  by  Louisiana  of  all  United 
States  moneys,  as  well  as  those  of  private  deposi¬ 
tors  in  the  mint  and  sub-treasury  at  New  Orleans 
and  other  places. 

“ Fourth . — The  seizure  of  revenue  cutters,  by 
arrangement  between  their  commanders  and  the 
collectors  of  Mobile,  New  Orleans  and  Charleston. 

“  Fifth. — The  expulsion  of  the  sick  and  invalid 
patients  at  the  United  States  Hospital  at  New  Or¬ 
leans,  in  order  to  provide  accommodation  for  Lou¬ 
isiana  troops.” 

Mr.  Dix  says  it  is  believed  that  duties  on  imports 
continue  to  be  collected  in  the  ports  of  entry  estab¬ 
lished  in  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Louisi¬ 
ana  and  Florida,  and  that  vessels  are  entered  and 
cleared  in  the  usual  manner;  but  so  far  as  the  de¬ 
partment  has  been  advised,  the  collectors  assume 
to  perform  their  duties  under  the  authority  of  the 
States  in  which  they  reside,  and  hold  and  reserve 
the  duties,  subject  to  the  same  authority. 

Speaking  of  the  general  subject,  Mr.  Dix  says: 

“Throughout  the  whole  course  of  encroachment 
and  aggression,  the  Federal  Government  has  borne 
itself  with  a  spirit  of  paternal  forbearance,  of  which 
there  is  no  example  in  the  history  of  public  society; 
waiting  in  patient  hope  that  the  empire  of  reason 
would  resume  its  sway  over  those  whom  the  excite¬ 
ment  of  passion  has  thus  far  blinded,  and  trusting 
that  the  friends  of  good  order,  wearied  with  sub¬ 
mission  to  proceedings  which  they  disapproved, 
would  at  no  distant  day  rally  under  the  banner  of 
the  Union,  and  exert  themselves  with  vigor  and 
success  against  the  prevailing  recklessness  and 
violence.” 

T.  Hemphill  Jones,  the  special  agent  appointed 
to  secure  the  revenue  cutters  McClelland  and  Lewis 
Cass  from  seizure  by  the  Louisiana  secessionists,  re¬ 
ports  to  the  Treasury  Department  that  he  arrived 
in  New  Orleans  in  pursuance  of  his  instructions  on 
the  26th  January.  He  found  Captain  Breshwood, 
of  the  McClelland,  after  a  long  search,  and  handed 
him  the  following  order : 

New  Orleans,  Jan.  29, 1861. 

Sir: — You  are  hereby  directed  to  get  the  United 
States  revenue  cutter  McClelland,  now  lying  here, 
under  way  immediately,  and  proceed  with  her  to 
New  York,  where  you  will  await  the  further  instruc¬ 
tions  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  For  my 
authority  to  make  this  order  you  are  referred  to  the 


letter  of  the  Secretary,  dated  the  19th  inst.,  and 
handed  you  personally  by  me. 

Very  respectfully, 

Wm,  Hemphill  Jones, 

Special  Agent. 

To  Capt.  .1.  Cl.  BRESnwoon,  commanding  U.  S.  ) 
revenue  cutter  Robert  McClelland.  j 

Breshwood  conferred  with  Collector  Hatch  of  New 
Orleans,  and  then  returned  the  following  answer, 
flatly  refusing  to  obey  the  order : 

U.  S.  Revenue  Cutter  Roisert  McClelland,  ) 
New  Orleans,  January  29,  1861.  J 

Sir:  Your  letter,  with  one  of  the  19th  of  January 
from  the  Hon.  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  I  have  duly 
received,  and  in  reply  refuse  to  obey  the  order. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

John  G.  Breshwood,  Captain. 

To  Wm.  IIempiiill  Jones,  Esq.,  Special  Agent. 

Mr.  Jones’s  report  continues  : 

Believing  that  Captain  Breshwood  would  not  have 
ventured  upon  this  most  positive  act  of  insubordina¬ 
tion  and  disobedience  of  his  own  volition,  I  waited 
upon  the  Collector  at  the  Custom  House,  and  had 
with  him  a  full  and  free  conversation  upon  the  whole 
subject.  In  the  course  of  it,  Mr.  Hatch  admitted  to  me 
that  he  had  caused  the  cutter  to  be  brought  to  the  city 
of  New  Orleans  by  an  order  of  his  own,  dated  January 
15,  so  that  she  might  be  secured  to  the  State  of  Lou¬ 
isiana,  although  at  that  time  the  State  had  not  only 
not  seceded,  but  the  Convention  had  not  met,  and  in 
fact  did  not  meet  until  eight  days  afterwards.  This, 
I  must  confess,  seemed  to  me  a  singular  confession 
for  one  who  at  that  very  time  had  sworn  to  do  his 
duty  faithfully  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States ;  and 
on  intimating  as  much  to  Mr.  Hatch,  he  excused  him¬ 
self  on  the  ground  that  in  these  revolutions  all  other 
things  must  give  way  to  the  force  of  circumstances. 
Mr.  Hatch  likewise  informed  me  that  the  officers  of 
the  cutter  had  long  since  determined  to  abandon  their 
allegiance  to  the  United  States,  and  cast  their  fortunes 
with  the  independent  State  of  Louisiana.  In  order 
to  test  the  correctness  of  this  statement,  I  addressed 
another  communication  to  Captain  Breshwood,  of  the 
following  tenor : 

New  Orleans,  January  29,  1861. 

Sir  :  By  your  note  of  this  date  I  am  informed  that 
you  refuse  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  honorable  Secre¬ 
tary  of  the  Treasury.  As,  on  accepting  your  com¬ 
mission,  you  took  and  subscribed  an  oath  faithfully  to 
discharge  your  duties  to  the  Government,  and  as  you 
well  know,  the  law  has  placed  the  revenue  cutters 
and  their  officers  under  the  entire  control  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  I  request  you  to  advise  me 
whether  you  consider  yourself  at  this  time  an  officer 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

Very  respectfully, 

Wm.  IIempiiill  Jones,  Special  Agent 
To  Captain  Breshwood. 

To  this  letter  I  never  received  any  reply.  I  then 
repaired  again  on  board  the  cutter,  and  asked  for  the 
order  of  the  Collector  bringing  her  to  New  Orleans. 
The  original  was  placed  in  my  possession,  of  which 
the  following  is  a  copy.  And  here  it  may  be  proper 
to  observe,  that  the  order  is  written  and  signed  by 
the  Collector  himself : 

Custom  House,  New  Orleans,  [ 
Collector’s  Office,  Jan.  15,  1861.  ) 

Sir:  You  are  hereby  directed  to  proceed  forthwith 


DOCUMENTS. 


29 


under  sail  to  this  city,  and  anchor  the  vessel  under 
your  command  opposite  the  United  States  Marine 
Hospital,  above  Algiers. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

F.  H.  Hatch,  Collector. 

To  Captain  J.  G.  Breshwood,  United  States  Revenue 
Cutter  McClelland,  Southwest  Pass,  La. 

Defeated  at  New  Orleans,  Mr.  Jones  then  took  his 
way  to  Mobile,  to  look  after  the  Lewis  Cass.  Her 
Captain  (Morrison)  could  not  be  found,  but  Mr.  Jones 
discovered  in  the  cabin  the  following  letter,  which 
explains  the  surrender  of  that  vessel : 

State  of  Alabama,  Collector’s  Office,  ) 
Mobile,  January  30,  1861.  ) 

Sir  :  In  obedience  to  an  ordinance  recently  adopted 
by  a  convention  of  the  people  of  Alabama,  I  have 
to  require  you  to  surrender  into  my  hands,  for  the 
use  of  the  State,  the  revenue  cutter  Lewis  Cass,  now 
under  your  command,  together  with  her  armaments, 
properties  and  provisions  on  board  the  same.  I  am 
instructed  also  to  notify  you,  that  you  have  the 
option  to  continue  in  command  of  the  said  revenue 
cutter,  under  the  authority  of  the  State  of  Alabama, 
in  the  exercise  of  the  same  duties  that  you  have  hith¬ 
erto  rendered  to  the  United  States,  and  at  the  same 
compensation,  reporting  to  this  office  and  to  the  Gov¬ 
ernor  of  the  State.  In  surrendering  the  vessel  to 
the  State,  you  will  furnish  me  with  a  detailed  inven¬ 
tory  of  its  armaments,  provisions  and  properties  of 
every  description.  You  will  receive  special  instruc¬ 
tions  from  this  office  in  regard  to  the  duties  you  will 
be  required  to  perform.  I  await  your  immediate 
reply. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

T.  Sanford,  Collector. 

To  J.  J.  Morrison,  Esq.,  Captain  Revenue  Cutter 
Lewis  Cass,  Mobile,  Ala. 

Mr.  Jones  concludes  his  report  with  the  statement, 
that  he  made  a  final  and  unsuccessful  effort  to  re¬ 
cover  the  McClelland,  but,  failing  in  the  attempt,  he 
retraced  his  steps  to  Washington. 

— Evening  Post,  Feb.  22. 


Doc.  32.— DELEGATES  TO  THE  MONTGOMERY 
CONVENTION,  ALABAMA,  FEB.  4. 


ALABAMA. 


Robert  H.  Smith, 
Colin  J.  McRae, 
W.  R.  Chilton, 
David  P.  Lewis, 


Richard  W.  Walker, 
John  Gill, 

S.  F.  Hale, 

Thomas  Fearn, 

J.  L.  M.  Curry. 


FLORIDA. 

Jackson  Morton,  J.  Patton  Anderson, 

James  Powers. 


Robert  Toombs, 
Francis  Barton, 
Martin  Crawford, 
Judge  Nesbitt, 
Benjamin  Hill, 


GEORGIA. 

Howell  Cobb, 
Augustus  R.  Wright, 
Thomas  R.  Cobb, 
Augustus  Keenan, 

A.  H.  Stephens. 


LOUISIANA. 


John  Perkins,  Jr., 
C.  M.  Conrad, 
Duncan  F.  Kenner, 


A.  Declomet, 

E.  Sparrow, 
Henry  Marshall. 


MISSISSIPPI. 

Wiley  P.  Harris,  Walker  Brooke, 

W.  S.  Wilson,  W.  S.  Barry, 

A.  M.  Clayton,  J.  T.  Harrison, 

J.  A.  P.  Campbell. 

NORTH  CAROLINA. 

J.  L.  Bridgers,  M.  W.  Ransom, 

Ex-Gov.  Swann. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

T.  J.  Withers,  W.  W.  Boyce, 

II.  B.  Rhett,  Jr.,  James  Chestnut,  Jr., 

L.  M.  Keitt,  R.  W.  Barnwell, 

G.  G.  Memminger. 


Doc.  33.— CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  CONFEDER¬ 
ATED  STATES. 

The  Title  of  the  Constitution  for  the  Provis¬ 
ional  Government  of  the  Confederated  States 

of  America. 

The  Preamble  reads  as  follows : 

“  We,  the  deputies  of  the  sovereign  and  independent 
States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama, 
Mississippi  and  Louisiana,  invoking  the  favor  of 
Almighty  God,  do  hereby,  in  behalf  of  these  States, 
ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  pro¬ 
visional  government  of  the  same,  to  continue  one 
year  from  the  inauguration  of  the  President,  or  until 
a  permanent  constitution  or  confederation  between 
the  said  States  shall  be  put  in  operation,  whichsoever 
shall  first  occur.” 

The  seventh  section,  first  article,  is  as  follows : 

“The  importation  of  African  negroes  from  any 
foreign  country  other  than  the  slaveholding  States  of 
the  United  States,  is  hereby  forbidden,  and  Congress 
is  required  to  pass  such  laws  as  shall  effectually  pre¬ 
vent  the  same.” 

Article  second — “  Congress  shall  also  have  power 
to  prohibit  the  introduction  of  slaves  from  any  State 
not  a  member  of  this  Confederacy.” 

Article  fourth  of  the  third  clause  of  the  second 
section  says : 

“A  slave  in  one  State  escaping  to  another  shall  be 
delivered  up  on  the  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  said 
slave  may  belong,  by  the  executive  authority  of  the 
State  in  which  such  slave  may  be  found ;  and  in  case 
of  any  abduction  or  forcible  rescue,  full  compensa¬ 
tion,  including  the  value  of  the  slave,  and  all  costs 
and  expenses,  shall  be  made  to  the  party  by  the  State 
in  which  such  abduction  or  rescue  shall  take  place.” 

Article  sixth  of  the  second  clause  says : 

“  The  Government  hereby  instituted  shall  take  im¬ 
mediate  steps  for  the  settlement  of  all  matters  be¬ 
tween  the  States  forming  it,  and  their  late  confeder¬ 
ates  of  the  United  States,  in  relation  to  the  public 
property  and  public  debt  at  the  time  of  their  with¬ 
drawal  from  them,  these  States  hereby  declaring  it  to 
be  their  wish  and  earnest  desire  to  adjust  every  thing 
pertaining  to  the  common  property,  common  liabili¬ 
ties,  and  common  obligations  of  that  Union,  upon 
principles  of  right,  justice,  equity,  and  good  faith.” 

The  tariff  clause  provides  that  “  the  Congress  shall 
have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts, 
and  excises  for  revenue  necessary  to  pay  the  debts 
and  carry  on  the  Government  of  the  Confederacy, 
and  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  uniform 
throughout  the  Confederacy.” 


80 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


All  the  other  portions  of  the  Constitution  are 
almost  identical  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

—  Commercial  Advertiser, 

Doc.  34.— SOUTHERN  OPINIONS. 

The  Charleston  Mercury  thus  discusses  the  power 
of  the  Southern  Congress: 

In  the  first  place,  has  this  convention  any  author¬ 
ity  to  elect  a  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy?  Excepting  in  Mississippi, 
it  is  doubtful  whether  any  other  State  convention 
in  the  South  thought  of  any  such  project.  What 
good  can  result  from  this  convention  assuming  to 
elect  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  Con¬ 
federacy,  without  at  the  same  time  electing  the  Sen¬ 
ators  and  Representatives  of  the  Congress  ?  Mis¬ 
sissippi  has  already  exercised  the  right  to  elect  her 
Senators  and  Representatives  to  the  Congress. — 
Surely  the  other  States  should  exercise  the  same 
right.  It  will  not  do  for  her  to  appoint  her  Repre¬ 
sentatives  by  her  convention,  and  then  come  here 
and  appoint  ours  besides. 

But  there  is  a  graver  matter  than  its  absurdity 
behind  this  scheme.  Is  it  any  thing  else  than  the 
policy  of  reconstructing  the  Union  ?  Take  the  Con¬ 
stitution  of  the  United  States  as  it  is,  with  all  its 
constructive  powers,  and  get  the  frontier  States  in 
the  Confederacy  with  us,  and  will  the  Constitution 
ever  be  altered  ?  And  if  not  altered,  will  we  not 
have  the  same  battle  to  fight  over  again  with  them, 
after  a  few  years,  which  we  have  been  compelled  to 
fight  with  the  Northern  States?  But  will  a  Southern 
confederacy  exist  at  all  with  such  a  policy?  Will 
not  all  the  Northern  States  come  again  into  a  Union 
w'ithus?  Why  should  they  not?  They  are  satis¬ 
fied  with  the  Constitution  of  the  Lhiited  States  as  it 
is,  open  to  their  interpretation.  It  establishes  a  cap¬ 
ital  despotism  under  their  power.  Of  course  they 
will  seek  to  reconstruct  the  Union.  And  will  it  not 
be  done?  Yes,  certainly,  under  this  scheme.  Af¬ 
ter  all,  we  will  have  run  a  round  circle,  and  end 
where  we  started. 

The  Augusta  (Ga.)  Chronicle  recommends  the 
Hon.  A.  H.  Stephens  as  provisional  President,  be¬ 
cause  he  bears  no  “  stain  of  the  prevalent  corrup¬ 
tion,”  and  because  he  is  “Southern  by  birth  and 
education,  patriotic  beyond  question,  calm,  sound, 
and  mature  in  judgment,  with  a  reputation  that  was 
national  when  we  had  a  nation,  and  a  favorite,  at 
one  time  or  another,  with  all  parties.” 

Such  a  nomination,  the  Chronicle  says,  would  re¬ 
concile  the  feelings  of  our  friends  at  the  North,  and 
also  the  Union  men  of  the  South.  It  then  says: 

Disguise  it  as  we  may,  the  greatest  danger  to  the 
new  confederacy  arises,  not  from  without,  not  from 
the  North,  butyrom  our  ovm  people.  We  have  only 
to  refer  to  recent  speeches  in  Congress,  such  as  those 
of  Clemens,  Etheridge,  and  Nelson,  to  show  that 
th.e  indications  are  growing  stronger  that  organized 
if  not  armed  opposition  to  the  new  order  of  things 
may  arise  in  States  or  parts  of  Southern  Stales  not 
vitally  interested  in  the  Slavery  question.  Such 
discontent  is  to  be  allayed  if  possible. 

Our  position  has  ever  been  that  all  the  Southern 
States  should  unite  in  action,  and  we  have  advocated 
separate  action  and  an  independent  State  Govern¬ 
ment  by  Georgia  only  because  we  saw  no  hope  for 
united  action  by  all  the  Southern  States.  We  have 


invariably  been  consistent  in  our  desire  for  cooper¬ 
ation.  When  our  hopes  seemed  about  to  fail,  and 
separate  State  action  was  an  “accomplished  fact,” 
we  thought  it  better  that  Georgia,  powerful  in  re¬ 
sources  beyond  any  of  her  neighbors,  rich  and  pros¬ 
perous,  should  set  up  for  herself,  and  not  link  her 
fortunes  to  a  confederacy  ruled  by  disorganizing 
charlatans,  without  the  talent  to  construct,  though 
potent  to  destroy ;  governed  by  chimerical  schemers, 
without  a  particle  of  practical  common  sense  or 
business  knowledge,  in  which  she  would  have  to 
bear  more  than  her  share  of  the  burdens,  and  incur 
more  than  her  proportion  of  the  financial  and  com¬ 
mercial  disadvantages.  But  with  Stephens  at  the 
helm  (for  he  has  brains)  Georgia  and  the  South  arc 
safe. 


Doc.  35.— MEMMINGER’S  SPEECH. 

I  conceive,  Mr.  President,  this  a  fitting  occasion 
to  discharge  a  commission  which  has  been  entrust¬ 
ed  to  me  by  some  of  my  constituency  of  South 
Carolina.  I  have  before  me  a  flag  which  some  of 
the  young  ladies  of  South  Carolina  present  to  this 
Congress,  as  a  model  flag  for  the  Confederate  States 
of  America.  This  flag,  as  it  will  be  seen  upon  in¬ 
spection,  embraces  the  idea  of  a  cross — a  blue  cro.^s 
on  a  red  field. 

Now,  Mr.  President  the  idea  of  a  cross  no  doubt 
was  suggested  to  the  imagination  of  the  young 
ladies,  by  the  beauteous  constellation  of  the  South¬ 
ern  cross,  which  the  great  Creator  has  placed  in  the 
Southern  heavens,  by  way  of  compensation  for  the 
glorious  constitution  at  the  north  pole.  The  inaug¬ 
uration  of  the  young  ladies  was  doubtless  inspired 
by  the  genius  of  Dante,  and  the  scientific  skill  of 
Humboldt.  But  sir,  I  have  no  doubt  that  there  was 
another  idea  associated  with  it,  in  the  minds  of  the 
young  ladies — a  religious  one ;  and  although  we  have 
not  seen  in  the  heavens  the  “in  hoc  signo  vinces  ” 
written  upon  the  labarum  of  Constantine,  yet  the 
same  sign  has  been  manifested  to  us  upon  the  tab¬ 
lets  of  the  earth ;  for  we  all  know  that  it  has  been 
by  the  aid  of  revealed  religion,  that  we  have 
achieved  over  fanaticism  the  victory  which  we  this 
day  witness;  and  it  is  becoming  on  this  occasion 
that  the  debt  of  the  South  to  the  cross,  should  be 
thus  recognized. 

I  have  also,  Mr.  President,  another  commission 
from  a  gentleman  of  taste  and  skill,  in  the  city  of 
Charleston,  who  offers  another  model,  which  em¬ 
braces  the  same  idea  of  a  cross,  but  upon  a  differ¬ 
ent  ground.  The  gentleman  who  offers  this  model, 
appears  to  be  more  hopeful  than  the  young  ladies. 
They  offer  one  with  seven  stars,  six  for  the  States 
already  represented  in  this  Congress,  and  the 
seventh  for  Texas,  whose  deputies,  we  hope,  will 
soon  be  on  their  way  to  join  us.  He  offers  a  flag 
which  embraces  the  whole  fifteen  States.  God  grant 
that  this  hope  may  be  realized,  and  that  we  may 
soon  welcome  their  stars,  to  the  glorious  constella¬ 
tion  of  the  Southern  confederacy  !  (Applause.) 

Mr.  Miles — I  move  that  a  committee  of  one  from 
each  State  be  appointed  to  report  upon  a  flag  for 
the  Confederate  States  of  America.  Adopted. 

The  States  were  called,  and  the  following  commit¬ 
tee  was  announced: — Messrs.  Shorter,  of  Alabama  ; 
Morton,  of  Florida;  Barton,  of  Georgia;  Sparrow, 
of  Louisiana;  Harris  of  Mississippi ;  and  Miles,  of 
South  Carolina. 


DOCUMENTS. 


31 


Doc.  36.— COUNTING  THE  VOTE. 

A  message  was  sent  to  the  Senate,  informing 
them  that  the  House  was  now  waiting  to  receive 
them,  so  that  in  a  joint  body  the  electoral  votes  of 
the  President  and  Vice  President  may  be  opened 
and  the  result  announced. 

After  a  short  interval  the  Senators,  preceded  by 
their  officers,  were  announced. 

The  members  of  the  House  immediately  rose,  and 
remained  standing  till  the  Senators  took  seats  in  a 
semi-circular  range,  in  front  of  the  clerk’s  desk. 

Vice  President  Breckinridge  was  conducted  to 
the  right  of  the  Speaker,  and  the  tellers,  viz: — Sen¬ 
ator  Trumbull  and  Representatives  Washburn,  of 
Illinois,  and  Phelps,  took  seats  at  the  Clerk’s  desk. 

When  order  was  restored,  Vice  President  Breck¬ 
inridge  rose  and  said : — 

“  We  have  assembled,  pursuant  to  the  constitu¬ 
tion,  in  order  that  the  electoral  votes  may  be  count¬ 
ed,  and  the  result  declared,  for  President  and  Vice 
President  for  the  term  commencing  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1861,  and  it  is  made  my  duty  under  the  con¬ 
stitution,  to  open  the  certificates  of  election  in  the 
presence  of  the  two  Houses ;  and  I  now  proceed  to 
the  performance  of  that  duty. 

Vice  President  Breckinridge  then  opened  the 
package  containing  the  electoral  vote  of  Maine,  and 
handed  it  to  the  tellers,  when  the  certificate  there¬ 
of  was  read,  the  Secretary  of  the  Senate  making  a 
note  thereof. 

The  electoral  votes  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachu¬ 
setts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  and 
New  York  were  similarly  disposed  of. 

Senator  Douglas  suggested,  and  no  objection  was 
made,  that  the  formal  part  of  the  certificates,  and 
the  names  of  the  electors,  be  omitted  from  the 
reading. 

The  reading  of  the  vote  of  South  Carolina  was 
productive  of  good-humored  excitement. 

The  reading  of  all  the  electoral  votes  having  been 
completed,  the  tellers  reported  the  result : 

Whereupon  the  Vice  President,  rising,  said : 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  of  Illinois,  having  re¬ 
ceived  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electoral 
votes,  is  duly  elected  President  of  the  United  States 
for  the  four  years  commencing  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1861 : 

And  that  HANNIBAL  HAMLIN,  of  Maine,  having 
received  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electoral 
votes,  is  duly  elected  Vice  President  of  the  United 
States  for  the  same  term. — Commercial  Advertiser. 


Doc.  37.— INAUGURAL  OF  JEFFERSON  DAVIS. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States 
of  America,  Friends  and  Fellow-Citizens  : 

Called  to  the  difficult  and  responsible  station  of 
Chief  Executive  of  the  Provisional  Government 
which  you  have  instituted,  I  approach  the  discharge 
of  the  duties  assigned  me  with  an  humble  distrust 
of  my  abilities,  but  with  a  sustaining  confidence  in 
the  wisdom  of  those  who  are  to  guide  and  aid  me  in 
the  administration  of  public  affairs,  and  an  abiding 
faith  in  the  virtue  and  patriotism  of  the  people. 
Looking  forward  to  the  speedy  establishment  of  a 
permanent  government  to  take  the  place  of  this, 
and  which  by  its  greater  moral  and  physical  power 
will  be  better  able  to  combat  with  the  many  diffi¬ 
culties  which  arise  from  the  conflicting  interests  of 


separate  nations,  I  enter  upon  the  duties  of  the 
office  to  which  1  have  been  chosen,  with  the  hope 
that  the  beginning  of  our  career  as  a  confederacy 
may  not  be  obstructed  by  hostile  opposition  to  our 
enjoyment  of  the  separate  existence  and  independ¬ 
ence  which  we  have  asserted,  and  which,  with  the 
blessing  of  Providence,  we  intend  to  maintain. 

Our  present  condition,  achieved  in  a  manner  un¬ 
precedented  in  the  history  of  nations,  illustrates  the 
American  idea  that  governments  rest  upon  the  con¬ 
sent  of  the  governed,  and  that  it  is  the  right  of  the 
people  to  alter  and  abolish  governments  whenever 
they  become  destructive  to  the  ends  for  which  they 
were  established.  The  declared  compact  of  the 
Union  from  which  we  have  withdrawn  was  to  estab¬ 
lish  justice,  ensure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide 
for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  wel¬ 
fare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves 
and  our  posterity ;  and  when  in  the  judgment  of 
the  sovereign  States  now  composing  this  confed¬ 
eracy,  it  has  been  perverted  from  the  purposes  for 
which  it  was  ordained,  and  ceased  to  answer  the 
ends  for  which  it  was  established,  a  peaceful  appeal 
to  the  ballot-box  declared  that,  so  far  as  they  were 
concerned,  the  government  created  by  that  com¬ 
pact  should  cease  to  exist.  In  this  they  merely  as¬ 
serted  the  right  which  the  Declaration  oflndepend- 
cnce  of  1776  defined  to  be  inalienable.  Of  the  time 
and  occasion  of  its  exercise  they  as  sovereigns  were 
the  final  judges,  each  for  itself.  The  impartial,  en¬ 
lightened  verdict  of  mankind  will  vindicate  the  rec¬ 
titude  of  our  conduct ;  and  He  who  knows  the 
hearts  of  men  will  judge  of  the  sincerity  with  which 
we  labored  to  preserve  the  government  of  our 
fathers  in  its  spirit. 

The  right  solemnly  proclaimed  at  the  birth  of  the 
States,  and  which  has  been  affirmed  and  reaffirmed 
in  the  bills  of  rights  of  the  States  subsequently  ad¬ 
mitted  into  the  Union  of  1789,  undeniably  recog¬ 
nizes  in  the  people  the  power  to  resume  the  author¬ 
ity  delegated  for  the  purposes  of  government.  Thus 
the  sovereign  States  here  represented,  proceeded  to 
form  this  confederacy  ;  and  it  is  by  the  abuse  of  lan¬ 
guage  that  their  act  has  been  denominated  revolu¬ 
tion.  They  formed  a  new  alliance,  but  within  each 
State  its  government  has  remained.  The  rights  of 
person  and  property  have  not  been  disturbed.  The 
agent  through  whom  they  communicated  with  for¬ 
eign  nations  is  changed,  but  this  does  not  neces¬ 
sarily  interrupt  their  international  relations.  Sus¬ 
tained  by  the  consciousness  that  the  transition  from 
the  former  Union  to  the  present  confederacy  has 
not  proceeded  from  a  disregard  on  our  part  of  our 
just  obligations  or  any  failure  to  perform  every  con¬ 
stitutional  duty,  moved  by  no  interest  or  passion  to 
invade  the  rights  of  others,  anxious  to  cultivate 
peace  and  commerce  with  all  nations,  if  we  may  not 
hope  to  avoid  war,  we  may  at  least  expect  that  pos¬ 
terity  will  acquit  us  of  having  needlessly  engaged  in 
it.  Doubly  justified  by  the  absence  of  wrong  on 
our  part,  and  by  wanton  aggression  on  the  part  of 
othei’s,  there  can  be  no  cause  to  doubt  the  courage 
and  patriotism  of  the  people  of  the  confederate 
States  will  be  found  equal  to  any  measures  of  de¬ 
fence  which  soon  their  security  may  require. 

An  agricultural  people,  whose  chief  interest  is 
the  export  of  a  commodity  required  in  every  manu¬ 
facturing  country,  our  true  policy  is  peace,  and  the 
freest  trade  which  our  necessities  will  permit.  It 
is  alike  our  interest  and  that  of  all  those  to  whom 
we  would  sell  and  from  whom  we  would  buy,  that 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-G1. 


,‘12 


there  should  be  the  fewest  practicable  restrictions 
upon  the  interchange  of  commodities.  There  can 
be  but  little  rivalry  between  ours  and  any  manufac¬ 
turing  or  navigating  community,  such  as  the  north¬ 
eastern  States  of  the  American  Union.  It  must 
follow,  therefore,  that  mutual  interest  would  invite 
good  will  and  kind  offices.  If,  however,  passion  or 
lust  of  dominion  should  cloud  the  judgment  or  in¬ 
flame  the  ambition  of  those  States,  we  must  prepare 
to  meet  the  emergency  and  maintain  by  the  final 
arbitrament  of  the  sword  the  position  which  we 
have  assumed  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

We  have  entered  upon  a  career  of  independence, 
and  it  must  be  inflexibly  pursued  through  many 
years  of  controversy  with  our  late  associates  of  the 
Northern  States.  We  have  vainly  endeavored  to 
secure  tranquillity  and  obtain  respect  for  the  rights 
to  which  we  were  entitled.  As  a  necessity,  not  a 
choice,  we  have  resorted  to  the  remedy  of  separa¬ 
tion,  and  henceforth  our  energies  must  be  directed 
to  the  conduct  of  our  own  affairs,  and  the  perpetu¬ 
ity  of  the  confederacy  which  we  have  formed.  If  a 
just  perception  of  mutual  interest  shall  permit  us 
peaceably  to  pursue  our  separate  political  career,  my 
most  earnest  desire  will  have  been  fulfilled.  But 
if  this  be  denied  us,  and  the  integrity  of  our  terri¬ 
tory  and  jurisdiction  be  assailed,  it  will  but  remain 
for  us  with  firm  resolve  to  appeal  to  arms  and  in¬ 
voke  the  blessing  of  Providence  on  a  just  cause. 

As  a  consequence  of  our  new  condition,  aud  with 
a  view  to  meet  anticipated  wants,  it  will  be  neces¬ 
sary  to  provide  a  speedy  and  efficient  organization 
of  the  branches  of  the  Executive  department  hav¬ 
ing  special  charge  of  foreign  intercourse,  finance, 
military  affairs,  and  postal  service.  For  purposes 
of  defence  the  Confederate  States  may,  under  ordi¬ 
nary  circumstances,  rely  mainly  upon  their  militia  ; 
but  it  is  deemed  advisable  in  the  present  condition 
of  affairs,  that  there  should  be  a  well  instructed, 
disciplined  army,  more  numerous  than  would  usual¬ 
ly  be  required  on  a  peace  establishment.  I  also 
suggest  that,  for  the  protection  of  our  harbors  and 
commerce  on  the  high  seas,  a  navy  adapted  to  those 
objects  will  be  required.  These  necessities  have, 
doubtless,  engaged  the  attention  of  Congress. 

With  a  Constitution  differing  only  from  that  of 
our  fathers  in  so  far  as  it  is  explanatory  of  their 
well  known  intent,  freed  from  sectional  conflicts, 
which  have  interfered  with  the  pursuit  of  the  gen¬ 
eral  welfare,  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  expect  that 
the  States  from  which  we  have  recently  parted  may 
seek  to  unite  their  fortunes  to  ours,  under  the  gov¬ 
ernment  which  we  have  instituted.  For  this  your 
Constitution  makes  adequate  provision,  but  beyond 
this,  if  I  mistake  not,  the  judgment  and  will  of  the 
people  are,  that  union  with  the  States  from  which 
they  have  separated  is  neither  practicable  nor  de¬ 
sirable.  To  increase  the  power,  develop  the  re¬ 
sources,  and  promote  the  happiness  of  the  Con¬ 
federacy,  it  is  requisite  there  should  be  so  much 
homogeneity  that  the  welfare  of  every  portion  would 
be  the  aim  of  the  whole.  Where  this  does  not  exist 
antagonisms  are  engendered  which  must  and  should 
result  in  separation. 

Actuated  solely  by  a  desire  to  preserve  our  own 
rights,  and  to  promote  our  own  welfare,  the  separa¬ 
tion  of  the  Confederate  States  has  been  marked  by 
no  aggression  upon  others,  and  followed  by  no  do¬ 
mestic  convulsion.  Our  industrial  pursuits  have 
received  no  check,  the  cultivation  of  our  fields  pro¬ 
gresses  as  heretofore,  and  even  should  we  be  in¬ 


volved  in  war  there  would  be  no  considerable  diminu¬ 
tion  in  the  production  of  the  staples  which  have  con¬ 
stituted  our  exports,  in  which  the  commercial  world 
has  an  interest  scarcely  less  than  our  own.  This 
common  interest  of  producer  and  consumer  can 
only  be  intercepted  by  an  exterior  force  which 
should  obstruct  its  transmission  to  foreign  markets, 
a  course  of  conduct  which  would  be  detrimental  to 
manufacturing  and  commercial  interests  abroad. 

Should  reason  guide  the  action  of  the  govern¬ 
ment  from  which  we  have  separated,  a  policy  so  de¬ 
trimental  to  the  civilized  world,  the  Northern  States 
included,  could  not  be  dictated  by  even  a  stronger 
desire  to  inflict  injury  upon  us;  but  if  it  be  other¬ 
wise,  a  terrible  responsibility  will  rest  upon  it,  and 
the  suffering  of  millions  will  bear  testimony  to  the 
folly  and  wickedness  of  our  aggressors.  In  the 
meantime  there  will  remain  to  us,  besides  the  ordi¬ 
nary  remedies  before  suggested,  the  well  known  re¬ 
sources  for  retaliation  upon  the  commerce  of  an 
enemy. 

Experience  in  public  stations  of  a  subordinate 
grade  to  this  which  your  kindness  has  conferred,  has 
taught  me  that  care  and  toil  and  disappointments 
are  the  price  of  official  elevation.  You  will  see 
many  errors  to  forgive,  many  deficiencies  to  toler¬ 
ate;  but  you  shall  not  find  in  me  either  want  of  zeal 
or  fidelity  to  the  cause  that  is  to  me  the  highest  in 
hope  and  of  most  enduring  affection.  Your  gener¬ 
osity  has  bestowed  upon  me  an  undeserved  distinc¬ 
tion,  one  which  I  neither  sought  nor  desired.  Upon 
the  continuance  of  that  sentiment,  and  upon  your 
wisdom  and  patriotism,  I  rely  to  direct  and  support 
me  in  the  performance  of  the  duties  required  at  my 
hands. 

We  have  changed  the  constituent  parts  but  not 
the  system  of  our  government.  The  Constitution 
formed  by  our  fathers  is  that  of  these  Confederate 
States.  In  their  exposition  of  it,  and  in  the  judicial 
construction  it  has  received,  we  have  a  light  which 
reveals  its  true  meaning.  Thus  instructed  as  to  the 
just  interpretation  of  that  instrument,  and  ever  re¬ 
membering  that  all  offices  are  but  trusts  held  for  the 
people,  and  that  delegated  powers  are  to  be  strictly 
construed,  I  will  hope  by  due  diligence  in  the  per¬ 
formance  of  my  duties,  though  I  may  disappoint 
your  expectation,  yet  to  retain,  when  retiring,  some¬ 
thing  of  the  good  will  and  confidence  which  will 
welcome  my  entrance  into  office. 

It  is  joyous  in  the  midst  of  perilous  times  to  look 
around  upon  a  people  united  in  heart,  when  one 
purpose  of  high  resolve  animates  and  actuates  the 
whole,  where  the  sacrifices  to  be  made  are  not 
weighed  in  the  balance,  against  honor,  right,  liberty, 
and  equality.  Obstacles  may  retard,  but  they  cannot 
long  prevent  the  progress  of  a  movement  sanction¬ 
ed  by  its  justice  and  sustained  by  a  virtuous  people. 
Reverently  let  us  invoke  the  God  of  our  fathers  to 
guide  and  protect  us  in  our  efforts  to  perpetuate  the 
principles  which  by  his  blessing  they  were  able  to 
vindicate,  establish,  and  transmit  to  their  posterity; 
and  with  a  continuance  of  His  favor  ever  gratefully 
acknowledged,  we  may  hopefully  look  forward  to 
success,  to  peace,  to  prosperity. 


Doc.  38.— PRESIDENT  LINCOLN’S  JOURNEY. 

A  dispatch  from  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  to  the  N.  Y. 
Times,  dated  Feb.  23,  8  a.  m.,  says : — 

Abraham  Lincoln,  the  President-elect  of  the  Uni- 


DOCUMENTS. 


33 


ted  States,  is  safe  in  the  capital  of  the  nation.  By 
the  admirable  arrangement  of  General  Scott  the 
country  has  been  spared  the  lasting  disgrace,  which 
would  have  been  fastened  indelibly  upon  it,  had  Mr. 
Lincoln  been  murdered  upon  his  journey  thither, 
as  he  would  have  been,  had  he  followed  the  pro¬ 
gramme  as  announced  in  papers,  and  gone  by  the 
Northern  Central  railroad  to  Baltimore. 

On  Thursday  night  after  he  had  retired,  Mr.  Lin¬ 
coln  was  aroused  and  informed  that  a  stranger  de¬ 
sired  to  see  him  on  a  matter  of  life  or  death.  He 
declined  to  admit  him  unless  he  gave  his  name, 
which  he  at  once  did.  Such  prestige  did  the  name 
carry  that  while  Mr.  Lincoln  was  yet  disrobed,  he 
granted  an  interview  to  the  caller. 

A  prolonged  conversation  elicited  the  fact,  that 
an  organized  body  of  men  had  determined  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  should  not  be  inaugurated,  and  that  he 
should  never  leave  the  city  of  Baltimore  alive,  if, 
indeed,  he  ever  entered  it. 

The  list  of  the  names  of  the  conspirators  pre¬ 
sented  a  most  astonishing  array  of  persons  high  in 
Southern  confidence,  and  some  whose  fame  is  not 
confined  to  this  country  alone. 

Statesmen  laid  the  plan,  bankers  indorsed  it,  and 
adventurers  were  to  carry  it  into  effect.  They  un¬ 
derstood  Mr.  Lincoln  was  to  leave  Harrisburg  at  9 
o’clock  this  morning  by  special  train,  and  the  idea 
was,  if  possible,  to  throw  the  cars  from  the  road  at 
some  point  where  they  would  rush  down  a  steep 
embankment  and  destroy  in  a  moment  the  lives  of 
all  on  board.  In  case  of  the  failure  of  this  project 
their  plan  was  to  surround  the  carriage  on  the  way 
from  depot  to  depot  in  Baltimore,  and  assassinate 
him  with  dagger  or  pistol  shot. 

So  authentic  was  the  source  from  which  the  in¬ 
formation  was  obtained,  that  Mr.  Lincoln,  after 
counselling  his  friends,  was  compelled  to  make  ar¬ 
rangements  which  would  enable  him  to  subvert  the 
plans  of  his  enemies. 

Greatly  to  the  annoyance  of  the  thousands  who 
desired  to  call  on  him  last  night,  he  declined  giv¬ 
ing  a  reception.  The  final  council  was  held  at  8 
o’clock. 

Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  want  to  yield,  and  Col.  Sum¬ 
ner  actually  cried  with  indignation ;  but  Mrs.  Lin¬ 
coln,  seconded  by  Mr.  Judd  and  Mr.  Lincoln’s  origi¬ 
nal  informant,  insisted  upon  it,  and  at  9  o’clock  Mr. 
Lincoln  left  on  a  special  train.  He  wore  a  Scotch 
plaid  cap  and  a  very  long  military  cloak,  so  that 
he  was  entirely  unrecognizable.  Accompanied  by 
Superintendent  Lewis  and  one  friend,  he  started, 
while  all  the  town,  with  the  exception  of  Mrs.  Lin¬ 
coln,  Col.  Sumner,  Mr.  Judd,  and  two  reporters, 
who  were  sworn  to  secrecy,  supposed  him  to  be 
asleep. 

The  telegraph  wires  were  put  beyond  reach  of 
any  one  who  might  desire  to  use  them. 

At  one  o’clock  the  fact  was  whispered  from  one 
to  another,  and  it  soon  became  the  theme  of  the 
most  excited  conversation.  Many  thought  it  a  very 
injudicious  move,  while  others  regarded  it  as  a 
stroke  of  great  merit. 

.  THE  FEELING  IN  BALTIMORE. 

The  prevailing  feeling  excited  by  Mr.  Lincoln’s 
quiet  passage  through  Baltimore,  was  one  of  relief 
and  of  gratification,  though  expressions  of  disap¬ 
pointed  curiosity  were  frequently  heard.  The  inju¬ 
dicious  determination  of  certain  political  friends  of 
the  President-elect  in  this  city  to  mark  his  arrival 
Documents — 3 


with  a  public  demonstration,  had  excited  a  spirit  of 
stern  opposition,  which  it  was  feared  would  manifest 
itself  in  acts  which,  though  designed  directly  to 
rebuke  the  ill-advised  zeal  of  the  parties  referred  to, 
might  yet  have  been  misconstrued  into  a  personal 
affront  to  the  President-elect,  and  so  have  reflected 
discreditably  upon  the  good  repute  of  Baltimore. 
The  action,  therefore,  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  disappoint¬ 
ing  alike  the  purposes  of  his  political  friends  and 
the  public  curiosity,  was  a  simple  and  practical 
avoidance  of  what  might  have  been  an  occasion  of 
disorder  and  of  mortification  to  all  interested  in  the 
preservation  of  the  good  name  of  our  city. 

Ample  precautions  were  adopted  to  guard  against 
any  violation  of  the  public  peace.  A  large  police 
force  was  detailed  for  duty  at  the  depot,  and  to  pro¬ 
tect  the  President  and  his  suite  on  their  passage 
through  the  streets,  against  the  turbulent  pressure 
of  the  crowds  which  he  experienced  in  other  cities 
on  his  route  hither ;  and  these  measures  of  Marshal 
Kane,  even  if  they  had  failed  to  restrain  any  expres¬ 
sion  of  disapprobation,  would  certainly  have  se¬ 
cured  Mr.  Lincoln  from  insult,  had  such  been  in¬ 
tended. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  cars  and  the  appearance  on 
the  platform  of  the  Baltimore  Republican  commit¬ 
tee,  they  wrere  received  with  groans  and  hootings. 
A  rush  was  made  at  William  E.  Beale  and  Francis 
S.  Corkran,  but  they  were  protected  by  the  police, 
and  neither  of  them  were  injured  further  than 
knocking  their  hats  over  their  eyes.  The  following 
was  the  committee :  William  G.  Snethen,  chairman  ; 
Judge  William  L.  Marshall,  L.  Blumenberg,  of  Gay- 
street;  William  E.  Beale.  Hon.  Judge  Palmer,  of 
Frederick,  was  with  the  party. 

Mrs.  Lincoln  and  her  three  sons  proceeded  to  the 
residence  of  Col.  John  S.  Gittings,  president  of  the 
Northern  Central  railway,  at  Mount  Vernon  Square, 
having  accepted  an  invitation  tendered  to  them  on 
their  way  to  this  city,  so  as  to  relieve  them  from 
the  crowd  and  excitement.  They  left  the  cars,  we 
learn,  at  the  junction  of  Charles-street,  where  Mr. 
Gittings’s  carriage  was  in  waiting  for  them,  and 
were  in  a  few  minutes  enjoying  the  quiet  of  his 
spacious  mansion,  while  crowds  were  gaping  for  a 
sight  of  them  at  the  depot. 

One  fellow  in  the  crowd  at  Calvert  station,  who 
was  known  as  a  violent  Republican,  had  his  hat 
knocked  off  a  dozen  times  by  the  rowdies. 

— Baltimore  American. 

At  15  minutes  to  one  o’clock  a  mighty  heaving 
and  surging  in  the  multitude  at  the  north  entrance 
of  the  depot,  proclaimed  some  fresh  excitement,  and 
in  a  few  moments  the  York  accommodation  train 
entered  the  depot,  followed  by  an  excited  crowd, 
which  mistook  it  for  the  special  train  of  the  Presi¬ 
dent-elect  and  suite.  As  soon  as  the  train  stopped, 
the  crowd  leaped  upon  the  platforms,  and  mounted 
to  the  tops  of  the  cars  like  so  many  monkeys,  until 
like  a  hive  of  bees  they  swarmed  upon  them — 
shouting,  hallooing,  and  making  all  manner  of 
noises.  The  officers  in  charge  of  the  train  appear¬ 
ed,  and  the  crowd,  discovering  their  error,  recoiled, 
a  little  chop-fallen,  but  prepared  for  another  ex¬ 
citement. 

After  it  became  apparent  to  the  multitude  that 
the  President-elect  had  indeed  escaped  their  at¬ 
tentions,  they  turned  about  to  bestow  them  upon 
such  of  hi3  humbler  constituents  as  they  recognized 
in  their  midst.  These  attentions  were  exhibited  in 


34 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


a  system  of  crowding  and  squeezing  exceedingly 
unpleasant  to  those  upon  whose  persons  the  “  pres¬ 
sure  ”  was  brought  to  bear. 

*  *  *  *  *  *  * 

Had  we  any  respect  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  official  or 
personal,  as  a  man,  or  as  President-elect  of  the 
United  States,  his  career  and  speeches  on  his  way  to 
the  scat  of  government  would  have  cruelly  impaired 
it;  but  the  final  escapade  by  which  he  reached  the 
capital  would  have  utterly  demolished  it,  and  over¬ 
whelmed  us  with  mortification.  As  it  is,  no  senti¬ 
ment  of  respect  of  whatever  sort  with  regard  to  the 
man  suffers  violence  on  our  part,  at  any  thing  he 
may  do.  lie  might  have  entered  Willard’s  Hotel 
with  a  “head  spring”  and  a  “summersault,”  and 
the  clown’s  merry  greeting  to  Gen.  Scott,  “  Here 
we  arc!  ”  and  wc  should  care  nothing  about  it  per¬ 
sonally. 

We  do  not  believe  the  Presidency  can  ever  be 
more  degraded  by  any  of  his  successors,  than  it  has 
been  by  him,  even  before  his  inauguration  ;  and  so, 
for  aught  we  care,  he  may  go  to  the  full  extent  of 
his  wretched  comicalities.  We  have  only  too  much 
cause  to  fear  that  such  a  man,  and  such  advisers  as 
he  has,  may  prove  capable  of  infinitely  more  mis¬ 
chief  than  folly  when  invested  with  power.  A  luna¬ 
tic  is  only  dangerous  when  armed  and  turned  loose ; 
but  only  imagine  a  lunatic  invested  with  authority 
over  a  sane  people  and  armed  with  weapons  of  of¬ 
fense  and  defence.  What  6ort  of  a  fate  can  we  an¬ 
ticipate  for  a  people  so  situated?  And  when  we 
reflect  that  fanaticism  is  infested  with  like  fears, 
suspicions,  impulses,  follies,  flights  of  daring  and 
flights  of  cowardice  common  to  lunacy  itself,  and  to 
which  it  is  akin,  what  sort  of  a  future  can  we  an¬ 
ticipate  under  the  presidency  of  Abraham  Lincoln  ? 

— Baltimore  Sun. 

THE  CONSPIRACY  TO  ASSASSINATE  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 

Some  of  Mr.  Lincoln’s  friends  having  heard  that  a 
conspiracy  existed  to  assassinate  him  on  his  way  to 
Washington,  set  on  foot  an  investigation  of  the 
matter.  For  this  purpose  they  employed  a  detec¬ 
tive  of  great  experience,  who  was  engaged  at  Balti¬ 
more  in  the  business  some  three  weeks  prior  to  Mr. 
Lincoln’s  expected  arrival  there,  employing  hoth 
men  and  women  to  assist  him.  Shortly  after 
coming  to  Baltimore,  the  detective  discovered  a 
combination  of  men  banded  together  under  a 
solemn  oath  to  assassinate  the  President  elect.  The 
leader  of  the  conspirators  was  an  Italian  refugee,  a 
barber,  well  known  in  Baltimore,  who  assumed  the 
name  of  Orsini,  as  indicative  of  the  part  he  was  to 
perform.  The  assistants  employed  by  the  detec¬ 
tive,  who,  like  himself,  were  strangers  in  Baltimore 
City,  by  assuming  to  be  secessionists  from  Louis¬ 
iana  and  other  seceding  States,  gained  the  confi¬ 
dence  of  some  of  the  conspirators,  and  were  in¬ 
trusted  with  their  plans.  It  was  arranged  in  case 
Mr.  Lincoln  should  pass  safely  over  the  railroad  to 
Baltimore,  that  the  conspirators  should  mingle  with 
the  crowd  which  might  surround  his  carriage,  and 
by  pretending  to  be  his  friends,  be  enabled  to  ap¬ 
proach  his  person,  when,  upon  a  signal  from  their 
leader,  some  of  them  would  shoot  at  Mr.  Lincoln 
with  their  pistols,  and  others  would  throw  into  his 
carriage  hand-grenades  filled  with  detonating  pow¬ 
der,  similar  to  those  used  in  the  attempted  assassi¬ 
nation  of  the  Emperor  Louis  Napoleon.  It  was 
intended  that  in  the  confusion  which  should  result 


from  this  attack,  the  assailants  should  escape  to  a 
vessel  which  was  waiting  in  the  harbor  to  receive 
them,  and  be  carried  to  Mobile,  in  the  seceding 
State  of  Alabama. 

Upon  Mr.  Lincoln’s  arrival  in  Philadelphia  upon 
Thursday,  the  21st  of  February,  the  detective 
visited  Philadelphia,  and  submitted  to  certain 
friends  of  the  President-elect,  the  information  he 
had  collected  as  to  the  conspirators  and  their  plans. 
An  interview  was  immediately  arranged  between 
Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  detective.  The  interview  took 
place  in  Mr.  Lincoln’s  room,  in  the  Continental 
Hotel,  where  he  was  staying  during  his  visit  in 
Philadelphia. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  having  heard  the  officer’s  statement, 
informed  him  that  he  had  promised  to  raise  the 
American  flag  on  Independence  Hall  on  the  next 
morning — the  morning  of  the  Anniversary  of 
Washington’s  Birthday — and  that  he  had  accepted 
the  invitation  of  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  to  bo 
publicly  received  by  that  body  in  the  afternoon  of 
the  same  day.  “  Both  of  these  engagements,”  said 
he,  with  emphasis,  “I  will  keep  if  it  costs  me  my 
life.  If,  however,  after  I  shall  have  concluded 
these  engagements,  you  can  take  me  in  safety  to 
Washington,  I  will  place  myself  at  your  disposal, 
and  authorize  you  to  make  such  arrangements  as 
you  may  deem  proper  for  that  purpose. 

On  the  next  day,  in  the  morning,  Mr.  Lincoln 
performed  the  ceremony  of  raising  the  American 
flag  on  Independence  Hall,  in  Philadelphia,  accord¬ 
ing  to  his  promise,  and  arrived  at  Harrisburg  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  where  he  was  for¬ 
mally  welcomed  by  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature. 
After  the  reception,  he  retired  to  his  hotel,  the 
Jones  House,  and  withdrew  with  a  few  confidential 
friends  to  a  private  apartment.  Here  he  remained 
until  nearly  6  o’clock  in  the  evening,  when,  in  com¬ 
pany  with  Col.  Lamon,  he  quietly  entered  a  car¬ 
riage  without  observation,  and  was  driven  to  the 
Pennsylvania  Railroad,  where  a  special  train  for 
Philadelphia  was  waiting  for  him.  Simultaneously 
with  his  departure  from  Harrisburg,  the  telegraph 
wires  were  cut,  so  that  his  departure,  if  it  should 
become  known,  might  not  be  communicated  at  a 
distance. 

The  special  train  arrived  in  Philadelphia  at  10$ 
o’clock  at  night.  Here  he  was  met  by  the  detective, 
who  had  a  carriage  in  readiness  into  which  the  party 
entered,  and  were  driven  to  the  depot  of  the  Phila¬ 
delphia,  Wilmington  and  Baltimore  Railroad. 

They  did  not  reach  the  depot  until  11^  o’clock  ; 
but,  fortunately  for  them,  the  regular  train,  the  hour 
of  which  for  starting  was  eleven,  had  been  delayed. 
The  party  then  took  berths  in  the  sleeping  car,  and 
without  change  of  cars,  passed  directly  through  to 
Washington,  where  they  arrived  at  the  usual  hour, 
o’clock,  on  the  morning  of  Saturday  the  23d. 
Mr.  Lincoln  wore  no  disguise  whatever,  but  jour¬ 
neyed  in  an  ordinary  travelling  dress. 

It  is  proper  to  state  here  that,  prior  to  Mr.  Lin¬ 
coln’s  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  Gen.  Scott  and  Sena¬ 
tor  Seward,  in  Washington,  had  been  apprised,  from 
independent  sources,  that  imminent  danger  threat¬ 
ened  Mr.  Lincoln  in  case  he  should  publicly  pass 
through  Baltimore;  and  accordingly  a  special  mes¬ 
senger,  Mr.  Frederick  W.  Seward,  a  son  of  Senator 
Seward,  was  despatched  to  Philadelphia,  to  urge  Mr. 
Lincoln  to  come  direct  to  Washington,  in  a  quiet 
manner.  The  messenger  arrived  in  Philadelphia 
late  on  Thursday  night,  and  had  an  interview  with 


DOCUMENTS. 


35 


the  President-elect,  immediately  subsequent  to  his 
interview  with  the  detective.  He  was  informed  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  would  arrive  by  the  early  train  on  Sat¬ 
urday  morning,  and,  in  accordance  with  this  infor¬ 
mation,  Mr.  Washburn,  member  of  Congress  from 
Illinois,  awaited  the  President-elect  at  the  depot  in 
Washington,  whence  he  was  taken  in  a  carriage  to 
Willard’s  Hotel,  where  Senator  Seward  stood  ready 
to  receive  him. 

The  detective  travelled  with  Mr.  Lincoln  under 
the  name  of  E.  J.  Allen,  which  name  was  registered 
with  the  President-elect’s  on  the  book  at  Willard’s 
Hotel.  Being  a  well-known  individual,  he  was 
speedily  recognized,  and  suspicion  naturally  arose 
that  he  had  been  instrumental  in  exposing  the  plot 
which  caused  Mr.  Lincoln’s  hurried  journey.  It 
was  deemed  prudent  that  he  should  leave  Washing¬ 
ton  two  days  after  his  arrival,  although  he  had  in¬ 
tended  to  remain  and  witness  the  ceremonies  of 
inauguration. 

The  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln  do  not  question  the 
loyalty  and  hospitality  of  the  people  of  Maryland, 
but  they  were  aware  that  a  few  disaffected  citizens 
who  sympathized  warmly  with  the  Secessionists, 
were  determined  to  frustrate,  at  all  hazards,  the  in¬ 
auguration  of  the  President-elect,  even  at  the  cost 
of  his  life. 

The  characters  and  pursuits  of  the  conspirators 
were  various.  Some  of  them  were  impelled  by  a 
fanatical  zeal  which  they  termed  patriotism,  and 
they  justified  their  acts  by  the  example  of  Brutus, 
in  ridding  his  country  of  a  tyrant.  One  of  them  was 
accustomed  to  recite  passages  put  into  the  mouth 
of  the  character  of  Brutus ,  in  Shakspeare’s  play  of 
“Julius  Csesar.”  Others  were  stimulated  by  the  of¬ 
fer  of  pecuniary  reward.  These,  it  was  observed, 
staid  away  from  their  usual  places  of  work  for  sev¬ 
eral  weeks  prior  to  the  intended  assault.  Although 
their  circumstances  had  previously  rendered  them 
dependent  on  their  daily  labor  for  support,  they 
were  during  this  time  abundantly  supplied  with 
money,  which  they  squandered  in  bar-rooms  and 
disreputable  places. 

After  the  discovery  of  the  plot,  a  strict  watch 
was  kept  by  the  agents  of  detection  over  the  move¬ 
ments  of  the  conspirators,  and  efficient  measures 
were  adopted  to  guard  against  any  attack  which 
they  might  meditate  upon  the  President-elect  until 
he  was  installed  in  office. 

Mr.  Lincoln’s  family  left  Harrisburg  for  Balti¬ 
more,  on  their  way  to  Washington,  in  the  special 
train  intended  for  him.  And  as,  before  starting,  a 
message  announcing  Mr.  Lincoln’s  departure  and 
arrival  at  Washington  had  been  telegraphed  to 
Baltimore  over  the  wires,  which  had  been  repaired 
that  morniDg,  the  passage  through  Baltimore  was 
safely  effected. 

The  remark  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  during  the  ceremony 
of  raising  the  flag  on  Independence  Hall  on  Friday 
morning,  that  he  would  assert  his  principles  on  his 
inauguration,  although  he  were  to  be  assassinated 
on  the  spot,  had  evident  reference  to  the  commu¬ 
nication  made  to  him  by  the  detective  on  the  night 
preceding. 

The  names  of  the  conspirators  will  not  at  present 
be  divulged.  But  they  arc  in  possession  of  re¬ 
sponsible  parties,  including  the  President. 

The  number  originally  ascertained  to  be  banded 
together  for  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
twenty ;  but  the  number  of  those  who  were  fully 


apprised  of  the  details  of  the  plot  became  daily 
smaller  as  the  time  for  executing  it  drew  near. 

Some  of  the  women  employed  by  the  detective 
went  to  serve  as  waiters,  seamstresses,  &c.,  in  the 
families  of  the  conspirators,  and  a  record  was  re¬ 
gularly  kept  of  what  was  said  and  done  to  further 
their  enterprise.  A  record  was  also  kept  by  the 
detective  of  their  deliberations  in  secret  conclave, 
but,  for  sufficient  reasons,  it  is  withheld  for  the 
present  from  publication.  The  detective  and  his 
agents  regularly  contributed  money  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  conspiracy. 

— Albany  Evening  Journal. 


Doc.  39.— TWIGGS’  TREASON. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  property  given  up  to 


the  State  of  Texas  by  Gen.  Twiggs: 

1,800  mules,  valued  at  $50  each . $90,000 

500  wagons,  valued  at  $140  each .  '70,000 

950  horses,  valued  at  $150  each . 142,500 

500  harness,  valued  at  $50  each .  25,000 

Tools,  wagon  materials,  iron,  nails,  horse  and 

mule  shoes . 250,000 

Corn  (at  this  port) .  7,000 

Clothing . 150,000 

Commissary  stores .  75,000 

Ordnance  stores . 400,000 


Total . $1,209,500 

Exclusive  of  public  buildings  to  which  the  Federal 
Government  has  a  title.  Much  of  the  property  is 


estimated  at  the  original  cost,  its  value  in  Texas 
being  much  greater,  and  worth  to  the  State  at  least 
a  million  and  a  half  of  dollars. 

— San  Antonio  Herald ,  Feb.  25. 


Doc.  40.— PLAN  OF  THE  PEACE  CONVENTION. 

ARTICLE  13. 

Section  1.  In  all  the  present  territory  of  the 
United  States  north  of  the  parallel  of  36°  80'  of  north 
latitude,  involuntary  servitude,  except  in  punish¬ 
ment  of  crime,  is  prohibited.  In  all  the  present 
territory  south  of  that  line,  the  status  of  persons 
held  to  involuntary  service  or  labor,  as  it  now  exists, 
shall  not  be  changed;  nor  shall  any  law  be  passed 
by  Congress  or  the  Territorial  Legislature  to  hinder 
or  prevent  the  taking  of  such  persons  from  any  of 
the  States  of  this  Union  to  said  territory,  nor  to  im¬ 
pair  the  right  arising  from  said  relation ;  but  the 
same  shall  be  subject  to  judicial  cognizance  in  the 
Federal  courts,  according  to  the  course  of  the  com¬ 
mon  law.  When  any  Territory  north  or  south  of 
said  line,  within  such  boundary  as  Congress  may 
prescribe,  shall  contain  a  population  equal  to  that 
required  for  a  member  of  Congress,  it  shall,  if  its 
form  of  Government  be  republican,  be  admitted  into 
the  Union  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original 
States,  with  or  without  involuntary  servitude,  as  the 
constitution  of  such  State  may  provide. 

Sec.  2.  No  territory  shall  be  acquired  by  the 
United  States,  except  by  discovery,  and  for  naval 
and  commercial  stations,  depots,  and  transit  routes, 
without  the  concurrence  of  a  majority  of  all  the 
Senators  from  States  w'hich  allow  involuntary  ser¬ 
vitude,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  Senators  from  States 
which  prohibit  that  relation  ;  nor  shall  territory  be 
acquired  by  treaty,  unless  the  votes  of  a  majority 
of  the  Senators  from  each  class  of  States  hercinbc- 


36 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


fore  mentioned  be  cast  as  a  part  of  the  two-thirds 
majority  necessary  to  the  ratification  of  such  treaty. 

Sec.  3.  Neither  the  constitution  nor  any  amend¬ 
ment  thereof,  shall  be  construed  to  give  Congress 
power  to  regulate,  abolish,  or  control  within  any 
State  the  relation  established  or  recognized  by  the 
laws  thereof  touching  persons  held  to  labor  or  in¬ 
voluntary  service  therein,  nor  to  interfere  with  or 
abolish  involuntary  service  in  the  District  of  Colum¬ 
bia  without  the  consent  of  Maryland,  and  without 
the  consent  of  the  owners,  or  making  the  owners 
who  do  not  consent  just  compensation;  nor  the 
power  to  interfere  with  or  prohibit  representatives 
and  others  from  bringing  with  them  to  the  District 
of  Columbia,  retaining,  and  taking  away,  persons  so 
held  to  labor  or  service ;  nor  the  power  to  interfere 
with  or  abolish  involuntary  service  in  places  under 
the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  with¬ 
in  those  States  and  Territories  where  the  same  is  es¬ 
tablished  or  recognized  ;  nor  the  power  to  prohibit 
the  removal  or  transportation  of  persons  held  to  la¬ 
bor  or  involuntary  service  in  any  State  or  Territory 
of  the  United  States  to  any  other  State  or  Territory 
thereof,  where  it  is  established  or  recognized  by  law 
or  usage;  and  the  right  during  transportation,  by 
sea  or  river,  of  touching  at  ports,  shores,  and  land¬ 
ings,  and  of  landing  in  case  of  distress,  shall  exist; 
but  not  the  right  of  transit  in  or  through  any  State 
or  Territory,  or  of  sale  or  traffic,  against  the  laws 
thereof.  Nor  shall  Congress  have  power  to  author¬ 
ize  any  higher  rate  of  taxation  on  persons  held  to 
labor  or  service  than  on  land.  The  bringing  into 
the  District  of  Columbia  of  persons  held  to  labor  or 
service,  for  sale,  or  placing  them  in  depots  to  be  af¬ 
terwards  transferred  to  other  places  for  sale  as  mer¬ 
chandise,  is  prohibited. 

Sec.  4.  The  third  paragraph  of  the  second  section 
of  the  fourth  article  of  the  constitution  shall  not  be 
construed  to  prevent  any  of  the  States,  by  appro¬ 
priate  legislation,  and  through  the  action  of  their 
judicial  and  ministerial  officers,  from  enforcing  the 
delivery  of  fugitives  from  labor  to  the  person  to 
whom  such  service  or  labor  is  due. 

Sec.  5.  The  foreign  slave  trade  is  hereby  forever 
prohibited ;  and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  Congress  to 
pass  laws  to  prevent  the  importation  of  slaves,  coo¬ 
lies,  or  persons  held  to  service  or  labor,  into  the 
United  States  and  Territories  from  places  beyond 
the  limits  thereof. 

Sec.  6.  The  first,  third,  and  fifth  sections,  togeth¬ 
er  with  this  section,  of  these  amendments,  and  the 
third  paragraph  of  the  second  section  of  the  first 
article  of  the  constitution,  and  the  third  paragraph 
of  the  second  section  of  the  fourth  article  thereof, 
shall  not  be  amended  or  abolished  without  the  con¬ 
sent  of  all  the  States. 

Sec.  7.  Congress  shall  provide  by  law  that  the 
United  States  shall  pay  to  the  owner  the  full  value 
of  his  fugitive  from  labor,  in  all  cases  where  the 
marshal,  or  other  officer,  whose  duty  it  was  to  ar¬ 
rest  such  fugitive,  was  prevented  front  so  doing  by 
violence  or  intimidation  from  mobs  or  riotous  as¬ 
semblages,  or  when,  after  arrest,  such  fugitive  was 
rescued  by  like  violence  or  intimidation,  and  the 
owner  thereby  deprived  of  the  same ;  and  the  ac¬ 
ceptance  of  such  payment  shall  preclude  the  owner 
from  further  claim  to  such  fugitive.  Congress  shall 
provide  by  law  for  securing  to  the  citizens  of  each 
State  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in 
the  several  States. 

— 2?.  Y.  Herald. 


Doc.  41.— CORWIN’S  AMENDMENT. 

The  amendment  to  the  twelfth  section  of  the 
constitution,  offered  at  Washington  by  Mr.  Corwin, 
reads  as  follows : 

“No  amendment  shall  be  made  to  the  constitu¬ 
tion,  which  will  authorize  or  give  Congress  power 
to  abolish  or  interfere,  within  any  State,  with  the 
domestic  institutions  thereof,  including  that  of  per¬ 
sons  held  to  labor  or  servitude  by  the  laws  of  said 
State.” 

-  — Tribune. 

Doc.  42.— INAUGURAL  OF  ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN. 

Fellow-citizens  of  the  United  States : 

In  compliance  with  a  custom  as  old  as  the 
Government  itself,  I  appear  before  you  to  address 
you  briefly,  and  to  take,  in  your  presence,  the  oath 
prescribed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
to  be  taken  by  the  President,  before  he  enters  on 
the  execution  of  his  office. 

I  do  not  consider  it  necessary,  at  present,  for  me  to 
discuss  those  matters  of  administration  about  which 
there  is  no  special  anxiety  or  excitement.  Apprehen¬ 
sion  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the  southern 
States,  that,  by  the  accession  of  a  Republican  Ad¬ 
ministration,  their  property  and  their  peace  and 
personal  security  arc  to  be  endangered.  There  has 
never  been  any  reasonable  cause  for  such  appre¬ 
hension.  Indeed,  the  most  ample  evidence  to  the 
contrary  has  all  the  while  existed,  and  been  open 
to  their  inspection.  It  is  found  in  nearly  all  the 
published  speeches  of  him  who  now  addresses  you. 
I  do  but  quote  from  one  of  those  speeches,  when  I 
declare  that  “  I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  in¬ 
directly,  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery 
in  the  States  where  it  exists.”  I  believe  I  have  no 
lawful  right  to  do  so;  and  I  have  no  inclination 
to  do  so.  Those  who  nominated  and  elected  me,  did 
so  with  the  full  knowledge  that  I  had  made  this, 
and  made  many  similar  declarations,  and  had  never 
recanted  them.  And,  more  than  this,  they  placed 
in  the  platform,  for  my  acceptance,  and  as  a  law 
to  themselves  and  to  me,  the  clear  and  emphatic 
resolution  which  I  now  read : 

“  Resolved ,  that  the  maintenance  inviolate  of 
the  rights  of  the  States,  and  especially  the  right  of 
each  State  to  order  and  control  its  own  domestic 
institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclu¬ 
sively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which 
the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric 
depend  ;  and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion  by 
armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no 
matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of 
crimes.” 

I  now  reiterate  these  sentiments ;  and  in  doing 
so  I  only  press  upon  the  public  attention  the  most 
conclusive  evidence  of  which  the  case  is  suscep¬ 
tible,  that  the  property,  peace,  and  security  of  no 
section  are  to  be  in  anywise  endangered  by  the 
now  incoming  Administration. 

I  add,  too,  that  all  the  protection  which,  consist¬ 
ently  with  the  constitution  and  the  law's,  can  bo 
given  wfill  be  cheerfully  given  to  all  the  States  when 
lawfully  demanded,  for  whatever  cause,  as  cheer¬ 
fully  to  one  section  as  to  another. 

There  is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering 
up  of  fugitives  from  service  or  labor.  The  clause  I 
now  read  is  as  plainly  written  in  the  constitution  as 
any  other  of  its  provisions  : 


DOCUMENTS. 


37 


“  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one 
State  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another, 
shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation 
therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor, 
but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to 
whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due.” 

It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision  was 
intended  by  those  who  made  it  for  the  reclaiming 
of  what  we  call  fugitive  slaves ;  and  the  intention  of 
the  lawgiver  is  the  law. 

All  members  of  Congress  swear  their  support  to 
the  whole  Constitution — to  this  provision  as  well  as 
any  other.  To  the  proposition,  then,  that  slaves 
whose  cases  come  within  the  terms  of  this  clause 
“  shall  be  delivered  up,”  their  oaths  are  unanimous. 
Now,  if  they  would  make  the  effort  in  good  temper, 
could  they  not,  with  nearly  equal  unanimity,  frame 
and  pass  a  law  by  means  of  which  to  keep  good 
that  unanimous  oath  ? 

There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  whether 
this  clause  should  be  enforced  by  national  or  by 
state  authority;  but  surely  that  difference  is  not  a 
very  material  one.  If  the  slave  is  to  be  surrender¬ 
ed,  it  can  be  of  but  little  consequence  to  him  or  to 
others  by  which  authority  it  is  done ;  and  should 
any  one,  in  any  case,  be  content  that  this  oath  shall 
go  unkept  on  a  merely  unsubstantial  controversy  as 
to  how  it  shall  be  kept? 

Again,  in  any  law  upon  this  subject,  ought  not 
all  the  safeguards  of  liberty  known  in  the  civilized 
and  humane  jurisprudence  to  be  introduced,  so  that 
a  free  man  be  not,  in  any  case,  surrendered  as  a 
slave?  And  might  it  not  be  well  at  the  same  time 
to  provide  by  law  for  the  enforcement  of  that 
clause  in  the  Constitution  which  guaranties  that 
“  the  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all 
the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the 
several  States  ?  ” 

I  take  the  official  oath  to-day  with  no  mental 
reservations,  and  with  no  purpose  to  construe  the 
Constitution  or  laws  by  any  hypercritical  rules ;  and 
while  I  do  not  choose  now  to  specify  particular  acts 
of  Congress  as  proper  to  be  enforced,  I  do  suggest 
that  it  will  be  much  safer  for  all,  both  in  official  and 
private  stations,  to  conform  to  and  abide  by  all 
those  acts  which  stand  unrepealed,  than  to  violate 
any  of  them,  trusting  to  find  impunity  in  having 
them  held  to  be  unconstitutional. 

It  is  seventy-two  years  since  the  first  inaugura¬ 
tion  of  a  President  under  our  national  Constitution. 
During  that  period  fifteen  different  and  very  dis¬ 
tinguished  citizens  have  in  succession  administered  ; 
the  executive  branch  of  the  government.  They 
have  conducted  it  through  many  perils,  and  gene¬ 
rally  with  great  success.  Yet,  with  all  this  scope 
for  precedent,  I  now  enter  upon  the  same  task,  for 
the  brief  constitutional  term  of  four  years,  under 
great  and  peculiar  difficulties. 

A  disruption  of  the  Federal  Union,  heretofore 
only  menaced,  is  now  formidably  attempted.  I 
hold  that  in  the  contemplation  of  universal  law  and 
of  the  Constitution,  the  Union  of  these  States  is 
perpetual.  Perpetuity  is  implied,  if  not  expressed, 
in  the  fundamental  law  of  all  national  governments. 
It  is  safe  to  assert  that  no  government  proper  ever 
had  a  provision  in  its  organic  law  for  its  own  ter¬ 
mination.  Continue  to  execute  all  the  express 
provisions  of  our  national  Constitution,  and  the 
Union  will  endure  forever,  it  being  impossible  to 
destroy  it  except  by  some  action  not  provided  for 
in  the  instrument  itself. 


Again,  if  the  United  States  be  not  a  government 
proper,  but  an  association  of  States  in  the  nature  of 
a  contract  merely,  can  it,  as  a  contract,  be  peace¬ 
ably  unmade  by  less  than  all  the  parties  who  made 
it?  One  party  to  a  contract  may  violate  it — break 
it,  so  to  speak ;  but  does  it  not  require  all  to  law¬ 
fully  rescind  it?  Descending  from  these  general 
principles  we  find  the  proposition  that  in  legal  con¬ 
templation  the  Union  is  perpetual,  confirmed  by  the 
history  of  the  Union  itself. 

The  Union  is  much  older  than  the  Constitution. 
It  was  formed,  in  fact,  by  the  Articles  of  Association 
in  1774.  It  was  matured  and  continued  in  the  De¬ 
claration  of  Independence  in  1770.  It  was  further 
matured,  and  the  faith  of  all  the  then  thirteen 
States  expressly  plighted  and  engaged  that  it  should 
be  perpetual,  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  in 
1778  ;  and,  finally,  in  1787,  one  of  the  declared  ob¬ 
jects  for  ordaining  and  establishing  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  was  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union.  But  if  the 
destruction  of  the  Union  by  one  or  by  a  part  only 
of  the  States  be  lawfully  possible,  the  Union  is  less 
than  before,  the  Constitution  having  lost  the  vital 
element  of  perpetuity. 

It  follows  from  these  views  that  no  State,  upon 
its  own  mere  motion,  can  lawfully  get  out  of  the 
Union  ;  that  resolves  and  ordinances  to  that  effect, 
are  legally  void  ;  and  that  acts  of  violence  within 
any  State  or  States  against  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  are  insurrectionary  or  revolutionary, 
according  to  circumstances. 

I  therefore  consider  that,  in  view  of  the  Consti¬ 
tution  and  the  laws,  the  Union  is  unbroken,  and,  to 
the  extent  of  my  ability,  I  shall  take  care,  as  the 
Constitution  itself  expressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that 
the  laws  of  the  Union  shall  be  faithfully  executed 
in  all  the  States.  Doing  this,  which  I  deem  to  be 
only  a  simple  duty  on  my  part,  I  shall  perfectly 
perform  it,  so  far  as  is  practicable,  unless  my  right¬ 
ful  masters,  the  American  people,  shall  withhold 
the  requisition,  or  in  some  authoritative  manner  di¬ 
rect  the  contrary. 

I  trust  this  will  not  be  regarded  as  a  menace,  but 
only  as  the  declared  purpose  of  the  Union  that 
it  will  constitutionally  defend  and  maintain  it¬ 
self. 

In  doing  this  there  need  be  no  bloodshed  or  vio¬ 
lence,  and  there  shall  be  none  unless  it  is  forced 
upon  the  national  authority. 

The  power  confided  to  me  will  he  used  to  hold ,  oc¬ 
cupy,  and  possess  the  property  and  places  belonging 
to  the  Government ,  and  collect  the  duties  and  im¬ 
posts;  but  beyond  what  may  be  necessary  for  these 
objects  there  will  be  no  invasion,  no  using  of  force 
against  or  among  the  people  anywhere. 

Where  hostility  to  the  United  States  shall  be  so 
great  and  so  universal  as  to  prevent  competent 
resident  citizens  from  holding  the  Federal  offices, 
there  will  be  no  attempt  to  force  obnoxious 
strangers  among  the  people  that  object.  While 
the  strict  legal  right  may  exist  of  the  Government 
to  enforce  the  exercise  of  these  offices,  the  attempt 
to  do  so  would  be  so  irritating,  and  so  nearly  im¬ 
practicable  withal,  that  I  deem  it  better  to  forego 
for  the  time  the  uses  of  such  offices. 

The  mails,  unless  repelled,  will  continue  to  be 
furnished  in  all  parts  of  the  Union. 

So  far  as  possible,  the  people  everywhere  shall 
have  that  sense  of  perfect  security  which  is  most 
favorable  to  calm  thought  and  reflection. 

The  course  hero  indicated  will  be  followed,  unless 


38 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


current  events  and  experience  shall  show  a  modifi¬ 
cation  or  change  to  be  proper;  and  in  every  case 
and  exigency  niy  best  discretion  will  bo  exercised 
according  to  the  circumstances  actually  existing, 
and  with  a  view  and  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of 
the  national  troubles,  and  the  restoration  of  frater¬ 
nal  sympathies  and  affections. 

That  there  are  persons,  in  one  section  or  another, 
who  seek  to  destroy  the  Union  at  all  events,  and 
are  glad  of  any  pretext  to  do  it,  I  will  neither  affirm 
nor  deny.  But  if  there  be  such,  I  need  address  no 
word  to  them. 

To  those,  however,  who  really  love  the  Union, 
may  I  not  speak,  before  entering  upon  so  grave  a 
matter  as  the  destruction  of  our  national  fabric, 
with  all  its  benefits,  its  memories,  and  its  hopes? 
Would  it  not  be  well  to  ascertain  why  we  do  it  ? 
Will  you  hazard  so  desperate  a  step,  while  any  por¬ 
tion  of  the  ills  you  fly  from,  have  no  real  existence  ? 
Will  you,  while  the  certain  ills  you  fly  to,  are 
greater  than  all  the  real  ones  you  fly  from  ?  Will 
you  risk  the  commission  of  so  fearful  a  mistake  ? 
All  profess  to  be  content  in  the  Union  if  all  consti¬ 
tutional  rights  can  be  maintained.  Is  it  true,  then, 
that  any  right,  plainly  written  in  the  Constitution 
has  been  denied  ?  I  think  not.  Happily  the  hu¬ 
man  mind  is  so  constituted,  that  no  party  can  reach 
to  the  audacity  of  doing  this. 

Think,  if  you  can,  of  a  single  instance  in  which 
a  plainly-written  provision  of  the  Constitution  has 
ever  been  denied.  If,  by  the  mere  force  of  num¬ 
bers,  a  majority  should  deprive  a  minority  of  any 
clearly-written  constitutional  right,  it  might,  in  a 
moral  point  of  view,  justify  revolution;  it  certainly 
would,  if  such  right  were  a  vital  one.  But  such  is 
not  our  case. 

All  the  vital  rights  of  minorities  and  of  individu¬ 
als  are  so  plainly  assured  to  them  by  affirmations 
and  negations,  guaranties  and  prohibitions  in  the 
Constitution,  that  controversies  never  arise  con¬ 
cerning  them.  But  no  organic  law  can  ever  be 
framed  with  a  provision  specifically  applicable  to 
every  question  which  may  occur  in  practical  admin¬ 
istration.  No  foresight  can  anticipate,  nor  any 
document  of  reasonable  length  contain,  express  pro¬ 
visions  for  all  possible  questions.  Shall  fugitives 
from  labor  be  surrendered  by  national  or  by  state 
authorities?  The  Constitution  does  not  expressly 
say.  Must  Congress  protect  slavery  in  the  Territo¬ 
ries?  The  Constitution  does  not  expressly  say. 
From  questions  of  this  class,  spring  all  our  consti¬ 
tutional  controversies,  and  we  divide  upon  them 
into  majorities  and  minorities. 

If  the  minority  will  not  acquiesce,  the  majority 
must,  or  the  government  must  cease.  There  is  no 
alternative  for  continuing  the  government  but  ac¬ 
quiescence  on  the  one  side  or  the  other.  If  a  mi¬ 
nority  in  such  a  case,  will  secede  rather  than  acqui¬ 
esce,  they  make  a  precedent  which  in  turn  will  ruin 
and  divide  them,  for  a  minority  of  their  own  will 
secede  from  them  whenever  a  majority  refuses  to  be 
controlled  by  such  a  minority.  For  instance,  why 
not  any  portion  of  a  new  confederacy,  a  year  or  two 
hence,  arbitrarily  secede  again,  precisely  as  por¬ 
tions  of  the  present  Union  now  claim  to  secede 
from  it  ?  All  who  cherish  disunion  sentiments  are 
now  being  educated  to  the  exact  temper  of  doing 
this.  Is  there  such  perfect  identity  of  interests 
among  the  States  to  compose  a  new  Union  as  to 
produce  harmony  only,  and  prevent  renewed  seces¬ 


sion  ?  Plainly,  the  central  idea  of  secession  is  the 
essence  of  anarchy. 

A  majority  held  in  restraint  by  constitutional 
check  and  limitation,  and  always  changing  easily 
with  deliberate  changes  of  popular  opinions  and 
sentiments,  is  the  only  true  sovereign  of  a  free 
people.  Whoever  rejects  it,  does,  of  necessity,  fly 
to  anarchy  or  to  despotism.  Unanimity  is  impossi¬ 
ble  ;  the  rule  of  a  majority,  as  a  permanent  ar¬ 
rangement,  is  wholly  inadmissible.  So  that,  reject¬ 
ing  the  majority  principle,  anarchy  or  despotism  in 
some  form  is  all  that  is  left. 

1  do  not  forget  the  position  assumed  by  some 
that  constitutional  questions  are  to  be  decided  by 
the  Supreme  Court,  nor  do  I  deny  that  such  de¬ 
cisions  must  be  binding  in  any  case  upon  the  par¬ 
ties  to  a  suit,  as  to  the  object  of  that  suit,  while 
they  are  also  entitled  to  very  high  respect  and  con¬ 
sideration  in  all  parallel  cases  by  all  other  depart¬ 
ments  of  the  government ;  and  while  it  is  obviously 
possible  that  such  decision  may  be  erroneous  in  any 
given  case,  still  the  evil  effect  following  it,  being 
limited  to  that  particular  case,  with  the  chance  that 
it  may  be  overruled  and  never  become  a  precedent 
for  other  cases,  can  better  be  borne  than  could  the 
evils  of  a  different  practice. 

At  the  same  time  the  candid  citizen  must  confess 
that  if  the  policy  of  the  government  upon  the  vital 
questions  affecting  the  whole  people  is  to  be  irre¬ 
vocably  fixed  by  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
the  instant  they  are  made,  as  in  ordinary  litigation 
between  parties  in  personal  actions,  the  people  will 
have  ceased  to  be  their  own  masters,  unless  having 
to  that  extent  practically  resigned  their  government 
into  the  hands  of  that  eminent  tribunal. 

Nor  is  there  in  this  view  any  assault  upon  the 
court  or  the  judges.  It  is  a  duty  from  which  they 
may  not  shrink,  to  decide  cases  properly  brought 
before  them  ;  and  it  is  no  fault  of  theirs  if  others 
seek  to  turn  their  decisions  to  political  purposes. 
One  section  of  our  country  believes  slavery  is  right 
and  ought  to  be  extended,  while  the  other  believes 
it  is  wrong  and  ought  not  to  be  extended ;  and  this 
is  the  only  substantial  dispute ;  and  the  fugitive 
slave  clause  of  the  constitution,  and  the  law  for  the 
suppression  of  the  foreign  slave  trade,  are  each  as 
well  enforced,  perhaps,  as  any  law  can  ever  be  in  a 
community  where  the  moral  sense  of  the  people  im¬ 
perfectly  supports  the  law  itself.  The  great  body 
of  the  people  abide  by  the  dry  legal  obligation  in 
both  cases,  and  a  few  break  over  in  each.  This,  I 
think,  cannot  be  perfectly  cured,  and  it  would  be 
worse  in  both  cases  after  the  separation  of  the  sec¬ 
tions  than  before.  The  foreign  slave  trade,  now  im¬ 
perfectly  suppressed,  would  be  ultimately  revived, 
without  restriction,  in  one  section;  while  fugitive 
slaves,  now  only  partially  surrendered,  would  not 
be  surrendered  at  all  by  the  other. 

Physically  speaking  we  cannot  separate — we  can¬ 
not  remove  our  respective  sections  from  each  other, 
nor  build  an  impassable  wall  between  them.  A 
husband  and  wife  may  be  divorced,  and  go  out  of 
the  presence  and  beyond  the  reach  of  each  other, 
but  the  different  parts  of  our  country  cannot  do 
this.  They  cannot  but  remain  face  to  face ;  and  in¬ 
tercourse,  either  amicable  or  hostile,  must  continue 
between  them.  Is  it  possible,  then,  to  make  that 
intercourse  more  advantageous  or  more  satisfac¬ 
tory  after  separation  than  before  ?  Can  aliens  make 
!  treaties  easier  than  friends  can  make  laws?  Can 


DOCUMENTS. 


39 


treaties  be  more  faithfully  enforced  between  aliens 
than  laws  can  among  friends?  Suppose  you  go  to 
war,  you  cannot  fight  always;  aud  when,  after 
much  loss  on  both  sides  and  no  gain  on  either,  you 
cease  fighting,  the  identical  questions  as  to  terms 
of  intercourse  are  again  upon  you. 

This  country,  with  its  institutions,  belongs  to  the 
people  who  inhabit  it.  Whenever  they  shall  grow 
weary  of  the  existing  government,  they  can  exer¬ 
cise  their  constitutional  right  of  amending,  or  their 
revolutionary  right  to  dismember  or  overthrow  it. 
I  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  many  worthy 
and  patriotic  citizens  are  desirous  of  having  the 
national  Constitution  amended.  While  I  make  no 
recommendation  of  amendment,  I  fully  recognize 
the  full  authority  of  the  people  over  the  whole  sub¬ 
ject,  to  be  exercised  in  either  of  the  mode3  pre¬ 
scribed  in  the  instrument  itself,  and  I  should,  under 
existing  circumstances,  favor,  rather  than  oppose, 
a  fair  opportunity  being  afforded  the  people  to  act 
upon  it. 

I  will  venture  to  add,  that  to  me  the  convention 
mode  seems  preferable,  in  that  it  allows  amend¬ 
ments  to  originate  with  the  people  themselves,  in¬ 
stead  of  only  permitting  them  to  take  or  reject 
propositions  originated  by  others  not  especially 
chosen  for  the  purpose,  and  which  might  not  be 
precisely  such  as  they  would  wish  either  to  accept 
or  refuse.  I  understand  that  a  proposed  amend¬ 
ment  to  the  Constitution  (which  amendment,  how¬ 
ever,  I  have  not  seen)  has  passed  Congress,  to  the 
effect  that  the  Federal  Government  shall  never  in¬ 
terfere  with  the  domestic  institutions  of  States,  in¬ 
cluding  that  of  persons  held  to  service.  To  avoid 
misconstruction  of  what  I  have  said,  I  depart  from 
my  purpose  not  to  speak  of  particular  amendments, 
so  far  as  to  say  that,  holding  such  a  provision  to 
now  be  implied  constitutional  law,  I  have  no  objec¬ 
tion  to  its  being  made  express  and  irrevocable. 

The  chief  magistrate  derives  all  his  authority 
from  the  people,  and  they  have  conferred  none 
upon  him  to  fix  the  terms  for  the  separation  of  the 
States.  The  people  themselves,  alto,  can  do  this 
if  they  choose,  but  the  Executive,  as  such,  has 
nothing  to  do  witli  it.  Ilis  duty  is  to  administer 
the  present  government  as  it  came  to  his  hands,  and 
to  transmit  it  unimpaired  by  him  to  his  successor. 
Why  should  there  not  be  a  patient  confidence  in 
the  ultimate  justice  of  the  people?  Is  there  any 
better  or  equal  hope  in  the  world  ?  In  our  present 
differences  is  either  party  without  faith  of  being  in 
the  right?  If  the  Almighty  Ruler  of  nations,  with 
his  eternal  truth  and  justice,  be  on  your  side  of  the 
North,  or  on  yours  of  the  South,  that  truth  and 
that  justice  will  surely  prevail  by  the  judgment  of 
this  great  tribunal,  the  American  people.  By  the 
frame  of  the  Government  under  which  we  live,  this 
same  people  have  wisely  given  their  public  servants 
but  little  power  for  mischief,  and  have  with  equal 
wisdom  provided  for  the  return  of  that  little  to  their 
own  hands  at  very  short  intervals.  While  the  peo¬ 
ple  retain  their  virtue  and  vigilance,  no  administra¬ 
tion,  by  any  extreme  wickedness  or  folly,  can  very 
seriously  injure  the  Government  in  the  short  space 
of  four  years. 

My  countrymen,  one  and  all,  think  calmly  and 
well  upon  this  whole  subject.  Nothing  valuable 
can  be  lost  by  taking  time. 

If  there  be  an  object  to  hurry  any  of  you,  in  hot 
haste,  to  a  step  which  you  would  never  take  delib¬ 


erately,  that  object  will  be  frustrated  by  taking 
time ;  but  no  good  object  can  be  frustrated  by  it. 

Such  of  you  as  are  now  dissatisfied  still  have  the 
old  Constitution  unimpaired,  and  on  the  sensitive 
point,  the  laws  of  your  own  framing  under  it ;  while 
the  new  administration  will  have  no  immediate 
power,  if  it  would,  to  change  either. 

If  it  were  admitted  that  you  who  are  dissatisfied 
hold  the  right  side  in  the  dispute,  there  is  still  no 
single  reason  for  precipitate  action.  Intelligence, 
patriotism,  Christianity,  and  a  firm  reliance  on  Him 
who  has  never  yet  forsaken  this  favored  land,  are 
still  competent  to  adjust,  in  the  best  way,  all  our 
present  difficulties. 

In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen, 
and  not  in  mine,  is  the  momentous  issue  of  civil 
war.  The  government  will  not  assail  you. 

You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves 
the  aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered  in 
Heaven  to  destroy  the  government;  while  I  shall 
have  the  most  solemn  one  to  “preserve,  protect, 
and  defend  ”  it. 

I  am  loath  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but 
friends.  We  must  not  be  enemies.  Though  pas¬ 
sion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not  break  our 
bonds  of  affection. 

The  mystic  cords  of  memory,  stretching  from 
every  battle-field  and  patriot  grave  to  every  living 
heart  and  hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land,  will 
yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union,  when  again 
touched,  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels 
of  our  nature. 


Doc.  43.— THE  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 

HOW  IT  IS  RECEIVED. 

The  Baltimore  papers  discuss  the  tone  of  Mr. 
Lincoln’s  Inaugural  Address.  The  American  re¬ 
gards  the  address  with  favor. 

“  The  tone  of  the  speech  is  pacific  ;  that  is  to  say, 
Mr.  Lincoln  avows  his  determination  to  preserve 
peace,  so  far  as  it  may  be  done,  in  the  performance 
of  his  duty  as  he  understands  it.  He  denies  that  he 
has  the  power  to  recognize  the  right  or  the  fact  of 
secession,  and  therefore  denies  that  he  has  the 
liberty  to  refrain  from  the  performance  of  what 
would  be  plain  obligations  if  no  such  right  or  fact 
had  been  assumed  to  exist.  While,  therefore,  ho 
announces  his  intention  to  collect  the  revenue  and 
to  possess  and  defend  the  forts,  he  distinctly  declares 
that  he  will  do  these  things  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
avoid  the  necessity  for  strife,  if  it  is  possible  to  do 
so.  It  is  perfectly  evident,  from  the  whole  tenor  of 
his  Address,  that  he  docs  not  intend  to  be  the  aggress¬ 
or ,  if  peace  may  not  be  preserved. 

“  No  one  will  deny  that  he  has  met  the  issues  pre¬ 
sented  with  a  firmness  and  frankness  that  are  in 
themselves  commendable.  He  does  not  expect  to 
be  misunderstood,  and  he  foreshadows  his  policy 
with  a  directness  that  provides  for  no  future  eva¬ 
sions  or  change  of  programme.  It  is  hardly  proba¬ 
ble  that  the  citizens  of  the  Southern  Confederacy 
have  waited  for  this  Inaugural  with  the  expectation 
that  it  was  to  contain  a  relinquishment  of  United 
States  authority  in  the  seceded  states,  or  a  promise 
to  recognize  the  government  there  set  up;  and  if 
they  have,  it  is  not  probable  that  the  Address  will 
leave  them  in  doubt  upon  this  subject. 

“  Whatever  may  be  the  differences  of  opinion 


40 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


throughout  the  country  upon  the  various  subjects 
of  which  the  address  treats,  it  will  be  very  general¬ 
ly  received  as  an  honest  and  outspoken  avowal  of 
the  policy  of  the  new  administration.  It  is  certain 
that  it  furnishes  no  pretext  for  disunion  that  has  not 
existed  since  the  November  election.” 

The  Baltimore  Sun  denounces  the  Address  as 
“  sectional  and  mischievous,”  and  adds  that  “if  it 
means  what  it  says,  it  is  the  knell  and  the  requiem 
of  the  Union,  and  the  death  of  hope.” 

The  Baltimore  Exchange  says,  “  the  measures  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  mean  war.” 

The  Baltimore  Patriot  believes,  with  the  Ameri¬ 
can,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  means  to  avoid  aggression, 
and  adds: 

“  The  reasoning  and  expositions  of  the  Inaugural, 
in  the  virtues  of  patience,  forbearance,  &c.,  apply 
as  well  to  Mr.  Lincoln  as  to  the  people  of  the  several 
States,  and  as  he  expects  the  people  to  exercise 
those  virtues,  so  must  he  allow  the  people  to  expect 
that  he  will  apply  the  counsel  to  himself,  as  well  as 
to  them.  In  this  there  is  another  assurance  of 
-pacificatory  purposes ,  and  of  the  intention  to  enforce 
the  laics,  as  nearly  as  possible ,  in  conformity  with  the 
will  of  the  ivhole  people.  This  position  is  greatly 
strengthened  by  the  appeal  to  the  Almighty  Ruler 
of  Nations,  with  his  eternal  truth  and  justice,  as  the 
great  appellate  tribunal  of  the  American  people. 
We  make  this  observation  in  reference  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  as  an  enlightened  and  conscientious  states¬ 
man,  and  not  as  an  educated  and  conscientious 
fanatic.  In  the  character  of  the  statesman,  he  will 
wisely  and  judiciously  apply  the  law  he  is  obliged  to 
enforce  as  a  sufficient  instrument  for  the  accom¬ 
plishment  of  its  purposes,  without  any  appeal  to  the 
higher  law  of  the  fanatics,  which  is  subversive  of  all 
human  law  and  government,  and  impels  the  sub¬ 
mission  of  all  human  thought  and  consideration  and 
action  to  the  whim  or  notion  of  an  individual  man.” 

In  Virginia  the  secessionists  denounce  it  as  a 
warlike  document,  and  threaten  immediate  secession 
and  fight. 

In  the  seceding  States  intense  excitement  was 
created  by  the  reception  of  the  Address. 

In  North  Carolina,  the  Inaugural  was  favorably 
received  by  the  Unionists,  who  regarded  it  as  a 
hopeful  indication  of  the  peace  policy  of  the  ad¬ 
ministration. 

The  St.  Louis  Democrat  says:  “We  can  only  say 
this  morning,  that  it  meets  the  highest  expectations 
of  the  country,  both  in  point  of  statesmanship  and 
patriotism,  and  that  its  effect  on  the  public  mind 
cannot  be  other  than  salutary  in  the  highest  de¬ 
gree.” 

The  St.  L  ouis  Republican  says :  “We  hoped  for 
a  more  conservative  and  more  conciliatory  expres¬ 
sion  of  sentiments ;  much  will  depend  upon  the  put¬ 
ting  in  practice  of  the  ideas  advanced  that  will  test 
the  question — be  it  one  of  expediency  or  right — 
whether  the  forts  can  be  held  or  retaken  and  the 
revenues  collected  without  bloodshed.” 

The  Boston  Post  is  pleased.  It  says: 

“The  conservatives  will  be  glad  to  see,  at  this 
time,  the  opening  avowals  of  the  Address.  The 
pledge  not  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  ; 
the  denunciation  of  lawless  invasions  of  those  States ; 
the  avowal  to  protect  slavery  in  case  of  a  servile 
insurrection;  the  promise  to  carry  into  effect  the 
fugitive  slave  obligation,  seem  to  come  up  to  the 
requirements  of  the  Constitution.  Nor  is  this  all. 
Towards  the  conclusion  the  President  returns  to  the 


subject,  and  further  manifests  his  desire  to  con¬ 
ciliate,  by  frankly  endorsing  the  Corwin  amend¬ 
ment  to  the  Constitution,  which  has  just  received  a 
two-thirds  vote  of  both  branches  of  Congress.” 


Doc.  44.— SYNOPSIS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATE 
STATES’  ARMY  BILL. 

Sec.  1.  Enacts,  that  from  and  after  the  passage  of 
the  act,  the  military  establishment  of  the  Confeder¬ 
ate  States  shall  be  composed  of  one  corps  of  engin¬ 
eers,  one  corps  of  artillery,  six  regiments  of  infantry, 
one  regiment  of  cavalry,  and  of  the  staff  department 
already  established  by  law. 

2.  The  Corps  of  Engineers  shall  consist  of  one 
colonel,  four  majors,  five  captains,  one  company  of 
sappers,  miners,  and  pioneers,  consisting  of  ten  ser¬ 
geants  or  master-workmen,  ten  corporals  or  over¬ 
seers,  two  musicians,  and  thirty-nine  privates  of  the 
first-class,  or  artificers,  and  thirty-nine  men  of  second- 
class,  or  laborers — making  in  all  one  hundred. 

3.  Said  company  shall  be  officered  by  one  captain 
and  as  many  lieutenants,  taken  from  the  line  of  the 
army,  as  the  President  may  deem  necessary. 

4.  Duties  of  the  colonel  of  the  Engineer  Corps 
prescribed. 

5.  The  artillery  corps  shall  consist  of  one  colonel, 
one  lieutenant-colonel,  ten  majors,  and  forty  compa¬ 
nies  of  artillerists  and  artificers ;  and  each  company 
shall  consist  of  one  captain,  two  first  lieutenants, 
one  second  lieutenant,  four  sergeants,  four  corpo¬ 
rals,  two  musicians  and  seventy  privates;  also  one 
adjutant  to  be  selected  by  the  colonel  from  the  first 
lieutenants,  and  one  sergeant-major  to  be  selected 
from  enlisted  men  of  the  corps. 

6.  Each  regiment  of  infantry  shall  consist  of  one 
colonel,  one  lieutenant-colonel,  one  major  and  ten 
companies.  Each  company  shall  consist  of  one  cap¬ 
tain,  one  first  lieutenant,  two  second  lieutenants, 
four  sergeants,  four  corporals,  two  musicians  and 
ninety  privates ;  and  to  each  regiment  there  shall 
be  one  adjutant,  and  one  sergeant-major. 

1.  The  cavalry  regiment  shall  consist  of  one  col¬ 
onel,  one  lieutenant-colonel,  one  major  and  ten  com¬ 
panies.  Each  of  which  shall  consist  of  one  captain, 
one  first  lieutenant,  two  second  lieutenants,  four 
sergeants,  four  corporals,  one  farrier,  one  blacksmith, 
two  musicians  and  sixty  privates ;  also,  of  one  ad¬ 
jutant  and  one  sergeant-major. 

8.  There  shall  be  four  brigadier-generals,  entitled 
to  one  aid-de-camp  each. 

9.  All  officers  of  the  army  shall  be  appointed  by 
the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Congress;  and  the  rank  and  file  shall  be  en¬ 
listed  for  not  less  than  three  nor  more  than  five 
years. 

10.  All  officers  are  required  to  stand  a  creditable 
military  examination. 

11  and  12.  Promotions  in  the  army  shall  be  made 
according  to  seniority  and  ability. 

13.  The  pay  of  the  brigadier-general  is  $3,612 
per  year,  and  his  aid-de-camp  (in  addition  to  his  pay 
as  lieutenant)  the  sum  of  $35  per  month. 

14.  Monthly  pay  of  the  officers  of  the  Corps  of 
Engineers:  colonel,  $210;  majors,  $162;  captains, 
$140  ;  lieutenants  serving  with  sappers  and  miners 
will  receive  the  pay  of  cavalry  officers  of  the  same 
grade. 

15.  The  monthly  pay  of  the  colonel  of  the  artillery 
corps  is  $210;  lieutenant-colonel,  $185;  majors, 


DOCUMENTS. 


41 


$150;  and  when  serving  on  ordnance  duty,  $162; 
captains,  $130;  lieutenants,  $90  ;  second  lieutenants, 
$80.  The  adjutant,  in  addition  to  his  pay  as  lieut¬ 
enant,  the  sum  of  $10  per  month.  Officers  serving 
in  the  light  artillery,  or  performing  ordnance  duty, 
shall  receive  the  same  pay  as  officers  of  cavalry  in 
the  same  grade. 

16.  The  monthly  pay  of  officers  in  the  infantry 
regiment.  Colonels,  $195;  lieutenant-colonels, 
$170;  majors,  $150;  captains,  $130;  lieutenants, 
$90;  second  lieutenants,  $80;  and  the  adjutant,  in 
addition  to  his  pay  as  lieutenant,  $10  per  month. 

17.  The  monthly  pay  of  officers  of  cavalry :  Col¬ 
onel,  $210;  lieutenant-colonel,  $185;  major,  $162; 
captains,  $140 ;  first  lieutenant,  $100 ;  second  lieut¬ 
enants,  $90 ;  and  the  adjutant  $10  per  month  in 
addition  to  his  pay  as  lieutenant. 

18.  The  pay  of  officers  of  the  general  staff  (ex¬ 
cept  those  of  the  medical  department,)  will  be  the 
same  as  officers  of  cavalry  of  the  same  grade.  The 
annual  salary  of  the  surgeon-general  is  $3,000,  with 
fuel  and  quarters ;  monthly  pay  of  surgeons  of  ten 
years’  service  in  that  grade,  $200  ;  a  surgeon  of  less 
time  service,  $162 ;  assistant-surgeon  of  ten  years’ 
service,  $150  ;  assistant-surgeon  of  five  yeai's’  ser¬ 
vice,  $130,  and  for  assistant  of  less  than  five  years’ 
service,  $110. 

19.  There  shall  be  allowed,  in  addition  to  the  pay 
herein  before  provided,  to  every  commissioned 
officer,  except  the  surgeon-general,  $9  per  month 
for  every  five  years’  services,  and  to  the  officers  of 
the  army  of  the  United  States  who  have  resigned, 
or  may  resign,  to  be  received  into  the  service  of 
The  Confederate  States,  this  additional  pay  shall  be 
allowed  from  the  date  of  their  entrance  into  the  for¬ 
mer  service.  There  shall  also  be  an  additional 
monthly  allowance  to  every  general  officer  cam- 
manding  in  chief  a  separate  army  actually  in  the 
field,  the  sum  of  $100. 

20.  The  pay  aforesaid  shall  be  in  full  of  all  allow¬ 
ances,  except  forage,  fuel,  quarters,  and  travelling 
expenses,  while  travelling  under  orders,  etc.,  etc. 

21.  Allows  forage  to  officers,  etc. 

22.  Monthly  pay  of  enlisted  men:  Sergeants  or 
master  workmen  of  engineer  corps,  $34;  corporals 
or  overseers,  $20 ;  privates  of  first-class  or  artifi¬ 
cers,  17 ;  privates  of  second-class,  or  laborers,  and 
musicians,  $13;  sergeant-major  of  cavalry,  $21; 
first  sergeant,  $20 ;  sergeants,  $17  ;  corporals,  far¬ 
riers,  and  blacksmiths,  $13 ;  musicians,  $13;  pri¬ 
vates,  $12;  first  sergeants,  $20;  sergeants,  $17; 
corporals  and  artificers,  $13;  musicians,  $12 ;  and 
privates,  $11.  Non-commissioned  officers,  artificers, 
musicians,  and  privates  serving  in  light  batteries 
shall  receive  the  same  pay  as  those  of  cavalry. 

23.  The  President  is  authorized  to  enlist  all  mas¬ 
ter  workmen  necessary  to  the  ordnance  service, 
not  exceeding  one  hundred  men,  and  at  salaries 
ranging  from  $13  to  $34  per  month. 

24.  Each  enlisted  man  shall  receive  one  ration 
per  day  and  clothing. 

25.  Refers  to  commutation  of  rations. 

26.  The  Secretary  of  War  is  directed  to  prescribe 
the  duties  of  every  department  of  service. 

27.  Requires  Quartermasters  and  Commissaries 
to  give  bonds, 

2S.  Prohibits  any  officer  from  being  interested  in 
purchases  made  for  the  army. 

29.  The  rules  and  articles  of  war  of  the  United 
States,  with  slight  exceptions,  adopted  by  the  Con¬ 
gress  of  the  Confederate  States. 


30.  The  President  is  directed  to  call  into  service 
only  so  many  of  the  troops  herein  provided  for  as 
he  may  deem  necessary. 

31.  Repeals  all  conflicting  laws. 

The  law  is  quite  long,  and  hence  the  reason  of 
the  analysis,  which  will  doubtless  be  more  satisfac¬ 
tory  to  readers  generally  than  the  perusal  of  the 
entire  law. 

Below  is  a  tabular  statement  of  the  number  and 
grade  of  officers  and  men  : 


Engineer 

Artil- 

Infant- 

CftV 

Rank. 

Corps. 

lery. 

ry. 

air) 

Total. 

Colonels . 

i 

6 

l 

9 

Lieu  tenant- Colonels _ 

— 

l 

6 

l 

8 

Majors . 

10 

6 

l 

21 

Number  of  Companies. 

_ — 

40 

60 

10 

110 

Captains . 

....  5 

40 

60 

10 

115 

First  Lieutenants . 

__  - 

80 

60 

10 

150 

Second  Lieutenants. . . . 

_  - 

40 

120 

20 

ISO 

Sergeants . 

100 

240 

40 

450 

Corporals . 

.  ...10 

1G0 

240 

40 

450 

Privates . 

....78  ! 

2,SOO 

5,400 

600 

8, 878 

Farriers . 

.  .  . - 

— 

_ 

4 

4 

Blacksmiths . 

— 

_ 

_ 

4 

4 

Musicians . 

....  2 

80 

240 

20 

842 

Adjutants . 

_ _ 

t 

6 

1 

8 

Sergeant  Majors . 

1 

6 

1 

8 

Total . 

>— 1 
O 

CO 

Add  Brisadier-Generals. 

4 

Aids  to  Brigadier-Generals . 

—2f. 

Y. 

4 

Ilerald. 

Doc.  45.— AN  ENGLISH  PROTEST  AGAINST 
SOUTHERN  RECOGNITION. 

Mr.  Gregory  has  given  notice  that  on  an  early 
day  he  will  call  the  attention  of  her  Majesty’s  gov¬ 
ernment  to  the  expediency  of  a  prompt  recognition 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy  of  America.  There  is 
no  occasion  for  Mr.  Gregory  or  any  one  else  to  be 
anxious  to  get  our  government  to  acknowledge  the 
so-called  Southern  Confederacy  of  American  States. 
The  practice  of  the  British  government  in  such 
cases  is  firmly  established  and  well  understood,  viz., 
to  recognize  all  de  facto  governments,  irrespective 
of  opinions,  origin,  or  any  circumstance  but  the 
fact  of  being  the  actually  established  ruling  power. 
If  ever  and  whenever  that  happens  with  the  South¬ 
ern  States,  which  now  professes  to  be  a  confederacy, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  about  their  being  recognized 
by  all  the  European  powers;  and  by  England,  with 
the  utmost  certainty  and  distinctness.  But  the  case 
has  not  reached  this  stage  ;  and  it  is  very  far  from 
reaching  it.  The  secession  leaders  who  have  as¬ 
sumed  office  do  not  pretend  to  be  more  than  a  pro¬ 
visional  body ;  no  appeal  has  been  made  to  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  their  States;  none  of  the  constitutional  con¬ 
ditions  of  republican  organization  have  as  yet  been 
complied  with ;  and  none  of  the  antecedents  which 
were  specified  by  the  founders  of  the  republic  as 
justifying  rebellion  have  occurred.  The  movers  in 
the  case  have  begged  the  question  in  regard  to  the 
right  of  secession ;  and  there  has  as  yet  been  no 
opportunity  of  reply  on  the  other  side.  The  whole 
matter  remains  for  treatment;  and,  in  the  most 
democratic  country  in  the  world,  the  great  body  of 
the  people  has  been  silent  during  a  whole  winter  of 
crisis,  from  actual  want  of  opportunity  to  declare 
their  opinion  and  will.  There  can  be  no  recogni¬ 
tion  from  without  of  any  new  claims  put  forth  in 
such  an  interval ;  and  the  American  nation  lias  a 
right  to  expect  from  its  foreign  allies  patience  to 
wait  till  the  people  have  spoken  and  taken  their 
course  of  action. 


42 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


The  inauguration  address  of  the  Provisional 
President  of  the  South  was  intended  to  produce 
just  such  an  effect  as  it  seems  to  have  produced  on 
Mr.  Gregory’s  mind.  This  audacious  parody  on  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  might ,  it  was  evidently 
thought,  catch  the  ear  of  Americans,  to  whom  that 
Declaration  is  as  familiar  as  the  Lord’s  Prayer ;  and 
it  might  entrap  the  imagination  of  foreigners  who 
might  not  have  paid  sufficient  attention  to  the 
course  of  American  affairs  to  detect  its  inapplica¬ 
bility.  One  does  not  look  for  extreme  accuracy  or 
for  any  impartiality  in  political  manifestoes  issued 
by  revolutionary  officials,  on  their  first  attempt  to 
ride  the  people  they  have  raised;  but  it  may  be 
doubted  whether  in  any  European  conflict  within  this 
revolutionary  century  any  document  has  appeared 
more  impudently  false  than  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis's 
Address.  It  is  so  incredible  that  he  and  any  hear¬ 
ers  qualified  for  political  action  can  be  self-deceived 
to  such  a  point  as  to  believe  what  he  was  saying, 
that  we  can  only  suppose  the  object  to  be  to  lead 
the  ignorant  people  about  them  by  the  sound  of 
familiar  and  venerated  words,  trusting  to  their  in¬ 
ability  to  perceive  the  baselessness  of  the  thoughts. 
If  the  poor  whites  of  the  Southern  section,  who 
constitute  nearly  three-fourths  of  the  white  popula¬ 
tion,  can  really  be  led  by  such  an  address  as  this  to 
fancy  themselves  resisting  oppression,  and  estab¬ 
lishing  free  government  under  the  special  blessing 
of  Heaven,  in  imitation  of  their  fathers  ninety 
years  ago,  they  are  indeed  fit  only  for  such  subjec¬ 
tion  to  oligarchical  government  as  has  long  been, 
and  still  will  be,  required  of  them. 

In  citing  the  familiar  and  venerable  statement  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  as  to  the  causes 
which  justify  rebellion,  and  the  principles  on  which 
the  resulting  polity  should  be  framed  and  organized, 
Mr.  Jefferson  Davis  pronounced  the  most  crushing 
condemnation  of  his  own  case,  in  terms  of  the  keen¬ 
est  irony.  The  staunchest  Republican  of  the  North 
might  have  taken  up  the  same  parable  as  the  aptest 
speech  he  could  make.  The  Philadelphia  patriots 
exhibited  the  long  course  of  oppressions  the  colo¬ 
nies  had  endured  before  they  lost  patience,  and  the 
actual  extremities  of  injury  they  underwent  before 
they  raised  a  hostile  flag.  In  the  present  case  the 
Southern  party  has  enjoyed  thirty  years’  possession 
of  the  Federal  Government — thirty  years  of  domi¬ 
nation  over  the  whole  Union — during  which  they 
have  altered  the  laws,  undermined  the  Constitu¬ 
tion,  carved  out  territory,  restricted  liberty  and 
created  license,  for  their  own  sectional  objects 
and  interests.  So  much  for  the  long  oppression 
which  has  driven  them  to  resistance.  And  what 
outrage  roused  the  reluctant  men  of  peace  at 
last?  What  was  the  Stamp  Act  of  the  present  occa¬ 
sion?  It  was  the  loss  of  an  election,  a  constitu¬ 
tional  election,  conducted  in  a  regular  and  orderly 
way. 

— London  News,  March  12. 


Doc.  46.— BRAGG’S  ORDER. 

The  order  of  Major-General  Bragg,  cutting  off 
supplies  from  the  United  States  fleet  off  Pensacola : 

Headquarters  Troops  Confederate  States,  ) 
Near  Pensacola,  Fla.,  March  18,  1861.  f 

The  Commanding-General  learns  with  surprise 
and  regret  that  some  of  our  citizens  are  engaged  in 
the  business  of  furnishing  supplies  of  fuel,  water 


and  provisions  to  the  armed  vessels  of  the  United 
States  now  occupying  a  threatening  appearance  off 
this  harbor. 

That  no  misunderstanding  may  exist  on  this  sub¬ 
ject,  it  is  announced  to  all  concerned  that  this 
traffic  is  strictly  forbidden,  and  all  such  supplies, 
which  may  be  captured  in  transit  to  said  vessels, 
or  to  Fort  Pickens,  will  be  confiscated. 

The  more  effectually  to  enforce  this  prohibition, 
no  boat  or  vessel  will  be  allowed  to  visit  Fort 
Pickens  or  any  of  the  United  States  naval  vessels 
without  special  sanction. 

Col.  John  II.  Forney,  Acting  Inspector-General, 
will  organize  an  efficient  Harbor  Police  for  the  en¬ 
forcement  of  this  order.  By  command  of  Brigadier- 
General  Braxton  Bragg. 

Robert  C.  Wood,  jr.  Asst.  Adjt.  Gen. 

— Times,  March  23. 


Doc.  47.— CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  MR. 

SEWARD  AND  THE  CONFEDERATE  COM¬ 
MISSIONERS. 

The  following  is  the  correspondence  between  the 
Secretary  of  State  and  the  Commissioners  from  the 
Confederate  States : — 

Messrs.  Forsyth  and  Crawford  to  Mr.  Seward, 

opening  Negotiation  and  stating  the  Case. 

Washington  City,  March  12,  1861. 
non.  Wm.  II.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State  of  the 

United  States : 

Sir  : — The  undersigned  have  been  duly  accredited 
by  the  government  of  the  Confederate  States  of 
America  as  Commissioners  to  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  and  in  pursuance  of  their  in¬ 
structions  have  now  the  honor  to  acquaint  you  with 
that  fact,  and  to  make  known,  through  you,  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  the  objects  of  their 
presence  in  this  Capital. 

Seven  States  of  the  late  federal  Union  having, 
in  the  exercise  of  the  inherent  right  of  every  free 
people  to  change  or  reform  their  political  institu¬ 
tions,  and  through  conventions  of  their  people, 
withdrawn  from  the  United  States  and  reassumed  the 
attributes  of  sovereign  power  delegated  to  it,  have 
formed  a  government  of  their  own.  The  Confed¬ 
erate  States  constitute  an  independent  nation,  de 
facto  and  de  jure,  and  possess  a  government  perfect 
in  all  its  parts  and  endowed  with  all  the  means  of 
self-support. 

With  a  view  to  a  speedy  adjustment  of  all  ques¬ 
tions  growing  out  of  this  political  separation,  upon 
such  terms  of  amity  and  good  will  as  the  respective 
interests,  geographical  contiguity,  and  future  wel¬ 
fare  of  the  two  nations  may  render  necessary,  the 
undersigned  are  instructed  to  make  to  the  govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States  overtures  for  the  open¬ 
ing  of  negotiations,  assuring  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  that  the  President,  Congress,  and 
people  of  the  Confederate  States  earnestly  desire  a 
peaceful  solution  of  these  great  questions;  that  it 
is  neither  their  interest  nor  their  wish  to  make  any 
demand  which  is  not  founded  in  strictest  justice, 
nor  do  any  act  to  injure  their  late  confederates. 

The  undersigned  have  now  the  honor  in  obedi¬ 
ence  to  the  instructions  of  their  government,  to  re¬ 
quest  you  to  appoint  as  early  a  day  as  possible,  in 
order  that  they  may  present  to  the  President  of  the 
1  United  States  the  credentials  which  they  bear  and 


DOCUMENTS. 


43 


the  objects  of  the  mission  with  which  they  are 
charged.  We  are,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servants, 

John  Forsyth, 

Martin  J.  Crawtford. 

THE  REPLY  OF  UR.  SEWARD. 

Memorandum. 

Department  of  State,  ) 

Washington,  March  15,  1S61.  j 

Mr.  John  Forsyth,  of  the  State  of  Alabama,  and 
Mr.  Martin  J.  Crawford,  of  the  State  of  Georgia, 
on  the  11th  inst.,  through  the  kind  offices  of  a  dis¬ 
tinguished  Senator,  submitted  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  their  desire  for  an  unofficial  interview.  This 
request  was,  on  the  12th  inst.,  upon  exclusively 
public  consideration,  respectfully  declined. 

On  the  13th  inst.,  while  the  Secretary  was  preoc¬ 
cupied,  Mr.  A.  D.  Banks,  of  Virginia,  called  at  this 
Department,  and  was  received  by  the  Assistant 
Secretary,  to  whom  he  delivered  a  sealed  communi¬ 
cation,  which  he  had  been  charged  by  Messrs.  For¬ 
syth  and  Crawford  to  present  the  Secretary  in 
person. 

In  that  communication  Messrs.  Forsyth  and 
Crawford  inform  the  Secretary  of  State  that  they 
have  been  duly  accredited  by  the  Government  of 
the  Confederate  States  of  America  as  Commission¬ 
ers  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and 
they  set  forth  the  objects  of  their  attendance  at 
Washington.  They  observe  that  seven  States  of 
the  American  Union,  in  the  exercise  of  a  right  in¬ 
herent  in  every  free  people,  have  withdrawn, 
through  conventions  of  their  people,  from  the  Unit¬ 
ed  States,  re-assumed  the  attributes  of  sovereign 
power,  and  formed  a  government  of  their  own,  and 
that  those  Confederate  States  now  constitute  an 
independent  nation  de  facto  and  dejure,  and  pos¬ 
sess  a  government  perfect  in  all  its  parts  and  fully 
endowed  with  all  the  means  of  self-support. 

Messrs.  Forsyth  and  Crawford,  in  their  aforesaid 
communication,  thereupon  proceeded  to  inform  the 
Secretary  that,  with  a  view  to  a  speedy  adjustment 
of  all  questions  growing  out  of  the  political  separa¬ 
tion  thus  assumed,  upon  such  terms  of  amity  and 
good  will  as  the  respective  interests,  geographical 
contiguity  and  the  future  welfare  of  the  supposed 
two  nations  might  render  necessary,  they  are  in¬ 
structed  to  make  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States  overtures  for  the  opening  of  negotiations, 
assuring  this  government  that  the  President,  Con¬ 
gress  and  people  of  the  Confederate  States  earnest¬ 
ly  desire  a  peaceful  solution  of  these  great  ques¬ 
tions,  and  that  it  is  neither  their  interest  nor  their 
wish  to  make  any  demand  which  is  not  founded  in 
strictest  justice,  nor  do  any  act  to  injure  their  late 
confederates. 

After  making  these  statements,  Messrs.  Forsyth 
and  Crawford  close  their  communication,  as  they 
say,  in  obedience  to  the  instructions  of  their  gov¬ 
ernment,  by  requesting  the  Secretary  of  State  to 
appoint  as  early  a  day  as  possible,  in  order  that 
they  may  present  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States  the  credentials  which  they  bear  and  the  ob¬ 
jects  of  the  mission  with  which  they  are  charged. 

The  Secretary  of  State  frankly  confesses  that  he 
understands  the  events  which  have  recently  occur¬ 
red,  and  the  condition  of  political  affairs  which 
actually  exists  in  the  part  of  the  Union  to  which  his 
attention  has  thus  been  directed,  very  differently 


from  the  aspect  in  which  they  are  presented  by 
Messrs.  Forsyth  and  Crawford.  He  sees  in  them, 
not  a  rightful  and  accomplished  revolution  and  an 
independent  nation,  with  an  established  govern¬ 
ment,  but  rather  a  perversion  of  a  temporary  and 
partisan  excitement  to  the  inconsiderate  purposes 
of  an  unjustifiable  and  unconstitutional  aggression 
upon  the  rights  and  the  authority  vested  in  the  fed¬ 
eral  government,  and  hitherto  benignly  exercised, 
as  from  their  very  nature  they  always  must  so  be 
exercised,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Union,  the 
preservation  of  liberty,  and  the  security,  peace, 
welfare,  happiness,  and  aggrandizement  of  the 
American  people.  The  Secretary  of  State,  there¬ 
fore,  avows  to  Messrs.  Forsyth  and  Crawford  that 
he  looks  patiently  but  confidently  for  the  cure  of 
evils  which  have  resulted  from  proceedings  so  un¬ 
necessary,  so  unwise,  so  unusual,  and  so  unnatural, 
not  to  irregular  negotiations,  having  in  view  new 
and  untried  relations  with  agencies  unknown  to 
and  acting  in  derogation  of  the  Constitution  and 
laws,  but  to  regular  and  considerate  action  of  the 
people  at  those  States,  in  co-operation  with  their 
brethren  in  the  other  States,  through  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  and  such  extraordinary  con¬ 
ventions,  if  there  shall  be  need  thereof,  as  the  fed¬ 
eral  Constitution  contemplates  and  authorizes  to  be 
assembled. 

It  is,  however,  the  purpose  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  on  this  occasion  not  to  invite  or  engage  in 
any  discussion  of  these  subjects,  but  simply  to  set 
forth  his  reasons  for  declining  to  comply  with  the 
request  of  Messrs.  Forsyth  and  Crawford. 

On  the  4th  of  March  inst.,  the  newly  elected  Pres¬ 
ident  of  the  United  States,  in  view  of  all  the  facts 
bearing  on  the  present  question,  assumed  the  exec¬ 
utive  Administration  of  the  Government,  first  de¬ 
livering,  in  accordance  with  an  early,  honored  cus¬ 
tom,  an  Inaugural  Address  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  The  Secretary  of  State  respectfully 
submits  a  copy  of  this  address  to  Messrs.  Forsyth 
and  Crawford. 

A  simple  reference  to  it  will  be  sufficient  to  sat¬ 
isfy  those  gentlemen  that  the  Secretary  of  State, 
guided  by  the  principles  therein  announced,  is  pre¬ 
vented  altogether  from  admitting  or  assuming  that 
the  States  referred  to  by  them  have,  in  law  or  in 
fact  withdrawn  from  the  Federal  Union,  or  that 
they  could  do  so  in  the  manner  described  by  Messrs. 
Forsyth  and  Crawford,  or  in  any  other  manner  than 
with  the  consent  and  concert  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  to  be  given  through  a  national  con¬ 
vention,  to  be  assembled  in  conformity  with  the 
provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
Of  course  the  Secretary  of  State  cannot  act  upon 
the  assumption  or  in  any  way  admit  that  the  so- 
called  Confederate  States  constitute  a  foreign  Pow¬ 
er,  with  whom  diplomatic  relations  ought  to  bo  es¬ 
tablished. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  Secretary  of 
State,  whose  official  duties  are  confined,  subject  to 
the  direction  of  the  President,  to  the  conducting  of 
the  foreign  relations  of  the  country,  and  do  not  at 
all  embrace  domestic  questions  or  questions  arising 
between  the  several  States  and  the  federal  govern¬ 
ment,  is  unable  to  comply  with  the  request  of 
Messrs.  Forsyth  and  Crawford,  to  appoint  a  day  on 
which  they  may  present  the  evidences  of  their  au¬ 
thority  and  the  objects  of  their  visit  to  the  Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  United  States.  On  the  contrary,  he  is 
obliged  to  state  to  Messrs.  Forsyth  and  Crawford 


u 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


that  ho  has  no  authority  nor  is  he  at  liberty  to  rec¬ 
ognize  them  as  diplomatic  agents,  or  hold  corre¬ 
spondence  or  other  communication  with  them. 

Finally,  the  Secretary  of  State  would  observe 
that,  although  he  has  supposed  that  he  might  safely 
and  with  propriety  have  adopted  these  conclusions 
without  making  any  reference  of  the  subject  to  the 
Executive,  yet  so  strong  has  been  his  desire  to 
practise  entire  directness  and  to  act  in  a  spirit  of 
perfect  respect  and  candor  towards  Messrs.  Forsyth 
and  Crawford,  and  that  portion  of  the  Union,  in 
whose  name  they  present  themselves  before  him, 
that  he  has  cheerfully  submitted  this  paper  to  the 
President,  who  coincides  generally  in  the  views  it 
expresses,  and  sanctions  the  Secretary’s  decision 
declining  official  intercourse  with  Messrs.  Forsyth 
and  Crawford. 


Doc.  48.— SPEECH  OF  A.  H.  STEPHENS. 

Mr.  Mayor  and  Gentlemen  of  tiie  Committee, 
and  Fellow-citizens — For  this  reception  you  will 
please  accept  my  most  profound  and  sincere  thanks. 
The  compliment  is  doubtless  intended  as  much,  or 
more,  perhaps,  in  honor  of  the  occasion,  and  my 
public  position  in  connection  with  the  great  events 
now  crowding  upon  us,  than  to  me  personally  and 
individually.  It  is,  however,  none  the  less  appreci¬ 
ated  by  me  on  that  account.  We  are  in  the  midst 
of  one  of  the  greatest  epochs  in  our  history.  The 
last  ninety  days  will  mark  one  of  the  most  memor¬ 
able  eras  in  the  history  of  modern  civilization. 

[There  was  a  general  call  from  the  outside  of  the 
building  for  the  speaker  to  go  out,  that  there  were 
more  outside  than  in. 

The  Mayor  rose  and  requested  silence  at  the 
doors,  that  Mr.  Stephens’  health  would  not  permit 
him  to  speak  in  the  open  air.  Mr.  Stephens  said  he 
would  leave  it  to  the  audience  whether  he  should 
proceed  in-doors  or  out.  There  was  a  general  cry 
of  in-doors,  as  the  ladies,  a  large  number  of  whom 
were  present,  could  not  hear  outside. 

Mr.  Stephens  said  that  the  accommodation  of  the 
ladies  would  determine  the  question,  and  he  would 
proceed  where  he  was.  At  this  point  the  uproar 
and  clamor  outside,  was  greater  still  for  the  speaker 
to  go  out  on  the  steps.  This  was  quieted  by  Col. 
Lawton,  Col.  Foreman,  Judge  Jackson  and  Mr,  J. 
W.  Owens  going  out  and  stating  the  facts  of  the 
case  to  the  dense  mass  of  men,  women,  and  children 
who  were  outside,  and  entertaining  them  in  short, 
brief  speeches. 

Mr.  Stephens  all  this  while  quietly  sitting  down 
until  the  furore  subsided.] 

Mr.  Stephens  rose,  and  said,  When  perfect  quiet 
is  restored  I  shall  proceed ;  I  cannot  speak  as  long 
as  there  is  any  noise  or  confusion.  I  shall  take  my 
time  ;  I  feel  as  though  I  could  spend  the  night  with 
you,  if  necessary.  [Loud  applause]  I  very  much 
regret  that  every  one  who  desires  cannot  hear  what 
I  have  to  say,  not  that  I  have  any  display  to  make 
or  any  thing  very  entertaining  to  present,  but  such 
views  as  I  have  to  give,  I  wish  all  not  only  in  this 
city,  but  iu  this  State,  and  throughout  our  Confed¬ 
erated  Republic,  could  hear,  who  have  a  desire  to 
hear  them. 

I  was  remarking  that  we  are  passing  through  one 
of  the  greatest  revolutions  in  the  annals  of  the 
world — seven  States  have,  vuthin  the  last  three 
months,  thrown  off  an  old  Government  and  formed 


a  new.  This  revolution  has  been  signally  marked, 
up  to  this  time,  by  the  fact  of  its  having  been  ac¬ 
complished  without  the  loss  of  a  single  drop  of 
blood.  [Applause.]  This  new  Constitution,  or 
form  of  government,  constitutes  the  subject  to 
which  your  attention  will  be  partly  invited. 

In  reference  to  it,  I  make  this  first  general  re¬ 
mark  :  It  amply  secures  all  our  ancient  rights,  fran¬ 
chises,  and  privileges.  All  the  great  principles  of 
Magna  Charta  arc  retained  in  it.  No  citizen  is  de¬ 
prived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  but  by  the  judg¬ 
ment  of  his  peers,  under  the  laws  of  the  land.  The 
great  principle  of  religious  liberty,  which  was  the 
honor  and  pride  of  the  old  Constitution,  is  still 
maintained  and  secured.  All  the  essentials  of  the 
old  Constitution,  which  have  endeared  it  to  the 
hearts  of  the  American  people,  have  been  preserv¬ 
ed  and  perpetuated.  [Applause.]  Some  changes 
have  been  made — of  these,  I  shall  speak  presently. 
Some  of  these  I  should  have  preferred  not  to  have 
seen  made,  but  these  perhaps  meet  the  cordial  ap¬ 
probation  of  a  majority  of  this  audience,  if  not  an 
overwhelming  majority  of  the  people  of  the  Con¬ 
federacy.  Of  them,  therefore,  I  will  not  speak. 
But  other  important  changes  do  meet  my  cordial 
approbation.  They  form  great  improvements  upon 
the  old  Constitution.  So,  taking  the  whole  new 
Constitution,  I  have  no  hesitancy  in  giving  it  as  my 
judgment,  that  it  is  decidedly  better  than  the  old. 
[Applause.]  Allow  me  briefly  to  allude  to  some  of 
these  improvements.  The  question  of  building  up 
class  interests,  or  fostering  one  branch  of  industry 
to  the  prejudice  of  another,  under  the  exercise  of 
the  revenue  power,  which  gave  us  so  much  trouble 
under  the  old  Constitution,  is  put  at  rest  forever 
under  the  new.  We  allow  the  imposition  of  no 
duty  with  a  view  of  giving  advantage  to  one  class 
of  persons,  in  any  trade  or  business,  over  those  of 
another.  All,  under  our  system,  stand  upon  the 
same  broad  principles  of  perfect  equality.  Honest 
labor  and  enterprise  are  left  free  and  unrestricted 
iu  whatever  pursuit  they  may  be  engaged  in.  This 
subject  came  well-nigh  causing  a  rupture  of  the  old 
Union,  under  the  lead  of  the  gallant  Palmetto  State, 
which  lies  on  our  border,  in  1833. 

This  old  thorn  of  the  tariff,  which  occasioned  the 
cause  of  so  much  irritation  in  the  old  body  politic, 
is  removed  forever  from  the  new.  [Applause.] 
Again,  the  subject  of  internal  improvements,  under 
the  power  of  Congress  to  regulate  commerce,  is  put 
at  rest  under  our  system.  The  power  claimed  by 
construction  under  the  old  Constitution,  was  at  least 
a  doubtful  one — it  rested  solely  upon  construction. 
We  of  the  South,  generally  apart  from  considera¬ 
tions  of  Constitutional  principles,  opposed  its  exer¬ 
cise  upon  grounds  of  expediency  and  justice.  Not¬ 
withstanding  this  opposition,  millions  of  money,  in 
the  common  Treasury  had  been  drawn  for  such 
purposes.  Our  opposition  sprung  from  no  hostility 
to  commerce,  or  all  necessary  aids  for  facilitating  it. 
With  us  it  was  simply  a  question,  upon  whom  the 
burden  should  fall.  In  Georgia,  for  instance,  we 
had  done  as  much  for  the  cause  of  internal  improve¬ 
ments  of  as  any  other  portion  of  the  country,  ac¬ 
cording  to  population  and  means.  TV  e  have 
stretched  out  lines  of  railroads  from  the  seaboard 
to  the  mountains,  dug  down  the  hills  and  filled  up 
the  valleys,  at  a  cost  of  not  less  than  $25,000,000. 
All  this  was  done  to  open  up  an  outlet  for  our  pro¬ 
ducts  of  the  interior,  and  those  to  the  west  of  us, 
to  reach  the  marts  of  the  world.  No  State  was  in 


DOCUMENTS. 


45 


greater  need  of  such  facilities  than  Georgia ;  but  we 
had  not  asked  that  these  works  should  be  made  by 
appropriations  out  of  the  common  treasury.  The 
cost  of  the  grading,  the  superstructure  and  equip¬ 
ments  of  our  roads  was  borne  by  those  who  enter¬ 
ed  upon  the  enterprise.  Nay,  more — not  only  the 
cost  of  the  iron,  no  small  item  in  the  aggregate 
cost,  was  borne  in  the  same  way,  but  we  were  com¬ 
pelled  to  pay  into  the  common  treasury  several  mil¬ 
lions  of  dollars  for  the  privilege  of  importing  the 
iron  after  the  price  was  paid  for  it  abroad.  What 
justice  was  there  in  taking  this  money,  which  our 
people  paid  into  the  common  Treasury  on  the  im¬ 
portation  of  our  iron,  and  applying  it  to  the  im¬ 
provement  of  rivers  and  harbors  elsewhere  ? 

The  true  principle  is  to  subject  commerce  of 
every  locality  to  whatever  burdens  may  be  neces¬ 
sary  to  facilitate  it.  If  the  Charleston  harbor 
needs  improvement,  let  the  commerce  of  Charles¬ 
ton  bear  the  burden.  If  the  mouth  of  the  Savan¬ 
nah  river  has  to  be  cleared  out,  let  the  sea-going 
navigation  which  is  benefited  by  it  bear  the  bur¬ 
den.  So  with  the  mouths  of  the  Alabama  and 
Mississippi  rivers.  Just  as  the  products  of  the  inte¬ 
rior — our  cotton,  wheat,  corn,  and  other  articles — 
have  to  bear  the  necessary  rates  of  freight  over  our 
railroads  to  reach  the  seas.  This  is  again  the  broad 
principle  of  perfect  equality  and  justice.  [Ap¬ 
plause.]  And  it  is  specially  held  forth  and  estab¬ 
lished  in  our  new  Constitution. 

Another  feature  to  which  I  will  allude,  is  that 
the  new  Constitution  provides  that  Cabinet  Minis¬ 
ters  and  heads  of  Departments  shall  have  the 
privilege  of  seats  upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate  and 
Ilouse  of  Representatives — shall  have  a  right  to 
participate  in  the  debates  and  discussions  upon  the 
various  subjects  of  administration.  I  should  have 
preferred  that  this  provision  should  have  gone  fur¬ 
ther,  and  allowed  the  President  to  select  his  con¬ 
stitutional  advisers  from  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives.  That  would  have  conformed  en¬ 
tirely  to  the  practice  in  the  British  Parliament, 
which,  in  my  judgment,  is  one  of  the  wisest  pro¬ 
visions  in  the  British  Constitution.  It  is  the  only 
feature  that  saves  that  Government.  It  is  that 
which  gives  it  stability  in  its  facility  to  change  its 
administration.  Ours,  as  it  is,  is  a  great  approxi¬ 
mation  to  the  right  principle. 

Under  the  old  Constitution,  a  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  for  instance,  had  no  opportunity,  save  by 
his  annual  reports,  of  presenting  any  scheme  or 
plan  of  finance  or  other  matter.  He  had  no  op¬ 
portunity  of  explaining,  expounding,  enforcing  or 
defending  his  views  of  policy ;  his  only  resort  was 
through  the  medium  of  an  organ.  In  the  British 
Parliament  the  Premier  brings  in  his  budget,  and 
stands  before  the  nation  responsible  for  its  every 
item.  If  it  is  indefensible,  he  falls  before  the 
attacks  upon  it,  as  he  ought  to.  This  will  now  be 
the  case,  to  a  limited  extent,  under  our  system. 
Our  heads  of  Departments  can  speak  for  them¬ 
selves  and  the  Administration  in  behalf  of  its  entire 
policy,  without  resorting  to  the  indirect  and  highly 
objectionable  medium  of  a  newspaper.  It  is  to  be 
greatly  hoped,  that  under  our  system  we  shall  never 
have  what  is  known  as  a  Government  organ.  [Rap¬ 
turous  applause.] 

[A  noise  again  arose  from  the  clamor  of  the 
crowd  outside,  who  wished  to  hear  Mr.  Stephens, 
and  for  some  moments  interrupted  him.  The 


Mayor  rose  and  called  on  the  police  to  preserve 
order.  Quiet  being  restored,  Mr.  S.  proceeded.] 

Another  change  in  the  Constitution  relates  to  the 
length  of  the  tenure  of  the  Presidential  office.  In 
the  new  Constitution  it  is  six  years  instead  of  four, 
and  the  President  rendered  ineligible  for  a  re-elec¬ 
tion.  This  is  certainly  a  decidedly  conservative 
change.  It  will  remove  from  the  incumbent  all 
temptation  to  use  his  office  or  exert  the  powers 
confided  to  him  for  any  objects  of  personal  am¬ 
bition.  The  only  incentive  to  that  higher  ambi¬ 
tion  which  should  move  and  actuate  one  holding 
such  high  trusts  in  his  hands,  will  be  the  good  of 
the  people,  the  advancement,  prosperity,  happiness, 
safety,  honor,  and  true  glory  of  the  Confederacy. 
[Applause.] 

But  not  to  be  tedious  in  enumerating  the  numer¬ 
ous  changes  for  the  better,  allow  me  to  allude  to 
one  other — though  last,  not  least :  the  new  Consti¬ 
tution  has  put  at  rest  forever  all  the  agitating  ques¬ 
tions  relating  to  our  peculiar  institutions — African 
slavery  as  it  exists  among  us — the  proper  status  of 
the  negro  in  our  form  of  civilization.  This  was  the 
immediate  cause  of  the  late  rupture  and  present 
revolution.  Jefferson,  in  his  forecast,  had  antici¬ 
pated  this,  as  the  “rock  upon  which  the  old  Union 
would  split.”  He  was  right.  What  was  conjecture 
with  him,  is  now  a  realized  fact.  But  whether  he 
fully  comprehended  the  great  truth  upon  which 
that  rock  stood  and  stands ,  may  be  doubted.  The 
prevailing  ideas  entertained  by  him  and  most  of  the 
leading  statesmen  at  the  time  of  the  formation  of 
the  old  Constitution  were ,  that  the  enslavement  of  the 
African  ivas  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature; 
that  it  was  wrong  in  principle ,  socially ,  morally  and 
politically.  It  was  an  evil  they  knew  not  well  how 
to  deal  with ;  but  the  general  opinion  of  the  men 
of  that  day  was,  that,  somehow  or  other,  in  the 
order  of  Providence,  the  institution  would  be 
evanescent  and  pass  away.  This  idea,  though  not 
incorporated  in  the  Constitution,  was  the  prevailing 
idea  at  the  time.  The  Constitution,  it  is  true, 
secured  every  essential  guarantee  to  the  institution 
while  it  should  last,  and  hence  no  argument  can  be 
justly  used  against  the  constitutional  guarantees 
thus  secured,  because  of  the  common  sentiment  of 
the  day.  Those  ideas,  hoioever,  were  f  undamentally 
wrong.  They  rested  upon  the  assumption  of  the 
equality  of  races.  This  was  an  error.  It  was  a 
sandy  foundation,  and  the  idea  of  a  Government 
built  upon  it — when  the  “  storm  came  and  the  wind 
blew,  it  fell.'" 

Our  new  Government  is  founded  upon  exactly  the 
opposite  ideas  ;  its  foundations  are  laid,  its  corner¬ 
stone  rests,  upon  the  great  truth  that  the  negro  is  not 
equal  to  the  white  man  ;  that  slavery,  subordination 
to  the  superior  race,  is  his  natural  and  moral  condi¬ 
tion.  [Applause.]  This,  our  new  Government,  is 
the  first,  in  the  history  of  the  world,  based  upon  this 
great  physical,  philosophical ,  and  moral  truth.  This 
truth  has  been  slow  in  the  process  of  its  develop¬ 
ment,  like  all  other  truths  in  the  various  depart¬ 
ments  of  science.  It  is  so  even  amongst  us.  Many 
who  hear  me,  perhaps,  can  recollect  well  that  this 
truth  was  not  generally  admitted,  even  within  their 
day.  The  errors  of  the  past  generation  still  clung 
to  many  as  late  as  twenty  years  ago.  Those  at 
the  North  who  still  cling  to  these  errors  with  a 
zeal  above  knowledge,  we  justly  denominate  fa¬ 
natics.  All  fanaticism  springs  from  an  aberration  of 


46 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


the  mind  ;  from  a  defect  in  reasoning.  It  is  a  spe¬ 
cies  of  insanity.  One  of  the  most  striking  charac¬ 
teristics  of  insanity,  in  many  instances,  is,  forming 
correct  conclusions  from  fancied  or  erroneous  pre¬ 
mises  ;  so  with  the  anti-slavery  fanatics :  their 
conclusions  are  right  if  their  premises  are.  They 
assume  that  the  negro  is  equal,  and  hence  conclude 
that  he  is  entitled  to  equal  privileges  and  rights, 
w’ith  the  white  man.  If  their  premises  were  cor¬ 
rect,  their  conclusions  would  be  logical  and  just; 
but  their  premises  being  wrong,  their  whole  argu¬ 
ment  fails.  I  recollect  once  of  having  heard  a 
gentleman  from  one  of  the  Northern  States,  of 
great  power  and  ability,  announce  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  with  imposing  effect,  that  we  of 
the  South  would  be  compelled,  ultimately,  to  yield 
upon  this  subject  of  slavery;  that  it  was  as  impos¬ 
sible  to  war  successfully  against  a  principle  in  poli¬ 
tics,  as  it  was  in  physics  or  mechanics.  That  the 
principle  wrould  ultimately  prevail.  That  we,  in 
maintaining  slavery  as  it  exists  with  us,  were  war¬ 
ring  against  a  principle — a  principle  founded  in 
nature,  the  principle  of  the  equality  of  man.  The 
reply  I  made  to  him  was,  that  upon  his  own  grounds 
we  should  succeed,  and  that  he  and  his  associates 
in  their  crusade  against  our  institutions  would  ulti¬ 
mately  fail.  The  truth  announced,  that  it  was  as 
impossible  to  wrar  successfully  against  a  principle  in 
politics  as  well  as  in  physics  and  mechanics,  I  ad¬ 
mitted,  but  told  him  it  was  he  and  those  acting 
with  him  who  were  warring  against  a  principle. 
They  were  attempting  to  make  things  equal  which 
the  Creator  had  made  unequal. 

In  the  conflict  thus  far,  success  has  been  on  our 
side,  complete  throughout  the  length  and  breadth 
of  the  Confederate  States.  It  is  upon  this,  as  I 
have  stated,  our  social  fabric  is  firmly  planted;  and 
I  cannot  permit  myself  to  doubt  the  ultimate  suc¬ 
cess  of  a  full  recognition  of  this  principle  through¬ 
out  the  civilized  and  enlightened  world. 

As  I  have  stated,  the  truth  of  this  principle  may 
be  slow  in  development,  as  all  truths  are,  and  ever 
have  been,  in  the  various  branches  of  science.  It 
was  so  with  the  principles  announced  by  Galileo 
— it  was  so  with  Adam  Smith  and  his  principles  of 
political  economy.  It  was  so  with  Harvey,  and 
his  theory  of  the  circulation  of  the  blood.  It  is 
stated  that  not  a  single  one  of  the  medical  profes¬ 
sion,  living  at  the  time  of  the  announcement  of  the 
truths  made  by  him,  admitted  them.  Now,  they 
are  universally  acknowledged.  May  we  not  there¬ 
fore  look  with  confidence  to  the  ultimate  universal 
acknowledgment  of  the  truths  upon  which  our  sys¬ 
tem  rests?  It  is  the  first  Government  ever  insti¬ 
tuted  upon  principles  in  strict  conformity  to  nature, 
and  the  ordination  of  Providence,  in  furnishing  the 
materials  of  human  society.  Many  Governments 
have  been  founded  upon  the  principles  of  certain 
classes ;  but  the  classes  thus  enslaved,  wrere  of  the 
same  race,  and  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature. 
Our  system  commits  no  such  violation  of  nature’s 
laws.  The  negro  by  nature,  or  by  the  curse  against 
Canaan,  is  fitted  for  that  condition  which  he  occu¬ 
pies  in  our  system.  The  architect,  in  the  construc¬ 
tion  of  buildings,  lays  the  foundation  with  the  prop¬ 
er  material— the  granite — then  comes  the  brick  or 
the  marble.  The  substratum  of  our  society  is  made 
of  the  material  fitted  by  nature  for  it,  and  by  ex¬ 
perience  we  know  that  it  is  the  best,  not  only  for 
the  superior  but  for  the  inferior  race,  that  it  should 
be  so.  It  is,  indeed,  in  conformity  with  the  Creator. 


It  is  not  for  us  to  inquire  into  the  wisdom  of  His  or¬ 
dinances  or  to  question  them.  For  His  own  purposes 
He  has  made  one  race  to  differ  from  another,  as  Ho 
has  made  “  one  star  to  differ  from  another  in 
glory.” 

The  great  objects  of  humanity  are  best  attained, 
when  conformed  to  his  laws  and  degrees,  in  the 
formation  of  Governments  as  well  as  in  all  things 
else.  Our  Confederacy  is  founded  upon  principles 
in  strict  conformity  with  these  laws.  This  stone 
which  was  rejected  by  the  first  builders  “  is  become 
the  chief  stone  of  the  corner  ”  in  our  new  edifice. 
[Applause.] 

I  have  been  asked,  what  of  the  future?  It  has 
been  apprehended  by  some,  that  we  would  have 
arrayed  against  us  the  civilized  world.  I  care  not 
who  or  how  many  they  may  be,  when  we  stand 
upon  the  eternal  principles  of  truth  we  are  obliged 
and  must  triumph.  [Immense  applause.] 

Thousands  of  people,  who  begin  to  understand 
these  truths,  arc  not  yet  completely  out  of  the 
shell ;  they  do  not  see  them  in  their  length  and 
breadth.  We  hear  much  of  the  civilization  and 
Christianization  of  the  barbarous  tribes  of  Africa. 
In  my  judgment,  those  ends  will  never  be  obtained 
but  by  first  teaching  them  the  lesson  taught  to 
Adam,  that  “in  the  sweat  of  thy  brow  shalt  thou 
eat  bread,”  [applause,]  and  teaching  them  to  work, 
and  feed,  and  clothe  themselves. 

But  to  pass  on.  Some  have  propounded  the  in¬ 
quiry,  whether  it  is  practicable  for  us  to  go  on  with 
the  Confederacy  without  further  accessions.  Have 
we  the  means  and  ability  to  maintain  nationality 
among  the  Powers  of  the  earth?  On  this  point  I 
would  barely  say,  that  as  anxious  as  we  all  have 
been,  and  are,  for  the  Border  States,  with  institu¬ 
tions  similar  with  ours,  to  join  us,  still  we  are  abun¬ 
dantly  able  to  maintain  our  position,  even  if  they 
should  ultimately  make  up  their  minds  not  to  cast 
their  destiny  with  ours.  That  they  ultimately  "will 
join  us,  be  compelled  to  do  it,  is  my  confident  be¬ 
lief;  but  we  can  get  on  very  well  wfithout  them, 
even  if  they  should  not. 

We  have  all  the  essential  elements  of  a  high  na¬ 
tional  career.  The  idea  has  been  given  out  at  the 
North,  and  even  in  the  Border  States,  that  we  are 
too  small  and  too  weak  to  maintain  a  separate  na¬ 
tionality.  This  is  a  great  mistake.  In  extent  of 
territory  we  embrace  664,000  square  miles  and  up¬ 
wards.  This  is  upwards  of  200,000  square  miles 
more  than  was  included  within  the  limits  of  the 
original  Thirteen  States.  It  is  an  area  of  country 
more  than  double  the  territory  of  France  or  the 
Austrian  Empire.  France,  in  round  numbers,  has 
but  212,000  square  miles.  Austria,  in  round  num¬ 
bers,  has  248,000  square  miles.  Ours  is  greater 
than  both  combined.  It  is  greater  than  all  France, 
Spain,  Portugal  and  Great  Britain,  including  Eng¬ 
land,  Ireland,  and  Scotland,  together.  In  popula¬ 
tion,  we  have  upwards  of  6,000,000,  according  to 
the  census  of  1860;  this  includes  white  and  black. 
The  entire  population,  including  white  and  black, 
of  the  original  Thirteen  States,  was  less  than  4,000- 
000  in  1790,  and  still  less  in  1776,  when  the  inde¬ 
pendence  of  our  fathers  was  achieved.  If  they, 
with  a  less  population,  dared  maintain  their  inde¬ 
pendence  against  the  greatest  power  on  earth,  shall 
we  have  any  apprehension  of  maintaining  ours 
now  ? 

In  point  of  material  wealth  and  resources,  we  are 
greatly  in  advance  of  them.  The  taxable  property 


DOCUMENTS. 


47 


of  tlio  Confederate  States  cannot  be  less  than  $22,- 
000,000,000.  This,  I  think  I  venture  but  little  in 
saying,  may  be  considered  as  five  times  more  than 
the  colonies  possessed  at  the  time  they  achieved 
their  independence.  Georgia  alone  possessed  last 
year,  according  to  the  report  of  our  comptroller- 
general,  $672,000,000  of  taxable  property.  The 
debts  of  the  seven  Confederate  States  sum  up  in  the 
aggregate  less  than  $18,000,000  ;  while  the  existing 
debts  of  the  other  of  the  late  United  States  sum  up 
in  the  aggregate  the  enormous  amount  of  $174,000,- 
000.  This  is  without  taking  into  the  account  the 
heavy  city  debts,  corporation  debts,  and  railroad 
debts,  which  press,  and  will  continue  to  press,  a 
heavy  incubus  upon  the  resources  of  those  States. 
These  debts,  added  to  others,  make  a  sum  total  not 
much  under  $500,000,000.  With  such  an  area  of 
territory — with  such  an  amount  of  population — w'ith 
a  climate  and  soil  unsurpassed  by  any  on  the  face 
of  the  earth — with  such  resources  already  at  our 
command — with  productions  which  control  the  com¬ 
merce  of  the  world — who  can  entertain  any  appre¬ 
hensions  as  to  our  success,  whether  others  join  us 
or  not. 

It  is  true,  I  believe,  I  6tate  but  the  common  sen¬ 
timent,  when  I  declare  my  earnest  desire  that  the 
border  States  should  join  us.  The  differences  of 
opinion  that  existed  among  us  anterior  to  secession 
related  more  to  the  policy  in  securing  that  result  by 
cooperation  than  from  any  difference  upon  the  ulti¬ 
mate  security  we  all  looked  to  in  common. 

These  differences  of  opinion  were  more  in  refer¬ 
ence  to  policy  than  principle,  and  as  Mr.  Jefferson 
said  in  his  inaugural,  in  1801,  after  the  heated  con¬ 
test  preceding  his  election,  there  might  be  differ¬ 
ences  in  opinion  without  differences  on  principle, 
and  that  all,  to  some  extent,  had  been  Federalists 
and  all  Republicans  ;  so  it  may  now  be  said  of  us, 
that  whatever  differences  of  opinion  as  to  the  best 
policy  in  having  a  cooperation  with  our  border 
sister  Slave  States,  if  the  worst  come  to  the  worst, 
that  as  we  were  all  cobperationists,  we  are  now  all 
for  independence,  whether  they  come  or  not.  [Con¬ 
tinued  applause.] 

In  this  connection,  I  take  this  occasion  to  state 
that  I  was  not  without  grave  and  serious  apprehen¬ 
sions  that  if  the  worst  came  to  the  worst,  and  cut¬ 
ting  loose  from  the  old  Government  would  be  the 
only  remedy  for  our  safety  and  security,  it  would  be 
attended  with  much  more  serious  ills  than  it  has 
been  as  yet.  Thus  far  we  have  seen  none  of  those 
incidents  which  usually  attend  revolutions.  No  such 
material  as  such  convulsions  usually  throw  up  has 
been  seen.  Wisdom,  prudence,  and  patriotism  have 
marked  every  step  of'  our  progress  thus  far.  This 
augurs  well  for  the  future,  and  it  is  a  matter  of  sin¬ 
cere  gratification  to  me  that  I  am  enabled  to  make 
the  declaration  of  the  men  I  met  in  the  Congress  at 
Montgomery  (I  may  be  pardoned  for  saying  this) 
an  abler,  wiser,  a  more  conservative,  deliberate,  de¬ 
termined,  resolute,  and  patriotic  body  of  men  I  never 
met  in  my  life.  [Great  applause.]  Their  works 
speak  for  them  ;  the  Provisional  Government  speaks 
for  them  ;  the  constitution  of  the  permanent  Gov¬ 
ernment  will  be  a  lasting  monument  of  their  worth, 
merit,  and  statesmanship.  [Applause.] 

But  to  return  to  the  question  of  the  future.  What 
is  to  be  the  result  of  this  revolution  ? 

Will  every  thing,  commenced  so  well,  continue  as 
it  has  begun?  In  reply  to  this  anxious  inquiry  I 
can  only  say,  it  all  depends  upon  ourselves.  A  young 


man  starting  out  in  life  on  his  majority,  with  health, 
talent,  and  ability,  under  a  favoring  Providence, 
may  be  said  to  be  the  architect  of  his  own  fortunes. 
His  destinies  are  in  his  own  hands.  He  may  make 
for  himself  a  name  of  honor  or  dishonor,  according 
to  his  own  acts.  If  he  plants  himself  upon  truth, 
integrity,  honor,  and  uprightness,  with  industry, 
patience,  and  energy,  he  cannot  fail  of  success.  So 
it  is  with  us :  we  are  a  young  Republic,  just  enter¬ 
ing  upon  the  arena  of  nations  ;  we  will  be  the  archi¬ 
tect  of  our  own  fortunes.  Our  destiny,  under  Prov¬ 
idence,  is  in  our  own  hands.  With  wisdom,  prudence, 
and  statesmanship  on  the  part  of  our  public  men, 
and  intelligence,  virtue,  and  patriotism  on  the  part 
of  the  people,  success,  to  the  full  measure  of  our 
most  sanguine  hopes,  may  be  looked  for.  But  if  we 
become  divided — if  schisms  arise — if  dissensions 
spring  up — if  factions  are  engendered — if  party  spir¬ 
it,  nourished  by  unholy  pex-sonal  ambition,  shall  rear 
its  hydra  head,  I  have  no  good  to  prophesy  for  you. 
Without  intelligence,  virtue,  integrity,  and  patriot¬ 
ism  on  the  part  of  the  people,  no  Republic  or  repre¬ 
sentative  government  can  be  durable  or  stable. 

We  have  intelligence,  and  virtue,  and  patriotism. 
All  that  is  required  is  to  cultivate  and  perpetuate 
these.  Intelligence  will  not  do  without  virtue. 
France  was  a  nation  of  philosophers.  These  philos¬ 
ophers  became  Jacobins.  They  lacked  that  virtue, 
that  devotion  to  moral  principle,  and  that  patriotism 
which  is  essential  to  good  government.  Organized 
upon  principles  of  perfect  justice  and  right — seeking 
amity  and  friendship  with  all  other  powers — I  see 
no  obstacle  in  the  way  of  our  upward  and  onward 
progress.  Our  growth  by  accessions  from  other 
States,  will  depend  greatly  upon  whether  we  present 
to  the  world,  as  I  trust  we  shall,  a  better  govern¬ 
ment  than  that  to  which  they  belong.  If  we  do 
this,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Arkansas  can 
not  hesitate  long;  neither  can  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
and  Missouri.  They  will  necessarily  gravitate  to  us 
by  an  imperious  lawr.  We  made  ample  provision  in 
our  constitution  for  the  admission  of  other  States ; 
it  is  more  guarded,  and  wisely  so,  I  think,  than  the 
old  Constitution  on  the  same  subject,  but  not  too 
guarded  to  receive  them  as  fast  as  it  may  be  proper. 
Looking  to  the  distant  future,  and  perhaps  not  very 
distant  either,  it  is  not  beyond  the  range  of  possi¬ 
bility,  and  even  probability,  that  all  the  great  States 
of  the  north-west  shall  gravitate  this  way  as  well  as 
Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  &c. 
Should  they  do  so,  our  doors  are  wide  enough  to 
receive  them,  but  not  until  they  are  ready  to  assimi¬ 
late  with  us  in  ‘principle. 

The  process  of  disintegration  in  the  old  Union 
may  be  expected  to  go  on  with  almost  absolute  cer¬ 
tainty.  We  are  now  the  nucleus  of  a  growing  pow¬ 
er,  which,  if  we  are  true  to  ourselves,  our  destiny, 
and  our  high  mission,  will  become  the  controlling 
power  on  this  continent.  To  what  extent  accessions 
will  go  on  in  the  process  of  time,  or  where  it  will 
end,  the  future  will  determine.  So  far  as  it  concerns 
States  of  the  old  Union,  they  will  be  upon  no  such 
principle  of  reconstruction  as  now  spoken  of,  but 
upon  reorganization  and  new  assimilation.  [Loud 
applause.]  Such  are  some  of  the  glimpses  of  the 
future  as  I  catch  them. 

But  at  first  we  must  necessarily  meet  with  the  in¬ 
conveniences,  and  difficulties,  and  embarrassments 
incident  to  all  changes  of  government.  These  will 
be  felt  in  our  postal  affairs  and  changes  in  the  chan¬ 
nels  of  trade.  These  inconveniences,  it  is  to  be 


48 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


hoped,  will  be  but  temporary,  and  must  be  borne 
with  patience  and  forbearance. 

As  to  whether  we  shall  have  war  with  our  late 
confederates,  or  whether  all  matters  of  difference 
between  us  shall  be  amicably  settled,  I  can  only  say, 
that  the  prospect  for  a  peaceful  adjustment  is  better , 
so  far  as  1  am  informed ,  than  it  has  been. 

The  prospect  of  war,  is  at  least  not  so  threatening 
as  it  had  been.  The  idea  of  coercion  shadowed 
forth  in  President  Lincoln’s  inaugural,  seems  not  to 
be  followed  up  thus  far  so  vigorously  as  was  expect¬ 
ed.  Fort  Sumter,  it  is  believed,  will  soon  be  evac¬ 
uated.  What  course  will  be  pursued  towards  Fort 
Pickens,  and  the  other  forts  on  the  Gulf,  is  not  so 
well  understood.  It  is  to  be  greatly  desired  that 
all  of  them  should  be  surrendered.  Our  object  is 
Peace ,  not  only  with  the  North,  but  with  the  world. 
All  matters  relating  to  the  public  property,  public 
liabilities  of  the  Union  when  we  were  members  of 
it,  we  are  ready  and  willing  to  adjust  and  settle, 
upon  the  principles  of  right,  equality,  and  good 
faith.  War  can  be  of  no  more  benefit  to  the  North, 
than  to  us.  The  idea  of  coercing  us,  or  subjugating 
us,  is  utterly  preposterous.  Whether  the  intention 
of  evacuating  Fort  Sumter,  is  to  be  received  as  an 
evidence  of  a  desire  for  a  peaceful  solution  of  our 
difficulties  with  the  United  States,  or  the  result  of 
necessity,  I  will  not  undertake  to  say.  I  would  fain 
hope  the  former.  Rumors  are  afloat,  however, 
that  it  is  the  result  of  necessity.  All  I  can  say  to 
you,  therefore,  on  that  point  is,  keep  your  armor 
bright,  aud  your  powder  dry.  [Enthusiastic  ap¬ 
plause.] 

The  surest  wray  to  secure  peace,  is  to  show  your 
ability  to  maintain  your  rights.  The  principles  and 
position  of  the  present  Administration  of  the  United 
States — the  Republican  Party — present  some  puz¬ 
zling  questions.  While  it  is  a  fixed  principle  with 
them,  never  to  allow  the  increase  of  a  foot  of  Slave 
Territory,  they  seem  to  be  equally  determined  not 
to  part  with  an  inch  “  of  the  accursed  soil.”  Not¬ 
withstanding  their  clamor  against  the  institution, 
they  seem  to  be  equally  opposed  to  getting  more, 
or  letting  go  what  they  have  got.  They  were  ready 
to  fight  on  the  accession  of  Texas,  and  are  equally 
ready  to  fight  now  on  her  secession.  Why  is  this  ? 
IIow  can  this  strange  paradox  be  accounted  for? 
There  seems  to  be  but  one  rational  solution — and 
that  is,  notwithstanding  their  professions  of  human¬ 
ity,  they  are  disinclined  to  give  up  the  benefits  they 
derive  from  slave  labor.  Their  philanthropy  yields 
to  their  interest.  The  idea  of  enforcing  the  laws, 
has  but  one  object,  and  that  is  a  collection  of  the 
taxes,  raised  by  slave  labor  to  swell  the  fund  neces¬ 
sary  to  meet  their  heavy  appropriations.  The  spoils 
is  what  they  are  after — though  they  come  from  the 
labor  of  the  slave.  [Continued  applause.] 

Mr.  Stkpiiens  reviewed  at  some  length  the  ex¬ 
travagance  and  profligacy  of  appropriations  by  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  for  several  years  past, 
and  in  this  connection  took  occasion  tv>  allude  to 
another  one  of  the  great  improvements  in  our  new 
Constitution,  which  is  a  clause  prohibiting  Congress 
from  appropriating  any  money  from  the  Treasury 
except  by  a  two-thirds  vote,  unless  it  be  for  some 
object  ■which  the  Executive  may  say  is  necessary  to 
carry  on  the  Government. 

When  it  is  thus  asked  for  and  estimated,  he  con¬ 
tinued,  the  majority  may  appropriate.  This  was  a 
new  feature. 

Our  fathers  have  guarded  the  assessment  of  taxes, 


by  insisting  that  representation  and  taxation  shoulq 
go  together.  This  was  inherited  from  the  mother 
country,  England.  It  was  one  of  the  principles 
upon  which  the  Revolution  had  been  fought.  Our 
fathers  also  provided  in  the  old  Constitution  that  all 
appropriation  bills  should  originate  in  the  Represen¬ 
tative  branch  of  Congress  ;  but  our  new  Constitution 
went  a  step  further,  and  guarded  not  only  the  poc¬ 
kets  of  the  people,  but  also  the  public  money,  after 
it  was  taken  from  their  pockets. 

He  alluded  to  the  difficulties  and  embarrassments 
which  seemed  to  surround  the  question  of  a  peace¬ 
ful  solution  of  the  controversy  writh  the  old  Govern¬ 
ment.  How  can  it  be  done?  is  perplexing  many 
minds.  The  President  seems  to  think  that  he  can¬ 
not  recognize  our  independence,  nor  can  he,  with 
and  by  the  advice  of  the  Senate,  do  so.  The  Con¬ 
stitution  makes  no  such  provision.  A  general  Con¬ 
vention  of  all  the  States  has  been  suggested  by 
some. 

Without  proposing  to  solve  the  difficulty,  he  bare¬ 
ly  made  the  following  suggestion  : 

That  as  the  admission  of  States  by  Congress  un¬ 
der  the  Constitution  was  an  act  of  legislation,  and 
in  the  nature  of  a  contract  or  compact  between  the 
States  admitted  and  the  others  admitting,  why  should 
not  this  contract  or  compact  be  regarded  as  of  like 
character  with  all  other  civil  contracts — liable  to  be 
rescinded  by  mutual  agreement  of  both  parties  ?  The 
seceding  States  have  rescinded  it  on  their  part. 
Why  cannot  the  whole  question  be  settled,  if  the 
North  desire  peace,  simply  by  the  Congress,  in  both 
branches,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  President, 
giving  their  consent  to  the  separation,  and  a  recog¬ 
nition  of  independence  ?  This  he  merely  offered  as 
a  suggestion,  as  one  of  the  ways  in  which  it  might 
be  done  with  much  less  violence  to  constructions  of 
the  Constitution  than  many  other  acts  of  that  Gov¬ 
ernment.  [Applause.]  The  difficulty  has  to  be 
solved  in  some  way  or  other — this  may  be  regarded 
as  a  fixed  fact. 

Several  other  points  were  alluded  to  by  Mr.  S., 
particularly  as  to  the  policy  of  the  new  Government 
towards  foreign  nations,  and  our  commercial  rela¬ 
tions  with  them.  Free  trade,  as  far  as  practicable, 
would  be  the  policy  of  this  Government.  No  high¬ 
er  duties  would  be  imposed  on  foreign  importations 
than  would  be  necessary  to  support  the  Government 
upon  the  strictest  economy. 

In  olden  times  the  olive  branch  was  considered 
the  emblem  of  peace,  we  will  send  to  the  nations 
of  the  earth  another  and  far  more  potential  emblem 
of  the  same,  the  Cotton  Plant.  The  present  duties 
were  levied  with  a  view  of  meeting  the  present  ne¬ 
cessities  and  exigencies,  in  preparation  for  war,  if 
need  be ;  but  if  we  have  peace,  and  he  hoped  we 
might,  and  trade  should  resume  its  proper  course,  a 
duty  of  ten  per  cent,  upon  foreign  importations ,  it 
was  thought ,  might  be  sufficient  to  meet  the  expendi¬ 
tures  of  the  Governmeiit.  If  some  articles  should 
be  left  on  the  free  list,  as  they  now  are,  such  as 
breadstuff’s,  &c.,  then,  of  course,  duties  upon  othc-  s 
would  have  to  be  higher — but  in  no  event  to  an 
extent  to  embarrass  trade  and  commerce.  He  con¬ 
cluded  in  an  earnest  appeal  for  union  and  harmony, 
on  the  part  of  all  the  people  in  support  of  the  com¬ 
mon  cause,  in  which  we  were  all  enlisted,  a-nd  upon 
the  issues  of  which  such  great  consequences  de¬ 
pend. 

If,  said  he,  we  are  true  to  ourselves,  true  to  our 
cause,  true  to  our  destiny,  true  to  our  high  mis- 


DOCUMENTS. 


49 


sion,  in  presenting  to  the  world  the  highest  type 
of  civilization  ever  exhibited  by  man — there  will 
be  found  in  our  Lexicon  no  such  word  as  Fail. 

Mr.  Stephens  took  his  seat  amid  a  burst  of  en¬ 
thusiasm  and  applause,  such  as  the  Athenamin  has 
never  had  displayed  within  its  walls,  within  “  the 
recollection  of  the  oldest  inhabitant.” 

— Savannah  Republican. 


Doc.  49.— THE  VESSEL  FIRED  INTO  AT 
CHARLESTON. 

The  vessel  fired  into  from  the  forts  on  Morris 
Island  has  arrived  at  Savannah.  The  schooner  is 
the  R.  H.  Shannon,  Capt.  Monts,  of  Boston,  and 
she  was  bound  for  this  city  with  a  cargo  of  ice,  con¬ 
signed  to  A.  Haywood.  On  Wednesday  she  was 
shrouded  for  many  hours  in  a  dense  fog,  during 
which  she  drifted  through  mistake  oven  the  Charles¬ 
ton  bar.  Soon  after  the  fog  lifted,  the  captain,  not 
knowing  his  whereabouts,  found  himself  nearly 
abreast  of  the  fort  on  Morris  Island,  and  while  cogi¬ 
tating  over  his  latitude  and  longitude,  he  was 
greeted  with  a  salute  from  the  fort.  He  imme¬ 
diately  ran  up  his  colors — the  stars  and  stripes — but 
that  demonstration  seemed  an  unsatisfactory  an¬ 
swer  to  their  summons.  Several  shot  (thirty-two’s) 
were  fired  into  his  rigging,  one  of  which  passed 
through  his  mainsail  and  another  through  his  top¬ 
sail.  In  the  midst  of  his  dilemma,  not  knowing 
where  he  was  or  the  object  of  this  hostile  demon¬ 
stration,  a  boat  from  Fort  Sumter  came  to  his 
relief,  and  being  made  acquainted  with  the  facts,  he 
lost  no  time  in  putting  to  sea.  The  schooner  suf¬ 
fered  no  material  damage  from  the  shots,  though 
one  of  them  came  most  uncomfortably  near  the  head 
of  one  of  the  crew.  Capt.  M.  thinks  there  is  no 
mistake  about  the  Morris  Island  boys  being  excel¬ 
lent  marksmen. 

— Savannah  Republican ,  April  5. 


Doc.  50.— THE  UNITED  STATES  FLEET  AT 
CHARLESTON. 

The  following  list  embraces  the  names,  with  arma¬ 
ments  and  troops,  of  the  fleet  despatched  from  New 
York  and  Washington  to  Charleston  harbor,  for  the 
relief  of  Fort  Sumter : — 

VESSELS  OF  WAR. 

Steam  sloop-of-war  Pawnee,  Captain  S.  C.  Rowan, 
10  guns  and  200  men.  The  Pawnee  sailed  from 
Washington,  with  sealed  orders,  on  the  morning  of 
Saturday,  April  6. 

Steam  sloop-of-war  Powhatan,  Captain  E.  D.  Por¬ 
ter,  11  guns  and  275  men.  The  Powhatan  sailed 
from  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  on  Saturday  after¬ 
noon,  April  6. 

Revenue  cutter  Harriet  Lane,  Captain  J.  Faunce, 
5  guns  and  96  men.  On  Saturday,  April  6,  the 
Harriet  Lane  exchanged  her  revenue  flag  for  the 
United  States  navy  flag,  denoting  her  transfer  to 
the  Government  naval  service,  and  sailed  suddenly 
on  last  Monday  morning,  with  sealed  orders. 

THE  STEAM  TRANSPORTS. 

Atlantic,  358  troops,  composed  of  Companies  A 
and  M  of  the  Second  artillery,  Companies  C  and  H 
of  the  Second  infantry,  and  Company  A  of  sappers 
and  miners  from  West  Point.  The  Atlantic  sailed 
Documents — 4 


from  the  stream  at  5  o’clock  on  Sunday  morning 
last,  April  7. 

Baltic,  160  troops,  composed  of  Companies  C  and 

D,  recruits,  from  Governor’s  and  Bedioe’s  islands. 
The  Baltic  sailed  from  Quarantine  at  7  o’clock  on 
Tuesday  morning  last,  April  9. 

Illinois,  300  troops,  composed  of  Companies  B, 

E,  F,  G  and  H,  and  a  detachment  from  Company  D, 
all  recruits  from  Governor’s  and  Bedloc’s  islands, 
together  with  two  companies  of  the  Second  infan¬ 
try,  from  Fort  Hamilton.  The  Illinois  sailed  from 
Quarantine  on  Tuesday  morning  at  6  o’clock. 

TIIE  STEAMTUGS. 

Two  steamtugs,  with  a  Government  official  on 
each,  bearing  sealed  despatches,  were  also  sent. 
The  Yankee  left  New  York  on  Monday  evening, 
8th,  and  the  Uncle  Ben  on  Tuesday  night. 

THE  LAUNCHES. 

Nearly  thirty  of  these  boats — whose  services  are 
most  useful  in  effecting  a  landing  of  troops  over 
shoal  water,  and  for  attacking  a  discharging  battery 
when  covered  with  sand  and  gunny  bags — hare 
been  taken  out  by  the  Powhatan  and  by  the  steam 
transports  Atlantic,  Baltic  and  Illinois. 

RECAPITULATION. 


VESSELS.  GUNS.  MEN. 

Sloop-of-war  Pawnee .  10  200 

Sloop-of-war  Powhatan .  11  275 

Cutter  Harriet  Lane .  5  96 

Steam  transport  Atlantic . —  353 

Steam  transport  Baltic .  —  160 

Steam  transport  Illinois .  —  300 

Steamtug  Yankee .  Ordinary  crew. 

Steamtug  Uncle  Ben .  Ordinary  crew. 

Total  number  of  vessels .  3 

Total  number  of  guns  (for  marine  service). . . .  26 

Total  number  of  men  and  troops . 1,3S0 


It  is  understood  that  several  transports  are  soon 
to  be  chartered,  and  despatched  to  Charleston  with 
troops  and  supplies. 

— N.  Y.  Herald. 


Doc.  51.  — CONFEDERATE  COMMISSIONERS’ 
FINAL  LETTER  TO  SECRETARY  SEWARD. 

Washington,  April  9, 1861. 

H on.  Wm.  IT.  Seward ,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United 
States,  Washington. 

The  “  memorandum”  *  dated  Department  of  State, 
Washington,  March  15,  1861,  has  been  received 
through  the  hands  of  Mr.  J.  T.  Pickett,  Secretary  to 
this  Commission,  who,  by  the  instructions  of  the 
undersigned,  called  for  it  on  yesterday  at  the  De¬ 
partment. 

In  that  memorandum  you  correctly  state  the  pur¬ 
port  of  the  official  note  addressed  to  you  by  the  un¬ 
dersigned  on  the  12th  ult.  Without  repeating  the 
contents  of  that  note  in  full,  it  is  enough  to  say 
here  that  its  object  was  to  invite  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  to  a  friendly  consideration  of  the 
relation  between  the  United  States  and  the  seven 
States  lately  of  the  Federal  Union,  but  now  sepa¬ 
rated  from  it  by  the  sovereign  will  of  their  people, 
growing  out  of  the  pregnant  and  undeniable  fact 
that  those  people  have  rejected  the  authority  of  the 
United  States  and  established  a  Government  of  their 
own.  Those  relations  had  to  be  friendly  or  hostile. 
The  people  of  the  old  and  new  Governments,  oc¬ 
cupying  contiguous  territories,  had  to  stand  to  each 

*  See  Document  47. 


50 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-01. 


other  in  the  relation  of  good  neighbors,  each  seek¬ 
ing  their  happiness  and  pursuing  their  national  des¬ 
tinies  in  their  own  way,  without  interference  with 
the  other,  or  they  had  to  be  rival  and  hostile 
nations.  The  Government  of  the  Confederate 
States  had  no  hesitation  in  electing  its  choice  in  this 
alternative.  Frankly  and  unreserved,  seeking  the 
good  of  the  people  who  had  intrusted  them  with 
power,  in  the  spirit  of  humanity,  of  the  Christian 
civilization  of  the  age,  and  of  that  Americanism 
which  regards  the  true  welfare  and  happiness  of  the 
people,  the  Government  of  the  Confederate  States, 
among  its  first  acts,  commissioned  the  undersign¬ 
ed  to  approach  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  with  the  olive  branch  of  peace,  and  to  offer 
to  adjust  the  great  questions  pending  between  them 
in  the  only  way  to  be  justified  by  the  consciences 
and  common  sense  of  good  men  who  had  nothing 
but  the  welfare  of  the  people  of  the  two  Confed¬ 
eracies  at  heart. 

Your  Government  has  not  chosen  to  meet  the 
undersigned  in  the  conciliatory  and  peaceful  spirit 
in  which  they  are  commissioned.  Persistently  wed¬ 
ded  to  those  fatal  theories  of  construction  of  the 
Federal  Constitution  always  rejected  by  the  states¬ 
men  of  the  South,  and  adhered  to  by  those  of  the 
Administration  school,  until  they  have  produced 
their  natural  and  often  predicted  result  of  the  de¬ 
struction  of  the  Union,  under  which  we  might  have 
continued  to  live  happily  and  gloriously  together, 
had  the  spii’it  of  the  ancestry  who  framed  the  com¬ 
mon  Constitution,  animated  the  hearts  of  all  their 
sons,  you  now,  with  a  persistence  untaught  and  un¬ 
cured  by  the  ruin  which  has  been  wrought,  refuse 
to  recognize  the  great  fact  presented  to  you  of  a 
complete  and  successful  revolution;  you  close  your 
eyes  to  the  existence  of  the  Government  founded 
upon  it,  and  ignore  the  high  duties  of  moderation 
and  humanity  which  attach  to  you  in  dealing  with 
this  great  fact.  Had  you  met  these  issues  with  the 
frankness  and  manliness  with  which  the  undersigned 
were  Instructed  to  present  them  to  you  and  treat 
them,  the  undersigned  had  not  now  the  melancholy 
duty  to  return  home  and  tell  their  Government  and 
their  countrymen,  that  their  earnest  and  ceaseless 
efforts  in  behalf  of  peace  had  been  futile,  and  that 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  meant  to  sub¬ 
jugate  them  by  force  of  arms.  Whatever  may  be 
the  result,  impartial  history  will  record  the  inno¬ 
cence  of  the  Government  of  the  Confederate  States, 
and  place  the  responsibility  of  the  blood  and  mourn¬ 
ing  that  may  ensue  upon  those  who  have  denied  the 
great  fundamental  doctrine  of  American  liberty, 
that  “governments  derive  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed,”  and  wdio  have  set 
naval  and  land  armaments  in  motion  to  subject  the 
people  of  one  portion  of  the  land  to  the  will  of 
another  portion.  That  that  can  never  be  done 
while  a  freeman  survives  in  the  Confederate  States 
to  wield  a  weapon,  the  undersigned  appeal  to  past 
history  to  prove.  These  military  demonstrations 
against  the  people  of  the  seceded  States  are  certain 
ly  far  from  being  in  keeping  and  consistency  with 
the  theory  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  maintained  in 
his  memorandum,  that  these  States  are  still  com¬ 
ponent  parts  of  the  late  American  Union,  as  the 
undersigned  are  not  aware  of  any  constitutional 
power  in  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  levy 
war  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  upon  a  foreign 
people,  much  less  upon  any  portion  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States. 


The  undersigned,  like  the  Secretary  of  State,  have 
no  purpose  to  “  invite  or  engage  in  discussion”  of 
the  subject  on  which  their  two  Governments  are  so 
irreconcilably  at  variance.  It  is  this  variance  that 
has  broken  up  the  old  Union,  the  disintegration  of 
which  has  only  begun.  It  is  proper,  however,  to 
advise  you  that  it  were  well  to  dismiss  the  hopes 
you  seem  to  entertain  that,  by  any  of  the  modes  in¬ 
dicated,  the  people  of  the  Confederate  States  will 
ever  be  brought  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  You  are  dealing 
with  delusions,  too,  when  you  seek  to  separate  our 
people  from  our  Government  and  to  characterize 
the  deliberate,  sovereign  act  of  the  people  as  a  “  per¬ 
version  of  a  temporary  and  partisan  excitement.” 
If  you  cherish  these  dreams  you  will  be  awakened 
from  them  and  find  them  as  unreal  and  unsubstan¬ 
tial,  as  others  in  which  you  have  recently  indulged. 
The  undersigned  would  omit  the  performance  of  an 
obvious  duty  were  they  to  fail  to  make  known  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  that  the  people 
of  the  Confederate  States  have  declared  their  inde¬ 
pendence  with  a  full  knowledge  of  all  the  responsi¬ 
bilities  of  that  act,  and  with  as  firm  a  determination 
to  maintain  it  by  all  the  means  with  which  nature  has 
endowed  them  as  that  which  sustained  their  fathers 
when  they  threw  off  the  authority  of  the  British 
crown. 

The  undersigned  clearly  understand  that  you 
have  declined  to  appoint  a  day  to  enable  them  to 
lay  the  objects  of  the  mission  with  which  they  are 
charged,  before  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
because  so  to  do  would  be  to  recognize  the  inde¬ 
pendence  and  separate  nationality  of  the  Confederate 
States.  This  is  the  vein  of  thought  that  pervades 
the  memorandum  before  us.  The  truth  of  history 
requires  that  it  should  distinctly  appear  upon  the 
record  that  the  undersigned  did  not  ask  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  United  States  to  recognize  the  inde¬ 
pendence  of  the  Confederate  States.  They  only 
asked  audience  to  adjust,  in  a  spirit  of  amity  and 
peace,  the  new  relations  springing  from  a  manifest 
and  accomplished  revolution  in  the  Government  of 
the  late  Federal  Union.  Your  refusal  to  entertain 
these  overtures  for  a  peaceful  solution,  the  active 
naval  and  military  preparation  of  this  Government, 
and  a  formal  notice  to  the  commanding  general  of 
the  Confederate  forces  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston, 
that  the  President  intends  to  provision  Fort  Sumter 
by  forcible  means,  if  necessary,  are  viewed  by  the 
undersigned,  and  can  only  be  received  by  the 
world,  as  a  declaration  of  war  against  the  Con¬ 
federate  States ;  for  the  President  of  the  United 
States  knows  that  Fort  Sumter  cannot  be  provision¬ 
ed  without  the  effusion  of  blood.  The  undersigned, 
in  behalf  of  their  Government  and  people,  accept 
the  gage  of  battle  thus  thrown  down  to  them  ;  and 
appealing  to  God  and  the  judgment  of  mankind  for 
the  righteousness  of  their  cause,  the  people  of  the 
Confederate  States  will  defend  their  liberties  to  the 
last  against  this  flagrant  and  open  attempt  at  their  ( 
subjugation  to  sectional  power. 

This  communication  cannot  be  properly  closed 
without  adverting  to  the  date  of  your  memorandum. 
The  official  note  of  the  undersigned,  of  the  12th 
March,  was  delivered  to  the  Assistant  Secretary  of 
State  on  the  13th  of  that  month,  the  gentleman  who 
delivered  it,  informing  him  that  the  Secretary  of 
this  Commission  would  call  at  12  o’clock,  noon,  on 
the  next  day,  for  an  answer.  At  the  appointed 
hour,  Mr.  Pickett  did  call,  and  was  informed  by  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


51 


Assistant  Secretary  of  State  that  the  engagements 
of  the  Secretary  of  State,  had  prevented  him  from 
giving  the  note  his  attention.  The  Assistant  Secre¬ 
tary  of  State  then  asked  for  the  address  of  Messrs. 
Crawford  and  Forsyth,  the  members  of  the  Com¬ 
mission  then  present  in  this  city,  took  note  of  the 
address  on  a  card,  and  engaged  to  send  whatever 
reply  might  be  made  to  their  lodgings.  Why  this 
was  not  done  it  is  proper  should  be  here  explained. 
The  memorandum  is  dated  March  15,  and  was  not 
delivered  until  April  8.  Why  was  it  withheld  dur¬ 
ing  the  intervening  twenty-three  days  ?  In  the 
postscript  to  your  memorandum  you  say  it  “  was  de¬ 
layed,  as  was  understood,  with  their  (Messrs.  For¬ 
syth  and  Crawford’s)  consent.”  This  is  true ;  but 
it  is  also  true  that  on  the  15th  of  March  Messrs.  For¬ 
syth  and  Crawford  were  assured  by  a  person  occu¬ 
pying  a  high  official  position  in  the  Government,  and 
who,  as  they  believed,  was  speaking  by  authority, 
that  Fort  Sumter  would  be  evacuated  within  a  very 
few  days,  and  that  no  measure  changing  the  exist¬ 
ing  status  prejudicially  to  the  Confederate  States,  as 
respects  Fort  Pickens,  was  then  contemplated,  and 
these  assurances  were  subsequently  repeated,  with 
the  addition  that  any  contemplated  change  as  re¬ 
spects  Pickens,  would  be  notified  to  us.  On  the  1st 
of  April  we  were  again  informed  that  there  might 
be  an  attempt  to  supply  Fort  Sumter  with  pro¬ 
visions,  but  that  Gov.  Pickens  should  have  previous 
notice  of  this  attempt.  There  was  no  suggestion 
of  any  reenforcements.  The  undersigned  did  not 
hesitate  to  believe  that  these  assurances  expressed 
the  intentions  of  the  Administration  at  the  time,  or 
at  all  events  of  prominent  members  of  that  Admin¬ 
istration.  This  delay  was  assented  to,  for  the  ex¬ 
press  purpose  of  attaining  the  great  end  of  the  mis¬ 
sion  of  the  undersigned,  to  wit:  A  pacific  solution 
of  existing  complications.  The  inference  deducible 
from  the  date  of  your  memorandum,  that  the  un¬ 
dersigned  had,  of  their  own  volition  and  without 
cause,  consented  to  this  long  hiatus  in  the  grave 
duties  with  which  they  were  charged,  is  therefore 
not  consistent  with  a  just  exposition  of  the  facts  of 
the  case.  The  intervening  twenty-three  days  were 
employed  in  active  unofficial  efforts,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  smooth  the  path  to  a  pacific  solution, 
the  distinguished  personage  alluded  to  cooperating 
with  the  undersigned ;  and  every  step  of  that  effort 
is  recorded  in  writing,  and  now  in  possession  of  the 
undersigned  and  of  their  Government.  It  was  only 
when  all  these  anxious  efforts  for  peace  had  been 
exhausted,  and  it  became  clear  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
determined  to  appeal  to  the  sword  to  reduce  the 
people  of  the  Confederate  States  to  the  will  of  the 
section  or  party  whose  President  he  is,  that  the 
undersigned  resumed  the  official  negotiation  tempo¬ 
rarily  suspended,  and  sent  their  Secretary  for  a  re¬ 
ply  to  their  official  note  of  March  12. 

It  is  proper  to  add  that,  during  these  twenty- 
three  days,  two  gentlemen  of  official  distinction  as 
high  as  that  of  the  personage  hitherto  alluded  to 
aided  the  undersigned  as  intermediaries  in  these 
unofficial  negotiations  for  peace. 

The  undersigned,  Commissioners  of  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  of  America,  having  thus  made  answer 
to  all  they  deem  material  in  the  memorandum  filed 
in  the  Department  on  the  15th  of  March  last,  have 
the  honor  to  be,  John  Forsyth, 

Martin  J.  Crawford, 
A.  B.  Roman. 

A  true  copy  of  the  original  by  one  delivered  to 


Mr.  F.  W.  Seward,  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  United  States,  at  8  o’clock  in  the  evening  of 
April  9,  1801. 

Attest,  J.  T.  Pickett, 

Secretary ,  <&c.,  &c. 

Mr.  Seward  in  reply  to  tiif.  Commissioners, 

ACKNOWLEDGES  THE  RECEIPT  OF  THEIR  LETTER, 
HUT  DECLINES  TO  ANSWER  IT. 

Department  of  State,  J 
Washington,  April  10, 1S61.  $ 

Messrs.  Forsyth,  Crawford,  and  Roman,  having 
been  apprised  by  a  memorandum  w'hich  has  been 
delivered  to  them,  that  the  Secretary  of  State  is  not 
at  liberty  to  hold  official  intercourse  with  them,  will, 
it  is  presumed,  expect  no  notice  from  him  of  the 
new  communication  which  they  have  addressed  to 
him  under  date  of  the  9th  inst.,  beyond  the  simple 
acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  thereof,  which  he 
hereby  very  cheerfully  gives. 

A  true  copy  of  the  original  received  by  the  Com¬ 
missioners  of  the  Confederate  States,  this  10th  day 
of  April,  1861. 

Attest,  J.  T.  Pickett, 

Secretary  <£c.,  <&c. 

— Tribune,  April  19. 


Doc.  52.— FORT  SUMTER  CORRESPONDENCE. 

The  following  is  the  correspondence  immediately 
preceding  the  hostilities : 

Charleston,  April  8. 
L.  P.  Walker,  Secretary  of  War: 

An  authorized  messenger  from  President  Lin¬ 
coln,  just  informed  Gov.  Pickens  and  myself  that 
provisions  will  be  sent  to  Fort  Sumter  peaceably,  or 
otherwise  by  force. 

G.  T.  Beauregard. 

Montgomery,  10th. 

Gen.  G.  T.  Beauregard,  Charleston  : 

If  you  have  no  doubt  of  the  authorized  character 
of  the  agent  who  communicated  to  you  the  inten¬ 
tion  of  the  Washington  Government,  to  supply  Fort 
Sumter  by  force,  you  will  at  once  demand  its  evacu¬ 
ation,  and  if  this  is  refused,  proceed  in  such  a  man¬ 
ner  as  you  may  determine,  to  reduce  it.  Answer. 

L.  P.  Walker,  Sec.  of  War. 

Charleston,  April  10. 

L.  P.  Walker,  Secretary  of  War: 

The  demand  will  be  made  to-morrow  at  12  o’clock. 

G.  T.  Beauregard. 

Montgomery,  April  10. 
Gen.  Beauregard,  Charleston : 

Unless  there  are  especial  reasons  connected  with 
your  own  condition,  it  is  considered  proper  that 
you  should  make  the  demand  at  an  early  hour. 

L.  P.  Walker,  Sec.  of  War. 

Charleston,  April  10. 

L.  P.  Walker,  Secretary  of  War,  Montgomery : 

The  reasons  are  special  for  12  o’clock. 

G.  T.  Beauregard. 

Headquarters,  Provisional  Army,  C.  8.  A.  1 
Charleston,  S.  C.,  April  11, 1861—2  p.  m.  j 

Sir  :  The  Government  of  the  Confederate  States 
has  hitherto  forborne  from  any  hostile  demonstra¬ 
tion  against  Fort  Sumter,  in  the  hope  that  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  with  a  view  to 
the  amicable  adjustment  of  all  questions  between 


52 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


the  two  Governments,  and  to  avert  the  calamities 
of  war,  would  voluntarily  evacuate  it.  There  was 
reason  at  one  time  to  believe  that  such  would  be 
the  course  pursued  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States ;  and  under  that  impression  my  Government 
has  refrained  from  making  any  demand  for  the  sur¬ 
render  of  the  fort. 

But  the  Confederate  States  can  no  longer  delay 
assuming  actual  possession  of  a  fortification  com¬ 
manding  the  entrance  of  one  of  their  harbors,  and 
necessary  to  its  defence  and  security. 

I  am  ordered  by  the  Government  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States  to  demand  the  evacuation  of  Fort 
Sumter.  My  Aids,  Colonel  Chesnut  and  Captain 
Lee,  are  authorized  to  make  such  demand  of  you. 
All  proper  facilities  will  be  afforded  for  the  removal 
of  yourself  and  command,  together  with  company, 
arms,  and  property,  and  all  private  property,  to 
any  post  in  the  United  States  which  you  may  elect. 
The  flag  which  you  have  upheld  so  long  and  with 
so  much  fortitude,  under  the  most  trying  circum¬ 
stances,  may  be  saluted  by  you  on  taking  it  down. 

Colonel  Chesnut  and  Captain  Leo  will,  for  a  rea¬ 
sonable  time,  await  your  answer. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

G.  T.  Beauregard, 
Brigadier-General  Commanding. 
Major  Robert  Anderson,  Commanding  at  Fort 

Sumter,  Charleston  Harbor,  S.  C. 

Headquarters,  Fort  Sumter,  S.  C.  ) 
April  11th,  1861.  $ 

General  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  communication  demanding  the 
evacuation  of  this  fort;  and  to  say  in  reply  thereto 
that  it  is  a  demand  with  which  I  regret  that  my 
sense  of  honor  and  of  my  obligations  to  my  Gov¬ 
ernment  prevent  my  compliance. 

Thanking  you  for  the  fair,  manly,  and  courteous 
terms  proposed,  and  for  the  high  compliment  paid 
me, 

I  am,  General,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Robert  Anderson, 
Major  U.  S.  Army,  Commanding. 

To  Brigadier-General  G.  T.  Beauregard,  com¬ 
manding  Provisional  Army,  C.  S.  A. 

Montgomery,  April  11. 
Gen.  Beauregard,  Charleston: 

We  do  not  desire  needlessly  to  bombard  Fort 
Sumter,  if  Major  Anderson  will  state  the  time  at 
which,  as  indicated  by  him,  he  will  evacuate,  and 
agree  that,  in  the  mean  time,  he  will  not  use  his 
guns  against  us,  unless  ours  should  be  employed 
against  Fort  Sumter.  You  are  thus  to  avoid  the 
effusion  of  blood.  If  this  or  its  equivalent  be  re¬ 
fused,  reduce  the  fort  as  your  judgment  decides  to 
be  most  practicable. 

L.  P.  Walker,  Sec.  of  War. 

Headquarters,  Provisional  Army,  C.  S.  A. ) 

Charleston,  April  11, 1S61— 11  r.  m.  f 

Major:  In  consequence  of  the  verbal  observa¬ 
tions  made  by  you  to  my  Aids,  Messrs.  Chesnut 
and  Lee,  in  relation  to  the  condition  of  your  sup¬ 
plies,  and  that  you  would  in  a  few  days  be  starved 
out  if  our  guns  did  not  batter  you  to  pieces — or 
words  to  that  effect ; — and  desiring  no  useless  effu¬ 
sion  of  blood,  I  communicated  both  the  verbal  ob¬ 


servation  and  your  written  answer  to  my  communi¬ 
cation  to  my  Government. 

If  you  will  state  the  time  at  which  you  will 
evacuate  Fort  Sumter,  and  agree  that  in  the  mean 
time  you  will  not  use  your  guns  against  us,  unless 
ours  shall  be  employed  against  Fort  Sumter,  we  will 
abstain  from  opening  fire  upon  you.  Colonel  Ches¬ 
nut  and  Captain  Lee  are  authorized  by  me  to  enter 
into  such  an  agreement  with  you.  You  are  there¬ 
fore  requested  to  communicate  to  them  an  open 
answer. 

I  remain,  Major,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

G.  T.  Beauregard, 
Brigadier-General  Commanding. 

Major  Robert  Anderson,  Commanding  at  Fort 
Sumter,  Charleston  Harbor,  S.  C. 

Headquarters,  Fort  Sumter,  S.  C.  \ 
2.30  A.  m.,  April  12,  1861.  f 

General  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  second  communication  of  the  11th 
inst.,  by  Col.  Chesnut,  and  to  state,  in  reply,  that 
cordially  uniting  with  you  in  the  desire  to  avoid  the 
useless  effusion  of  blood,  I  will,  if  provided  with 
the  proper  and  necessary  means  of  transportation, 
evacuate  Fort  Sumter  by  noon  on  the  15  th  instant, 
should  I  not  receive,  prior  to  that  time,  controlling 
instructions  from  my  Government,  or  additional 
supplies ;  and  that  I  will  not,  in  the  mean  time, 
open  my  fire  upon  your  forces,  unless  compelled  to 
do  so  by  some  hostile  act  against  this  fort,  or  the 
flag  of  my  Government  by  the  forces  under  your 
command,  or  by  some  portion  of  them,  or  by  the 
perpetration  of  some  act  showing  a  hostile  intention 
on  your  part  against  this  fort,  or  the  flag  it  bears. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  General, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Robert  Anderson, 

Major  U.  S.  A.  Commanding. 

To  Brigadier-General  G.  T.  Beauregard,  Com¬ 
manding  Provisional  Army,  C.  S.  A. 

Fort  Sumter,  S.  C.  > 
April  12, 1861,  3.20  A.  m.  j 

Sir  :  By  authority  of  Brigadier-General  Beau¬ 
regard,  commanding  the  Provisional  Forces  of  the 
Confederate  States,  we  have  the  honor  to  notify 
you  that  he  will  open  the  fire  of  his  batteries  on 
Fort  Sumter  in  one  hour  from  this  time. 

We  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servants, 

James  Chesnut,  jr. 

Aide-de-Camp. 
Stephen  D.  Lee, 

Captain  S.  C.  Army  and  Aide-de-Camp. 

Major  Robert  Anderson,  United  States  Army, 
Commanding  Fort  Sumter. 

— Charleston  Mercury,  April  19. 

— Times ,  April  13. 

THE  BOMBARDMENT. 

On  Thursday  the  demand  to  surrender  the  fort 
was  made  and  declined,  all  the  officers  having  been 
consulted  by  Major  Anderson  in  regard  to  the  sum¬ 
mons.  At  about  3  o’clock  on  Friday  morning  no¬ 
tice  was  given  us  that  fire  would  be  opened  on  us  in 
one  hour  unless  the  demand  to  surrender  was  in¬ 
stantly  complied  with.  Major  Anderson  resolved 
not  to  return  fire  until  broad  daylight,  not  wishing 
to  waste  any  of  his  ammunition.  Fire  was  opened 
upon  us  from  all  points  at  once.  To  our  astonish- 


DOCUMENTS. 


53 


ment  a  masked  battery  of  heavy  columbiads  opened 
upon  us  from  the  part  of  Sullivan’s  Island  near  the 
floating  battery,  of  the  existence  of  -which  we  had 
not  the  slightest  intimation.  It  was  covered  with 
brush  and  other  material,  which  completely  conceal¬ 
ed  it.  It  was  skilfully  constructed  and  well  secured ; 
seventeen  mortars  firing  10-inch  shell,  33  heavy 
guns,  mostly  columbiads,  being  engaged  in  the  as¬ 
sault.  The  crash  made  by  those  shots  against  the 
walls  -was  terrific,  and  many  of  the  shells  took  effect 
inside  the  fort.  We  took  breakfast  at  6-^  o’clock, 
leisurely  and  calmly,  after  which  the  command  was 
divided  into  three  reliefs,  equally  dividing  the  offi¬ 
cers  and  men.  The  first  relief  was  under  the  com¬ 
mand  of  Capt.  Doubleday,  of  the  Artillery,  and  Lieut. 
Snyder,  of  the  Engineer  corps.  This  detachment 
went  to  the  guns  and  opened  fire  upon  the  Cum- 
ming’s  Point  battery,  Fort  Moultrie,  and  Sullivan’s 
Island.  The  iron  battery  wras  of  immense  strength, 
and  most  of  our  shots  struck  and  glanced  off  again. 
The  fire  was  so  terrific  on  the  parapet  of  Sumter  that 
Maj.  Anderson  refused  to  allow  the  men  to  man  the 
guns.  Had  they  been  permitted  to  do  so  every  one 
of  them  would  have  been  sacrificed.  Fort  Moultrie 
was  considerably  damaged  by  our  cannonading,  a 
great  many  of  our  shots  having  taken  effect  on  the 
embrasures.  Several  shots  are  known  to  have  pen¬ 
etrated  the  floating  battery;  but  little  damage  was 
done  to  it. 

The  reliefs  were  changed  every  four  hours.  We 
succeeded  in  dismounting  two  of  the  guns  on  Cum- 
ming’s  Point  battery.  A  new  English  gun  which 
was  employed  by  the  enemy,  was  fired  with  great 
accuracy.  Several  of  its  shots  entered  the  embra¬ 
sures  of  Sumter,  one  of  them  slightly  wounding  four 
men.  The  full  effect  of  our  firing  we  have  been  un¬ 
able  to  ascertain,  having  nothing  to  rely  upon  but 
the  reports  of  the  enemy.  Our  men  owed  their  safe¬ 
ty  to  the  entirely  extraordinary  care  exercised  by 
the  officers  in  command.  A  man  was  kept  con¬ 
stantly  on  the  look-out,  who  would  cry  “shot”  or 
“shell”  at  every  shot  the  enemy  made,  thus  afford¬ 
ing  our  men  ample  opportunity  to  seek  shelter. 
The  workmen  were  at  first  rather  reluctant  to  assist 
the  soldiers  in  handling  the  guns,  but  they  gradual¬ 
ly  took  hold  and  rendered  valuable  assistance. 
But  few  shots  were  fired  before  every  one  of  them 
was  desperately  engaged  in  the  conflict. 

We  had  to  abandon  one  gun  on  account  of  the 
close  fire  made  upon  it.  Hearing  the  fire  renewed 
with  it,  I  went  to  the  spot.  I  there  found  a  party 
of  workmen  engaged  in  serving  it.  I  saw  one  of 
them  stooping  over,  with  his  hands  on  his  knees, 
convulsed  with  joy,  while  the  tears  rolled  down  his 
powder-begrimmed  cheeks.  “  What  are  you  doing 
here  with  that  gun  ?  ”  I  asked.  “  Hit  it  right  in  the 
centre,”  was  the  reply,  the  man  meaning  that  his 
shot  had  taken  effect  in  the  centre  of  the  floating 
battery. 

The  aim  of  the  enemy  was  principally  directed  at 
our  flag-staff,  from  which  proudly  waved  the  Stars 
and  Stripes.  After  two  days’  incessant  firing,  the 
flag-staff  was  finally  shot  away. 

The  effect  of  the  enemy’s  shot  on  the  officers’ 
quarters  particularly,  was  terrific.  One  tower  was 
so  completely  demolished  that  not  one  brick  was 
left  standing  upon  the  other.  The  barracks  caught 
fire  on  the  first  day  several  times,  and  were  put  out 
several  times  by  Mr.  Hart,  of  New  York,  a  volunteer, 
who  particularly  distinguished  himself  for  his  cool¬ 
ness  and  bravery,  assisted  by  others.  Half  a  mil¬ 


lion  dollars  will  hardly  suffice  to  repair  the  damages 
to  the  fort.  On  the  second  day  it  caught  fire  from 
a  10-inch  shell,  the  danger  to  be  encountered  in  the 
attempt  to  extinguish  it  being  so  great  that  the  Ma¬ 
jor  concluded  not  to  attempt  it.  The  effect  of  the 
fire  was  more  disastrous  than  we  could  have  sup¬ 
posed.  The  subsequent  shots  of  the  enemy  took 
more  effect  in  consequence ;  the  walls  were  weak¬ 
ened,  and  we  were  more  exposed.  The  main  gates 
were  destroyed  by  the  fire,  thus  leaving  us  exposed 
to  the  murderous  fire  of  the  enemy.  Five  hundred 
men  could  have  formed  on  the  gorge  and  marched 
on  us  without  our  being  able  to  oppose  them.  The 
fire  surrounded  the  fort  on  all  sides.  Fearful  that 
the  walls  might  crack,  and  the  shells  pierce  and 
prostrate  them,  we  commenced  taking  the  powder 
out  of  the  magazine  before  the  fire  had  fully  envel¬ 
oped  it.  We  took  96  barrels  of  powder  out,  and 
threw  them  into  the  sea, leaving  200  barrels  in.  Owing 
to  a  lack  of  cartridges,  we  kept  five  men  inside  the 
magazine,  sewing  as  we  wanted  them,  thus  using  up 
our  shirts,  sheets,  blankets,  and  all  the  available 
material  in  the  fort.  When  we  were  finally  obliged 
to  close  the  magazine,  and  our  material  for  cart¬ 
ridges  was  exhausted,  we  were  left  destitute  of  any 
means  to  continue  the  contest.  We  had  eaten  our 
last  biscuit  thirty-six  hours  before.  We  came  very 
near  being  stifled  with  the  dense  livid  smoke  from 
the  burning  buildings.  The  men  lay  prostrate  on 
the  ground,  with  wet  handkerchiefs  over  their 
mouths  and  eyes,  gasping  for  breath.  It  was  a  mo¬ 
ment  of  imminent  peril.  If  an  eddy  of  wind  had 
not  ensued,  we  all,  probably,  should  have  been  suf¬ 
focated.  The  crashing  of  the  shot,  the  bursting  of 
the  shells,  the  falling  of  walls,  and  the  roar  of  the 
flames,  made  a  pandemonium  of  the  fort.  We  nev¬ 
ertheless  kept  up  a  steady  fire.  Toward  the  close 
of  the  day  ex-Senator  Wigfall  made  his  appearance 
at  the  embrasure  tvith  a  white  handkerchief  on  the 
end  of  a  sword,  and  begged  for  admittance.  He 
asked  to  see  Major  Anderson.  While  Wigfall  wras 
in  the  act  of  crawling  through  the  embrasure,  Lieut. 
Snyder  called  out  to  him,  “  Major  Anderson  is  at 
the  main  gate.”  He  passed  through  the  embrasure 
into  the  casemate,  paying  no  attention  to  what  the 
Lieutenant  had  said.  Here  he  wras  met  by  Capt. 
Foster,  Lieut.  Mead,  and  Lieut.  Davis.  He  said : 
“I  wish  to  see  Major  Anderson;  lam  Gen.  Wigfall, 
and  come  from  Gen.  Beauregard.” 

He  then  added  in  an  excited  manner,  “  Let  us 
stop  this  firing.  You  are  on  fire  and  your  flag  is 
down.  Let  us  quit.” 

Lieut.  Davis  replied,  “No,  Sir,  our  flag  is  not 
down.  Step  out  here  and  you  will  see  it  waving 
over  the  ramparts.” 

“Let  us  quit  this,”  said  Wigfall.  “Here’s  a 
white  flag,  will  anybody  wave  it  out  of  the  embra¬ 
sure  ?” 

One  of  the  officers  replied,  “  That  is  for  you  to 
do,  if  you  choose.” 

Wigfall  responded,  “If  there  is  no  one  else  to  do 
it,  I  will,”  and  jumping  into  the  embrasure  waved 
the  flag  toward  Moultrie.  The  firing  still  continued 
from  Moultrie  and  the  batteries  of  Sullivan’s  Island. 
In  answer  to  his  repeated  requests  one  of  the  offi¬ 
cers  said  “  one  of  our  men  may  hold  the  flag,”  and 
Corporal  Binghurst  jumped  into  the  embrasure. 
The  shot  continuing  to  strike  all  around  him,  he 
jumped  down  again,  after  having  waved  the  flag  a 
few  moments,  and  said,  “Damn  it,  they  don’t  re¬ 
spect  this  flag,  they  are  firing  at  it.” 


54 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Wigfall  replied,  “They  fired  at  me  two  or  three 
times,  and  I  stood  it ;  and  I  should  think  that  you 
might  stand  it  once.” 

Wigfall  then  said,  “  If  you  will  show  a  white  flag 
from  your  ramparts  they  will  cease  firing.” 

Lieut.  Davis  replied,  “  If  you  request  that  a  flag 
shall  be  shown  there  while  you  hold  a  conference 
with  Major  Anderson,  and  for  that  purpose  alone, 
it  may  be  done.” 

At  this  point  Major  Anderson  came  up.  Wigfall 
said,  “  I  am  Gen.  Wigfall,  and  come  from  Gen.  Beau¬ 
regard,  who  wishes  to  stop  this.” 

Major  Anderson,  rising  on  his  toes,  and  coming 
down  firmly  upon  his  heels  replied,  “Well,  Sir.” 

“Major  Anderson,”  said  Wigfall,  “  you  have  de¬ 
fended  your  flag  nobly,  Sir.  You  have  done  all 
that  is  possible  for  men  to  do,  and  Gen.  Beauregard 
wishes  to  stop  the  fight.  On  what  terms,  Major 
Anderson,  will  you  evacuate  this  Fort  ?  ” 

Major  Anderson’s  reply  was,  “  Gen.  Beauregard 
is  already  acquainted  with  my  only  terms.” 

“  Do  I  understand  that  you  will  evacuate  upon 
the  terms  proposed  the  other  day  ?  ” 

“  Yes,  Sir,  and  on  those  conditions  only,”  was  the 
reply  of  the  Major. 

“  Then,  Sir,”  said  Wigfall,  “  I  understand,  Major 
Anderson,  that  the  fort  is  to  be  ours  ?  ” 

“On  those  conditions  only,  I  repeat.” 

“  Very  well,”  said  Wigfall,  and  he  retired. 

A  short  time  afterward  a  deputation,  consisting 
of  Senator  Chesnut,  Roger  A.  Pryor,  Capt.  Lee,  and 
W.  Porcher  Miles,  came  from  Gen.  B.,  and  had  an 
interview  with  Major  Anderson;  when  it  came  out 
that  Wigfall  had  no  “  authority  to  speak  for  Gen. 
Beauregard,  but  acted  on  his  own  hook.”  “Then,” 
said  Lieut.  Davis,  “  we  have  been  sold,”  and  Major 
Anderson,  perceiving  the  state  of  the  case,  ordered 
the  American  flag  to  be  raised  to  its  place. 

The  deputation,  however,  requested  him  to  keep 
the  flag  down  till  they  could  communicate  with  Gen. 
Beauregard,  as  matters  were  liable  to  be  compli¬ 
cated.  They  left,  and  between  two  and  three 
hours  after,  the  garrison  meanwhile  exerting  them¬ 
selves  to  extinguish  the  fire,  another  deputation 
came  from  Gen.  Beauregard,  agreeing  to  the  terms 
of  evacuation  previously  proposed,  and  substantially 
to  the  proposals  of  Wigfall.  This  was  Saturday 
evening.  That  night  the  garrison  took  what  rest 
they  could.  Next  morning  the  Isabel  came  down 
and  anchored  near  the  fort.  The  steamer  Clinch 
was  used  as  a  transport  to  take  the  garrison  to  the 
Isabel,  but  the  transfer  was  too  late  to  allow  the 
Isabel  to  go  out  by  that  tide. 

The  terms  of  evacuation  were  that  the  garrison 
should  take  all  its  individual  and  company  property, 
that  they  should  march  out  with  their  side  and 
other  arms  with  all  the  honors,  in  their  own  way 
and  at  their  own  time ;  that  they  should  salute  their 
flag,  and  take  it  with  them. 

The  enemy  agreed  to  furnish  transports,  as  Major 
Anderson  might  select,  to  any  part  of  the  country, 
either  by  land  or  water.  When  the  baggage  of  the 
garrison  was  all  on  board  of  the  transport,  the 
soldiers  remaining  inside  under  arms,  a  portion  were 
told  off  as  gunners  to  serve  in  saluting  the  Ameri¬ 
can  flag.  When  the  last  gun  was  fired,  the  flag 
was  lowered,  the  men  cheering.  At  the  fiftieth 
discharge  there  was  a  premature  explosion,  which 
killed  one  man  instantly,  seriously  wounded 
another,  and  two  more  not  so  badly!  The  men 
were  then  formed  and  marched  out,  the  band 


playing  “Yankee  Doodle,”  and  “Hail  to  the 
Chief.” 

Vast  crowds  of  people  thronged  the  vicinity. 
Remaining  on  board  the  Isabel  that  night,  the  next 
morning  they  were  transferred  to  the  Baltic,  this 
operation  taking  nearly  the  whole  day. 

On  Tuesday  evening  they  weighed  anchor  and 
stood  for  New  York. 

ANOTIIEIt  ACCOUNT. 

On  Thursday,  the  11th  of  April,  three  of  Gen. 
Beauregard’s  aids  appeared  at  Fort  Sumter,  and 
brought  a  communication  which  stated  that  he  had 
refrained  from  making  any  hostile  demonstration, 
with  the  hope  of  finally  obtaining  the  fort  by  a 
treaty,  etc.  But  orders  having  been  received  from 
Jefferson  Davis  to  demand  of  Major  Anderson,  in 
the  name  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  its  surren¬ 
der  or  evacuation,  Major  Anderson  replied  that  he 
was  sorry  a  request  had  been  made  which  he  could 
not  grant ;  that  he  had  already  gone  as  far  as  his 
sense  of  duty  and  his  sense  of  honor  would  allow. 
Major  Anderson  also  mentioned  to  one  of  his  aids, 
aside  and  unofficially,  that  the  garrison  was  out  of 
provisions,  having  nothing  but  pork ;  that  they 
could  probably  manage  to  live  tillMonday,  the  15th. 
The  aids  carried  this  reply  to  Gen.  Beauregard, 
who  telegraphed  it  to  Jefferson  Davis,  and  also  the 
remark  that  Major  Anderson  was  nearly  starved  out. 

The  next  morning,  at  half-past  1  o’clock,  the  aids 
came  down  with  another  communication  from  Gen. 
Beauregard  to  the  effect  that  he  had  learned 
that  the  garrison  was  nearly  starved  out,  and 
desired  to  know  of  Major  Anderson  on  what 
day  he  would  evacuate  the  fort ;  that  Gen.  Beaure¬ 
gard  would  allow  him  to  evacuate  and  take  him  to 
auy  port  in  the  United  States,  provided  he  would 
agree  not  to  fire  upon  the  batteries  unless  Fort 
Sumter  should  be  fired  upon. 

[Query. — Does  this  fact  show  that  the  despatches 
to  Major  Anderson  had  been  opened,  and,  knowing 
that  an  attempt  to  put  provisions  into  the  fort  would 
soon  be  made,  the  boats  coming  in  could  be  fired 
into,  while  Major  Anderson  would  be  precluded 
from  protecting  them  ?] 

Major  Anderson  replied  that  he  would  be  obliged 
to  evacuate  by  Monday,  the  15th,  before  noon,  pro¬ 
vided  Fort  Sumter  or  the  flag  that  it  bore  was  not 
fired  upon.  Councils  of  war  were  held  immediately 
after  the  receipt  of  these  two  communications, 
which  were  unanimous  in  favor  of  the  answer  that 
was  returned.  The  deputy  which  brought  the 
second  communication  consisted  of  Major  Lace, 
Col.  Chism,  Roger  A.  Pryor,  Senator  Chesnut,  and 
others.  Major  Anderson’s  reply  was  considered  by 
them  for  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes,  when  they  re¬ 
turned  an  answer  that  the  batteries  would  open 
their  fires  in  one  hour.  This  was  at  o-J-  o’clock  on 
Friday  morning.  After  this  reply  the  deputy  of 
Gen.  Beauregard  immediately  left. 

The  sentinels  were  immediately  removed  from 
the  parapets  ofFort  Sumter,  the  posterns  closed,  the 
flag  drawn  up,  and  an  order  sent  to  the  troops  not 
to  leave  the  bomb  proofs,  on  any  account,  until 
summoned  by  the  drum.  At  4.30  a.  m.  one  bomb¬ 
shell  was  thrown  at  Sumter,  bursting  immediately 
over  the  fort.  After  the  pause  of  a  few  moments 
the  firing  became  general  on  the  part  of  the  bat¬ 
teries  of  the  Secessionists,  doing  the  greatest  credit 
to  the  artillerists.  The  command  did  not  return  a 
single  shot  until  the  men  had  had  their  breakfast. 


DOCUMENTS. 


55 


As  the  number  of  men  was  so  small,  and  the 
garrison  so  nearly  exhausted  by  the  several  months 
of  siege  which  they  had  gone  through,  it  was  neces¬ 
sary  to  husband  their  strength.  The  command  was 
therefore  divided  into  three  relief,  or  equal  parties, 
who  were  to  work  the  different  batteries  by  turns, 
each  four  hours. 

The  first  relief  opened  upon  the  iron  batteries  at 
Cumming’s  Point,  at  a  distance  of  1,600  yards,  the 
iron  floating  battery,  distant  1,800  or  2,000  yards 
at  the  end  of  Sullivan’s  Island,  the  enfilading  bat¬ 
tery  on  Sullivan’s  Island,  and  Fort  Moultrie.  This 
was  at  7  o’clock  in  the  morning,  Capt.  Doubleday 
firing  the  first  gun,  and  all  the  points  named  above 
being  opened  upon  simultaneously.  For  the  first 
four  hours  the  firing  was  kept  up  with  great  rapid¬ 
ity  ;  the  enthusiasm  of  the  men,  indeed,  was  so 
great  that  the  second  and  third  reliefs  could  not  be 
kept  from  the  guns.  This  accounts  for  the  fuct 
that  double  the  number  of  guns  were  at  work  during 
the  first  four  hours  than  at  any  other  time. 

Shells  burst  with  the  greatest  rapidity  in  every 
portion  of  the  work,  JiurliDg  the  loose  brick  and 
stone  in  all  directions,  breaking  the  windows,  and 
setting  fire  to  whatever  woodwork  they  burst 
against.  The  solid  shot  firing  of  the  enemy’s  bat¬ 
teries,  and  particularly  of  Fort  Moultrie,  was  direct¬ 
ed  at  the  barbette  guns  of  Fort  Sumter,  disabling 
one  ten-ineh-eolumbiad,  (they  had  but  two,)  one- 
eight-inch  columbiad,  one  forty-two  pounder,  and 
two  eight-inch  sea-coast  howitzers,  and  also  tearing 
a  large  portion  of  the  parapet  away.  The  firing  from 
the  batteries  on  Cumming’s  Point  wa3  scattered 
over  the  whole  of  the  gorge,  or  rear,  of  the  fort. 
It  looked  like  a  sieve.  The  explosion  of  shells,  and 
the  quantity  of  deadly  missiles  that  were  hurled  in 
every  direction  and  at  every  instant  of  time,  made 
it  almost  certain  death  to  go  out  of  the  lower  tier 
of  casemates,  and  also  made  the  working  of  the 
barbette,  or  upper  uncovered  guns,  which  contained 
all  our  heaviest  metals,  and  by  which  alone  we 
could  throw  shells,  quite  impossible.  During  the 
first  day  there  was  hardly  an  instant  of  time  that 
there  was  a  cessation  of  the  whizzing  of  balls,  which 
were  sometimes  coming  half  a  dozen  at  once.  There 
was  not  a  portion  of  the  work  which  was  not  seen  in 
reverse  (that  is,  exposed  by  the  rear)  from  mortars. 

On  Friday,  before  dinner,  several  of  the  vessels 
of  the  fleet  beyond  the  Bar  were  seen  through  the 
port-holes.  They  dipped  their  flag.  The  command 
ordered  Sumter’s  flag  to  be  dipped  in  return,  which 
was  done,  while  the  shells  were  bursting  in  every 
direction.  [The  flagstaff  was  located  in  the  open 
parade,  which  is  about  the  centre  of  the  open  space 
within  the  fort.]  Sergeant  Hart  saw  the  flag  of 
Fort  Sumter  half-way  down,  and,  supposing  that  it 
had  been  cut  by  the  enemy’s  shot,  rushed  out 
through  the  fire  to  assist  in  getting  it  up.  Shortly 
after  it  had  been  re-raised,  a  shell  burst  and  cut  the 
halyards,  but  the  rope  was  so  intertwined  around 
the  halyards,  that  the  flag  would  not  fall. 

The  cartridges  were  exhausted  by  about  noon, 
and  a  party  was  sent  to  the  magazines  to  make 
cartridges  of  the  blankets  and  shirts,  the  sleeves  of 
the  latter  being  readily  converted  into  the  purpose 
desired.  Another  great  misfortune  was,  that  there 
was  not  an  instrument  in  the  fort  by  which  they 
could  weigh  powder,  which  of  course  destroyed  all 
attempt  at  accuracy  of  firing.  Nor  had  they  tan¬ 
gent  scales,  breech  sides,  or  other  instruments  with 
which  to  point  a  gun. 


When  it  became  so  dark  as  to  render  it  impos¬ 
sible  to  see  the  effect  of  their  shot,  the  port-holes 
were  closed  for  the  night,  while  the  batteries  of  the 
secessionists  continued  their  fire  the  whole  night. 

During  Friday,  the  officers’  barracks  were  three 
times  set  on  fire  by  the  shells,  and  three  times  put 
out  under  the  most  galling  and  destructive  firing. 
This  was  the  only  occasion  on  which  Major  Ander¬ 
son  allowed  the  men  to  expose  themselves  without 
an  absolute  necessity.  The  guns  on  the  parapet — 
which  had  been  pointed  the  day  before — were  fired 
clandestinely  by  some  of  the  men  slipping  up  on 
top. 

The  firing  of  the  rifled  guns  from  the  iron  bat¬ 
tery  on  Cumming’s  Point  became  extremely  accu¬ 
rate  in  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  cutting  out  large 
quantities  of  the  masoni'y  about  the  embrasures  at 
every  shot,  throwing  concrete  among  the  can¬ 
noneers,  and  slightly  wounding  and  stunning  others. 
One  piece  struck  Sergeant  Kearnan,  an  old  Mexican 
war  veteran,  striking  him  on  the  head  and  knock¬ 
ing  him  down.  Upon  being  revived,  he  was  asked 
if  lie  was  hurt  badly.  He  replied :  “  No ;  I  was 
only  knocked  down  temporarity,”  and  he  went  to 
work  again. 

Meals  were  served  at  the  guns  of  the  cannoneers, 
while  the  guns  were  being  fired  and  pointed.  The 
fire  commenced  in  the  morning  as  soon  as  possible. 

During  Friday  night  the  men  endeavored  to 
climb  the  flag-staff,  for  the  purpose  of  fastening 
new  halliards,  the  old  ones  having  been  cut  by  the 
shot,  but  found  it  impossible.  The  flag  remained 
fast. 

For  the  fourth  time  the  barracks  were  set  on  fire 
early  on  Saturday  morning,  and  attempts  were  made 
to  put  it  out.  But  it  was  soon  discovered  that  red- 
hot  shot  were  being  thrown  into  the  fort  with  the 
greatest  rapidity,  and  it  became  evident  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  put  out  the  conflagration. 
The  wdiole  garrison  was  then  set  at  work,  or  as 
many  as  could  be  spared,  to  remove  the  powder 
from  the  magazines,  which  was  desperate  work, 
rolling  barrels  of  powder  through  the  fire. 

Ninety  odd  barrels  had  been  rolled  out  through 
the  flames,  when  the  heat  became  so  great  as  to 
make  it  impossible  to  get  out  any  more.  The  doors 
were  then  closed  and  locked,  and  the  fire  spread 
and  became  general.  The  wind  so  directed  tho 
smoke  as  to  fill  the  fort  so  full  that  the  men  could 
not  see  each  other,  and  with  the  hot,  stifling  air,  it 
was  as  much  as  a  man  could  do  to  breathe.  Soon 
they  rvere  obliged  to  cover  their  faces  with  wet 
cloths  in  order  to  get  along  at  all,  so  dense  was  the 
smoke  and  so  scorching  the  heat. 

But  few  cartridges  were  left,  and  the  guns  were 
fired  slowly  ;  nor  could  more  cartridges  be  made, 
on  account  of  the  sparks  falling  in  every  part  of  tho 
works.  A  gun  was  fired  every  now  and  then  only 
to  let  the  fleet  and  the  people  in  tho  town  know 
that  the  fort  had  not  been  silenced.  The  can¬ 
noneers  could  not  see  to  aim,  much  less  where  they 
hit. 

After  the  barracks  were  well  on  fire,  the  bat¬ 
teries  directed  upon  Fort  Sumter  increased  their 
cannonading  to  a  rapidity  greater  than  had  been 
attained  before.  About  this  time,  the  shells  and 
ammunition  in  the  upper  service-magazines  ex¬ 
ploded,  scattering  tho  tower  and  upper  portions  of 
the  building  in  every  direction.  The  crash  of  tho 
beams,  the  roar  of  the  flames,  the  rapid  explosion 
of  the  shells,  and  the  shower  of  fragments  of  the 


56 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


fort,  with  the  blackness  of  the  smoke,  made  the 
scene  indescribably  terrific  and  grand.  This  con¬ 
tinued  for  several  hours.  Meanwhile,  the  main 
gates  were  burned  down,  the  chassis  of  the  bar¬ 
bette  guns  were  burned  away  on  the  gorge,  and 
the  upper  portions  of  the  towers  had  been  demol¬ 
ished  by  shells. 

There  was  not  a  portion  of  the  fort  where  a 
breath  of  air  could  be  got  for  hours,  except  through 
a  wet  cloth.  The  fire  spread  to  the  men’s  quarters, 
on  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left,  and  endangered 
the  powder  which  had  been  taken  out  of  the  maga¬ 
zines.  The  men  went  through  the  fire  and  covered 
the  barrels  with  wet  cloths,  but  the  danger  of  the 
fort’s  blowing  up  became  so  imminent,  that  they 
were  obliged  to  heave  the  barrels  out  of  the  em¬ 
brasures.  While  the  powder  was  being  thrown 
overboard,  all  the  guns  of  Moultrie,  of  the  iron 
floating  battery,  of  the  enfilade  battery,  and  the 
Dahlgren  battery,  worked  with  increased  vigor. 

All  but  four  barrels  were  thus  disposed  of,  and 
those  remaining  were  wrapped  in  many  thicknesses 
of  wet  woollen  blankets.  But  three  cartridges 
were  left,  and  these  were  in  the  guns.  About  this 
time  the  flag-staff  of  Fort  Sumter  was  shot  down, 
some  fifty  feet  from  the  truck,  this  being  the  ninth 
time  that  it  had  been  struck  by  a  shot.  The  man 
cried  out,  “The  flag  is  down;  it  has  been  shot 
away !  ”  In  an  instant,  Lieut.  Hall  rushed  forward 
and  brought  the  flag  away.  But  the  halliards  were 
so  inextricably  tangled,  that  it  could  not  be  righted ; 
it  was,  therefore,  nailed  to  the  staff,  and  planted 
upon  the  ramparts,  while  batteries  in  every  direc¬ 
tion  were  playing  upon  them. 

A  few  moments  after,  and  a  man  was  seen  with 
a  white  flag  tied  to  his  sword,  and  desiring  admis¬ 
sion.  He  was  admitted  through  an  embrasure.  In 
a  great  flurry,  he  said  he  was  Gen.  Wigfall,  and 
that  he  came  from  Gen.  Beauregard,  and  added 
that  he  had  seen  that  Sumter’s  flag  was  down. 
Lieut.  Davis  replied,  “Oh,  sir!  but  it  is  up  again.” 
The  cannonading  meanwhile  continued.  Gen.  Wig- 
fall  asked  that  some  one  should  hold  his  flag  out¬ 
side.  Lieut.  Davis  replied,  “  No,  sir !  we  don’t 
raise  a  white  flag.  If  you  want  your  batteries  to 
stop,  you  must  stop  them.”  Gen.  Wigfall  then 
held  the  flag  out  of  an  embrasure.  As  soon  as  he 
had  done  so,  Lieut.  Davis  directed  a  corporal  to 
relieve  him,  as  it  was  Gen.  Wigfall’s  flag. 

Several  shots  struck  immediately  around  him 
while  he  was  holding  it  out,  when  he  started  back, 

and  putting  the  flag  in  Wigfall’s  face,  said,  “  D - n 

it ;  I  won’t  hold  that  flag,  for  they  don’t  respect  it. 
They  struck  their  colors,  but  we  never  did.”  Wig¬ 
fall  replied,  “  They  fired  at  me  three  or  four  times, 
and  I  should  think  you  ought  to  stand  it  once.” 
Wigfall  then  placed  the  white  flag  on  the  outside 
of  the  embrasure,  and  presented  himself  to  Major 
Anderson,  and  said  that  Gen.  Beauregard  was  de¬ 
sirous  that  blood  should  not  be  unnecessarily  shed, 
and  also  stated  that  he  came  from  Gen.  Beauregard, 
who  desires  to  know  if  Major  Anderson  would 
evacuate  the  fort,  and  that  if  he  would  do  so  he 
might  choose  his  own  terms. 

After  a  moment’s  hesitation  Maj.  Anderson  replied 
that  he  would  go  out  on  the  same  terms  that  he 
(Maj.  Anderson)  had  mentioned  on  the  11th.  Gen. 
Wigfall  then  said  :  “Very  well;  then  it  is  under¬ 
stood  that  you  will  evacuate.  That  is  all  I  have  to 
do.  You  military  men  will  arrange  every  thing  else 
on  your  own  terms.”  He  then  departed,  the  white 


flag  still  waving  where  he  had  placed  it,  and  the 
stars  and  stripes  waving  from  the  flag-staff  which 
had  become  the  target  of  the  rebels. 

Shortly  after  his  departure  Maj.  Lee,  the  Hon. 
Porchcr  Miles,  Senator  Chesnut,  and  the  Hon. 
Roger  A.  Pryor,  the  staff  of  Gen.  Beauregard,  ap¬ 
proached  the  fort  with  a  white  flag,  and  said  they 
came  from  Gen.  Beauregard,  who  had  observed 
that  the  flag  had  been  down  and  raised  again  a  few 
minutes  afterward.  The  General  had  sent  over, 
desiring  to  know  if  he  could  render  any  assistance, 
as  he  had  observed  that  the  fort  was  on  fire. 
(This  was  perhaps  a  delicate  mode  of  asking  for  a 
surrender.)  Maj.  Anderson,  in  replying,  requested 
them  to  thank  Gen.  Beauregard  for  the  offer,  but 
it  was  too  late,  as  he  had  just  agreed  with  Gen. 
Beauregard  for  an  evacuation.  The  three,  compris¬ 
ing  the  deputy,  looked  at  each  other  blankly,  and 
asked  with  whom  ?  Maj.  Anderson,  observing  that 
there  was  something  wrong,  remarked  that  Gen. 
Wigfall,  who  had  just  left,  had  represented  himself 
to  be  aide  of  Gen.  Beauregard,  and  that  he  had  come 
over  to  make  the  proposition. 

After  some  conversation  among  themselves,  they 
said  to  Maj.  Anderson  that  Wigfall  had  not  seen 
Gen.  Beauregard  for  two  days.  Maj.  Anderson 
replied  that  Gen.  Wigfall’s  offer  and  its  acceptance 
had  placed  him  in  a  peculiar  position.  They  then 
requested  him  to  place  in  writing  what  Gen.  Wig¬ 
fall  had  said  to  him,  and  they  would  lay  it  before 
Gen.  Beauregard. 

Before  this  reached  Gen.  Beauregard,  he  sent 
his  Adjutant-general  and  other  members  of  his  staff, 
including  the  Hon.  Roger  A.  Pryor  and  Gov.  Man¬ 
ning,  proposing  the  same  conditions  which  Major 
Anderson  had  offered  to  go  out  upon,  with  the  ex¬ 
ception  only  of  not  saluting  his  flag.  Major  Ander¬ 
son  said  that  he  had  already  informed  Gen.  Beaure¬ 
gard  that  he  was  going  out.  They  asked  him  if  he 
would  not  accept  of  the  terms  without  the  salute. 
Major  Anderson  told  them,  No  ;  but  that  it  should 
be  an  open  point. 

At  this  interview  a  rather  amusing  incident  oc¬ 
curred.  The  lion.  Roger  A.  Pryor  of  Virginia, 
being  very  thirsty,  and  seeing  something  in  a  glass 
that  looked  very  much  like  a  cocktail,  without  any 
remark,  took  a  large  tumblerfull.  The  surgeon, 
observing  it,  said  to  him,  “  Col.  Pryor,  did  you 
drink  any  of  that?”  Pryor,  looking  very  pale 
answered,  “Yes,  quite  an  amount;  a  good  deal.” 
The  surgeon  said  it  was  poison.  Pryor  turned 
paler  yet,  and  asked  what  he  should  do.  The  sur¬ 
geon  told  him  to  go  with  him  to  the  hospital. 

The  last  that  was  seen  of  Pryor  by  the  officers — 
he  was  going  out  leaning  upon  the  surgeon’s  arm, 
presenting  a  somewhat  comical  appearance,  as  he 
was  dressed  in  a  colored  shirt,  large  spurs,  belt  and 
sword,  with  revolver  and  bowie  knife.  The  doctor 
gave  the  great  bowie-knife  hero  a  dose  of  ipecac, 
which  produced  the  desired  effect.  Pryor  did  not 
express  himself  as  having  had  a  peculiarly  pleasant 
visit  to  Fort  Sumter. 

Gen.  Beauregard  sent  down  to  say  that  the  terms 
had  been  accepted,  and  that  he  would  send  the 
Isabel  or  any  other  vessel  at  his  command  to  con¬ 
vey  Major  Anderson  and  the  troops  to  any  port  in 
the  United  States  which  he  might  elect. 

The  evacuation  took  place  about  o’clock  on 
Sunday  morning,  after  the  burial  with  military  hon¬ 
ors  of  private  Daniel  Hough,  who  had  been  killed 
by  the  bursting  of  a  gun.  The  men  had  been  all 


DOCUMENTS. 


57 


the  morning  preparing  cartridges  for  the  purpose 
of  firing  a  salute  of  one  hundred  guns.  This  done, 
the  embarkation  took  place,  the  band  meanwhile 
playing  Yankee  Doodle. 

No  braver  men  ever  lived  than  the  defenders  of 
Fort  Sumter,  and  when  all  showed  such  lofty  cour¬ 
age  and  patriotism  it  would  be  invidious  to  make 
distinctions ;  but  the  ardor  and  endurance  of  musi¬ 
cian  llall  of  Company  E  was  remarked  by  every 
man  in  Sumter,  and  the  company  intend  to  present 
him  with  a  testimonial.  He  was  at  the  firing  of  the 
first  guns,  and  fought  on  all  day,  and  would  not 
accept  either  of  the  three  reliefs.  He  was  up  at 
the  first  shot  the  next  day,  and  worked  without 
cessation  till  night.  His  example  and  words  of 
cheer  had  great  effect.  This  is  the  more  worthy 
of  remark  as  he  belonged  to  the  musicians,  and  he 
was  not  obliged  to  enter  into  the  engagement  at 
all 

MINUTES  OF  AN  OFFICER  IN  FORT  SUMTER. 

We  passed  Friday  night  without  firing.  A  shot 
or  shell  came  against  our  walls  about  every  fifteen 
minutes  during  the  night.  We  placed  a  non-com¬ 
missioned  officer  and  four  men  at  each  salient 
embrasures ;  partly  expecting  the  boats  from  the 
fleet  outside,  and  partly  expecting  a  boat  attack 
from  the  enemy. 

Our  own  shells  and  rampart  grenades  caught  fire 
from  the  burning  of  the  quarters,  and  exploded 
among  us  in  every  direction,  happily  without  doing 
any  injury. 

The  officers  were  engaged  in  moving  barrels  of 
powder  with  the  flames  around  them,  in  tearing 
down  a  burning  platform  near  the  magazine,  ami 
in  rescuing  public  property  from  the  burning  build¬ 
ings,  with  our  own  shells  and  those  of  the  enemy 
bursting  among  us. 

The  interior  of  the  fort  is  a  scene  of  frightful 
desolation  ;  it  is  indescribable. 

Mr.  Hart,  a  volunteer  from  New  York,  particu¬ 
larly  distinguished  himself  iu  trying  to  put  out  the 
flames  in  the  quarters,  with  shells  and  shot  crashing 
around  him.  He  was  ordered  away  by  Major 
Anderson,  but  begged  hard  to  be  permitted  to 
remain  and  continue  his  exertions. 

When  the  building  caught  fire,  the  enemy  com¬ 
menced  firing  hot  shot. 

Mr.  Sweaner  of  Baltimore  was  badly  wounded  in 
three  places  by  a  piece  of  shell. 

Many  of  the  South  Carolina  officers  who  came 
into  the  fort  on  Saturday,  who  were  formerly  in 
our  service,  seemed  to  feel  very  badly  at  firing  upon 
their  old  comrades  and  flag. 

Commander  Hartstene  acted  like  a  brother.  He 
was  very  active  iu  offers  of  service,  and  when  he 
went  aboard  the  lighter  he  ran  up  the  American 
flag  over  us.  He  took  charge  of  the  men  left  be¬ 
hind  wounded  by  the  accident.  He  asked  Capt. 
Doubleday  to  procure  a  small  piece  of  our  flag  for 
him. 

Our  flag  has  several  shell-holes  through  it. 

AN  IMPROMPTU  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  SUMTER. 

While  the  reporters  were  seated  at  a  table,  busily 
engaged  in  transcribing  the  various  statements  they 
had  received  from  the  officers  of  Maj.  Anderson’s 
command,  an  officer  who  had  previously  stood 
quietly  in  the  back-ground,  suddenly  addressed 
them  in  a  most  emphatic  manner,  substantially  as 
follows  ;  “  Gentlemen  of  the  press,  I  earnestly  en¬ 


treat  that  you  will  clearly  set  before  our  country¬ 
men  at  the  North  the  fact  that  Fort  Sumter  was  not 
evacuated  while  there  was  a  cartridge  to  fire ,  or  pow¬ 
der  enough  left  to  make  one  with.  Never  did  fam¬ 
ished  men  work  more  bravely  than  those  who 
defended  that  fortress,  knowing,  as  they  did,  that 
if  successfully  defended  and  held  by  them,  there 
was  not  even  a  biscuit  left  to  divide  among  them. 
They  never  would  have  left  it  while  a  protecting 
wall  stood  around  them,  had  they  been  provided 
with  provision  and  ammunition.  Every  man  was 
true  and  faithful  to  his  post,  and  the  public  may  be 
assured  that  hunger  and  want  of  ammunition  alone 
caused  us  to  leave  Fort  Sumter.  We  were  all  ex¬ 
posed  to  a  most  terrible  fire  from  all  quarters,  and 
it  was  only  by  exercising  the  utmost  care  that  the 
officers  were  enabled  to  preserve  the  men  from  a 
terrible  slaughter.  You  may  further  state,  Gentle¬ 
men,  that  Fort  Sumter  is  hardly  worth  the  holding ; 
had  there  been  the  full  fighting  complement  of  men 
within  its  walls,  the  fort  would  not  have  afforded 
suitable  protection  for  one-half  of  them.  The 
enemy’s  shot  rained  in  upon  and  about  us  like  hail, 
and  more  men  in  Sumter  would  only  have  made 
more  havoc.  As  it  was,  we  are  fortunate  in  having 
escaped  without  the  loss  of  one  of  those  brave  men 
who  were  willing  to  die  for  the  flag  which  waved 
over  them.  It  was  a  painful  sight  to  all  to  see  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  finally  hauled  down,  but  we  all 
felt  that  we  had  done  our  duty,  and  must  submit. 
The  fort  was  not  surrendered,  but  evacuated  almost 
upon  our  own  terms.” 

— Tribune ,  April  19. 

OPINIONS  OF  TnE  PRESS. 

Fort  Sumter  is  lost,  but  freedom  is  saved. 
There  is  no  more  thought  of  bribing  or  coaxing  the 
traitors  who  have  dared  to  aim  their  cannon  balls 
at  the  flag  of  the  Union,  and  those  who  gave  their 
lives  to  defend  it.  It  seems  but  yesterday  that  at 
least  two-thirds  of  the  journals  of  this  city  were  the 
virtual  allies  of  the  Secessionists,  their  apologists, 
their  champions.  The  roar  of  the  great  circle  of 
batteries  pouring  their  iron  hail  upon  devoted 
Sumter,  has  struck  them  all  dumb.  It  is  as  if  one 
had  made  a  brilliant  and  effective  speech,  setting 
forth  the  innocence  of  murder,  and  having  just 
bidden  adieu  to  the  cheers  and  the  gas-light,  were 
to  be  confronted  by  the  gory  form  and  staring  eyes 
of  a  victim  of  assassination,  the  first  fruit  of  his 
oratorical  success.  For  months  before  the  late  Pres¬ 
idential  election,  a  majority  of  our  journals  pre¬ 
dicted  forcible  resistance  to  the  government  as  the 
natural  and  necessary  consequence  of  a  Republican 
triumph ;  for  months  since  they  have  been  cherish¬ 
ing  and  encouraging  the  Slaveholder’s  Rebellion, 
as  if  it  were  a  very  natural  and  proper  proceeding. 
Their  object  was  purely  partisan — they  wished  to 
bully  the  Republican  Administration  into  shameful 
recreancy  to  Republican  principle,  and  then  call 
upon  the  people  to  expel  from  power  a  party  so 
profligate  and  cowardly.  They  did  not  succeed  in 
this ;  they  have  succeeded  in  enticing  their  South¬ 
ern  proteges  and  some  time  allies  into  flagrant 
treason. 

There  cannot  be  a  rational  doubt  that  every  man 
who  aided  or  abetted  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter  is 
involved  in  the  guilt  of  treason.  That  all  the  be¬ 
siegers  of  Forts  Sumter  and  Pickens  have  incurred 
the  penalty  of  treason — which  is  death — is  indis¬ 
putable. 


58 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Most  of  our  journals  lately  parading  tlie  pranks 
of  the  Secessionists  with  scarcely  disguised  exulta¬ 
tion,  have  been  suddenly  sobered  by  the  culmination 
of  the  slaveholding  conspiracy.  They  would  evident¬ 
ly  like  to  justify  and  encourage  the  traitors  further, 
but  they  dare  not;  so  the  Amen  sticks  in  their 
throat.  *  The  aspect  of  the  people  appals  them. 
Democrat  as  well  as  Republican,  Conservative  and 
Radical,  instinctively  feel  that  the  guns  fired  at 
Sumter  were  aimed  at  the  heart  of  the  American 
Republic.  Not  even  in  the  lowest  groggery  of  our 
city  would  it  be  safe  to  propose  cheers  for  Beaure¬ 
gard  and  Gov.  Pickens.  The  Tories  of  the  Revo¬ 
lution  were  relatively  ten  times  as  numerous  here 
ns  are  the  open  sympathizers  with  the  Palmetto 
Rebels.  It  is  hard  to  lose  Sumter  ;  it  is  a  consola¬ 
tion  to  know  that  in  losing  it  we  have  gained  a 
united  people.  Henceforth,  the  loyal  States  are  a 
unit  in  uncompromising  hostility  to  treason,  where- 
cver  plotted,  however  justified.  Fort  Sumter  is 
temporarily  lost,  but  the  country  is  saved.  Live 
the  Republic ! 

No  blame  is  imputed  to  Major  Anderson  by  the 
Administration,  and  no  whisper  affecting  his  fidelity 
and  loyalty  is  tolerated.  lie  acted  upon  a  neces¬ 
sity  contemplated  by  his  orders,  which  was  to  yield 
the  fort  in  case  he  should  be  encompassed  by  an 
overwhelming  force,  or  reduced  to  an  extremity  by 
the  want  of  provisions.  According  to  information 
which  reached  here  recently,  his  supplies  were  ex¬ 
pected  to  be  exhausted  last  Tuesday,  and  hence 
the  extraordinary  efforts  which  were  made  here  to 
recruit  his  enfeebled  garrison.  Major  Anderson  him¬ 
self  endeavored  to  get  rid  of  the  laborers  who  had 
been  employed  in  the  fort,  for  the  purpose  of  re¬ 
stricting  the  consumption  to  his  actual  military 
command;  but  the  State  authorities  refused  to  per¬ 
mit  their  departure,  and  these  additional  mouths 
were  thus  imposed  upon  his  limited  stock  of  pro¬ 
visions.  In  view  of  the  threatened  contingency, 
an  attempt  was  made  to  communicate  with  him  on 
the  4th  inst.,  conveying  discretion  to  abandon  the 
fort,  if,  in  his  judgment,  it  could  not  be  held  until 
supplies  could  be  forwarded.  But  that  and  other 
despatches  were  intercepted,  which  put  the  Seces¬ 
sionists  in  full  possession  of  the  exact  circumstances 
of  his  condition,  and  enabled  General  Beauregard 
to  time  his  operations,  as  they  were  subsequently 
developed.  Then  the  order  cutting  off  his  pur¬ 
chases  in  the  Charleston  market  was  made.  The 
despatch  which  Lieutenant  Talbot  took  down  re¬ 
peated  this  discretion,  but  also  announced  to  him 
that  a  vessel  with  supplies,  supported  by  several 
ships  of  war,  would  be  sent  to  his  relief.  That  de¬ 
spatch  could  not  be  delivered,  and  its  general  char¬ 
acter  was  anticipated  by  the  instructions  of  the 
government,  which  had  been  feloniously  appro¬ 
priated  before.  It  will  thus  be  seen,  that  the  Revo¬ 
lutionists  were  fully  informed,  not  only  of  the  state 
of  the  garrison,  but  of  the  policy  of  the  government 
in  every  essential  particular.  With  their  immense 
force,  and  numerous  batteries,  and  considering  that 
the  storm  had  dispersed  the  fleet  which  had  been 
sent  to  Major  Anderson’s  relief,  or,  at  least  pre¬ 
vented  their  co-operation,  the  result  is  not  surpris¬ 
es-  — New  York  Tribune. 

At  all  events,  the  reduction  of  Fort  Sumter  and 
this  manifesto  of  President  Lincoln  are  equivalent 
to  a  declaration  of  war  on  both  sides,  between  the 
Confederate  and  the  United  States.  In  a  conflict 


of  this  sort,  there  can  be  but  two  parties — a  North¬ 
ern  and  a  Southern  party ;  for  all  other  parties 
will  cease  to  exist.  The  political  principles,  organ¬ 
izations  and  issues  which  have  divided  our  country 
and  our  people,  in  various  shapes  and  forms,  since 
the  treaty  of  our  independence  with  England,  will 
all  bo  very  soon  overwhelmed  in  the  sweeping 
changes  of  a  civil  war.  It  would  be  jolly  now  to 
argue  what  might,  could,  would,  or  should,  have 
been  done  by  Southern  fire-eaters  and  Northern 
disorganizes  in  1854,  1860,  or  by  Mr.  Buchanan, 
or  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  or  by  the  late  session  of  Congress. 
Civil  war  is  upon  us,  and  the  questions  which  now 
supersede  all  others  are:  What  are  the  conse¬ 
quences  now  before  us?  Where  is  this  war  to  end? 
and  how  and  when  ?  What  is  our  duty  under  this 
warlike  condition  of  things  ?  and  what  are  the 
movements  and  the  conditions  necessary  to  change 
this  state  of  war  to  a  state  of  peace  ? 

These  questions  will  irresistibly  impress  them¬ 
selves  upon  the  mind  of  every  thinking  man,  north 
and  south.  Earnestly  laboring  in  behalf  of  peace, 
from  the  beginning  of  these  sectional  troubles 
down  to  this  day,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
Union  through  mutual  concessions,  we  do  not  even 
yet  utterly  despair  of  arresting  this  civil  war  before 
it  shall  have  passed  beyond  the  reach  of  reason. 

— N.  Y.  Herald. 

The  “irrepressible  conflict”  started  by  Mr.  Sew¬ 
ard,  and  endorsed  by  the  Republican  party,  has  at 
length  attained  to  its  logical,  foreseen  result.  That 
conflict,  undertaken  “  j'or  the  sake  of  humanity,” 
culminates  now  in  inhumanity  itself,  and  exhibits 
the  afflicting  spectacle  of  brother  shedding  brother’s 
blood. 

Refusing  the  ballot  before  the  bullet,  these  men, 
flushed  with  the  power  and  patronage  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Government,  have  madly  rushed  into  a  civil 
war,  which  will  probably  drive  the  remaining  Slave 
States  into  the  arms  of  the  Southern  Confederacy, 
and  dash  to  pieces  the  last  hope  for  a  reconstruction 
of  the  Union. 

To  the  gallant  men,  wdio  are  so  nobly  defending 
the  flag  of  their  country  within  the  walls  of  Fort 
Sumter,  the  nation  owes  a  debt  of  eternal  gratitude 
— not  less  tha-n  to  the  equally  gallant  and  patriotic 
spirits,  who,  in  like  obedience  to  the  demands  of 
duty,  are  perilling  their  lives  and  shedding  their 
blood  in  the  heroic,  but,  as  yet,  unsuccessful  en¬ 
deavor  to  afford  them  succor.  But,  to  the  cold¬ 
blooded,  heartless  demagogues,  who  started  this 
civil  war — themselves  magnanimously  keeping  out 
of  the  reach  of  bodily  harm — we  can  only  say,  you 
must  find  your  account,  if  not  at  the  hands  of  an 
indignant  people,  then  in  the  tears  of  widows  and 
orphans.  The  people  of  the  LTnited  States,  it  must 
be  borne  in  mind,  petitioned,  begged  and  implored 
these  men,  who  are  become  their  accidental  mas¬ 
ters,  to  give  them  an  opportunity  to  be  heard,  be¬ 
fore  this  unnatural  strife  w'as  pushed  to  a  bloody 
extreme,  but  their  petitions  were  all  spurned  with 
contempt,  and  now  the  bullet  comes  in  to  decide 
the  issue ! 

— N.  Y.  Express. 

The  curtain  has  fallen  upon  the  first  act  of  the 
great  tragedy  of  the  age.  Fort  Sumter  has  been 
surrendered,  and  the  stars  and  stripes  ol  the  Amer¬ 
ican  Republic  give  place  to  the  felon  flag  ot  the 
Southern  Confederates.  The  defence  of  the  fort¬ 
ress  did  honor  to  the  gallant  commander  by  w'hom 


DOCUMENTS. 


59 


it  was  held,  and  vindicated  the  Government  under 
which  he  served.  Judging  from  the  result,  it  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  the  purpose  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment  to  do  any  thing  more.  The  armed  ships  which 
accompanied  the  supplies  took  no  part  in  the  con¬ 
test.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  reason  for  it, 
their  silence  was  probably  fortunate.  They  could 
scarcely  have  forced  their  way  through  the  heavy 
batteries  which  lined  the  coast,  nor  could  their  par¬ 
ticipation  in  the  fight  have  changed  the  result. 
The  preparations  of  the  enemy  were  too  complete, 
and  their  forces  too  numerous,  to  warrant  any  hope 
of  success  with  the  number  of  guns  at  our  command. 
The  fort  was  bravely  defended.  It  has  fallen  with¬ 
out  loss  of  life — the  ships  are  on  the  spot  to  enforce 
the  blockade  of  Charleston  harbor — Fort  Pickens, 
according  to  a  despatch  from  Montgomery,  has 
already  been  reinforced — and  every  thing  is  ready 
for  unrolling  the  next  and  the  far  more  terrible 
scene  of  this  great  drama. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  is  prepared 
to  meet  this  great  emergency,  with  the  energy  and 
courage  which  the  occasion  requires,  and  which 
the  sentiment  of  the  nation  demands.  The  Presi¬ 
dent  issues  his  proclamation  to-day,  convening 
Congress  for  the  4th  of  July,  and  calling  for  seventy- 
five  thousand  volunteers  for  the  defence  of  the  Union, 
and  the  protection  of  the  rights  and  the  liberties 
of  the  American  people.  The  people  will  respond 
to  this  demand  with  alacrity  and  exultation.  They 
ask  nothing  better  than  to  be  allowed  to  fight  for 
the  Constitution  which  their  fathers  framed.  What¬ 
ever  may  have  been  their  political  differences,  there 
has  never  been  a  moment  when  they  were  not  ready 
to  sink  them  all  in  devotion  to  their  common  coun¬ 
try,  and  in  defence  of  their  common  flag.  The 
President’s  proclamation  will  be  hailed  with  an 
enthusiasm  which  no  event  of  the  last  twenty  years 
ha3  called  forth — with  a  high-hearted  determination 
to  exterminate  treason,  which  will  carry  terror  into 
the  hearts  of  the  Confederates,  who  have  conspired 
for  the  destruction  of  the  freest  and  best  govern¬ 
ment  the  world  has  ever  seen.  — Y.  Y.  Times. 

The  spirit  which  has  been  manifested  since  the 
assault  upon  Fort  Sumter  commenced  shows  that 
the  anomaly  we  have  too  long  witnessed,  of  peace 
upon  one  side,  and  war  upon  the  other,  will  very 
speedily  be  destroyed.  Henceforth  we  shall  no 
longer  strive  to  see  how  little  we  can  do  to  strength¬ 
en  forts,  to  maintain  armies,  to  fit  out  fleets,  to  en¬ 
force  the  laws,  and  protect  the  honor  of  the  nation, 
but  how  much.  We  will  no  longer  seek  to  tie  the 
hands  of  the  Government — to  cripple  its  powers — 
to  unman  and  degrade  it — to  strengthen  and  en¬ 
courage  treason,  and  to  dishearten  and  humiliate 
loyalty.  The  issue  is  now  made  up — either  this 
great  Republic  or  its  desperate  adversaries  must  be 
overthrown  ;  and  may  God  defend  the  right! 

Henceforth  each  man,  high  and  low,  must  take 
his  position  as  a  patriot  or  a  traitor — as  a  foe  or  a 
friend  of  his  country — as  a  supporter  of  the  flag 
of  the  stars  and  stripes  or  of  the  rebel  banner. 
The  contest  which  is  impending  will  doubtless  be 
attended  with  many  horrors  ;  but  all  the  facts  show 
that  it  has  been  forced  upon  us  as  a  last  resort ;  and 
war  is  not  the  worst  of  evils.  Since  the  startling 
events  of  the  last  five  months  have  been  succeeded 
by  a  brutal  bombardment  of  a  fort  erected  at  vast 
expense  for  the  defence  of  Charleston  harbor,  which 
would  have  been  peaceably  evacuated  if  the  rebels 


had  not  insisted  upon  the  utter  humiliation  of  the 
Government,  and  since  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy  has  threatened  to  capture 
Washington,  and  even  to  invade  the  Northern 
States,  while  a  formal  declaration  of  hostilities  is 
about  to  be  made  by  the  Confederate  Congress,  we 
should  be  wanting  in  every  element  of  manhood, 
be  perpetually  disgraced  in  the  eyes  of  the  world, 
and  lose  all  self-respect,  if  we  did  not  arouse  to 
determined  action  to  re-assert  the  outraged  dignity 
of  the  nation. 

— Pliila.  Press. 

Were  the  Confederate  States  now  a  foreign  foe, 
and  we  had  declared  war  against  them,  with  the 
status  of  Sumter  as  it  was  in  the  present  case,  wo 
should  regard  them  as  the  veriest  fools  and  cow¬ 
ards,  had  they  failed  to  make  the  attaca  before  re¬ 
inforcements  could  arrive,  and  so  to  secure  the 
advantages  of  their  position.  And  by  this  estimate 
they  must  be  judged  in  this  thing.  For  although 
the  administration  at  Washington  does  not  regard 
them  as  a  foreign  foe,  yet  the  Confederate  States 
constitute  a  nation,  with  its  independence  declared, 
and  therefore  they  regard  the  United  States  as  a 
foreign  foe.  In  the  attack  upon  Sumter  they  have 
done  just  what  the  United  States  would  have  done 
with  respect  to  England  at  the  opening  of  the 
Revolutionary  war;  just  what  any  nation  would  do 
under  the  same  circumstances.  And  in  fact  they 
have  done  that  thing,  which,  had  they  not  done, 
they  would  have  been  the  subject  of  scoff  and  ridi¬ 
cule  up  and  down  the  whole  gamut  of  Black  Repub¬ 
lican  insolence.  The  questions  which  now  arise 
are  all  with  respect  to  the  future.  The  inflamed 
and  warlike  spirit  accredited  to  the  Northern  cities 
and  free  States  generally,  must  not  be  taken  into 
the  account,  or  we  shall  plunge  into  a  prolonged, 
sanguinary,  and  indecisive  conflict,  in  which  the 
border  States  will  soon  become  the  “dark  and 
bloody  ground.”  A  Avar  of  conquest  and  subjuga¬ 
tion  against  the  Southern  Confederacv,  will  termi- 
nate  in  inevitable  disaster,  whatever  may  be  the  ac¬ 
tual  termination  of  the  strife.  Such  a  war  must 
begin,  as  it  has  really  been  anticipated,  by  a  posi¬ 
tive  purpose  on  the  part  of  the  administration  at 
AVashington  to  reduce  the  Southern  States  to  politi¬ 
cal  inequality  in  the  Union.  Consequently,  the 
alternative  of  submission  to  this  administration  at 
any  time,  includes  assent  to  political  inequality,  and 
the  recognition  of  a  power  which  has  avowed  an 
“  irrepressible  conflict”  with  Southern  institutions. 
AVhatever  successes  may  attend  the  United  States, 
therefore,  as  against  the  Confederate  States,  the 
end  must  be  the  recognition  of  independence  of  the 
latter,  or  the  holding  them  by  military  power.  In 
the  latter  case  all  union  is  at  an  end ;  peace  and 
harmony  will  be  unattainable  ;  and  the  utter  pros¬ 
tration  of  all  business  will  continue  indefinitely.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  recognition  of  the  independence 
of  the  Confederate  States  will  at  once  end  the 
strife,  restore  public  confidence,  and  relieve  the 
enterprises  of  industry  and  capital  from  the  embar¬ 
rassment  which  now  hinders  their  prosperity,  and 
must  in  the  end  overwhelm  them  with  calamity. 

— Baltimore  Sun. 


Doc.  63. — THE  FIRST  DEFEAT  OF  THE 
REBELS. 

It  is  evident  that  General  Scott  has  once  more 
beaten  the  enemies  of  his  country  by  mere  force  of 


60 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


his  admirable  stratagetical  genius.  To  do  so,  he 
has,  as  was  necessary,  suffered  not  only  traitors, 
but  loyal  men,  to  rest  under  a  misapprehension. 

Those  who  remember  the  impatience  with  which 
the  American  public  watched  his  apparent  inaction 
at  one  period  of  the  Mexican  war,  will  not  have 
forgotten  the  shout  of  admiration  which  went  up 
from  the  people,  when  it  was  at  last  discovered 
that  the  supposed  inaction  had  been  in  reality  the 
wisest  and  shrewdest  action  ;  and  that  by  the  most 
masterly  display  of  military  strategy  he  had  out¬ 
witted  the  enemy,  and  obtained  a  splendid  victory, 
when  nought  but  defeat  and  disaster  stared  our 
army  in  the  face. 

He  who  reads  and  compares  carefully  the  de¬ 
spatches  from  Charleston,  Montgomery,  and  Wash¬ 
ington,  in  this  morning’s  journals,  can  not  avoid 
the  gratifying  conclusion  that  that  which  looks  at 
first  blush  like  a  disaster  to  the  government,  is  in 
reality  but  the  successful  carrying  out  of  an  admira¬ 
ble  plan  of  military  operations.  Before  this,  the 
traitors  see  themselves  caught  in  the  toils.  In  fact, 
it  seems  to  have  sickened  the  chief  traitor,  Davis, 
already ;  for  Montgomery  despatches  relate  that 
when  the  news  from  Charleston  came,  and  the  mob 
serenaded  Davis  and  Walker,  “the  former  was  not 
well  and  did  not  appear and  even  his  secretary 
was  costive  of  words,  and  “  declined  to  make  a 
speech.” 

The  facts  which  tend  to  the  conclusion  we  have 
pointed  out,  may  be  summed  up  as  follows : 

General  Scott  has  been  averse  to  the  attempt  to 
reenforce  Fort  Sumter.  lie  saw  that  it  would  cost 
men  and  vessels,  which  the  Government  could  not 
spare  just  now. 

As  an  able  general,  he  saw  that  Sumter  and 
Charleston  were  points  of  no  military  importance, 
and  would  only  need  valuable  men  to  hold,  if  we 
took  them — with  no  adequate  advantage  gained. 

He  saw  that  the  two  keys  of  the  position  were 
Fort  Pickens  in  the  Gulf,  and  Washington,  the 
capital. 

Ho  knew  that  Davis  had  not  generalship  to 
perceive  that  on  the  4th  of  March,  and  for  some 
weeks  afterward,  it  would  have  been  almost  impos¬ 
sible  for  the  Federal  Government  to  defend  Wash¬ 
ington  against  such  a  force  as  the  traitors  had  al¬ 
ready  collected  before  Sumter,  and  which  could  be 
marched  at  any  time  on  a  capital  not  yet  prepared 
for  defence — not  yet  even  purged  of  traitors. 

His  plans,  based  on  these  facts,  were  at  once 
laid.  By  every  means  in  his  power,  he  concen¬ 
trated  the  attention  of  traitors  and  loyal  men  on 
Sumter.  He  must  have  seen  with  infinite  satisfac¬ 
tion  the  daily  increasing  force  gathered  at  Charles¬ 
ton,  while  the  Government  lost  no  time  in  strength¬ 
ening  the  capital.  Every  hour  the  traitors  spent 
before  Sumter  gave  them  only  more  surely  into  the 
hands  of  their  master. 

To  make  assurance  doubly  sure,  he  pretended  to 
leave  Fort  Pickens  in  the  lurch.  It  was  said  to  be 
in  danger,  when  Scott  knew  that  a  formidable  force 
was  investing  it.  Men  feared  that  all  would  be 
lost  by  the  inaction  of  the  Government,  when  it 
was  never  more  shrewdly  energetic. 

At  last  Washington  was  reasonably  safe.  Forces 
were  gathered.  Once  more  our  brave  old  General 
saw  himsell  with  means  in  his  hands.  Then  came 
the  armament,  popularly  believed  to  be  destined  for 

Sumter.  The  Government  said  not  a  word _ only 

asked  of  the  traitors  the  opportunity  to  send  its 


own  garrison  a  needed  supply  of  food.  They  re¬ 
fused,  and — fearing  the  arrival  of  the  Federal  fleet 
— drunk  and  besotted  with  treason,  and  impatient 
to  shed  the  blood  of  loyal  soldiers,  they  made  the 
attack. 

Scarce  had  they  begun  when  they  saw,  with  evi¬ 
dent  terror,  ships  hovering  about  the  harbor’s 
mouth  ;  they  plied  their  cannon  in  desperate  haste ; 
but  no  ship  came  m  to  Anderson’s  help.  What 
was  the  matter  ? 

Made  bold  by  the  furious  thirst  for  blood,  they 
dared  the  ships  to  come  in.  But  no  ship  offered 
its  assistance  to  Anderson.  More,  the  guns  of 
Sumter  were  only  directed  at  the  works  of  the 
traitors,  and  Major  Anderson  evidently  tried  to 
fire  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  kill  men.  He  did 
not  even  try  a  few  bombs  on  the  city,  though  it  is 
certain,  from  a  letter  of  one  of  his  own  officers, 
that  his  guns  would  reach  beyond  the  centre  of 
Charleston. 

What  was  the  matter  ?  Beauregard  must  have 
thought  the  Government  officers  both  fools  and 
cowards.  When  his  own  boats  were  sailing  un¬ 
harmed  about  the  harbor,  between  Sumter  and 
Moultrie,  bearing  his  orders,  was  it  possible  that 
the  forces  outside  could  stand  apathetic,  while  a 
brave  garrison  was  being  done  to  death  ?  When 
the  battle  was  to  the  death,  would  a  shrewd  officer 
neglect  to  divert  his  enemy’s  attention  by  firing  his 
city? 

If  it  seemed  mysterious  to  us,  waiting  on  Satur¬ 
day  with  breathless  suspense,  it  must  have  seemed 
incomprehensible  to  any  cool  head  in  the  traitor 
camp. 

Still  no  ships  came  in — and,  in  fact.,  the  reports 
state  that  only  three  or  four  small  vessels  remained 
in  the  offing.  After  forty  hours’  cannonade,  in 
which  not  one  man  is  killed.  Major  Anderson,  an 
officer  of  undoubted  courage  and  honor,  runs  up  a 
white  flag,  surrenders  the  fort,  and  becomes  the 
guest  of  General  Beauregard.  Let  no  man  hastily 
cry  traitor  !  He  only  obeyed  his  orders.  He  made 
an  honorable  defence.  He  took  care  to  shed  no 
blood.  He  “  gave  orders  not  to  sight  men,  but  to 
silence  batteries.” 

Meantime,  while  the  rebels  are  ignorantly  glorify¬ 
ing  the  victory  of  five  thousand  men  over  eighty, 
what  news  comes  from  Montgomery  ?  The  tele¬ 
graph  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels  says : 

“  Fort  Pickens  was  reenforced  last  night.” 

“  It  is  understood  that  Charleston  harbor  is 
blockaded.” 

Despatches  from  Lieut.  Slemmer,  captured  by  the 
rebels,  gave  Davis  the  first  intimation  of  his  defeat? 
No  wonder  the  rebel  chief  was  “  sick,”  and  went  to 
bed!  No  wonder  that  his  Secretary,  Walker,  de¬ 
clined  to  make  a  speech  ! 

And  what  from  Washington  ?  These  significant 
paragraphs  : 

“  The  report  that  Anderson  has  surrendered,  and 
is  the  guest  of  General  Beauregard,  has  been  com¬ 
municated  to  the  President.  The  latter  was  not 
surprised,  but,  on  the  contrary,  remarked,  ‘  The 
supply  vessels  could  not  reach  him,  and  he  did 
right.’  When  he  was  told  that  the  report  was  that 
nobody  was  injured  in  Fort  Sumter,  he  seemed  very 
much  gratified,  and  remarked  that  he  regretted 
that  Major  Anderson  could  not  be  supplied,  as  that 
was  all  he  needed. 


DOCUMENTS. 


61 


“  The  next  act  in  the  play  will  represent  a  scene 
at  Fort  Pickens,  in  Pensacola  harbor.” 

The  position  of  affairs  is  this :  Charleston  is 
blockaded.  Fort  Pickens  is  reenforced  by  troops 
which  the  traitors  foolishly  believed  were  destined 
for  Sumter.  Washington  is  secure  beyond  pcrad- 
venture.  The  traitors  have,  without  the  slightest 
cause,  opened  the  war  they  have  so  long  threatened. 
The  country  is  roused  to  defend  its  assailed  liber¬ 
ties,  and  gathers  enthusiastically  about  the  Gov¬ 
ernment,  and  treason  has  been  checkmated  at  the 
first  blow  it  struck.  Let  them  keep  Sumter  a  few 
weeks. 

Let  no  man  cry  traitor  to  Major  Anderson  !  Let 
no  one  fear  for  the  energy  of  the  Administration. 
Let  us  thank  God  that  brave  old  General  Scott  re¬ 
mains  to  give  his  loyal  heart  and  wise  head  to  his 
country’s  service ! 

— Evening  Post. 


Doc.  54.— THE  PRESIDENT’S  SPEECH  TO  THE 
VIRGINIA  COMMISSIONERS. 

To  Hon.  Messrs.  Preston,  Stuart,  and  Randolph  : 

Gentlemen  :  As  a  committee  of  the  Virginia 
Convention,  now  in  session,  you  present  me  a  pre¬ 
amble  and  resolution  in  these  words  : 

Whereas,  in  the  opinion  of  this  Convention,  the 
uncertainty  which  prevails  in  the  public  mind  as  to 
the  policy  which  the  Federal  Executive  intends  to 
pursue  towards  the  seceded  States,  is  extremely  in¬ 
jurious  to  the  industrial  and  commercial  interests 
of  the  country,  tends  to  keep  up  an  excitement 
which  is  unfavorable  to  the  adjustment  of  the  pend¬ 
ing  difficulties,  and  threatens  a  disturbance  of  the 
public  peace ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  three  delegates  be 
appointed  to  wait  on  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  present  to  him  this  preamble,  and  respect¬ 
fully  ask  him  to  communicate  to  this  Convention 
the  policy  which  the  Federal  Executive  intends  to 
pursue  in  regard  to  the  Confederate  States. 

In  answer  I  have  to  say,  that  having,  at  the  begin¬ 
ning  of  my  official  term,  expressed  my  intended  poli¬ 
cy  as  plainly  as  I  was  able,  it  is  with  deep  regret  and 
mortification  I  now  learn  there  is  great  and  injurious 
uncertainty  in  the  public  mind  as  to  what  that  pol¬ 
icy  i3,  and  what  course  I  intend  to  pursue.  Not 
having  as  yet  seen  occasion  to  change,  it  is  now 
my  purpose  to  pursue  the  course  marked  out  in  the 
inaugural  address.  I  commend  a  careful  considera¬ 
tion  of  the  whole  document  a3  the  best  expression 
I  can  give  to  my  purposes.  As  I  then  and  therein 
said,  I  now  repeat,  “  The  power  confided  in  me  will 
be  used  to  hold,  occupy,  and  possess  property  and 
places  belonging  to  the  Government,  and  to  collect 
the  duties  and  imports ;  but  beyond  what  is  neces¬ 
sary  for  these  objects  there  will  be  no  invasion,  no 
using  of  force  against  or  among  the  people  any¬ 
where.”  By  the  words  “property  and  places  be¬ 
longing  to  the  government,”  I  chiefly  allude  to  the 
military  posts  and  property  which  were  in  posses¬ 
sion  of  the  government  when  it  came  into  my 
hands.  But  if,  as  now  appears  to  be  true,  in  pur¬ 
suit  of  a  purpose  to  drive  the  United  States  author¬ 
ity  from  these  places,  an  unprovoked  assault  has 
been  made  upon  Fort  Sumter,  I  shall  hold  myself 
at  liberty  to  repossess  it,  if  I  can,  like  places  which 
had  been  seized  before  the  Government  was  de¬ 


volved  upon  me  ;  and  in  any  event  I  shall,  to  the 
best  of  my  ability,  repel  force  by  force.  In  case  it 
proves  true  that  Fort  Sumter  has  been  assaulted,  as 
is  reported,  I  shall,  perhaps,  cause  the  United  States 
mails  to  be  withdrawn  from  all  the  States  which 
claim  to  have  seceded,  believing  that  the  commence¬ 
ment  of  actual  war  against  the  Government  justi¬ 
fies  and  possibly  demands  it.  I  scarcely  need  to 
say  that  I  consider  the  military  posts  and  property 
situated  within  the  States  which  claim  to  have  se¬ 
ceded,  as  yet  belonging  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  as  much  as  they  did  before  the  sup¬ 
posed  secession.  Whatever  else  I  may  do  for  the 
purpose,  I  shall  not  attempt  to  collect  the  duties 
and  imposts  by  any  armed  invasion  of  any  part  of 
the  country  ;  not  meaning  by  this,  however,  that  I 
may  not  land  a  force  deemed  necessary  to  relieve 
a  fort  upon  the  border  of  the  country.  From  the 
fact  that  I  have  quoted  a  part  of  the  inaugural  ad¬ 
dress,  it  must  not  be  inferred  that  I  repudiate  any 
other  part,  the  whole  of  which  I  reaffirm,  except  so 
far  as  what  I  now  say  of  the  mails  may  bo  regarded 
as  a  modification.* 


Doc.  55.— THE  FEELING  IN  THE  CITY  OF 
NEW  YORK. 

From  the  first  announcement  that  hostilities  had 
actually  commenced  in  Charleston  Harbor,  and  that 
Major  Anderson’s  garrison  of  sixty  or  seventy  men 
were  sustaining  and  replying  as  best  they  could,  to 
a  fierce  bombardment  from  a  force  more  than  one 
hundred  times  their  number,  down  to  the  moment 
it  was  announced  that  he  was  compelled  to  strike 
his  flag,  the  feeling  that  stirred  the  people  as  one 
man,  here,  and  so  far  as  we  can  learn,  elsewhere 
also,  was  too  deep,  too  strong,  and  will  be  too  en¬ 
during,  to  be  characterized  by  the  term  excitement. 
Never  have  we  seen  anything  like  it.  While  the 
keeu  sagacity  of  the  public  mind  readily  detected 
the  absurdity  and  downright  falsehood  of  many  of 
the  despatches,  yet  those  received  on  Friday  night, 
created  a  sharp  relish  for  more ;  consequently,  Sat¬ 
urday  morning,  all  the  forenoon,  and  throughout  the 
whole  day,  business  was  forsaken  or  limited  to  the 
briefest  necessity.  At  the  Stock  Board  cheers  were 
given  for  Major  Anderson,  and  the  Government 
stocks  stiffened  with  renewed  determination  to  stand 
by  the  country.  As  despatch  after  despatch  came, 
like  bombs  from  an  enemy’s  battery,  the  feeling  was 
depressed  or  elated  according  to  their  character. 

The  announcement  that  Fort  Sumter  was  on  fire 
sounded  like  a  knell  as  well  as  an  impossibility.  It 
was  a  silly,  unnecessary  falsehood,  or  else  some  ca¬ 
lamity  had  happened  within  the  walls  of  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter,  on  which  it  was  based.  It  caused  forebodings. 
“Where  is  the  fleet?”  was  on  all  lips.  That  there 
had  been  some  unlucky  miscarriage,  as  the  public 
mind  had  conceived  its  objects,  was  quite  plain. 
Finally  came  the  report  that  the  stars  and  stripes 
would  soon  come  down,  and,  later,  that  they  had 
actually  given  place  to  the  flag  of  Rebellion ;  when, 
in  spite  of  doubts,  and  the  strong  inclination  to  dis¬ 
belief,  particularly  of  the  statement  that,  notwith¬ 
standing  the  bombardment  had  continued  nearly 

*  The  fact  that  the  secessionists  opened  the  fight  at 
Charleston  before  any  attempt  was  made  by  the  Govern¬ 
ment  to  reinforce  or  supply  Fort  Bumter,  is  viewed  hero 
as  an  attempt  on  their  part  to  coerce  tho  Government,  and 
puts  the  responsibility  upon  them. — New  York  Herald , 
April  14. 


62 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


thirty-six  hours,  “  nobody  was  hurt,”  on  cither  side, 
the  feeling  reached  its  climax.  It  did  not  find  vent 
in  extraordinary  manifestations,  but  crystallized  in 
a  deep-seated  conviction  that  a  contest  had  been 
inaugurated,  and  an  issue  joined  that  would  not  be 
suffered  to  go  by  default.  No  compromise  now  with 
Rebellion,  is  the  universal  sentiment.  If  there  were 
differences  before,  there  cannot  be  said  to  be  any 
now. 

Yesterday  the  churches  throughout  the  city  were 
crowded  to  overflowing,  many  persons  attending  in 
order  to  hear  what  might  be  disseminated  from  the 
pulpit,  in  regard  to  the  war  which  had  been  inaug¬ 
urated. 

While  the  discourses  of  some  of  the  preachers 
made  direct  and  extended  allusion  to  the  great 
event  in  their  churches,  it  was  referred  to  in  the 
prayers  and  lessons  of  the  day.  Others,  doubtful 
of  the  authenticity  of  the  news,  abstained  from  any 
reference  to  the  subject. 

During  the  progress  of  one  of  the  Fourth-avenue 
cars  down-town,  Capt.  Miller,  with  a  friend,  was 
quietly  discussing  the  affairs  of  Government,  when 
their  conversation  was  interrupted  by  a  gentle¬ 
manly-looking  person,  who  attributed  all  the  trouble 
to  the  “  D — d  Black  Republicans.”  Capt.  Miller, 
who  is  a  member  of  the  church,  but  nevertheless  a 
fighting  man,  turned  suddenly  upon  the  individual 
and  said:  “Now,  look  here,  Mr.,  you’re  a  stranger 
to  me,  but  if  you  want  to  join  in  conversation  with 
me  you  must  come  in  the  character  of  a  gentleman.” 
Stranger  suddenly  discovered  that  he  had  arrived 
at  his  destination. 

On  Saturday  evening,  a  gentleman  in  the  crowd 
that  gathered  on  Printing-House  Square  was  dis¬ 
posed  to  rejoice  over  the  news,  and  expressed  the 
opinion  that  it  was  the  best  way  to  bring  about  a 
settlement.  “Settlement  did  you  say,  my  friend?” 
responded  a  six-footer,  whose  peculiarity  of  speech 
indicated  that  he  was  raised  somewhere  in  the  vi¬ 
cinity  of  the  Green  Mountains,  “I  will  tell  you  what, 
there  is  just  one  way  to  get  a  settlement,  provided 
this  news  i3  true,  and  that  is  by  one  side  or  the 
other  getting  whipped !  ”  The  cheers  of  the  crowd 
showed  how  heartily  the  sentiment  was  responded 
to. 

Three  men,  apparently  laborers,  who  were  alone 
reading  the  despatches  as  they  came,  when  infor¬ 
mation  came  that  Anderson  had  hauled  down  the 
American  Flag,  were  so  affected  that  they  wept. 

As  an  evidence  of  the  feeling  among  the  repre¬ 
sentative  men  of  our  city,  we  will  state  that  Com¬ 
modore  Vanderbilt  informed  our  reporter  last  night 
that  no  application  had  been  made  to  him  by  the 
Government  in  reference  to  his  steamships;  but  he 
said,  My  steamships  are  at  tiie  disposal  of  the 
Government. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  15. 

THE  RESURRECTION  OF  PATRIOTISM. 

The  incidents  of  the  last  two  days  will  live  in 
nistory.  Not  for  fifty  years  has  such  a  spectacle 
been  seen,  as  that  glorious  uprising  of  American 
loyalty  which  greeted  the  news  that  open  war  had 
been  commenced  upon  the  Constitution  and  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  United  States.  The  great  heart  of 
the  American  people  beat  with  one  high  pulsation 
of  courage,  and  of  fervid  love  and  devotion  to  the 
great  Republic.  Party  dissensions  were  instantly 
hushed ;  political  differences  disappeared,  and  were 
as  thoroughly  forgotten  as  if  they  had  never  exist¬ 


ed;  party  bonds  flashed  into  nothingness  in  the 
glowing  flame  of  patriotism  ; — men  ceased  to  think 
of  themselves  or  their  parties, — they  thought  only 
of  their  country  and  of  the  dangers  which  menace 
its  existence.  Nothing  for  years  has  brought  the 
hearts  of  all  the  people  so  close  together, — or  so 
inspired  them  all  with  common  hopes,  and  common 
fears,  and  a  common  aim,  as  the  bombardment  and 
surrender  of  an  American  fortress. 

We  look  upon  this  sublime  outburst  of  public 
sentiment  as  the  most  perfect  vindication  of  popu¬ 
lar  institutions, — the  most  conclusive  reply  to  the 
impugners  of  American  loyalty,  the  country  has 
ever  seen.  It  has  been  quite  common  to  say  that 
such  a  Republic  as  ours  could  never  be  permanent, 
because  it  lacked  the  conditions  of  a  profound  and 
abiding  loyalty.  The  Government  could  never  in¬ 
spire  a  patriotic  instinct,  fervid  enough  to  melt  the 
bonds  of  party,  or  powerful  enough  to  override  the 
selfishness  which  free  institutions  so  rapidly  develop. 
The  hearts  of  our  own  people  had  begun  to  sink 
within  them,  at  the  apparent  insensibility  of  the 
public  to  the  dangers  which  menaced  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  The  public  mind  seemed  to  have  been  de¬ 
moralized, — the  public  heart  seemed  insensible  to 
perils  which  threatened  utter  extinction  to  our 
great  Republic.  The  secession  movement,  infinite¬ 
ly  the  most  formidable  danger  which  has  ever  me¬ 
naced  our  Government,  was  regarded  with  indiffer¬ 
ence  and  treated  as  merely  a  novel  form  of  our 
usual  political  contentions.  The  best  among  us 
began  to  despair  of  a  country  which  seemed  incom¬ 
petent  to  understand  its  dangers,  and  indifferent  to 
its  own  destruction. 

But  all  this  is  changed.  The  cannon  which  bom¬ 
barded  Sumter  awoke  strange  echoes,  and  touched 
forgotten  chords  in  the  American  heart.  American 
Loyalty  leaped  into  instant  life,  and  stood  radiant 
and  ready  for  the  fierce  encounter.  From  one  end 
of  the  land  to  the  other — in  the  crowded  streets  of 
cities,  and  in  the  solitude  of  the  country — where- 
ever  the  splendor  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  the  glit¬ 
tering  emblems  of  our  country’s  glory,  meets  the 
eye,  come  forth  shouts  of  devotion  and  pledges  of 
aid,  which  give  sure  guarantees  for  the  perpetuity 
of  American  Freedom.  War  can  inflict  no  scars  on 
such  a  people.  It  can  do  them  no  damage  which 
time  cannot  repair.  It  cannot  shake  the  solid  foun¬ 
dations  of  their  material  prosperity, — while  it  will 
strengthen  the  manly  and  heroic  virtues,  which  defy 
its  fierce  and  frowning  front. 

It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  War, — even  Civil 
War, — is  the  greatest  evil  that  can  afflict  a  nation. 
The  proudest  and  noblest  nations  on  the  earth  have 
the  oftenest  felt  its  fury,  and  have  risen  the  stronger, 
because  the  braver,  from  its  overwhelming  wrath. 
War  is  a  far  less  evil  than  degradation, — than  the 
national  and  social  paralysis  which  can  neither  feel 
a  wound  nor  redress  a  wrong.  When  War  becomes 
the  only  means  of  sustaining  a  nation’s  honor,  and 
of  vindicating  its  just  and  rightful  supremacy,  it 
ceases  to  be  an  evil  and  becomes  the  source  of  ac¬ 
tual  and  positive  good.  If  we  are  doomed  to  assert 
the  rightful  supremacy  of  our  Constitution  by  force 
of  arms,  against  those  who  would  overthrow  and 
destroy  it,  we  shall  grow  the  stronger  and  the 
nobler  by  the  very  contest  we  are  compelled  to 
wage. 

We  have  reason  to  exult  in  the  noble  demonstra¬ 
tion  of  American  loyalty,  which  the  events  of  the 
last  few  days  have  called  forth  from  every  quarter 


DOCUMENTS. 


G3 


of  the  country.  Millions  of  freemen  rally  with  ex¬ 
ulting  hearts,  around  our  country’s  standard.  The 
great  body  of  our  people  have  but  one  heart  and 
one  purpose  in  this  great  crisis  of  our  history. 
Whatever  may  be  the  character  of  the  contest,  we 
have  no  fears  or  misgivings  as  to  the  final  issue. 

—N.  Y.  Times ,  April  16. 


Doc.  5G— GEN.  BEAUREGARD’S  GENERAL  OR¬ 
DERS. 

Headquarters  Provisional  Army,  C.  S.  A.,  ) 
Charleston,  S.  C.,  April  14.  f 

General  Orders ,  No.  20.] 

The  Brigadier-general  Commanding  is  happy  to 
congratulate  the  troops  under  his  command,  on  the 
brilliant  success  which  has  crowned  their  gallantry, 
privations,  and  hardships,  by  the  reduction  of  the 
stronghold  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston.  This  feat 
of  arms  has  been  accomplished  after  a  severe  can¬ 
nonading  of  about  thirty-three  hours,  in  which  all 
the  troops  have  indicated,  by  their  daring  and 
bravery,  that  our  cause  must  and  shall  triumph. 

Fort  Sumter,  which  surrendered  yesterday  about 
1 :45  p.  m.,  will  be  evacuated  at  9  o’clock  a.  m.  to¬ 
day,  and  to  show  our  magnanimity  to  the  gallant 
defenders,  who  were  only  executing  the  orders  of 
their  government,  they  will  be  allowed  to  evacuate 
upon  the  same  terms  which  were  offered  to  them 
before  the  bombardment  commenced.  Our  success 
should  not  lull  us  into  a  false  security,  but  should 
encourage  us  in  the  necessary  preparations  to  meet 
a  powerful  enemy,  who  may  at  any  time  attempt  to 
avenge  this,  their  first  check  in  the  present  con¬ 
test. 

The  commandants  of  batteries  will  promptly  send 
in  their  reports  through  the  proper  channels,  giving 
a  journal  of  the  firing  of  their  batteries  against 
Fort  Sumter,  and  of  the  fire  of  Fort  Sumter  against 
their  batteries ;  furnishing  the  name  of  those  who 
particularly  distinguished  themselves,  and  other  in¬ 
cidents  relative  thereto,  in  order  that  the  general 
commanding  may  be  able  to  make  known  to  the 
Confederate  States’  Government,  in  a  proper  man¬ 
ner,  their  bravery  and  gallantry. 

The  General  is  highly  gratified  to  state  that  the 
troops,  by  their  labor,  privations,  and  endurance  at 
the  batteries,  and  at  their  posts,  have  exhibited  the 
highest  characteristics  of  tried  soldiers  and  he 
takes  the  occasion  to  thank  all,  his  staff,  the  regu¬ 
lars,  the  volunteers,  the  militia,  the  naval  forces, 
and  the  numerous  individuals  who  have  contributed 
to  the  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter. 

By  order  of  Brigadier-General  Beauregard, 

D.  R.  Jones,  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 

—  Charleston  Mercury. 


Doc.  67. — A  PROCLAMATION. 

By  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

Whereas,  the  laws  of  the  United  States  have 
been  for  some  time  past  and  now  are  opposed,  and 
the  execution  thereof  obstructed,  in  the  States  of 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Missis¬ 
sippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  by  combinations  too 
powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course 
of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers  vested  in 
the  marshals  by  law :  now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  in  virtue 


of  the  power  in  me  vested  by  the  Constitution  and 
the  laws,  have  thought  fit  to  call  forth,  and  here¬ 
by  do  call  forth,  the  militia  of  the  several  States  of 
the  Union  to  the  aggregate  number  of  75,000,  in 
order  to  suppress  said  combinations  and  to  cause 
the  laws  to  be  duly  executed. 

The  details  for  this  object  will  be  immediately 
communicated  to  the  State  authorities  through  the 
War  Department.  I  appeal  to  all  loyal  citizens  to 
favor,  facilitate,  and  aid  this  effort  to  maintain  the 
honor,  the  integrity,  and  existence  of  our  national 
Union,  and  the  perpetuity  of  popular  government, 
and  to  redress  v»Trongs  already  long  enough  endur¬ 
ed.  I  deem  it  proper  to  say  that  the  first  service 
assigned  to  the  forces  hereby  called  forth,  will  pro¬ 
bably  be  to  repossess  the  forts,  places,  and  property 
which  have  been  seized  from  the  Union ;  and  in 
every  event  the  utmost  care  will  be  observed,  con¬ 
sistently  with  the  objects  aforesaid,  to  avoid  any 
devastation,  any  destruction  of,  or  interference 
with,  property,  or  any  disturbance  of  peaceful  citi¬ 
zens  of  any  part  of  the  country;  and  I  hereby  com¬ 
mand  the  persons  composing  the  combinations 
aforesaid,  to  disperse  and  retire  peaceably  to  their 
respective  abodes,  within  twenty  days  from  this 
date. 

Deeming  that  the  present  condition  of  public 
affairs  presents  an  extraordinary  occasion,  I  do 
hereby,  in  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  by  the 
Constitution,  convene  both  houses  of  Congress.  The 
Senators  and  Representatives  are,  therefore,  sum¬ 
moned  to  assemble  at  their  respective  Chambers  at 
twelve  o’clock,  noon,  on  Thursday,  the  fourth  day 
of  July  next,  then  and  there  to  consider  and  de¬ 
termine  such  measures  as,  in  their  wisdom,  the 
public  safety  and  interest  may  seem  to  demand. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my 
hand,  and  caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to 
be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  fifteenth 
day  of  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  sixty-one,  and  of  the  indepen¬ 
dence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty-fifth. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

By  the  President. 

William  H.  Sew'ard,  Secretary  of  State. 

The  following  is  the  form  of  the  call  on  the  respec¬ 
tive  State  Governors  for  troops,  issued  through  the 
War  Department : 

Sir  : — Under  the  Act  of  Congress  for  calling  out 
the  Militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  to  sup¬ 
press  insurrection,  to  repel  invasion,  &c.,  approved 
February  28,  1795, 1  have  the  honor  to  request  your 
Excellency  to  cause  to  be  immediately  detailed  from 
the  militia  of  your  State  the  quota  designated  in 
the  table  below,  to  serve  as  infantry  or  riflemen  for 
a  period  of  three  months,  unless  sooner  discharged. 
Your  Excellency  will  please  communicate  to  me  the 
time  at  about  which  your  quota  will  be  expected  at 
its  rendezvous,  as  it  will  be  met  as  soon  as  practi¬ 
cable  by  an  officer  or  officers  to  muster  it  into  ser¬ 
vice  and  pay  of  the  United  States.  At  the  same 
time  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  United  States  will 
be  administered  to  every  officer  and  man.  The 
mustering  officers  will  be  instructed  to  receive  no 
man  under  the  rank  of  commissioned  officer,  who  is 
in  years  apparently  over  45  or  under  18,  or  who  is 
not  in  physical  strength  and  vigor.  The  quota  for 
each  State  is  as  follows : 


64 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Maine .  *■ 

New  Hampshire .  ...  1 


Vermont .  1 

Massachusetts .  2 

Rhode  Island .  1 

Connecticut . . .  1 

New  York .  IT 

New  Jersey .  4 

Pennsylvania . 16 

Delaware .  1 

Tennessee .  2 

Maryland .  4 


Virginia .  3 

North  Carolina .  2 

Kentucky .  4 

Arkansas .  1 

Missouri .  4 

Ohio .  13 

Indiana .  6 

Illinois .  6 

Michigan .  1 

Iowa .  1 

Minnesota .  1 

Wisconsin .  1 


It  is  ordered  that  each  regiment  shall  consist,  on 
an  aggregate  of  officers  and  men,  of  780.  The  total 
thus  to  be  called  out  is  73,391.  The  remainder  to 
constitute  the  75,000  men  under  the  President’s 
proclamation  will  be  composed  of  troops  in  the 
District  of  Columbia. 


—  World  and  N.  Y.  Times. 


OPINIONS  OF  THE  PRESS. 

To  the  simple,  dignified,  calm,  but  firm  Procla¬ 
mation  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
loyal  States  of  this  Union  will  respond,  “  In  the  name 
of  God,  Amen;”  and  not  only  75,000,  but  five 
times  75,000  men  will  be  ready  to  come  forward  to 
meet  this  rampant,  insolent  rebellion  in  arms  of 
South  Carolina  and  the  States  confederated  with 
her  in  treason,  and  put  it  down.  This  rebellion 
has  wantonly  and  without  provocation,  inaugurated 
civil  war,  and  its  first  blow  has  been  successful ; 
but  even  its  victory  will  bring  down  upon  its  head 
a  signal  defeat  and  terrible  retribution  in  the  end, 
for  it  will  rouse  the  loyal  States  from  a  forbearance 
under  insult  and  defiance  unparalleled  in  the  history 
of  any  Government ;  and  with  right  for  their  cause, 
and  force  and  means  able  to  maintain  it,  the  hour 
will  soon  come  when  South  Carolina  and  her  Con¬ 
federates  in  Treason  will  rue  the  day  when,  with  a 
spirit  worthy  of  Lucifer,  they  undertook  to  break 
up  the  best  and  most  beneficent  Government  on  the 
face  of  the  earth.  We  have  firm  trust  in  God  that 
it  will  be  so. 

— Courier  and  Enquirer. 


The  Government  of  the  United  States  is  prepared 
to  meet  this  great  emergency  with  the  energy  and 
courage  which  the  occasion  requires,  and  which  the 
sentiment  of  the  nation  demands.  The  President 
issues  his  proclamation  to-day,  convening  Congress 
for  the  4th  of  July,  and  calling  for  seventy-five 
thousand  volunteers  for  the  defense  of  the  Union, 
and  the  protection  of  the  rights  and  the  liberties  of 
the  American  people.  The  people  will  respond  to 
this  demand  with  alacrity  and  exultation.  They 
ask  nothing  better  than  to  be  allowed  to  fight  for 
the  Constitution  which  their  fathers  framed.  What¬ 
ever  may  have  been  their  political  differences,  there 
has  never  been  a  moment  when  they  were  not 
ready  to  sink  them  all  in  devotion  of  their  common 
flag.  The  President’s  Proclamation  will  be  hailed 
with  an  enthusiasm  which  no  event  of  the  last 
twenty  years  has  called  forth — with  a  high-handed 
determination  to  exterminate  treason,  which  will 
carry  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  Confederates, 
who  have  conspired  for  the  destruction  of  the  freest 
and  best  Government  the  world  has  ever  seen. 


—A7;  Y.  Times. 


On  one  point,  so  far  as  we  have  been  able  to  as¬ 
certain,  perfect  unanimity  exists  among  our  money¬ 
ed  men — the  Government  must  be  sustained.  Every 
one  deplores  the  terrible  calamity  which  has  be¬ 
fallen  the  Republic.  But  there  is  no  desire  among 
the  merchants  or  capitalists  of  New  York  to  shirk 


the  issue,  or  to  evade  the  responsibilities  of  the 
contest.  Upon  New  York  will  devolve  the  chief 
burden  of  providing  ways  and  means  for  the  war ; 
our  financial  community  accept  the  duty,  and  will 
perform  it.  This  view  we  find  to  be  universal 
among  moneyed  men,  including  many  whose  sym¬ 
pathies  have  heretofore  been  with  the  South.  If 
the  Government  prove  true  to  the  country,  it  need 
not  feel  any  uneasiness  about  money.  In  the 
opinion  of  our  leading  bankers,  a  hundred  millions, 
over  and  above  the  receipts  of  the  Government 
from  customs  and  land  sales,  if  necessary  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  war  for  a  year  from  this  date, 
could  be  readily  borrowed  in  Wall  street,  at  a  rate 
of  interest  certainly  not  exceeding  that  which 
France  and  England  paid  for  the  money  which  they 
borrowed  for  the  Russian  war.  If  for  the  purpose 
of  bringing  the  war  to  an  end,  and  settling  this 
controversy  of  ours  forever,  a  further  sum  be  re¬ 
quisite,  it  will  be  forthcoming.  Wall  street,  so  far 
as  we  can  judge,  is  ready  to  sustain  the  Govern¬ 
ment  heartily  and  liberally. 

—N.  Y.  Herald. 

The  Confederate  Traitors  have  commenced  the 
war,  they  have  been  so  long  preparing  for  without 
obstruction,  and  their  first  prize  in  fight  (having 
previously  confined  themselves  to  stealing,  under 
pretense  of  peace)  has  been  the  capture  of  Fort 
Sumter  and  sixty  men  by  a  force  of  five  thousand, 
with  nineteen  heavy  batteries.  This  inglorious  suc¬ 
cess  will  cost  them  dear.  Inexcusably  and  wanton¬ 
ly  taking  up  the  offensive,  they  have  ht  once  cut 
themselves  off  from  all  honest  sympathy,  even  in 
the  South,  and  kindled  a  patriotic  rage  that  en¬ 
velopes  all  parties  and  all  classes  throughout  the 
Union  States  henceforth.  The  President  has  issued 
his  proclamation  calling  out  75,000  men  to  put 
down  the  rebellion,  and  convening  Congress  on  the 
Fourth  of  July.  Gov.  Morgan  of  this  State,  will  at 
once  call  out  a  contingent  of  25,000  men,  and  Gov. 
Curtin  of  Pennsylvania  will  do  the  same.  New 
regiments  are  already  forming  rapidly,  in  anticipa¬ 
tion  of  the  proclamation. 

— N.  Y.  Sun. 

It  is  now  for  the  people  of  New  England,  especial¬ 
ly,  and  of  the  great  North-West,  who  have  so 
earnestly  demanded  a  vigorous  policy,  to  prove  the 
sincerity  of  their  zeal  by  rallying  to  the  support  of 
the  Government  in  this  hour  of  its  peril.  Treason 
has  boldly  lifted  up  its  head ;  it  has  marshaled  its 
hosts;  it  has  bid  impudent  defiance  to  the  Govern¬ 
ment  ;  it  has  cannonaded  and  taken  a  celebrated 
fortress  ;  its  Secretary  of  War  has  had  the  insolence 
to  make  a  public  boast  that  the  Secession  flag  will 
float  over  the  national  capital  before  the  1st  of  May. 
These  rebels  and  desperadoes  have  given  unmistak¬ 
able  proofs  of  their  earnestness.  They  must  now 
be  checked,  or  anarchy  and  misrule  will  sweep  over 
the  whole  country  like  a  destructive  deluge.  Fel¬ 
low-citizens  of  the  Free  States,  this  is  the  hour  to 
prove  your  loyalty — to  test  your  patriotism — to 
earn  the  gratitude  of  your  country. 

— H.  Y.  World. 

The  President’s  proclamation  proves  him  worthy 
to  be  the  head  of  the  nation.  His  honest  words 
find  an  echo  in  millions  of  loyal  hearts  this  day. 
Only  these  words  were  needed  to  seal  the  speedy 
doom  of  treason.  To-day,  who  is  not  for  the  Union 
is  against  it.  To-day  he  whose  heart  does  not 
throb,  and  whose  blood  does  not  stir  with  patriotic 


DOCUMENTS. 


G5 


fire  is  a  vile  traitor.  The  rebels  have  chosen  war. 
They  have  done  their  best  to  slay  a  loyal  garrison. 
Without  a  single  cause  of  complaint,  they  have 
turned  their  arms  against  the  Union  and  against  the 
lives  of  loyal  citizens.  From  to-day  dates  the  ex¬ 
termination  of  treason  from  the  laud.  The  people 
will  not  rest,  the  nation  will  not  be  satisfied,  while  a 
traitor  is  left  in  arms. 

— Evening  Post. 

It  is  too  late  now  for  concession  or  compromise  ; 
government  or  anarchy  is  the  only  alternative  left 
to  us.  Forbearance  has  been  useless,  and  has  been 
construed  into  evidence  of  fear  or  feebleness.  It 
has  also  excited  the  cupidity  of  the  rebels,  and 
fostered  their  aggressive  designs.  It  is  no  longer 
with  them  the  assertion  of  the  mere  right  of  seces¬ 
sion  or  separation  from  the  Union.  Their  avowed 
purpose  is  the  overthrow  of  Constitutional  Govern¬ 
ment.  With  men  thus  minded  it  is  useless  to 
reason.  No  compromises  will  satisfy  them;  no 
concessions  arrest  their  anarchical  and  wicked  pur¬ 
poses.  They,  a  small  minority  of  the  people,  de¬ 
mand  that  the  majority  must  recognize  them  as 
masters,  and  give  up  every  thing  to  them — the 
archives  and  property  and  administration  of  the 
Government,  our  Constitution,  our  flag,  our  laws, 
our  free  institutions — all  that,  as  freemen,  is  dear  to 
us.  To  such  a  demand,  freemen,  lovers  of  consti¬ 
tutional  government  and  constitutional  rights,  can 
make  but  one  answer.  And  when  the  rebel  minority 
that  make  it  try  to  enforce  it  by  the  cannon  and 
the  sword,  to  the  cannon  and  the  sword  the  loyal 
majority  must  of  necessity  also  make  their  appeal, 
and  will  do  it.  The  majority  have  never  sought, 
have  never  desired — nay,  they  have  studiously 
avoided — a  resort  to  war.  It  has  been  forced  upon 
them.  In  honor,  and  in  self-defence,  they  cannot 
refuse  the  alternative. 

— Commercial  Advertiser. 

A  few  words  more — as  to  what  we  think  the 
President  should  do,  (and  the  words  are  more 
valuable  from  an  opponent  than  if  from  a  friend,) 
because  acts  thus  advised  by  an  opponent  cannot  be 
complained  of,  if  adopted.  First:  Not  another 
mail  should  be  sent  to  South  Carolina.  Twice  has 
our  flag  been  fired  upon  there,  without  direct  or 
immediate,  overwhelming  necessity,  and  South 
Carolinians,  by  their  own  act,  cease  to  be  our 
countrymen.  Second :  Not  another  gun,  cannon, 
revolver,  or  pound  of  powder  should  be  permitted 
to  go  to  the  seceding  States.  The  President  of  the 
United  States,  through  his  revenue  officers,  should 
instantly  estop  their  exportation,  and  States  should 
stop  their  inter-transit  trade.  Third:  The  Port 
of  Charleston  ought  to  be  instantly  blockaded. 
There  may  be  no  law  for  it,  but  South  Carolina  has 
put  herself  out  of  the  protection  of  any  law  of  ours. 
She  does  not  respect  us,  and  we  cannot  be  expect¬ 
ed  to  respect  her. 

— N.  Y.  Express. 

“  Take  your  places  in  line.”  The  American  flag 
trails  in  the  dust.  There  is  from  this  hour  no 
longer  any  middle  or  neutral  ground  to  occupy. 
All  party  lines  cease.  Democrats,  Whigs,  Ameri¬ 
cans,  Republicans,  and  Union  men,  all  merge  into 
one  or  two  parties — patriots  or  traitors.  For  our¬ 
selves,  we  are  not  prepared  for  either  or  any  form 
of  government  which  the  imagination  might  sug¬ 
gest  as  possible  or  probable  to  follow  in  the  wake 
of  a  republic.  Wc  are  for  the  Government  as 
D  OCT  ments — 5 


handed  down  to  us  by  our  fathers.  It  was  conse¬ 
crated  in  blood,  and  given  to  us  as  a  sacred  legacy. 
It  is  ours  to  live  by,  and,  by  the  blessing  of  God, 
it  shall  be  ours  to  die  by.  We  will  have  it  and 
none  other.  We  have  no  political  feuds  or  animos¬ 
ities  to  avenge  ;  we  know  no  cause  save  to  wipe  an 
insult  from  our  flag,  and  to  defend  and  maintain  an 
assailed  Government  and  a  violated  Constitution. 
We  care  not  who  is  President,  or  what  political 
party  is  in  power,  so  long  as  they  support  the  honor 
and  the  flag  of  our  country,  we  are  with  them ; 
those  who  are  not  are  against  us,  against  our  flag, 
and  against  our  Government.  “  Take  your  places 
in  line.” 

— Philadelphia  Enquirer. 

Henceforth  each  man,  high  and  low,  must  take 
his  position  as  a  patriot  or  a  traitor — as  a  foe  or  a 
friend  of  his  country — as  a  supporter  of  the  flag  of 
the  stars  and  stripes  or  of  the  rebel  banner.  All 
doubts  and  hesitation  must  be  thrown  to  the  winds ; 
and  with  the  history  of  the  past  spread  before  us, 
we  must  choose  between  maintaining  the  noble 
fabric  that  was  reared  by  our  wise  and  brave  an¬ 
cestors,  under  which  we  have  enjoyed  so  much 
liberty  and  happiness,  and  openly  joining  the  rash, 
reckless,  despotic,  cruel,  and  villanous  band  of  con¬ 
spirators,  who  have  formed  a  deep-laid  and  des¬ 
perate  plot  for  its  destruction.  The  contest  which 
is  impending  will  doubtless  be  attended  with  many 
horrors,  but  all  the  facts  show  that  it  has  been 
forced  upon  us  as  a  last  resort ;  and  war  is  not  the 
worst  of  evils.  Since  the  startling  events  of  the  last 
five  months  have  been  succeeded  by  a  brutal  bom¬ 
bardment  of  a  fort  erected  at  vast  expense  for  the 
defence  of  Charleston  harbor,  which  would  have 
been  peaceably  evacuated  if  the  rebels  had  not  in¬ 
sisted  upon  the  utter  humiliation  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment  ;  and  since  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the  South¬ 
ern  Confederacy  has  threatened  to  capture  Wash¬ 
ington,  and  even  to  invade  the  Northern  States, 
while  a  formal  declaration  of  hostilities  is  about  to 
be  made  by  the  Confederate  Congress, — we  should 
be  wanting  in  every  element  of  manhood,  be  per¬ 
petually  disgraced  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and 
lose  all  self-respect,  if  wc  did  not  arouse  to  de¬ 
termined  action  to  re-assert  the  outraged  dignity  of 
the  nation. 

— Phila.  Press. 

In  this  lamentable  condition  of  affairs,  what  is  the 
duty  of  the  Administration?  We  know  not  what 
course  it  has  marked  out  for  itself,  or  what  suffi¬ 
cient  preparations  are  made  by  it  to  hold  its  posi¬ 
tion  securely  in  Washington.  The  Administration 
ought  to  be  best  advised  of  its  danger  and  what  is 
required  of  it  in  this  emergency,  and  possibly  has 
taken  measures  which  it  may  deem  sufficient  for  its 
security.  It  has  sounded  the  military  of  the  States 
which  can  be  depended  upon  for  defence,  and  has 
got  offers  of  aid.  But  this  force  ought  at  once  to  be 
called  into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and 
hurried  on  to  Washington  city  as  if  an  attack 
were  certain  every  moment.  Fifty  thousand  volun¬ 
teers  should  be  called  into  the  service  of  the  Na¬ 
tional  Government,  and  be  so  placed  that  they 
could,  under  any  circumstances,  be  within  a  few 
hours’  reach  of  the  capital.  Ten  thousand  of  them 
should  be  placed  in  that  city,  whether  Maryland 
and  Virginia  like  it  or  not.  A  proclamation  should 
be  issued  calling  upon  all  the  Union  men  of  the 
country,  North  and  South,  to  hold  themselves  in 


66 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


readiness  to  support  the  Government  and  the  laws. 
An  army  of  observation  should  be  established  at 
available  points,  to  strike  wherever  a  blow  will  tell 
the  best  the  moment  that  the  Secession  Rebels 
make  a  single  aggressive  movement  against  the 
Government. 

— Philadelphia  Ledger. 

The  present  presents  the  most  momentous  period 
in  the  world’s  history.  For  many  years  past  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  the  United  States  have  been  engaged  with  a 
purpose,  to  exhibit  to  the  nations  of  the  earth  the 
feasibility  of  a  Republican  form  of  Government ;  for 
as  many  years,  thus  far,  the  so-called  experiment 
has  proved  successful,  but  it  is  to  be  now  determin¬ 
ed  whether  our  supposed  success  was  real  or 
fancied.  We  are  among  those  who  believe,  if 
properly  managed,  there  is  strength  enough  in  a 
Republican  form  of  Government  to  make  it  self-sus¬ 
taining.  Let  us  now  test  the  question ;  let  the 
strong  arm  of  the  law  be  seen  and  felt ;  let  the 
authority  of  the  Government  be  earnestly  asserted ; 
let  every  right  and  power  of  the  nation  be  present¬ 
ed  in  its  own  defence,  and  then  let  European  des¬ 
potism  mock  at  us  if  they  dare. 

— Philadelphia  News. 

The  Secession  leaders  are  relying  very  largely 
upon  the  first  shock  of  battle  for  the  promotion  of  a 
general  Secession  feeling  in  the  Southern  States. 
They  ought,  however,  to  consider  that  the  sym¬ 
pathies  of  honest  and  sensible  men  are  not  likely 
to  go  with  the  wrong-doers.  If  the  General  Gov¬ 
ernment  commit  any  wrong  or  outrage  upon  South 
Carolina  or  Florida,  it  will  be  condemned  ;  but  if  a 
United  States  vessel  shall  be  fired  into  and  her  men 
slain  for  a  mere  attempt  to  take  food  to  the  Gov¬ 
ernment’s  troops  in  the  Government’s  own  forts, 
and  if  war  shall  grow  out  of  the  collision,  no  spirit 
of  Secession  or  rebellion  will  be  created  thereby 
this  side  the  cotton  line.  Such  at  least  is  our 
opinion,  founded  upon  our  conviction  that  the  great 
mass  of  our  fellow-citizens  are  sensible  and  patriotic 
and  just.  Who  that  loves  his  country  would  see  it 
humiliated  and  its  honor  trampled  on  ? 

— Louisville  Journal. 

The  authorities  at  Washington  are  now  for  raising 
seventy-five  thousand  troops,  and  fancy  they  will  do 
exploits.  They  ought  to  reflect  that  the  few  they 
can  spare  to  the  South  go  far  from  home,  into  an 
intensely  hostile  country,  and  to  them  most  unpro- 
pitious  climate.  They  will  have,  after  the  excite¬ 
ment  is  over,  little  heart  in  the  business.  There 
will  be  no  laurels  to  win.  The  rest  of  mankind  will 
give  them  no  credit.  Even  England  and  France 
deplore  the  strife,  and  offer  prayers  that  it  may 
cease.  Every  patriot  will  feel  ashamed  of  the  fra¬ 
tricidal  war.  They  will  meet  an  enemy  skilled  in 
war,  as  proud  and  vain  as  ever  trod  a  battle-field — 
an  enemy  fighting  for  his  home  and  his  firesides,  and 
who  can  bring  into  the  field  any  number  of  fighting 
men  that  he  iriay  need.  We  say  any  number,  and 
it  is  true — one  hundred  thousand  if  needed.  If 
they  doubt  it,  they  can  try  the  experiment,  and  it 
will  he  another  Fort  Sumter  experiment. 

We  don’t  doubt  the  bravery  of  the  North;  but 
in  this  contest  they  will  lack  the  stimulus  of  their 
foes,  and  meet  their  equals  at  great  disadvantage. 
Then  there  is  a  sentiment  in  this  country  that  all 
just  governments  are  founded  on  the  consent  of  the 
governed.  If  a  whole  tier  of  States  seek  other  ar¬ 
rangements  in  government ;  if  their  old  government 


is  odious  to  them,  and  they  seek  a  release  from  it, 
and  resist  with  determination  the  old  government, 
what  shall  be  done  about  it  ?  There  is  our  Declara¬ 
tion  of  Independence,  and  the  strong  expressions  of 
States  when  they  entered  the  Union,  which,  if  they 
do  not  recognize  the  right  of  secession,  squint  so 
much  that  way  that  they  are  easily  applied  to  that 
purpose.  It  is  an  odious  task  to  force  a  govern¬ 
ment  on  an  unwilling  people.  Resistance  becomes 
exalted  into  a  patriotic  virtue.  No  matter  how 
little  cause  really  provokes  the  resistance.  How 
easy  it  is  to  inflame  the  South  against  this  conduct 
of  coercion  !  What,  they  will  say,  is  the  motive  ? 
Is  it  any  love  for  us  that  all  this  blood  is  shed  to 
retain  us  in  the  same  Union  ?  No,  they  will  say  ; 
they  hate  us  !  They  abhor  slavery  and  slavehold¬ 
ers  !  They  tried  to  keep  us  out  of  the  Union,  and 
they  swear  it  as  a  part  of  their  religion  that  they 
will  have  no  more  Slave  States !  Why  do  they  wish 
to  retain  us,  but  to  play  the  tyrant  over  us  ?  Why 
are  they  not  ready  to  let  us  go  in  peace  ?  They 
preach  against  us,  pray  against  us,  and  what  do  they 
want  with  us  but  to  subjugate  us — to  indulge  their 
preaching  and  prayer  at  our  expense  ? 

The  terms  now  used  in  all  these  irrepressible 
prints  are,  rebels,  traitors,  and  the  empty  threats  to 
punish  them.  The  bluster  and  gasconade  about 
having  a  government,  only  reminds  men  of  George 
III.,  who  used  empty  words  after  they  had  lost  their 
meaning.  We  say  nothing  about  the  similarity  of 
the  cases  upon  their  merits.  George  &Co.  thought 
the  Colonies  had  no  more  reason  than  the  Southern 
States  now  have  ;  and  the  latter  think  they  have 
more  reason  to  rebel  than  their  fathers  had,  and 
they  know  that  these  threats  against  them  are  more 
imbecile  than  the  threat  of  His  Majesty  against  the 
Colonies. 

Depend  upon  it,  Messrs.  Lincoln  &  Co.,  you  arc 
wasting  treasure  and  blood  to  no  purpose.  All 
your  professions  of  peace  will  count  nothing.  You 
talk  like  enemies  and  act  like  them.  Even  these 
border  Slave  States,  who  have  stood  by  their  gov¬ 
ernment,  who  feel  a  patriotic  attachment  to  the 
Union  their  fathers  made,  are  unheeded.  Their  ad¬ 
vice  disregarded,  and  their  wise  counsels  spurned. 
They  ask  for  peace  most  earnestly,  as  essential  to  a 
restoration  of  confidence  and  salvation  of  the  Union; 
and  Lincoln  &  Co.  call  for  troops,  and  are  mustering 
armies,  when  all  the  effect  will  be  to  gratify  their 
own  resentment  and  make  the  breach  incurable. 
They  mistake  altogether  our  government  and  peo¬ 
ple.  No  power  can  restore  a  State  to  this  Union 
but  its  people. 

— Louisville  Democrat. 

“  We  learn  that  seventy-five  thousand  troops,  the 
full  number  called  for  by  the  President’s  proclama¬ 
tion,  have  been  tendered  in  this  State  alone,  and 
that  one  hundred  thousand  are  probably  prepared 
to  do  military  duty.  Our  people  are  all  alive  with 
patriotism  and  honest  bravery.  They  will  never  let 
the  Government  languish  or  go  down  for  want  of 
support.” 

The  quota  of  six  regiments  called  for  from  Illinois 
was  full  last  Saturday  night,  and  enough  additional 
companies  were  offered  to  make  six  regiments  more. 
Altogether,  up  to  Monday  night,  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  companies  were  offered  to  the  Governor. 
Of  these,  sixty  were  accepted,  twenty-five  were  ac¬ 
cepted  conditionally,  and  the  remainder  ordered  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness.  The  work  of  recruit¬ 
ing  still  goes  on.  —Cleveland  Leader. 


DOCUMENTS. 


G7 


There  is  one  direction  where  we  can  scarcely  look 
for  the  tears  that  blind  us.  When  we  see  the  whole¬ 
hearted,  unselfish  devotion  of  our  Northern  people, 
we  thank  God  that  we  have  a  country.  We  thank 
God  for  mothers  that  cheer  on  their  sons,  for  young 
wives  that  have  said  “go”  to  their  husbands,  for 
widows  who  have  given  their  only  sons.  It  is  our 
solemn  belief  that,  since  the  proclamation  of  the 
President,  there  has  been  in  this  country  more  ear¬ 
nest,  unselfish  heroism,  more  high-minded  self-de¬ 
votion,  in  one  week  than  in  years  of  ordinary  life. 

— Independent. 

THE  UPRISING  OP  THE  COUNTRY. 

Let  no  one  feel  that  our  present  troubles  are  de¬ 
plorable,  in  view  of  the  majestic  development  of  na¬ 
tionality  and  patriotism  which  they  have  occasioned. 
But  yesterday  we  were  esteemed  a  sordid,  grasping, 
money-loving  people,  too  greedy  of  gain  to  cherish 
generous  and  lofty  'aspirations.  To-day  vindicates 
us  from  that  reproach,  and  demonstrates  that,  be¬ 
neath  the  scum  and  slag  of  forty  years  of  peace, 
and  in  spite  of  the  insidious  approaches  of  corrup¬ 
tion,  the  fires  of  patriotic  devotion  are  still  intensely 
burning.  The  echoes  of  the  cannon  fired  at  Sumter 
have  barely  rolled  over  the  Western  hills  ere  they 
are  drowned  in  the  shouts  of  indignant  freemen,  de¬ 
manding  to  be  led  against  the  traitors  who  have 
plotted  to  divide  and  destroy  the  country.  Party 
lines  disappear — party  cries  are  hushed  or  emptied 
of  meaning — men  forget  that  they  were  Democrats 
or  Republicans,  in  the  newly  aroused  and  intense 
consciousness  that  they  are  Americans.  The  ordeal 
now  upon  us  may  cost  our  country  many  lives  and 
much  treasure,  but  its  fruits  will  be  richly  worth 
them  all.  But  few  weeks  have  elapsed  since  bab¬ 
bling  demagogues  were  talking  of  an  Eastern,  a 
Central,  a  North-western,  and  a  Pacific,  as  well  as  a 
South-western  and  a  Border-State  Confederacy :  let 
them  now  be  silent  a  little,  and  note  the  cost  of  di¬ 
viding  the  Union  barely  once  before  they  talk  fur¬ 
ther  of  shivering  it  into  five  or  six  fragments.  The 
experience  will  be  conclusive.  Let  but  this  trial  be 
surmounted,  and  no  one  will  again  plot  the  dissolu¬ 
tion  of  the  Union  for  at  least  half  a  century. 

We  feel  confident  that  the  President’s  call  for 
seventy-five  thousand  militia  from  all  the  loyal 
States  will  be  responded  to  within  thirty  days  by 
proffers  of  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  from 
the  Free  States  alone,  and  that  this  number  can  be 
doubled  upon  a  mere  suggestion  that  the  additional 
number  is  desired.  Any  number  that  may  be  re¬ 
quired  will  step  forward  as  fast  as  they  may  be 
called  for,  even  though  it  should  be  judged  best  to 
confront  the  Secessionists  on  their  frontier  with 
half  a  million  men. 

But  the  Rebels  also  can  muster  men  enough, 
while  they  are  as  yet  far  ahead  of  us  in  arms  and 
munitions;  their  weak  point  is  that  of  finance. 
With  a  notorious  and  abusive  champion  of  Repudi¬ 
ation  at  their  head,  they  cannot  borrow  a  dollar  out¬ 
side  of  their  own  limits,  and  their  first  loan  of  fifteen 
millions  will  exhaust  the  resources  of  their  banks. 
That  sum  will  just  about  suffice  to  put  one  hundred 
thousand  men  in  the  field  in  fighting  array ;  it  will 
be  utterly  exhausted  before  they  shall  have  been 
two  months  on  foot.  Their  banks  are  already  two- 
thirds  broken,  and  their  notes  selling  slowly  in  our 
Northern  cities  at  fifty  per  cent,  of  their  face  : 
whence  are  their  next  funds  to  be  obtained  ?  How 
are  they  to  defend  their  two  thousand  miles  of 


mainly  exposed  sea-coast  and  navigable  inlets  against 
an  undisputed  naval  ascendency,  without  more  men 
and  unlimited  supplies  of  money  ? 

It  is  a  plain  case  that  they  must  hurry  matters  or 
succumb,  and  that  they  must  make  an  immediate 
dash  at  our  weakest  point,  the  Federal  Metropolis. 
If  Jeff.  Davis  and  Beauregard  are  not  on  the  Poto¬ 
mac  within  sixty  days,  their  rebellion  will  stand  ex¬ 
posed  a  miserable  failure.  They  must  back  their 
allies  in  North  Carolina  and  Virginia  by  a  prompt 
display  of  force  and  daring,  to  which  end  all  their 
energies  must  first  be  directed.  We  do  not  believe 
they  will  even  stop  to  reduce  Fort  Pickens  if  it 
should  be  so  held  as  to  compel  them  to  besiege  it  in 
form.  They  cannot  wait;  we  can;  and  they  will 
show  that  they  cannot,  by  a  speedy  advance  on 
Washington,  unless  they  shall  despair  of  success, 
and  desist  from  serious  effort  altogether. 

It  is  cheering  then,  to  know  that  Washington 
will  be  defended  by  ten  thousand  men  before  the 
close  of  thi3  week,  and  that  the  number  will  be 
doubled  the  next,  and  quadrupled  the  week  after. 
That  will  be  enough  until  we  have  tidings  that  Vir¬ 
ginia  has  seceded  and  Jeff.  Davis  is  this  side  of  the 
Roanoke:  thenceforth  the  number  of  volunteers 
pouring  into  Washington  for  its  defence,  will  be 
limited  only  by  the  ability  of  the  Northern  and 
Western  railroads  to  convey  them. 

Wo  have  a  civil  war  on  our  hands — there  is  no 
use  in  looking  away  from  the  fact.  For  this  year, 
the  chief  business  of  the  American  people  must  be 
proving  that  they  have  a  Government,  and  that 
Freedom  is  not  another  name  for  Anarchy.  Hun¬ 
dreds  of  thousands  must  be  temporarily  drawn 
away  from  peaceful  and  productive  avocations  until 
this  point  is  settled — drawn  away  just  at  the  time 
when  labor  is  w'anted  to  sow  and  plant  for  the  en¬ 
suing  harvest.  But  those  who  will  be  left  behind 
must  work  the  harder  and  plant  the  more,  since 
years  of  wTar  are  usually  years  of  dear  bread.  Farm¬ 
ers!  employ  all  the  help  you  can  pay,  and  put  in 
all  the  crops  for  which  you  can  seasonably  and 
thoroughly  prepare  the  ground,  for  a  season  of 
scarcity  is  probably  at  hand.  Let  each  do  his  best 
toward  preparing  for  it. 

— A  Y.  Tribune,  April  17. 

A  despatch  from  Washington  says  that  the  Presi¬ 
dent  will  to-day  issue  a  proclamation,  calling  upon 
the  loyal  States  for  seventy-five  thousand  militia  to 
aid  the  General  Government  in  enforcing  the  laws 
and  recapturing  the  forts  and  other  public  property 
seized  by  the  revolutionists.  We  have  no  doubt 
the  call  will  be  responded  to  with  a  good  deal  of 
alacrity.  We  doubt,  however,  whether  as  many 
men  will  be  as  willing  to  enlist  in  the  army  as  are 
anxious  to  hold  office  under  the  Government. 

— Buffalo  Courier. 

Of  all  the  wars  which  have  disgraced  the  human 
race,  it  has  been  reserved  for  our  own  enlightened 
nation  to  be  involved  in  the  most  useless  and  foolish 
one.  What  advantage  can  possibly  accrue  to  any 
one  from  this  war,  however  prolonged  it  might  be  ? 
Does  any  man  suppose  that  millions  of  free  white 
Americans  in  the  Southern  States,  who  will  soon  be 
arrayed  against  us,  can  be  conquered  by  any  efforts 
which  can  bo  brought  against  them  ?  Brave  men, 
fighting  on  their  own  soil,  and  as  they  believe,  for 
their  freedom  and  dearest  rights,  can  never  be  sub¬ 
jugated.  The  war  may  be  prolonged  until  we  are 
ourselves  exhausted,  and  become  an  easy  prey  to 


68 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


military  despotism  or  equally  fatal  anarchy ;  but  we 
can  never  conquer  the  South.  Admit,  if  you  please, 
that  they  are  rebels  and  traitors  ;  they  are  beyond 
our  reach.  Why  should  we  destroy  ourselves  in  in- 
jui’ing  them? 

Who  are  to  fight  the  battles  of  sectional  hatred 
in  this  sad  strife?  The  Seceders  will  fight ;  but  will 
the  Abolitionists,  who  have  combined  with  them  to 
overthrow  the  Union,  make  themselves  food  for 
powder  ?  If  this  could  be  so ;  if  ten  thousand 
picked  fire-eaters  of  either  side  could  be  arrayed 
against  each  other,  and  would  fight,  until,  like  the 
Kilkenny  cats,  all  were  destroyed,  the  country 
would  be  the  better  for  it.  But  while  the  Seces¬ 
sionist  defends  himself,  the  Abolitionist  will  sneak 
in  the  back  ground,  leaving  those  to  do  the  fight¬ 
ing  who  have  no  interest  in  the  bloody  strife,  no 
hatred  against  their  brethren.  The  best  we  can 
hope  is,  that,  at  the  end  of  a  fearful  struggle,  when 
the  country  becomes  tired  of  gratifying  the  spirit 
of  fanaticism,  we  shall  have  a  peace,  through  a  treaty 
in  which  both  sides  must  make  sacrifices,  but  each 
must  agree  to  respect  the  rights  of  the  other.  How 
much  better  to  make  such  a  treaty  now,  before  fur¬ 
ther  blood  is  shed,  before  worse  hatreds  are  en¬ 
gendered. 

—  Utica  (N.Y.)  Observer. 

To-day  come  the  tidings  that  the  President  has 
made  a  call  upon  the  Governors  of  the  several 
States  for  seventy-five  thousand  men,  and  intimates 
that  if  more  are  offered  they  will  be  accepted. 
Prominent  men  at  Washington  are  leaving  for 
their  respective  States,  to  aid  in  the  organization  of 
the  troops.  In  ten  days  Lincoln  will  probably  have 
two  hundred  thousand  volunteers  at  his  disposal. 
With  this  force  he  will  be  enabled  to  prosecute  the 
John  Brown  schemes  of  his  party  for  a  time  with 
vigor,  and  perhaps  with  success. 

— Patterson  ( N '.  J.)  Reporter. 

Seventy-five  thousand  men  have  been  called  for, 
and  the  War  Department  will  make  known  the  de¬ 
tails  of  the  service  to  the  State  authorities.  We 
have  no  doubt  that  the  demands  of  the  Federal 
Executive  will  be  responded  to  by  the  States  on 
which  they  may  be  made.  It  is  the  imperative  duty 
of  all  good  citizens  to  desire  to  see  the  laws  obeyed 
and  all  the  constitutional  obligations  of  the  States 
fulfilled.  None  but  those  who  invoke  a  “  higher 
law,”  as  the  rule  and  guide  of  their  actions,  will 
hesitate  to  do  what  the  Constitution  and  the  laws 
require  them  to  do.  Nevertheless ,  it  is  to  be  ex¬ 
pected  that  there  will  be  but  little  cheerfulness  mani¬ 
fested  in  the  obedience  to  a  call  which  is  intended  to 
array  in  arms  citizens  of  States  connected  by  such 
numerous  ties  as  have  so  recently  bound  together  the 
people  of  this  dissevered  Confederacy.  Painful  as 
has  been  the  suspense  in  which  the  President’s 
dubious  and  vacillating  course  has  held  the  public 
mind,  it  is  much  more  so  to  find  the  last  lingering 
hope  of  peace  dispelled  by  this  sudden  call  to  arms 
under  circumstances  so  embarrassing  and  humili¬ 
ating. 

— Trenton  (N.  J.)  True  American. 

We  earnestly  pray  that  the  war  may  be  averted. 
If  the  Border  States,  upon  the  action  of  which  the 
whole  question  hinges,  determine  to  remain  in  the 
Union,  we  cannot  doubt  that  they  will  require  a 
pacific  policy  to  be  pursued.  If  they  join  the  al¬ 
ready  seceded  States,  then,  as  the  point  to  be  de¬ 
termined  will  be  whether  upon  a  mere  sectional 


issue  the  North  will  fight  with  the  South,  the  whole 
question  will  be  presented  in  a  new  aspect,  and  we 
cannot  but  believe  that  cool  reflection  will  then 
also  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  a  pacific  policy. 
We  leave  the  question  at  present  for  the  develop¬ 
ment  of  future  events. 

— Boston  Courier. 

Democrats  of  Maine !  The  loyal  sons  of  the 
South  have  gathered  around  Charleston  as  your 
fathers  of  old  gathered  about  Boston  in  defence  of 
the  same  sacred  principles  of  liberty — principles 
which  you  have  ever  upheld  and  defended  with 
your  vote,  your  voice,  and  your  strong  right  arm. 
Your  sympathies  are  with  the  defenders  of  the  truth 
and  the  right.  Those  who  have  inaugurated  this 
unholy  and  unjustifiable  war  are  no  friends  of  yours, 
no  friends  of  Democratic  Liberty.  Will  you  aid 
them  in  their  work  of  subjugation  and  tyranny  ? 

When  the  Government  at  Washington  calls  for 
volunteers  or  recruits  to  carry' on  theVork  of  sub¬ 
jugation  and  tyranny  under  the  specious  phrase  of 
“enforcing  the  laws,”  “  retaking  and  protecting  the 
public  property  ”  and  “  collecting  the  revenue,”  let 
every  Democrat  fold  his  arms  and  bid  the  minions 
of  tory  despotism  do  a  tory  despot’s  work.  Say  to 
them  fearlessly  and  boldly,  in  the  language  of 
England’s  great  Lord,  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  whose 
bold  words  in  behalf  of  the  struggling  Colonies  of 
America,  in  the  dark  hours  of  the  Revolution,  have 
enshrined  his  name  in  the  heart  of  every  friend  of 
freedom  and  immortalized  his  fame  Wherever  the 
name  of  liberty  is  known — say  in  his  thrilling  lan¬ 
guage:  “If  I  were  a  Southerner,  as  I  am  a  North¬ 
erner,  while  a  foreign  troop  was  landed  in  my  coun¬ 
try,  I  would  never  lay  down  my  arms — never,  never , 
never  !  ” 

— Bangor  (Jfe.)  Union. 

The  President  has  issued  his  proclamation  call¬ 
ing  Congress  to  meet  on  the  4th  of  July.  Also 
calling  for ’75,000  volunteers  to  aid  in  carrying  on 
a  conflict  with  the  South.  The  news  already  re¬ 
ceived  from  the  Border  States  indicates  that  they 
will  leave  the  Union,  and  that  the  war  will  be  be¬ 
tween  nineteen  free  and  fifteen  slave  States. 

Could  this  war  policy  possibly  save  the  Union  and 
promote  the  welfare  of  the  people,  we  could  look 
upon  it  with  more  complacency.  But  as  it  must 
inevitably  more  completely  divide  the  Union  and 
injure  the  interests  of  the  whole  country,  we  be¬ 
lieve  it  to  be  an  unwise  and  unsafe  policy.  To 
march  soldiers  into  the  Southern  country  to  con¬ 
tend  with  armies  and  yellow  fever — and  to  end  in 
no  good,  but  much  evil,  does  not  seem  to  be  a  dis¬ 
creet  or  a  righteous  policy. 

A  bloody  conflict  may  be  continued  with  the 
South  for  weeks,  for  months,  or  for  years.  At  its 
close  a  compromise  must  be  made  no  more  favor¬ 
able  to  the  North  than  wTas  the  Crittenden  com¬ 
promise.  But  the  evils  of  the  unnecessary  strife 
will  continue  into  the  long  years  of  the  future,  and 
be  felt  by  millions.  No  good  whatever  can  come 
out  of  the  shocking  conflict. 

War  has  been  commenced.  Its  origin  is  the 
negro  agitation.  Let  the  friends  of  the  agitation 
point  out  the  spot  where  a  slave  has  been  benefited 
if  they  can.  Great  evils  have  come.  Where  are 
the  benefits  ? 

— Hartford  ( Ct .)  Times. 

President  Lincoln  has  called  an  extra  session  of 
Congress,  to  meet  on  the  4th  of  July,  and  the  meas- 


DOCUMENTS. 


69 


lire  will  undoubtedly  receive  the  approval  of  the 
people  in  all  the  loyal  States. 

We  dislike  to  believe  that  the  sole  wish  of  the 
President  is  to  be  supplied  with  the  means  of  pros¬ 
ecuting  a  war  against  the  South,  and  that  Con¬ 
gress  will  be  asked  to  do  nothing  more  than  pass 
force  bills  and  raise  money  for  their  execution. 

A  war  based  upon  a  spirit  of  revenge,  or  a  dis¬ 
position  to  subjugate  the  States  now  assuming  an 
attitude  of  rebellion,  will  not  long  be  tolerated  by 
the  people.  If  we  have  no  nobler  purposes  than  to 
gratify  our  passions ,  we  shall  soon  witness  a  sudden 
and  overwhelming  reaction  all  over  the  North,  and 
the  Governments  of  Europe  will  interfere  to  bring 
our  quarrels  to  a  close. 

We  must  not  long  embarrass  the  commerce  of 
the  country.  England  looks  to  the  South  for  cot¬ 
ton,  and  will  not,  for  any  length  of  time,  permit  the 
blockading  of  Southern  ports. 

The  refusal  of  the  Black  Republican  leaders  to 
yield  any  thing  of  their  contemptible  party  creed 
has  weakened,  and  is  still  weakening  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  The  Border  States  would  have  been  as 
lirmly  bound  to  the  Union  as  Rhode  Island  herself, 
if  Congress  had  adopted  Crittenden’s  resolutions,  or 
even  the  proposition  of  the  Peace  Conference  at  its 
recent  session. 

In  the  free  States  there  is  a  population  of  nearly 
20,000,000  of  souls.  In  the  seven  Confederate 
States  there  are  less  than  3,000,000  of  white  in¬ 
habitants.  Even  if  all  the  Border  Slave  States 
should  be  against  us,  the  difference  in  point  of  num¬ 
bers  would  be  as  two  to  one.  Under  these  circum¬ 
stances  the  Christian  world  looks  to  us  for  a  mag¬ 
nanimous,  not  to  say  generous  policy.  We  must 
be  liberal  toward  the  South,  in  all  things,  where 
liberality  can  be  deemed  a  virtue,  or  wre  shall  be¬ 
come  a  hissing  and  by-word  in  every  civilized 
community. 

Starting  with  these  reflections,  which  seem  to  us 
true  and  appropriate,  what  shall  we  say  of  the  duty 
of  Congress  ?  Is  it  not  to  make  such  offers  to  the 
revolted  States  as  will  give  reasonable  men  there 
assurances  of  their  safety  in  the  Union’s  keeping  ? 
Is  it  not  to  do  what  alone  can  allay  the  fears  of 
those  thousands  who  are  now  ready  to  fight  against 
us,  because  dreading  their  own  subjugation  and 
degradation?  Is  it  not  to  remove,  so  far  as  it  is 
in  our  power,  the  apprehensions  of  good  men  that 
we  mean  to  wage  a  sectional  warfare  which  shall 
end  only  in  the  overthrow  of  their  institutions  ?  Is 
it  not  to  satisfy  the  world,  by  generous  acts,  that 
we  still  love  forbearance  and  peace  ;  that  we  do  not 
willingly  array  brother  against  brother. 

We  say,  let  Congress,  on  the  first  day  of  the  ses¬ 
sion,  put  the  Government  right ,  and  put  the  North 
right ,  on  the  questions  which  have  led  to  this  quar¬ 
rel.  Deny  it  who  may,  we  began  this  controversy. 
We  began  this  interference  with  State  rights.  We 
have  been  for  thirty  years  the  aggressors.  We  have 
produced,  by  our  own  wilfulness  and  bigotry,  by  our 
exhibitions  of  hatred  and  affected  superiority,  the  very 
state  of  things  from  which  the  country  is  now  suffer¬ 
ing.  Let  Congress  turn  the  tide  which  is  now  set¬ 
ting  against  us  in  the  minds  of  thinking  men.  Let 
a  fair,  reasonable,  liberal,  honorable  compromise 
be  offered  at  once,  and  let  the  offer  be  kept  before 
the  South  until  the  controversy  is  brought  to  an 
end.  — Providence  Daily  Post. 

Men  of  all  parties,  possessing  intelligence,  pa- 
Doccsients — 5 


triotism  and  independence  of  character,  have  been 
adverse  to  the  political  expediency  of  any  attempt 
to  reinforce  Sumter;  and  when  the  proposition 
was  made  to  abandon  that  fortification,  upon  the 
urgent  request  of  General  Scott,  the  measure  was 
hailed  with  joy  as  a  peace-offering.  We  have 
never  attempted  to  justify  the  Secessionists,  any 
more  than  we  have  attempted  to  vindicate  the 
clamors  of  Black  Republicanism  ;  but  we  have  sim¬ 
ply  disapproved  of  a  line  of  policy  on  the  part  of 
the  administration  of  President  Lincoln,  which,  if 
carried  out,  must  entail  upon  our  country  all  the 
horrors  of  a  civil  war.  We  did  not  believe  such 
a  policy  would  restore  that  Union,  but  expressed 
our  opinion  that  it  would  forever  defeat  its  recon¬ 
struction.  Seriously  impressed  with  the  belief  that 
our  opinions  upon  these  subjects  were  the  reflec¬ 
tion  of  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of  the  country, 
we  have  given  utterance  to  them.  But  for  so  doing 
we  have  received  from  Republican  officials  and  oth¬ 
ers  in  this  community  coarse  abuse  and  defamation. 
Events  have  demonstrated  how  well  founded  were 
our  opinions.  The  attempt  has  been  made  at  pro¬ 
visioning  Sumter,  and  what  is  the  result  ?  Fort 
Sumter  is  captured  by  the  Southern  Confederacy — 
the  Administration  is  defeated  in  the  first  onset. 
The  Southern  Confederacy  has  the  prestige  of  vic¬ 
tory.  Has  this  defeat  demonstrated  that  we  have  a 
Government?  On  the  contrary,  it  has  clearly  de¬ 
monstrated  that  fanaticism  and  imbecility  rule  at 
Washington.  Overriding  and  disregarding  the 
counsels  of  Gen.  Scott,  the  Administration  first  de¬ 
clares  for  war,  and  then,  when  told  by  Gen.  Scott 
that  Sumter  could  not  be  relieved  with  a  less  force 
than  20,000  men,  sends  forth  an  armada  of  four  or 
five  vessels,  and  less  than  one-fourth  of  the  number 
of  men  required  to  insure  success.  In  disregarding 
the  advice  of  Gen.  Scott,  President  Lincoln  has  en¬ 
tailed  upon  the  country  the  disgrace  of  a  defeat  in 
the  first  onset. 

But  the  past  is  past,  and  cannot  be  recalled.  As 
a  choice  between  two  evils,  we  would  have  pre¬ 
ferred  separation  to  civil  war.  The  “  powers  that 
be”  have  chosen  the  latter  alternative,  and  the 
destinies  and  honor  of  our  country  are  in  the  hands 
of  a  weak  and  imbecile  man,  the  tool  of  a  party 
which  has,  ever  since  its  organization,  been  arrayed 
in  hostility  to  the  Constitution  and  to  the  perpetuity 
of  the  Union.  As  it  is,  Abolition  fanaticism  bids 
fair  to  involve  our  whole  country  in  the  horrors  of 
a  civil  war — a  war  in  which  brother  must  meet 
brother  in  the  deadly  conflict.  Wrhile  we  will  stand 
by  the  honor  and  integrity  of  our  political  institu¬ 
tions  and  civil  authorities  to  the  fullest  extent  re¬ 
quired  of  loyal  citizens,  we  do  not  feel  to  rejoice  at 
the  dark  clouds  which  seem  to  be  settling  over  our 
country.  We  will  leave  to  Abolition  fanatics  the 
pleasure  of  rejoicing  over  the  downfall  of  the  Union, 
and  the  substitution  of  the  evils  of  war  for  the  pur¬ 
suits  of  peace. 

— Auburn  Democrat. 


Doc.  58.— PROCLAMATION  BY  THE  MAYOR. 

Mayor’s  Office,  New  York,  April  15,  1861. 
To  tiie  People  of  the  City  of  New  York: 

As  Chief  Magistrate,  representing  the  whole 
people,  I  feel  compelled  at  this  crisis  to  call  upon 
them  to  avoid  excitement  and  turbulence.  What¬ 
ever  may  be  or  may  have  been  individual  positions 


70 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


(w  opinions  on  questions  of  public  policy,  let  us 
remember  that  our  country  now  trembles  upon  the 
brink  of  a  precipice,  and  that  it  requires  a  patriotic 
and  honest  effort  to  prevent  its  final  destruction. 
Let  us  ignore  the  past,  rising  superior  to  partisan 
considerations,  and  rally  to  the  restoration  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union  as  they  existed  in  the 
days  and  in  the  spirit  of  our  fathers.  Whether  this 
is  to  be  accomplished  by  fratricidal  warfare  or  by 
concession,  conciliation  and  sacrifice,  men  may  dif¬ 
fer,  but  all  will  admit  that  here  at  least  harmony 
and  peace  should  prevail.  Thus  may  we,  under  the. 
guidance  of  Divine  Providence,  set  an  example  of 
peace  and  good  will  throughout  our  extended  coun¬ 
try.  In  this  spirit  and  with  this  view,  I  call  upon 
the  people  of  New  York,  irrespective  of  all  other 
considerations  or  prejudices,  to  unite  in  obedience 
to  the  laws,  in  support  of  the  public  peace,  in  the 
preservation  of  order  and  in  the  protection  of  prop¬ 
erty.  Fernando  Wood,  Mayor. 

—  Tribune ,  April  10. 


Doc.  50.— GOV.  LETCHER’S  PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas  seven  of  the  States,  formerly  composing 
a  part  of  the  United  States,  have,  by  authority  of 
their  people,  solemnly  resumed  the  powers  granted 
by  them  to  the  United  States,  and  have  framed  a 
Constitution  and  organized  a  Government  for  them¬ 
selves,  to  which  the  people  of  those  States  are  yield¬ 
ing  willing  obedience,  and  have  so  notified  the  Pres¬ 
ident  of  the  United  States  by  all  the  formalities  inci¬ 
dent  to  such  action,  and  thereby  become  to  the 
United  States  a  separate,  independent  and  foreign 
power ;  And  whereas  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  has  invested  Congress  with  the  sole 
power  to  “  declare  war,”  and  until  such  declaration 
is  made,  the  President  has  no  authority  to  call  for 
an  extraordinary  force  to  wage  offensive  war 
against  any  foreign  power;  and  whereas,  on  the 
loth  inst.,  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in 
plain  violation  of  the  Constitution,  issued  a  procla¬ 
mation  calling  for  a  force  of  seventy-five  thousand 
men,  to  cause  the  laws  of  the  United  States  to  be 
duly  executed  over  a  people  who  are  no  longer  a 
part  of  the  Union,  and  in  said  proclamation  threat¬ 
ens  to  exert  this  unusual  force  to  compel  obedience 
to  his  mandates ;  And  whereas  the  General  As¬ 
sembly  of  Virginia,  by  a  majority  approaching  to 
entire  unanimity,  declared  at  its  last  session,  that 
the  State  of  Virginia  would  consider  such  exertion 
of  force  as  a  virtual  declaration  of  war,  to  be  resist¬ 
ed  by  all  the  power  at  the  command  of  Virginia ; 
and  subsequently,  the  convention  now  in  session, 
representing  the  sovereignty  of  this  State,  has  re¬ 
affirmed  in  substance  the  same  policy,  with  equal 
unanimity ;  And  whereas  the  State  of  Virginia 
deeply  sympathizes  with  the  Southern  States,  in  the 
wrongs  they  have  suffered,  and  in  the  position  they 
have  assumed ;  and  having  made  earnest  efforts 
peaceably  to  compose  the  differences  which  have 
severed  the  Union,  and  having  failed  in  that  attempt, 
through  this  unwarranted  act  on  the  part  of  the 
President ;  and  it  is  believed  that  the  influences 
which  operate  to  produce  this  proclamation  against 
the  seceded  States  will  be  brought  to  bear  upon  this 
commonwealth,  if  she  should  exercise  her  undoubt¬ 
ed  right  to  resume  the  powers  granted  by  her  peo¬ 
ple,  and  it  is  due  to  the  honor  of  Virginia  that  an 
improper  exercise  of  force  against  her  people 


should  be  repelled;  Therefore,  I,  John  Letcher, 
Governor  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  have 
thought  proper  to  order  all  armed  volunteer  regi¬ 
ments  or  companies  within  this  State  forthwith  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  for  immediate  orders, 
and  upon  the  reception  of  this  proclamation  to  re¬ 
port  to  the  adjutant-general  of  the  State  their  or¬ 
ganization  and  numbers,  and  prepare  themselves 
for  efficient  service.  Such  companies  as  are  not 
armed  and  equipped  will  report  that  fact,  that  they 
may  be  properly  supplied. 

,  —  ,  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set 

•]  L.  S.  [■  my  hand  and  caused  the  seal  of  the  com- 
'  '  monwealth  to  be  affixed,  this  1*7 th  day  of 

April,  1861,  and  in  the  eighty-fifth  year  of  the  com¬ 
monwealth.  John  Letcher. 

—  The  World. 


Doc.  60.— VIRGINIA’S  ORDINANCE  OF  SECES¬ 
SION. 

The  following  is  the  “  ordinance  to  repeal  the 
ratification  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  by  the  State  of  Virginia,  and  to  resume 
all  the  rights  and  powers  granted  under  said  con¬ 
stitution,”  which  passed  the  State  Convention  on 
the  17 th  of  April,  1861  : 

The  people  of  Virginia,  in  the  ratification  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
adopted  by  them  in  convention,  on  the  25th  day  o 
June,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  eighty-eight,  having  declared  that  the 
powers  granted  under  the  said  constitution  were 
derived  from  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and 
might  be  resumed  whensoever  the  same  should  be 
perverted  to  their  injury  and  oppression,  and  the 
Federal  Government  having  perverted  said  powers, 
not  only  to  the  injury  of  the  people  of  Virginia,  but 
to  the  oppression  of  the  Southern  slaveholding 
States ; 

Now,  therefore,  we,  the  people  of  Virginia,  do  de¬ 
clare  and  ordain,  that  the  ordinance  adopted  by  the 
people  of  this  State  in  convention  on  the  twenty- 
fifth  day  of  June,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-eight,  whereby 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America 
was  ratified,  and  all  acts  of  the  General  Assembly 
of  this  State  ratifying  or  adopting  amendments  to 
said  constitution,  are  hereby  repealed  and  abrogated ; 
that  the  Union  between  the  State  of  Virginia  and 
the  other  States  under  the  constitution  aforesaid  is 
hereby  dissolved,  and  that  the  State  of  Virginia  is 
in  the  full  possession  and  exercise  of  all  the  rights 
of  sovereignty  which  belong  and  appertain  to  a  free 
and  independent  State.  And  they  do  further  de¬ 
clare  that  said  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of 
America  is  no  longer  binding  on  any  of  the  citizens 
of  this  State. 

This  ordinance  shall  take  effect  and  be  an  act  of 
this  day,  when  ratified  by  a  majority  of  the  votes  of 
the  people  of  this  State,  cast  at  a  poll  to  be  taken 
thereon,  on  the  fourth  Thursday  in  May  next,  in 
pursuance  of  a  schedule  hereafter  to  be  enacted. 

Done  in  convention  in  the  city  of  Richmond,  on 
the  seventeenth  day  of  April,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord,  one  thousand"  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one, 
and  in  the  eighty-fifth  year  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  Virginia. 

A  true  copy,  Jno.  L.  Eubank, 

Secretary  of  Convention. 


DOCUMENTS. 


71 


SECKSSION  OF  VIRGINIA. 

The  announcement  that  the  Convention  of  Vir¬ 
ginia  had  passed  an  Ordinance  of  Secession,  was 
received  with  the  most  universal  and  profound 
satisfaction.  There  are  no  longer  in  Virginia  two 
parties.  The  Union  men  and  the  Secessionists  are 
arrayed  in  a  solid  band  of  brotherhood  under  the 
flag  of  Virginia.  The  only  rivalry  is  which  shall  do 
and  suffer  most  in  defence  of  our  common  honor 
against  the  monstrous  despotism  at  Washington. 
Lincoln’s  Proclamation  has  accomplished  the  union 
of  all  parties  in  Virginia  and  the  South.  The  Ordi¬ 
nance  of  Secession  is  the  answer  of  the  Convention 
to  that  Proclamation,  and  the  action  of  the  Conven¬ 
tion  is  but  the  echo  of  the  people’s  wilL  The  old 
Union,  for  which  our  fathers  fought  and  bled,  has 
been  wilfully  sacrificed  by  a  Black  Republican 
despot,  and  he  now  seeks  to  wrench  from  us  our 
Liberty  and  Independence.  Virginia,  which  led 
the  van  in  the  war  of  ’76,  now  meets  him  on  the 
threshold.  She  has  been  slow  to  act,  but  she  will 
be  slower  still  to  retrace  her  steps.  The  Union  has 
lost  its  brightest  planet,  but  it  will  henceforth  beam 
as  a  star  of  the  first  magnitude  in  the  purer,  bright¬ 
er,  and  grander  constellation  of  the  Southern  Cross. 

— Richmond  Dispatch. 


Doc.  61.— PROCLAMATION  BY  JEFFERSON 
DAVIS. 

Whereas ,  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  President  of 
the  United  States  has,  by  proclamation,  announced 
the  intention  of  invading  this  Confederacy  with  an 
armed  force,  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  its  for¬ 
tresses,  and  thereby  subverting  its  independence, 
and  subjecting  the  free  people  thereof  to  the  domin¬ 
ion  of  a  foreign  power ;  and  whereas  it  has  thus  be¬ 
come  the  duty  of  this  Government  to  repel  the 
threatened  invasion,  and  to  defend  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  people  by  all  the  means  which  the 
laws  of  nations  and  the  usages  of  civilized  warfare 
place  at  its  disposal ; 

Now,  therefore,  I,  JEFFERSON  DAVIS,  Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  do 
issue  this  my  Proclamation,  inviting  all  those  who 
may  desire,  by  service  in  private  armed  vessels  on 
the  high  seas,  to  aid  this  Government  in  resisting 
so  wautou  and  wicked  an  aggression,  to  make  ap¬ 
plication  for  commissions  or  Letters  of  Marque  and 
Reprisal,  to  be  issued  under  the  Seal  of  these  Con¬ 
federate  States. 

And  I  do  further  notify  all  persons  applying  for 
Letters  of  Marque,  to  make  a  statement  in  writing, 
giving  the  name  and  a  suitable  description  of  the 
character,  tonnage,  and  force  of  the  vessel,  and  the 
name  and  place  of  residence  of  each  owner  concern¬ 
ed  therein,  and  the  intended  number  of  the  crew, 
and  to  sign  said  statement  and  deliver  the  same  to 
the  Secretary  of  State,  or  to  the  Collector  of  any 
port  of  entry  of  these  Confederate  States,  to  bo  by 
him  transmitted  to  the  Secretary  of  State. 

And  I  do  further  notify  all  applicants  aforesaid 
that  before  any  commission  or  Letter  of  Marque  is 
issued  to  any  vessel,  the  owner  or  owners  thereof, 
and  the  commander  for  the  time  being,  will  be  re¬ 
quired  to  give  bond  to  the  Confederate  States,  with 
at  least  two  responsible  sureties,  not  interested  in 
such  vessel,  in  the  penal  sum  of  five  thousand  dol¬ 
lars;  or  if  such  vessel  be  provided  with  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  then  in  the  penal  sum 


of  ten  thousand  dollars,  with  condition  that  the 
owners,  officers,  and  crew  who  shall  be  employed 
on  board  such  commissioned  vessel,  shall  observe 
the  laws  of  these  Confederate  States  and  the  in¬ 
structions  given  to  them  for  the  regulation  of  their 
conduct.  That  they  shall  satisfy  all  damages  done 
contrary  to  the  tenor  thereof  by  such  vessel  during 
her  commission,  and  deliver  up  the  same  when  re¬ 
voked  by  the  President  of  the  Confederate  States. 

And  I  do  further  specially  enjoin  on  all  persons 
holding  offices,  civil  and  military,  under  the  author¬ 
ity  of  the  Confederate  States,  that  they  be  vigilant 
and  zea-lous  in  discharging  the  duties  incident  there¬ 
to  ;  and  I  do,  moreover,  solemnly  exhort  the  good 
people  of  these  Confederate  States,  as  they  love 
their  country,  as  they  prize  the  blessings  of  free 
government,  as  they  feel  the  wrongs  of  the  past 
and  these  now  threatened  in  aggravated  form  by 
those  whose  enmity  is  more  implacable  because  un¬ 
provoked,  that  they  exert  themselves  in  preserving 
order,  in  promoting  concord,  in  maintaining  the  au¬ 
thority  and  efficacy  of  the  laws,  and  in  supporting 
and  invigorating  all  the  measures  which  may  be 
adopted  for  the  common  defence,  and  by  which, 
under  the  blessings  of  Divine  Providence,  we  may 
hope  for  a  speedy,  just,  and  honorable  peace. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my 
hand,  and  caused  the  Seal  of  the  Confederate 
States  to  be  affixed,  this  seventeenth  day  of  April, 
1861. 

By  the  President, 

(Signed)  JEFFERSON  DAYIS. 

R.  Toombs,  Secretary  of  State. 

The  Charleston  Mercury  of  the  19th  April,  in  re¬ 
ferring  to  this  proclamation,  says :  “  To  avoid  any 
misunderstanding  and  prevent  comment  arising  from 
the  supposition  that  the  President  intends  to  assume 
the  authority  and  responsibility  of  issuing  these  him¬ 
self,  without  the  action  of  Congress,  we  would  say 
that  the  proclamation  is  merely  a  preparatory  indi¬ 
cation  of  what  he  intends  to  recommend  to  Con¬ 
gress,  and  what  we  have  no  doubt  Congress  will  do 
and  ought  to  do,  in  the  event  that  war  becomes  in¬ 
evitable.  The  secession  of  Virginia  and  the  frontier 
Southern  States  may  command  the  peace  even  from 
the  silly  fanatics  who  at  present  rule  Washington. 
The  South  does  not  want  war.  We  stand  on  the 
defensive.  But  if  the  Northern  Government  choose 
to  have  war,  they  can  and  will  have  it,  they  may 
rest  assured.” 


Doc.  61V— ADDRESS  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF 
TENNESSEE. 

In  the  perilous  times  upon  which  our  country  is 
thrown,  we  trust  it  will  not  be  deemed  presump¬ 
tuous  or  improper  in  us  to  express  to  our  fellow- 
citizens  our  united  opinion  as  to  the  duty  of  the 
State  in  this  dire  emergency. 

We  are  threatened  with  a  civil  war,  the  dread¬ 
ful  consequences  of  which,  if  once  fully  inaugu¬ 
rated,  no  language  can  depict.  In  view  of  such 
consequences  we  deem  it  the  duty  of  every  good 
citizen  to  exert  his  utmost  powers  to  avert  the 
calamities  of  such  a  war.  The  agitation  of  the 
slavery  question,  combined  with  party  spirit  and 
sectional  animosity,  has  at  length  produced  the 
legitimate  fruit.  The  present  is  no  time  to  dis¬ 
cuss  the  events  of  the  past.  The  awful  presence 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


72 


is  upon  us,  and  the  portentous  future  is.  hanging 
over  us.  There  has  been  a  collision,  as  is  known 
to  you,  at  Fort  Sumter,  between  the  forces  of  the 
seceded  States  and  those  of  the  National  Govern¬ 
ment,  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  fort  by 
the  army  of  the  Confederate  States.  In  view  of 
this  event  and  of  other  acts  growing  out  of  the 
secession  of  seven  of  the  Southern  States,  the 
President  has  issued  his  proclamation  calling  out 
the  militia  of  the  States  of  the  Union  to  suppress 
what  the  Proclamation  designates  a  “  combination 
too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary 
course  of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers 
vested  in  the  Marshals  by  law.” 

Tennessee  is  called  upon  by  the  President  to 
furnish  two  regiments,  and  the  State  has,  through 
her  Executive,  refused  to  comply  with  the  call. 
This  refusal  of  our  State,  we  fully  approve.  We 
commend  the  wisdom,  the  justice,  and  the  hu¬ 
manity  of 'the  refusal.  We  unqualifiedly  disap¬ 
prove  of  secession,  both  as  a  constitutional  right 
and  as  a  remedy  for  existing  evils;  we  equally 
condemn  the  policy  of  the  Administration  in  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  seceded  States.  But  while  we,  with¬ 
out  qualification,  condemn  the  policy  of  coercion 
as  calculated  to  dissolve  the  Union  forever  and  to 
dissolve  it  in  the  blood  of  our  fellow-citizens,  and 
regard  it  as  sufficient  to  justify  the  State  in  refus¬ 
ing  her  aid  to  the  Government,  in  its  attempt  to 
suppress  the  revolution  in  the  seceded  States,  we 
do  not  think  it  her  duty,  considering  her  position 
in  the  Union,  and  in  view  of  the  great  question 
of  the  peace  of  our  distracted  country,  to  take 
sides  against  the  Government.  Tennesse  has 
wronged  no  State  or  citizen  of  this  Union.  She 
has  violated  the  rights  of  no  State,  north  or 
south.  She  has  been  loyal  to  all  where  loyalty 
was  due.  She  has  not  brought  on  this  war  by 
any  act  of  hers.  She  has  tried  every  means  in 
her  power  to  prevent  it.  She  now  stands  ready 
to  do  any  thing  within  her  reach  to  stop  it.  And 
she  ought,  as  we  think,  to  decline  joining  either 
party.  For  in  so  doing,  they  would  at  once  ter¬ 
minate  her  grand  mission  of  peace  maker  be¬ 
tween  the  States  of  the  South  and  the  General 
Government.  Nay,  more ;  the  almost  inevitable 
result  would  be  the  transfer  of  the  war  within  her 
own  borders — the  defeat  of  all  hopes  of  reconcilia¬ 
tion,  and  the  deluging  of  the  State  with  the  blood 
of  her  own  people. 

The  present  duty  of  Tennessee,  is  to  maintain 
a  position  of  independence — taking  sides  with  the 
Union  and  the  peace  of  the  country  against  all  as¬ 
sailants,  whether  from  the  North  or  South.  Her 
position  should  be  to  maintain  the  sanctity  of  her 
soil,  from  the  hostile  tread  of  any  party. 

We  do  not  pretend  to  foretell  the  future  of  Ten¬ 
nessee,  in  connection  with  the  other  States,  or  in 
reference  to  the  Federal  Government.  We  do 
not  pretend  to  be  able  to  tell  the  future  purposes 
of  the  President  and  Cabinet  in  reference  to  the 
impending  war.  But  should  a  purpose  be  devel¬ 
oped  by  the  Government  of  overrunning  and 
subjugating  our  brethren  of  the  seceded  States, 
we  say  unequivocally,  that  it  will  be  the  duty  of 
the  State  to  resist  at  all  hazards,  at  any  cost,  and 
by  arms ,  any  such  purpose  or  attempt.  And  to 
meet  any  and  all  emergencies,  she  ought  to  be 
fully  armed,  and  we  would  respectfully  call  upon 
the  authorities  of  the  State  to  proceed  at  once  to 
the  accomplishment  of  this  object. 


Let  Tennessee,  then,  prepare  thoroughly  and 
efficiently  for  coming  events.  In  the  meantime, 
let  her,  as  speedily  as  she  can,  hold  a  Conference 
with  her  sister  slaveholding  States  yet  in  the 
Union,  for  the  purpose  of  devising  plans  for  the 
preservation  of  the  peace  of  the  land.  Fellow- 
citizens  of  Tennessee,  we  entreat  you  to  bring 
yourselves  up  to  the  magnitude  of  the  crisis. 
Look  in  the  face  impending  calamities.  Civil 
war — wrhat  is  it?  The  bloodiest  and  darkest  pages 
of  history  answer  this  question.  To  avert  this, 
who  would  not  give  Iris  time,  his  talents,  his  un¬ 
tiring  energy — his  all?  There  may  be  yet  time  to 
accomplish  every  thing.  Let  us  not  despair.  The 
Border  Slave  States  may  prevent  this  civil  war ; 
and  why  shall  they  not  do  it? 

Neil  S.  Brown, 

Russell  Houston, 

E.  H.  Ewing, 

C.  Johnson, 

John  Bell, 

R.  J.  Meigs, 

Nashville,  April  18,  1861. 


S.  D.  Morgan, 

John  S.  Brien, 
Andrew  Ewing, 
JonN  II.  Callender, 
Bailie  Peyton. 


— Louisville  Journal. 


Doc.  62.— LIEUT.  JONES’  OFFICIAL  REPORT. 

Carlisle  Barracks,  Pa.,  April  20,  1861. 
The  Assistant  Adjutant- General,  Head-quarters 
Army ,  Washington ,  JD.  C.  : 

Sir:  Immediately  after  finishing  my  despatch  of 
the  night  of  the  18th  inst.,  I  received  positive  and 
reliable  information  that  2,500  or  3,000  State  troops 
would  reach  Harper’s  Ferry  in  two  hours,  from  Win¬ 
chester,  and  that  the  troops  from  Halltown,  in¬ 
creased  to  300,  were  advancing,  and  even  at  that 
time — a  few  minutes  after  10  o’clock — within  20 
minutes’  march  of  the  Ferry.  Under  these  circum¬ 
stances,  I  decided  the  time  had  arrived  to  carry 
out  my  determination,  as  expressed  in  the  despatch 
.above  referred  to,  and  accordingly  gave  the  order 
to  apply  the  torch.  In  three  minutes,  or  less,  both 
of  the  Arsenal  buildings,  containing  nearly  15,000 
stand  of  arms,  together  with  the  carpenters’  shop, 
which  was  at  the  upper  end  of  a  long  and  connected 
series  of  workshops  of  the  Armory  proper,  wrere  in 
a  complete  blaze. 

There  is  every  reason  for  believing  the  destruction 
was  complete. 

After  firing  the  buildings,  I  withdrew  my  com¬ 
mand,  marching  all  night,  and  arrived  here  at  2-J- 
P.  M.  yesterday,  where  I  shall  await  orders. 

Four  men  were  missing  on  leaving  the  Armory, 
and  two  deserted  during  the  night. 

I  am,  Sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  serv’t, 
R.  JONES,  First  Lieut.  R.  M.  Rifles, 
Commanding  Dept.  Rect. 


Doc.  63.— MEETING  AT  LOUISVILLE,  KY. 
mr.  Guthrie’s  speech. 

The  Hon.  James  Guthrie  rose  amid  tremendous 
cheering.  He  said :  Fellow-citizens,  my  voice  is 
not  very  strong,  and  I  fear  it  cannot  be  heard  all 
over  this  great  assemblage,  but  I  will  try  to  make  it 
heard.  Events  press  upon  us  with  haste,  and  we 
scarcely  knowr  what  is  to  come  next.  When  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  elected  President  we  all  felt  that  the 


Documents. 


78 


remedy  for  a  sectional  President  was  in  the  Union 
and  under  the  Constitution.  We  knew  we  had  a 
Senate  against  him,  and  hoped  that  we  had  the 
House  against  him;  and  there  would  have  been  if 
all  men  had  stood  at  their  posts  as  Kentucky  has 
stood.  But  certain  States  chose  to  take  the  remedy 
into  their  own  hands,  and  dissolve  their  connexion 
with  the  Union;  South  Carolina  first,  and  then 
seven  other  States  followed.  They  have  organized 
a  separate  Government,  and  one  exercising  govern¬ 
mental  authority.  Louisville  spoke  early,  decid¬ 
edly,  and  firmly  against  a  sectional  party  in  the 
Union,  and  under  the  Constitution.  We  had  a 
Legislatui'o  called ;  we  have  had  a  Peace  Confer¬ 
ence  at  Washington,  and  both  failed  ;  the  result  of 
the  deliberations  of  both  Houses  of  Congress  failed 
to  find  a  remedy  for  secession.  The  Peace  Confer¬ 
ence  at  Washington  was  equally  unsuccessful  in 
solving  this  dangerous  question.  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
inaugurated.  He  gave  us  his  inaugural.  It  was 
construed  as  an  inaugural  of  peace  and  as  an  inau¬ 
gural  of  war.  His  chosen  friends  did  not  know  how 
to  take  it,  and  his  opponents  were  divided  as  to  its 
meaning.  I  suspected  it ;  for,  like  the  serpent,  it 
spoke  with  a  forked  tongue !  [Cheers.]  Then  the 
troops  were  to  be  withdrawn  from  Fort  Sumter,  and 
then  not,  but  were  to  be  furnished  with  supplies 
only.  Now,  in  the  action  of  the  Southern  Confed¬ 
eracy  and  that  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  friends  of  both 
parties  find  excuses  for  them ;  but  when  it  was  the 
peace  of  the  country,  and  the  saving  it  from  war 
and  bloodshed,  then  there  should  have  been  no  in¬ 
terference  of  etiquette  to  prevent  such  a  dreadful 
calamity.  Kentucky  spoke  as  her  statesmen  have 
always  spoken,  of  conciliation,  peace,  harmony,  and 
a  final  settlement.  But  war  lias  been  inaugurated  ; 
Fort  Sumter  has  fallen.  The  President  has  issued  a 
proclamation  calling  for  75,000  men;  but  he  has 
not  told  us  what  he  was  going  to  do  with  them !  Is 
ho  going  to  retake  Fort  Sumter?  Is  he  going  to  de¬ 
fend  Fort  Pickens  ?  If  so,  why  does  he  congregate 
them  at  Washington?  I  was  at  Washington  when 
Lincoln  came,  and  it  was  like  a  beleaguered  city. 
We  heard  sounds  of  martial  music,  the  tramp  of 
armed  men,  and  the  roll  of  artillery !  And  now 
Lincoln  wants  75,000  men,  where  every  other 
President  has  lived  like  an  American  citizen,  as  we 
have  lived,  and  walked,  in  perfect  security  among 
his  fellow-citizens.  We  learn  from  the  telegraph 
that  State  after  State  is  tendering  men  and  money. 
Is  the  party  now  in  possession  of  the  Government 
going  to  conquer  the  seven  seceding  States,  and 
hold  them  as  subjugated  provinces?  If  they  are, 
Lincoln  should,  like  an  honest  man,  have  told  us  in 
his  inaugural,  and  some  say  he  is  an  honest  man. 
In  all  these  tree  States  sending  men  and  money,  we 
hear  no  voice  of  peace,  and  after  his  legions  have 
drowned  the  South  in  carnage,  is  there  to  bo  no 
peace  ?  What  is  the  end  of  all  wars — peace !  No 
free  people  were  ever  conquered  until  they  were 
exterminated.  Why  shall  not  the  people  of  Amer¬ 
ica  have  peace  before,  rather  than  after  war,  when 
its  desolating  influence  has  blighted  the  land  ?  I 
want  Kentucky  to  take  her  stand  for  peace — - 
[Cheers,] — and  appeal  to  that  still  small  voice  in 
the  North  crying  for  peace.  There  are  religious 
men  from  habit,  education  and  from  profession, 
whose  hearts,  when  Kentucky  calls  for  peace,  will 
be  reached,  and  whose  voice  will  reach  the  powers 
that  be,  and  we  will  have  peace.  What  a  spectacle 
we  present !  A  people  that  have  prospered  beyond 


example  in  the  records  of  time ;  free  and  self-govern¬ 
ed,  without  oppression,  without  taxation  to  be  felt, 
are  now  going  to  cut  each  other’s  throats  ;  and  why  ? 
Because  Presidents  Lincoln  and  Davis  couldn’t  settle 
the  etiquette  upon  which  the  troops  were  to  be 
withdrawn  from  Fort  Sumter.  Kentucky  is  a  State 
in  this  matter,  on  the  border  of  the  Ohio,  with  six 
or  seven  hundred  miles  of  coast  bordering  upon 
Ohio,  Indiana  and  Illinois — States  with  whom  we 
have  ever  lived  in  peace  and  good  fellowship.  We 
have  no  quarrel  with  them,  and  they  must  have 
none  with  us.  We  have  asked  the  South  to  stay 
their  hands,  for  we  had  a  great  stake  in  this  Govern¬ 
ment,  and  they  have  not.  We  plead  with  Lincoln 
for  peace,  and  have  not  been  hearkened  to.  Shall 
we  be  hearkened  to  in  the  din  of  arms?  There  will 
be  a  time  when  Kentucky’s  voice,  if  she  stands  firm 
on  her  own  soil,  fighting  with  neither  section — will 
be  heard  by  millions  of  people  of  the  free  States, 
who  will  hearken  to  us  and  say:  “Why  should 
there  be  strife  between  us  and  you?”  I  have  al¬ 
ways  counselled  against  inconsiderate  measures. 
We  are  not  situated  to  meet  even  our  borderfriends 
in  arms.  How  long  would  it  take  to  make  the 
northern  bank  of  the  Ohio  bristle  with  men  and 
bayonets  and  cannon  hostile  to  us  ?  Let  us  stand 
boldly  and  fearlessly,  as  is  characteristic  of  Ken¬ 
tuckians,  and  cry  peace!  Hold  fast  to  that  we 
know  to  be  good,  and  let  these  men  who  want  to 
make  the  experiment  of  secession  go  as  individual 
amateurs  and  find  congenial  spirits  for  their  work. 
[Cheers.]  I  will  leave  to  other  gentlemen  to  dilate 
upon  all  those  subjects.  We  have  men  who  want 
us  out  at  once.  Does  not  that  inaugurate  war? 
Does  not  that  begin  to  create  men  of  the  Northern 
border  into  foes  ?  Keep  up  your  relations  of  trade 
and  commerce  and  good  fellowship ;  stand  firm  by 
the  cause  and  heed  the  counsels  of  men  who  have 
ever  counselled  peace  and  harmony  and  attendant 
prosperity.  This  thing  of  breaking  the  links  of  a 
Government  under  which  we  have  prospered,  is  a 
hard  thing  to  do.  It  prostrates  the  labor  of  the 
husbandman  as  it  has  prostrated  the  business  of 
merchants.  IIow  much  better  will  the  business  be 
if  war  is  inaugurated  ?  I  tell  you  that  you  need  not 
believe  the  telegraphic  reports.  I  know  the  hearts 
and  sentiments  and  feelings  that  will  come  forth 
and  battle  in  the  free  States  for  us  !  If  the  North 
comes  to  ravage  our  land,  we  will  meet  them  as 
Kentuckians  always  meet  their  foes.  We  will 
meet  them  as  Kentuckians  should  meet  them,  so 
long  as  there  is  a  tree  for  a  fortification,  or  a  foot  of 
land  for  a  freeman  to  stand  upon.  [Applause.]  I 
am  for  holding  fast  to  that  she  knows  to  be 
good,  and  for  her  standing  firm  for  right,  and  for 
abiding  events  as  heroes  should  do.  Why  should  a 
man  be  scared  by  the  first  danger  and  fly  into  still 
greater  peril?  You  were  startled  at  the  reports 
from  Cincinnati ;  last  evening  Louisville  was  ex¬ 
cited  ;  to-day  you  are  reconciled,  for  there  was 
nothing  in  the  reports.  You  will  hear  of  great 
battles,  but  you  will  often  hear  of  great  battles  that 
wTere  never  fought.  Now,  I  don’t  believe  that  the 
overruling  Providence  that  was  with  us  through  the 
Revolution,  in  the  councils  of  the  framers  of  this 
Government,  and  has  been  with  us  ever  since,  has 
deserted  us,  and  I  hope  He  has  chosen  Kentucky  to 
be  the  great  mediator  for  the  restoration  of  peace 
and  the  preservation  of  our  country. 

The  Hon.  Nat.  Wolfe,  from  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions,  reported  the  following  preamble  and 


74 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


resolutions,  which  were  adopted  with  hardly  a  dis¬ 
senting  voice : 

Events  of  commanding  importance  to  the  future 
safety  and  honor  of  Kentucky  have  occurred  which 
call  for  action  on  the  part  of  her  citizens ;  and 
every  consideration  of  self-interest,  and  every  dic¬ 
tate  of  wisdom  and  patriotism  must  prompt  our 
State  to  maintain  most  resolutely  her  position  of 
loyalty.  Situated  on  the  border  of  the  Slave  States, 
with  700  miles  of  territory  exposed  to  the  hostile 
attack,  should  the  Union  be  divided  into  two  sepa¬ 
rate  sovereignties,  and  with  but  one  million  of  popu¬ 
lation  to  oppose  the  four  or  five  millions  of  the 
States  contiguous  to  her,  which  might  become  un¬ 
friendly,  Kentucky  owes  it  to  herself  to  exercise  a 
wise  precaution  before  she  precipitates  any  course 
of  action  which  may  involve  her  in  an  internecine 
war.  She  has  no  reason  to  distrust  the  present 
kindly  feelings  of  the  people  who  reside  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  Ohio  River,  long  her  friendly 
neighbors,  and  connected  by  a  thousand  ties  of  con¬ 
sanguinity  ;  but  she  must  realize  the  fact  that  if 
Kentucky  separates  from  the  federal  Union  and 
assumes  her  sovereign  powers  as  an  independent 
State,  that  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  remaining 
loyal  to  the  Federal  Union,  must  become  her  politi¬ 
cal  antagonists.  If  Kentucky  deserts  the  Stars  and 
Stripes,  and  those  States  adhere  to  the  flag  of  the 
Union,  it  seems  impossible  to  imagine  a  continuance 
of  our  old  friendly  relations  when  constantly-recur¬ 
ring  causes  of  irritation  could  not  be  avoided.  It 
is  from  no  fear  that  Kentucky  would  not  always 
prove  herself  equal  to  the  exigencies  of  any  new 
position  she  might  see  proper  to  assume,  and  from 
no  distrust  of  the  bravery  of  her  sons,  that  these 
suggestions  are  made  ;  but  as,  “  when  in  the  course 
of  human  events  it  becomes  necessary  for  one  peo¬ 
ple  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  con¬ 
nected  them  with  another,  a  decent  respect  to  the 
opinions  of  mankind  requires  that  they  should  de¬ 
clare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation,” 
so  an  equal  necessity  exists  that  we  should  not  dis¬ 
solve  those  bands  with  our  friends  and  neighbors 
without  calling  to  our  aid  every  suggestion  of  pru¬ 
dence,  and  exhausting  every  effort  to  reconcile 
difficulties,  before  taking  steps  which  cannot  be 
retraced,  and  may  lead  to  exasperation,  collisions, 
and  eventual  war ;  therefore  be  it 

Resolved ,  1.  That,  as  the  Confederate  States  have, 
by  overt  acts,  commenced  war  against  the  United 
States,  without  consultation  with  Kentucky  and  their 
sister  Southern  States,  Kentucky  reserves  to  herself 
the  right  to  choose  her  own  position,  and  that 
while  her  natural  sympathies  are  with  those  who 
have  a  common  interest  in  the  protection  of  Slavery, 
she  still  acknowledges  her  loyalty  and  fealty  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  which  she  will 
cheerfully  render  until  that  Government  becomes 
aggressive,  tyrannical,  and  regardless  of  our  rights 
in  slave  property. 

2.  That  the  National  Government  should  be  tried 
by  its  acts,  and  that  the  several  States,  as  its  peers 
in  their  appropriate  spheres,  will  hold  it  to  a  rigid 
accountability,  and  require  that  its  acts  should  be 
fraternal  in  their  efforts  to  bring  back  the  seceding 
States,  and  not  sanguinary  or  coercive. 

3.  That,  as  we  oppose  the  call  of  the  President 
for  volunteers  for  the  purpose  of  coercing  the  se¬ 
ceding  States,  so  we  oppose  the  raising  of  troops 
in  this  State  to  cooperate  with  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy,  when  the  acknowledged  intention  of  the 


latter  is  to  march  upon  the  City  of  Washington  and 
capture  the  Capitol,  and  when,  in  its  march  thither, 
it  must  pass  through  States  which  have  not  yet  re¬ 
nounced  their  allegiance  to  the  Union. 

4.  That  secession  is  a  remedy  for  no  evil,  real  or 
imaginary,  but  an  aggravation  and  complication  of 
existing  difficulties. 

5.  That  the  memories  of  the  past,  the  interests 
of  the  present,  and  the  solemn  convictions  of  fu¬ 
ture  duty  and  usefulness  in  the  hope  of  mediation, 
prevent  Kentucky  from  taking  part  with  the  se¬ 
ceding  States  against  the  General  Government. 

6.  That  “  the  present  duty  of  Kentucky  is  to 
maintain  her  present  independent  position,  taking 
sides  not  with  the  Administration,  nor  with  the  se¬ 
ceding  States,  but  with  the  Union  against  them 
both,  declaring  her  soil  to  be  sacred  from  the  hos¬ 
tile  tread  of  either,  and  if  necessary,  to  make  the 
declaration  good  with  her  strong  right  arm.” 

7.  That  to  the  end  Kentucky  may  be  prepared 
for  any  contingency,  “we  would  have  her  arm  her¬ 
self  thoroughly  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment,” 
by  regular  legal  action. 

8.  That  we  look  to  the  young  men  of  the  Ken¬ 
tucky  State  guard,  as  the  bulwarks  of  the  safety  of 
our  Commonwealth,  and  that  we  conjure  them  to 
remember  that  they  are  pledged  equally  to  fidelity 
to  the  United  States  and  Kentucky. 

9.  That  the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  being 
mainly  the  work  of  Southern  soldiers  and  states¬ 
men,  in  our  opinion  furnish  a  surer  guaranty  for 
“  Southern  Rights  ”  than  can  be  found  under  any 
other  system  of  government  yet  devised  by  men. 

The  Hon.  Archie  Dixon  then  spoke  as  follows : 

MR.  DIXON’S  SPEECH. 

Turning  to  the  flag  which  graced  the  stand,  he 
said : 

Fellow-Citizens  :  Whose  flag  is  that  which  waves 
over  us  ?  To  whom  does  it  belong  ?  Is  it  not  yours, 
is  it  not  our  own  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  do  we  mean 
ever  to  abandon  it  ?  That  flag  has  ever  waved  over 
Kentucky  soil  with  honor  and  glory.  It  is  our  flag 
— it  is  my  flag — it  is  Kentucky’s  flag!  When  that 
flag  is  trailed  in  the  dust  and  destroyed,  I  pray 
Heaven  that  the  earth  may  be  destroyed  with  it, 
for  I  do  not  wish,  and  I  trust  I  shall  never  look 
upon  its  dishonor.  It  is  our  flag — ours  while  we 
have  a  country  and  a  Government.  I  shall  never 
surrender  that  flag.  I  have  loved  it  from  boyhood, 
and  have  watched  it  everywhere,  and  imagine  it  in 
this  dark  hour  still  waving  amid  the  gloom,  and 
feel  that  its  stars  will  still  shine  forth  in  the  smoke 
of  battle,  and  lead  our  country  back  to  honor  and 
glory!  Why  is  our  country  so  stricken  down,  and 
why  is  our  glory  shaded  in  gloom — our  Constitu¬ 
tion  and  Government  destroyed  ?  What  cause  has 
brought  about  all  this  difference  between  the  North 
and  the  South?  Some  say  it  was  the  Territories. 
Some  say  the  Government  wars  on  the  South ;  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  as  a  sectional  candidate, 
and  on  a  principle  of  hostility  to  an  institution  of 
the  South.  It  is  true.  But  has  the  Government 
ever  warred  on  the  South?  This  contest  should 
be  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  not  with  that  flag — with 
the  Union!  It  is  Lincoln  and  his  party  who  arc 
the  enemies  of  tho  country — they  are  the  foes  of 
the  Constitution.  [Cheers.]  It  is  that  party  of  the 
North  whose  purpose  is  to  sever  the  States.  It  is 
with  them  that  we  should  war,  and  not  with  the 
Government — the  Union  under  which  we  have  been 


DOCUMENTS. 


75 


so  prosperous.  Look  to  the  history  of  the  country 
and  tell  me,  has  the  Government  ever  made  war  on 
the  South  ?  I  boldly  affirm  it  that  the  amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  which  affects  Southern  interests, 
has  been  made  at  the  instance  of  Southern  men. 
Was  not  the  act  of  1850  enacted  at  the  instance  of 
Southern  men,  and  was  it  not  framed  and  advocated 
by  our  own  immortal  statesman — Kentucky’s  noble 
and  gallant  Clay?  The  principle  upon  which  all 
our  Territories  have  been  organized  holds  that 
people  who  owned  slaves  might  take  them  there, 
and  the  Territories  could  be  admitted  as  Slave 
States.  Those  acts  thus  providing  are  still  in  force. 
The  South  asked  for  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  and  it  was  done.  What  next?  Even 
since  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  his  party  has 
given  sanction  to  three  new  Territories  under  the 
same  existing  laws.  All  have  the  right  to  take 
their  slaves  there.  What,  then,  is  the  cause  of  our 
difficulty?  Look  at  it  clearly.  Is  it  the  tariff? 
Was  it  not  made  as  the  South  wanted  it,  and  was  it 
not  South  Carolina  who  changed  it?  Did  not  the 
General  Government  change  the  then  existing  value 
of  silver  and  gold  for  the  benefit  of  the  South? 
We  were  told  the  other  day  that  if  Lincoln  was 
elected  his  intention  was  to  destroy  Slavery.  Did 
he  not  declare  that  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  should 
be  enforced?  How  has  it  been  done?  Were  not 
five  slaves  only  lately  taken  from  Chicago  and  de¬ 
livered  to  their  owners?  He  declares  he  will  en¬ 
force  the  laws,  and  not  interfere  with  Slavery. 
Then  why  this  war?  I  will  tell  you  why.  Because 
Mr.  Lincoln  has  been  elected  President  of  the  coun¬ 
try,  and  Mr.  Davis  could  not  be,  and  therefore  a 
Southern  Confederacy  was  to  be  formed  by  South¬ 
ern  demagogues,  and  now  they  are  attempting  to 
drag  you  on  with  them.  That  is  the  plain  state  of 
the  case.  Demagogues  at  the  North  and  dema¬ 
gogues  at  the  South  have  divided  the  country; 
they  would  strike  the  dagger  to  the  hearts  of  their 
brothers;  they  inaugurated  the  civil  war  now 
raging,  and  wish  to  drag  you  on  with  them.  I 
say,  for  my  part,  I  am  not  to  be  forced.  I  will  not 
be  driven  to  desert  my  country  and  my  country’s 
flag,  nor  turn  to  strike  my  dagger  at  her  heart,  but 
ever  stand  forward  to  defend  her  glory  and  her 
honor.  What  are  we  to  do  with  South  Carolina 
and  her  seceded  sisters?  Do  you  mean  to  tell  me 
they  will  come  back?  What  if  you  give  them 
over,  will  they  ever  come  back?  They  have  turned 
their  backs  on  their  country,  and  now  they  want 
you  to  march  with  them.  In  a  just  cause  I  will 
defend  our  State  at  every  point  and  against  every 
combination ;  but  when  she  battles  against  the  law 
and  the  Constitution,  I  have  not  the  heart — I  have 
not  the  courage  to  do  it !  I  cannot  do  it — I  will 
not  do  it !  Never !  strike  at  that  flag  of  our  coun¬ 
try — follow  Davis  to  tear  down  the  Stars  and 
Stripes,  the  eagle  which  has  soared  so  high  aloft  as 
the  emblem  of  so  mighty  a  nation — give  up  that 
flag  for  the  Palmetto — strike  that  eagle  from  his 
high  place  and  coil  around  the  stars  the  rattle¬ 
snake  !  The  serpent  stole  into  the  garden  of  Eden 
and  whispered  treason  to  Heaven  in  the  ear  of 
Eve.  And  now  the  serpent  would  seduce  us  from 
our  allegiance  to  our  country.  Were  it  possible  for 
him  to  coil  himself  around  the  flag,  I  would  tear 
him  from  the  folds  and  crush  him  beneath  my  feet. 
The  rattlesnake  for  the  eagle !  If  you  follow  the 
serpent  your  fate  will  be  as  Adam’s.  Measureless 
woe,  for  all  generations,  has  been  that  fate.  Hell 


was  created  because  of  that  treason  to  Heaven, 
and  if  we  follow  after  the  serpent  our  fate  will  be 
to  sink  into  the  hell  of  Secession.  This  is  the  fate 
which  befalls  you  if  you  follow  Davis.  But  you 
must  take  a  position.  One  side  advises  us  to  go 
out,  while  some  say  remain  in  the  Union.  They 
tell  us  that  we  are  bound  to  fight,  no  matter  how 
we  decide.  Kentucky  is  always  ready  to  fight. 
She  was  born  to  fight  when  necessary,  and  when 
the  soil  of  Kentucky  is  stained  with  blood,  and  the 
spirit  of  her  sons  aroused,  let  her  enemies  tremble ! 
But  she  should  ever  fight  upon  the  right  side.  But 
why  is  the  Union  broken  up  ?  Is  it  not  because 
Lincoln  is  President?  How  long  is  his  rule  to 
last?  In  the  history  of  nations,  what  is  four 
years?  How  soon  will  he  be  dragged  down  and 
another  and  a  better  man  raised  to  his  high  place  ? 
The  American  people  are  powerful  when  they  are 
aroused  to  action,  but  they  should  act  calmly. 
Now  they  are  wild  with  excitement  and  act  with¬ 
out  judgment.  What  would  wre  do  if  invaded? 
We  would  fly  from  house  to  house  and  rush  to¬ 
gether,  but  would  we  be  in  any  capacity  to  defend 
ourselves?  Calmness  and  not  excitement  should 
characterize  us.  Seven  States  have  seceded,  and 
the  General  Government  attempts  to  enforce  the 
laws.  The  war  commences  and  blood  is  shed,  and 
forces  are  ready  arrayed  against  each  other  in  hos¬ 
tile  action.  If  we  move  out,  what  is  our  fate? 
Who  is  to  defend?  How  are  you  to  defend  your¬ 
self  if  you  go  out  of  the  Union  ?  If  you  do,  you  at 
once  declare  war  against  the  Union — you  oppose 
the  Stars  and  Stripes.  We  have  a  million  of  white 
population  resident  in  a  State  only  separated  by  the 
Ohio  River  from  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Ohio,  with  a 
population  of  five  millions.  Through  each  State  are 
numerous  railroads,  able  to  transport  an  army  in  a 
few  days  to  our  doors.  What  roads  have  we  but 
those  to  Nashville  and  Lexington?  And  what  can 
we  do  with  them  ?  In  sixty  days  the  North  can 
pour  an  army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men  upon 
every  part  of  us.  What  can  we  do?  The  State 
could  raise  perhaps  sixty  thousand  men  for  her  de¬ 
fence,  but  what  can  they  do  ?  Can  they  save  your 
State  and  your  city?  From  the  heights  beyond 
the  river  they  can  bombard  your  city  and  destroy 
it.  They  can  cut  off  all  communication  with  the 
South,  and  every  foot  of  Kentucky  soil  eventually 
become  desecrated  by  the  invader.  Can  the  South 
help  you  ?  She  has  got  more  than  enough  to  do 
to  defend  herself,  for  the  North  can  with  her  fleet 
cut  off  all  communication  with  the  outside  world, 
and  by  the  Mississippi  River  with  Western  States, 
and  actually  starve  the  South  into  subjection.  One 
hope  for  Kentucky  remains — stand  still,  with  the 
Border  States,  and  defy  invasion  from  either  side. 
My  sympathies  are  wholly  with  the  South,  but  I  am 
not  prepared  to  aid  her  in  fighting  against  our 
Government.  If  we  remain  in  the  Union  we  are 
safe ;  if  we  go  out  we  will  be  invaded  ;  if  we  hold 
as  we  are  we  are  safe,  if  we  go  out  we  will  be  over¬ 
powered.  There  is  but  one  position  to  assume  for 
honor  and  safety,  and  that  position  taken  we  can 
save  the  country.  Another  point :  If  an  army  in¬ 
vades  us  can  we  save,  can  wo  protect,  our  homes 
and  families?  When,  in  our  city,  the  sentinel 
struts  the  streets,  and  we  are  powerless  before  him, 
who  is  to  protect  our  families?  Those  who  have 
plenty  of  money  can  flee,  but  what  is  the  poor  man 
to  do  ?  He  will  have  to  fight.  Think  of  it — who  is 
to  protect  them  then  from  brutality  and  shame,  our 


76 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


city  from  pillage  and  destruction?  And  it  'will 
surely  befall  us  if  we  do  not  stand  by  our  flag. 
We  do  not  mean  to  submit  to  Lincoln.  He  has 
commanded  us  to  send  troops.  We  send  word 
that  Kentucky  will  not  do  it.  Will  he  compel  us? 
Let  him  not  dare  it!  Let  him  not  rouse  the  sleep¬ 
ing  lions  of  the  Border  States.  She  sleeps  now — 
still  and  quiet,  but  it  is  not  from  lack  of  strength, 
courage,  or  power.  She  waits  for  the  assault.  Let 
it  come,  and,  roused,  she  wdll  crush  the  power  that 
assails,  and  drag  Mr.  Lincoln  from  his  high  place. 
Can  he  make  Kentucky  help  him  kill  ?  lie  has  a 
right  to  demand  troops,  and  he  did.  Glendower 
could,  as  he  said,  call  spirits  from  the  vasty  deep, 
but  would  they  come  when  they  were  called  ?  Will 
the  troops  from  Kentucky  come  at  his  call  ?  No, 
they  will  never  lend  themselves  to  such  a  cause. 
But,  Kentucky  will  stand  firm  with  her  sister  Border 
States  in  the  centre  of  the  Republic,  to  calm  the 
distracted  sections.  This  is  her  true  position,  and 
in  it  she  saves  the  Union  and  frowns  down  Seces¬ 
sion.  Let  us  wait  for  reason  to  resume  her  seat. 
Let  us  not  fight  the  North  or  South,  but  firm  in  our 
position  tell  our  sister  Border  States  that  with  them 
we  will  stand  to  maintain  the  Union,  to  preserve 
the  peace,  and  uphold  our  honor,  and  our  flag, 
which  they  would  trail  in  the  dust.  We  will  rear 
ourselves  as  a  rock  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean, 
against  which  the  waves,  lashed  by  sectional  strife, 
in  fury  breaking,  shall  recoil  and  overwhelm  those 
who  have  raised  them!  If  we  give  up  the  Union, 
all  is  lost.  There  will  then  be  no  breakwater,  but 
instead,  Kentucky  will  be  the  battle-ground — the 
scene  of  a  conflict  between  brethren — such  a  con¬ 
flict  as  no  country  has  yet  witnessed.  But  if  we 
take  the  true  stand,  the  tide  of  war  and  desolation 
will  be  rolled  back  on  both  sides.  If  we  must 
fight,  let  us  fight  Lincoln  and  not  our  Government. 
To  go  out  of  the  Union  is  to  raise  a  new  issue  with 
the  North  and  turn  the  whole  country  against  you. 
The  ship  of  state  is  one  in  which  we  all  sail,  and 
when  thus  launched  into  the  ocean,  and  about  to 
founder  because  part  of  the  crew  rebel  against  the 
commander,  it  is  the  duty  of  all,  unhesitatingly,  to 
aid  and  save.  Safety  demands  that  we  stand  by 
the  flag,  by  the  Government,  by  the  Constitution ! 
In  the  distance  you  hear  the  shouts  of  men  and  the 
roaring  of  cannon.  The  foemen  are  gathering  for 
the  dreadful  conflict,  and  when  you  cut  loose  from 
the  Union  it  is  to  take  a  part.  But  you  are  secure 
from  both  as  long  as  you  remain  neutral.  You  are 
to  determine  now.  Examine  all  the  points;  look 
where  you  arc  going  before  you  take  the  step  that 
plunges  you  into  ruin,  and,  calmly  reasoning,  free 
from  excitement,  determine  to  stand  forever  by  the 
country,  the  Constitution,  and  the  Stars  and  Stripes, 
and  be  still  the  mightiest  nation  the  world  ever  saw. 

Judge  Nicholas  made  a  beautiful,  eloquent,  and 
patriotic  speech,  which  was  greatly  applauded,  and 
closed  by  offering  a  series  of  resolutions,  the  last 
of  which,  as  follows,  was  adopted,  the  balance 
being  withdrawn : 

Resolved,  That  we  hail  in  Major  Robert  Ander¬ 
son,  the  gallant  defender  of  Fort  Sumter  against 
overwhelming  odds,  a  worthy  Kentuckian,  the 
worthy  son  of  a  patriot  sire,  who  has  given  so 
heroic  an  example  of  what  ought  always  to  be  the 
conduct  of  a  patriot  soldier,  in  the  presence  of  the 
armed  assailants  of  his  country’s  flag ;  that  he,  his 
officers,  and  men,  have  well  earned  the  admiration 
and  gratitude  of  the  nation. 


Judge  Bullock  was  generally  called  for,  and  re¬ 
sponded  in  a  clear,  forcible,  and  logical  speech, 
indorsing  the  spirit  of  the  preamble  and  resolutions 
adopted,  and  urging  Kentucky  to  pursue  the  course 
laid  down  in  them  as  the  safest,  wisest,  and  most 
noble  for  the  first-born  of  the  Union.  His  speech 
was  characterized  by  that  eloquence  of  diction  so 
well  known  as  an  attribute  of  Judge  Bullock’s 
oratorical  efforts.  lie  was  frequently  interrupted 
in  the  course  of  his  remarks  by  cheers  and  ap¬ 
plause. 

The  non.  John  Young  Brown  followed  in  a 
speech  unsurpassed  in  power  and  brilliancy.  This 
gifted  young  orator  rehearsed  the  history  of  the 
last  Congress,  the  efforts  for  compromise,  the  sur¬ 
render  by  the  Republicans  of  the  fundamental  idea 
of  the  Chicago  platform,  in  the  positive  non-exten¬ 
sion  of  Slavery  in  the  formation  of  the  new  Terri¬ 
tories.  He  held  his  audience  spell-bound,  as  it 
were,  for  more  than  an  hour,  as  he  poured  out 
burning  words  of  indignation  upon  those  who  have 
brought  the  country  into  its  present  unfortunate 
condition,  or  depicted  the  horrors  of  civil  war. 
He  earnestly  urged  the  neutrality  of  Kentucky  in 
the  present  crisis,  as  the  best  and  most  practicable 
position  for  Kentucky  to  maintain  her  integrity  in 
the  Union,  and  to  mediate  between  the  antagonistic 
sections. 

The  meeting,  which  was  entirely  orderly,  ad¬ 
journed  after  giving  rounds  of  cheers  for  the  Union 
and  for  the  American  flag. 

— Louisville  Journal,  April  21. 


Doc.  64.— MAJOR  ANDERSON’S  DESPATCHES 
TO  THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT. 

Steamship  Baltic,  ) 
Off  Sandy  Hook,  April  18, 1861.  j 

Hon.  S.  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington, 
D.  C:— 

Sir: — Having  defended  Fort  Sumter  for  thirty- 
four  hours,  until  the  quarters  were  entirely  burned, 
the  main  gates  destroyed  by  fire,  the  gorge  wall 
seriously  injured,  the  magazine  surrounded  by 
flames,  and  its  door  closed  from  the  effects  of  the 
heat,  four  barrels  and  three  cartridges  of  powder 
only  being  available,  and  no  provisions  but  pork 
remaining,  I  accepted  terms  of  evacuation,  offered 
by  General  Beauregard,  being  the  same  offered  by 
him  on  the  11th  iust.,  prior  to  the  commencement 
of  hostilities,  and  marched  out  of  the  fort  Sunday 
afternoon,  the  14th  iust.,  with  colors  flying  and 
drums  beating,  bringing  away  company  and  private 
property,  and  saluting  my  flag  with  fifty  guns. 

Robert  Anderson, 

Major  First  Artillery. 

— Times. 


Doc.  65.— PROCLAMATION  OF  THE  GOVER¬ 
NOR  OF  MARYLAND. 

TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  MARYLAND. 

TnE  unfortunate  state  of  affairs  now  existing  in 
the  country  has  greatly  excited  the  people  ot  Mary¬ 
land. 

In  consequence  of  our  peculiar  position,  it  is  not 
to  be  expected  that  the  people  ol  the  State  can 
unanimously  agree  upon  the  best  mode  ot  preserv- 
ing  the  honor  and  integrity  of  the  State,  and  of 


DOCUMENTS. 


77 


maintaining  within  her  limits  that  peace  so  earnestly 
desired  by  all  good  citizens. 

The  emergency  is  great.  The  consequences  of 
a  rash  step  will  be  fearful.  It  is  the  imperative 
duty  of  every  true  son  of  Maryland  to  do  all  that  ho 
can  to  arrest  the  threatened  evil.  I  therefore  coun¬ 
sel  the  people,  in  all  earnestness,  to  withhold  their 
hands  from  whatever  may  tend  to  precipitate  us 
into  the  gulf  of  discord  and  ruin  gaping  to  re¬ 
ceive  us. 

I  counsel  the  people  to  abstain  from  all  heated 
controversy  upon  the  subject,  to  avoid  all  things 
that  tend  to  crimination  and  recrimination,  to  be¬ 
lieve  that  the  origin  of  our  evil  day  may  well  be 
forgotten  now  by  every  patriot  in  the  earnest  de¬ 
sire  to  avert  from  us  its  fruit. 

All  powers  vested  in  the  Governor  of  the  State 
will  be  strenuously  exerted,  to  preserve  the  peace 
and  maintain  inviolate  the  honor  and  integrity  of 
Maryland. 

I  call  upon  the  people  to  obey  the  laws,  and  to 
aid  the  constituted  authorities  in  their  endeavors 
to  preserve  the  fair  fame  of  our  State  untarnished. 

I  assure  the  people  that  no  troops  will  be  sent 
from  Maryland,  unless  it  may  bo  for  the  defence 
of  the  national  capital. 

It  is  my  intention  in  the  future,  as  it  has  been 
my  endeavor  in  the  past,  to  preserve  the  people 
of  Maryland  from  civil  war ;  and  I  invoke  the  as¬ 
sistance  of  every  true  and  loyal  citizen  to  aid  me  to 
this  end. 

The  people  of  the  State  will  in  a  short  time  have 
the  opportunity  afforded  them,  in  a  special  election 
for  Members  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
to  express  their  devotion  to  the  Union,  or  their  de¬ 
sire  to  see  it  broken  up. 

Tn.  II.  Hicks, 
Governor  of  Maryland. 

Baltimore,  April  IS,  1S61. 

PROCLAMATION  OF  TIIE  MAYOR  OF  BALTI¬ 
MORE. 

Mayor’s  Office,  April  18, 1861. 

I  nKAnTiLY  concur  in  the  determination  of  the 
Governor  to  preserve  the  peace  and  maintain  in¬ 
violate  the  honor  and  integrity  of  Maryland,  as  set 
forth  in  the  above  proclamation,  and  will  earnestly 
co-operate  with  his  efforts  to  maintain  peace  and 
order  in  the  city  of  Baltimore. 

And  I  cannot  withhold  my  expression  of  satisfac¬ 
tion  at  his  resolution  that  no  troops  shall  be  sent 
from  Maryland  to  the  soil  of  any  other  State.  The 
great  questions  at  issue  must,  in  the  last  resort,  bo 
settled  by  the  people  of  the  city  and  State  for 
themselves  at  the  ballot  box,  and  an  opportunity 
for  a  free  expression  of  their  opinions  will  speedily 
be  afforded  at  the  approaching  Congressional  elec¬ 
tion. 

If  the  counsels  of  the  Governor  shall  be  heeded 
we  may  rest  secure  in  the  confidence  that  the 
storm  of  civil  war  which  now  threatens  the  country 
will  at  least  pass  over  our  beloved  State  and  leave 
it  unharmed;  but  if  they  shall  be  disregarded,  a 
fearful  and  fratricidal  strife  may  at  once  burst  forth 
in  our  midst. 

Under  such  circumstances,  can  any  good  citizen 
doubt  for  a  moment,  the  course  which  duty  and 
honor  alike  require  him  to  pursue  ? 

Geo.  Wm.  Brown, 

Mayor. 


Doc.  CG.— RESOLUTIONS  OF  THE  N.  Y.  CHAM¬ 
BER  OF  COMMERCE. 

Whereas,  Our  country  has,  in  the  course  of 
events,  reached  a  crisis  unprecedented  in  its  past 
history,  exposing  it  to  extreme  dangers,  and  involv¬ 
ing  the  most  momentous  results ;  and  Whereas , 
The  President  of  the  United  States  has,  by  his 
Proclamation,  made  known  the  dangers  which 
threaten  the  stability  of  Government,  and  called 
upon  the  people  to  rally  in  support  of  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  and  laws ;  and  ]F7ierea.s,  The  merchants  of 
New  York,  represented  in  this  Chamber,  have  a 
deep  stake  in  the  results  which  may  flow  from  the 
present  exposed  state  of  national  affairs,  as  well 
as  a  jealous  regard  for  the  honor  of  that  flag 
under  whose  protection  they  have  extended  the 
commerce  of  this  city  to  the  remotest  part  of  the 
world ;  therefore, 

Resolved ,  That  this  Chamber,  alive  to  the  perils 
which  have  been  gathering  around  our  cherished 
form  of  Government  aud  menacing  its  overthrow, 
has  witnessed  with  lively  satisfaction  the  determi¬ 
nation  of  the  President  to  maintain  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  and  vindicate  the  supremacy  of  Government 
and  law  at  every  hazard.  [Cheers.] 

Resolved,  That  the  so-called  secession  of  some  of 
the  Southern  States  having  at  last  culminated  in 
open  war  against  the  United  States,  the  American 
people  can  no  longer  defer  their  decision  between 
anarchy  or  despotism  on  the  one  side,  and  on  the 
other  liberty,  order,  and  law  under  the  most  benign 
Government  the  world  has  ever  known. 

Resolved,  That  this  Chamber,  forgetful  of  past 
differences  of  political  opinion  among  its  members, 
will,  with  unanimity  and  patriotic  ardor,  support 
the  Government  in  this  great  crisis:  and  it  hereby 
pledges  its  best  efforts  to  sustain  its  credit  and 
facilitate  its  financial  operations.  It  also  confidently 
appeals  to  all  men  of  wealth  to  join  in  these  efforts. 
[Applause.] 

Resolved,  That  while  deploring  the  advent  of  civil 
war  which  has  been  precipitated  on  the  country  by 
the  madness  of  the  South,  the  Chamber  is  per¬ 
suaded  that  policy  and  humanity  alike  demand  that 
it  should  be  met  by  the  most  prompt  and  energetic 
measures  ;  and  it  accordingly  recommends  to  Gov¬ 
ernment  the  instant  adoption  and  prosecution  of  a 
policy  so  vigorous  and  resistless,  that  it  will  crush 
out  treason  now  and  forever.  [Applause.] 

Resolved,  That  the  proposition  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
Davis  to  issue  letters  of  marque  to  whosoever 
may  apply  for  them,  emanating  from  no  recognized 
Government,  is  not  only  without  the  sanction  of 
public  law,  but  piratical  in  its  tendencies,  and  there¬ 
fore  deserving  the  stern  condemnation  of  the  civil¬ 
ized  world.  It  cannot  result  in  the  fitting  out  of 
regular  privateers,  but  may,  in  infesting  the  ocean 
with  piratical  cruisers,  armed  with  traitorous  com¬ 
missions,  to  despoil  our  commerce  and  that  of  all 
other  maritime  nations.  [Applause.] 

Resolved,  That  in  view  of  this  threatening  evil, 
it  is,  in  the  opinion  of  this  Chamber,  the  duty  of 
our  Government  to  issue  at  once  a  proclamation, 
warning  all  persons,  that  privateering  under  the 
commissions  proposed  will  be  dealt  with  as  simple 
piracy.  It  owes  this  duty  not  merely  to  itself,  but 
to  other  maritime  nations,  who  have  a  right  to  de¬ 
mand  that  the  United  States  Government  shall 
promptly  discountenance  every  attempt  within  its 
borders  to  legalize  piracy.  It  should,  also,  at  tho 


78 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


earliest  moment,  blockade  every  Southern  port,  so 
as  to  prevent  the  egress  and  ingress  of  such  ves¬ 
sels.  [Immense  applause.] 

Resolved ,  That  the  Secretary  be  directed  to  send 
copies  of  these  resolutions  to  the  Chambers  of 
Commerce  of  other  cities,  inviting  their  co-opera¬ 
tion  in  such  measures  as  may  be  deemed  effective 
in  strengthening  the  hands  of  Government  in  this 
emergency. 

Resolved ,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions,  duly 
attested  by  the  officers  of  the  Chamber,  be  for¬ 
warded  to  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

BLOCKADE  RESOLUTIONS. 

Whereas ,  War  against  the  Constitution  and  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  theseUnited  States  has  been  commenced, 
and  is  carried  on  by  certain  combinations  of  indi¬ 
viduals,  assuming  to  act  for  States  at  the  South  claim¬ 
ing  to  have  seceded  from  the  United  States  ;  and 
Whereas ,  Such  combinations  have  officially  pro¬ 
mulgated  an  invitation  for  the  enrollment  of  ves¬ 
sels,  to  act  under  their  authorization,  and,  as  so- 
called  “  privateers,”  against  the  flag  and  commerce 
of  the  United  States  ;  therefore, 

Resolved ,  by  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  That  the  United  States  Gov¬ 
ernment  be  recommended  and  urged  to  blockade 
the  ports  of  such  States,  or  any  other  State  that 
shall  join  them,  and  that  this  measure  is  demanded 
for  defence  in  war,  as  also  for  protection  to  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States  against  these  so- 
called  “privateers"  invited  to  enrol  under  the  au¬ 
thority  of  such  States. 

Resolved ,  That  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the 
State  of  New  York  pledges  its  hearty  and  cordial 
support  to  such  measures  as  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  may,  in  its  wisdom,  inaugurate  and 
carry  through  in  the  blockade  of  such  ports. 

—  The  World ,  April  20. 


Doc.  67.— A  PROCLAMATION, 

BY  TIIE  PRESIDENT  OF  TIIE  UNITED  STATES 
OF  AMERICA. 

Whereas  an  insurrection  against  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  has  broken  out  in  the  States 
of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Mis¬ 
sissippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  and  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  for  the  collection  of  the  revenue  can¬ 
not  be  efficiently  executed  therein  conformably  to 
that  provision  of  the  Constitution  which  requires 
duties  to  be  uniform  throughout  the  United  States : 

And  ivliereas  a  combination  of  persons,  engaged 
in  such  insurrection,  have  threatened  to  grant  pre¬ 
tended  letters  of  marque  to  authorize  the  bearers 
thereof  to  commit  assaults  on  the  lives,  vessels,  and 
property  of  good  citizens  of  the  country  lawfully 
engaged  in  commerce  on  the  high  seas,  and  in 
waters  of  the  United  States  : 

And  whereas  an  Executive  Proclamation  has  been 
already  issued,  requiring  the  persons  engaged  in 
these  disorderly  proceedings  to  desist  therefrom, 
calling  out  a  militia  force  for  the  purpose  of  re¬ 
pressing  the  same,  and  convening  Congress  in 
extraordinary  session  to  deliberate  and  determine 
thereon : 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President 
of  the  United  States,  with  a  view  to  the  same  pur¬ 
poses  before  mentioned,  and  to  the  protection  of  the 


public  peace,  and  the  lives  and  property  of  quiet 
and  orderly  citizens  pursuing  their  lawful  occupa¬ 
tions,  until  Congress  shall  have  assembled  and  de¬ 
liberated  on  the  said  unlawful  proceedings,  or  until 
the  same  shall  have  ceased,  have  further  deemed  it 
advisable  to  set  on  foot  a  Blockade  of  the  ports 
within  the  States  aforesaid,  in  pursuance  of  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  and  of  the  laws  of  nations  in 
such  cases  provided.  For  this  purpose  a  competent 
force  will  be  posted  so  as  to  prevent  entrance  and 
exit  of  vessels  from  the  ports  aforesaid.  If,  there¬ 
fore,  with  a  view  to  violate  such  Blockade,  a  vessel 
shall  approach,  or  shall  attempt  to  leave  any  of  the 
said  ports,  she  will  be  duly  warned  by  the  Com¬ 
mander  of  one  of  the  blockading  vessels,  who  will 
indorse  on  her  register  the  fact  and  date  of  such 
warning ;  and  if  the  same  vessel  shall  again  attempt 
to  enter  or  leave  the  blockaded  port,  she  will  be 
captured  and  sent  to  the  nearest  convenient  port, 
for  such  proceedings  against  her  and  her  cargo  as 
prize  as  may  be  deemed  advisable. 

And  I  hereby  proclaim  and  declare,  that  if  any 
person,  under  the  pretended  authority  of  said 
States,  or  under  any  other  pretence,  shall  molest  a 
vessel  of  the  United  States,  or  the  persons  or  cargo 
on  board  of  her,  such  person  will  be  held  amenable 
to  the  laws  of  the  United  States  for  the  prevention 
and  punishment  of  piraev. 

By  the  President,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

W illiam  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State. 

"Washington,  April  19, 1SC1. 


Doc.  68— GENERAL  ORDERS— No.  3. 

Head-quarters  of  the  Army,  ) 
Washington,  April  19, 1861.  j" 

Tiie  Military  Department  of  Washington  is  ex¬ 
tended  so  as  to  include,  in  addition  to  the  District 
of  Columbia  and  Maryland,  the  States  of  Delaware 
and  Pennsylvania,  and  will  be  commanded  by  Major- 
Gen.  Patterson,  belonging  to  the  volunteers  of  the 
latter  State. 

The  Major-General  will,  as  fast  as  they  are  mus¬ 
tered  into  service,  post  the  volunteers  of  Pennsyl¬ 
vania  all  along  the  railroad  from  Wilmington,  Del., 
to  Washington  City,  in  sufficient  numbers  and  in 
such  proximity  as  may  give  a  reasonable  protection 
to  the  lines  of  parallel  wires,  to  the  road,  it3  rails, 
bridges,  cars  and  stations. 

By  command:  WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

E.  D.  Townsend,  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 


Doc.  69— TIIE  BALTIMORE  RIOT. 

Mayor’s  Office,  April  19,  1861. 

Sir  :  This  will  be  presented  to  you  by  the  lion. 
H.  Lenox  Bond,  Geo.  W.  Dobbin  anil  Jno.  C. 
Brune,  esqs.,  who  will  proceed  to  Washington  by 
an  express  train,  at  my  request,  in  order  to  explain 
fully  the  fearful  condition  of  our  affairs  in  this  city. 
The  people  are  exasperated  to  the  highest  degree 
by  the  passage  of  troops,  and  the  citizens  are  uni¬ 
versally  decided  in  the  opinion  that  no  more  troops 
should  be  ordered  to  come. 

The  authorities  of  the  city  did  their  best  to-day 
to  protect  both  strangers  and  citizens,  and  to  pre¬ 
vent  a  collision,  but  in  vain ;  and  but  for  their 
great  efforts  a  fearful  slaughter  would  have  oc¬ 
curred. 


DOCUMENTS. 


79 


Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  my  solemn  duty 
to  inform  you  that  it  is  not  possible  for  more  sol¬ 
diers  to  pass  through  Baltimore,  unless  they  fight 
their  way  at  every  step. 

I  therefore  hope  and  trust,  and  most  earnestly 
request,  that  no  more  troops  be  permitted  or  order¬ 
ed  by  the  Government  to  pass  through  the  city.  If 
they  should  attempt  it,  the  responsibility  for  the 
bloodshed  will  not  rest  upon  me.  With  great  re¬ 
spect,  your  obedient  servant, 

Geo.  Wm.  Brown,  Mayor. 

To  His  Excellency  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of 
the  United  States : 

I  have  been  in  Baltimore  since  Tuesday  evening, 
and  co-operated  with  Mayor  Brown  in  his  untiring 
efforts  to  allay  and  prevent  the  excitement  and  sup¬ 
press  the  fearful  outbreak  as  indicated  above,  and  I 
fully  concur  in  all  that  is  said  by  him  in  the  above 
communication.  Yery  respectfully,  your  obedient 
servant, 

Thomas  Hicks,  Governor  of  Maryland. 

To  His  Excellency  President  Lincoln. 

DESPATCH  FROM  THE  PRESIDENT. 

Mayor  Brown  received  a  despatch  from  President 
Lincoln  this  morning,  stating  that  no  more  troops 
would  pass  through  this  city. 

Mayor’s  Office,  Baltimore,  April  19. 

To  His  Excellency  the  President  of  the  United 
States : 

Sir: — A  collision  between  the  citizens  and  the 
northern  troops  has  taken  place  in  Baltimore,  and 
the  excitement  is  fearful.  Send  no  more  troops 
here.  We  will  endeavor  to  prevent  all  bloodshed. 

A  public  meeting  of  citizens  has  been  called,  and 
the  troops  of  the  State  and  the  city  have  been  called 
out  to  preserve  the  peace.  They  will  be  enough. 

Respectfully : 

Tho.  II,  Hicks,  Governor. 
Geo,  Wm.  Brown,  Mayor. 

The  following  correspondence  then  took  place  be¬ 
tween  the  governor  and  mayor  and  John  W.  Gar¬ 
rett,  Esq.,  president  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail¬ 
road  : 

Mayor’s  Office,  City  IIall,  ) 
Baltimore,  April  19, 1861.  j 

John  W.  Garrett,  Esq.,  President  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Railroad : 

Sir  : — We  advise  that  the  troops  now  here  be  sent 
back  to  the  borders  of  Maryland.  Respectfully, 

Geo.  Wm.  Brown. 

Thos.  H.  Hicks. 

By  order  of  the  Board  of  Police. 

Chas.  Howard,  President. 

Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  ) 
Baltimore,  April  19.  ( 

To  his  Excellency,  Thomas  II.  Hicks,  Governor ; 

His  Honor,  Geo.  W.  Brown,  Mayor  of  Baltimore, 

and  Ciias.  Howard,  Esq.,  President  of  the  Board 

of  Police  Commissioners : 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  communication  of  this  date,  iu  which  you  “ad¬ 
vise  that  the  troops  here  be  sent  back  to  the  bor¬ 
ders  of  Maryland.”  Most  cordially  approving  the 
advice,  I  have  instructed  by  telegraph  the  same  to 
the  Philadelphia,  Wilmington  and  Baltimore  Rail¬ 


road  Co.,  and  this  company  will  act  in  accordance 
therewith.  Your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  W.  GARRETT,  President. 

The  following  note  accompanies  the  correspond¬ 
ence  : 

Gov.  Hicks  and  Mayor  Brown  have  advised  that 
the  Rhode  Island  and  Massachusetts  volunteers  (who 
were  delayed  at  President  Street)  be  returned  to 
Philadelphia. 

It  is  also  understood  that  no  more  troops  will  bo 
carried  by  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad. 

— . Baltimore  Clipper,  extra,  April  19. 

THE  RATTLESNAKE’S  FANGS. 

The  eighty-sixth  anniversary  of  the  fight  at  Lex¬ 
ington  was  signalized,  at  Baltimore  yesterday,  by 
the  first  blood  shed  north  of  Charleston  in  the  great 
Pro-Slavery  Disunion  Rebellion.  The  Massachusetts 
soldiery  passing  quietly  and  inoffensively  through 
that  city,  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  their  Gov¬ 
ernment,  were  assaulted  by  a  vast  Disunion  mob, 
which  first  obstructed  the  Railroad,  then  blocked  up 
the  streets  through  which  they  were  compelled  to 
march,  and  passing  rapidly  from  hooting  and  yelling 
to  throwing  showers  of  paving-stones,  they  at  last 
wore  out  the  patience  of  the  troops  by  shooting 
three  of  them  dead,  and  wounding  several  others, 
when  the  soldiers  fired  back,  and  stretched  a  few  of 
the  miscreants  on  the  ground.  The  mob  then  gave 
way  sufficiently  to  allow  the  defenders  of  their  coun¬ 
try’s  Government  and  flag  to  push  on  to  the  depot 
of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  where  they  took 
the  cars  provided  for  them,  and  proceeded  quietly  to 
Washington. 

That  the  villains  who  fomented  this  attack  are 
at  once  traitors  and  murderers,  no  loyal  mind  can 
doubt.  There  is  no  pretence  that  Maryland  has  se¬ 
ceded  from  the  Union — on  the  contrary,  the  most 
desperate  efforts  to  plunge  her  into  the  abyss  of 
rebellion  have  proved  abortive.  She  is  among  tho 
States  whose  authorities,  though  sorely  tried,  stand 
firmly  by  the  Government  and  Flag  of  the  Union. 
Yet,  in  full  view  of  this  fact,  the  Baltimore  secession¬ 
ists  held  a  great  public  meeting  on  Thursday  morn¬ 
ing,  and  were  harangued  by  their  leaders  in  the  most 
exciting  and  treasonable  language.  One  of  them, 
Wilson  N.  C.  Carr,  announced  himself  as  ready  and 
willing  to  shoulder  his  musket  for  the  defence  of 
Southern  homes  and  firesides.  His  interrogatory 
whether  the  75,000  minions  of  Lincoln  should  pass 
over  the  soil  of  Maryland  to  subjugate  our  sisters 
of  the  South  was  answered  with  deafening  shouts 
of  “No,  never.”  Such  was  the  direct  and  calculated 
incitement  to  the  murderous  attack  of  yesterday. 
We  rejoice  to  add  that  it  resulted  in  the  triumph  of 
Loyalty  and  the  Union,  and  in  the  necessary  procla¬ 
mation  of  Martial  Law. 

In  every  instance  of  collision  between  the  Llnionists 
and  the  secessionists  up  to  this  moment,  the  latter 
have  not  only  been  the  aggressors,  but  the  wanton, 
unprovoked,  murderous  aggressors.  How  much 
longer  is  this  to  go  on?  What  can  martial  law  in 
Baltimore  be  worth  if  tho  traitors  who  instigated 
this  assassination  be  not  dealt  with  according  to  law  ? 
If  the  authorities  of  Maryland  do  not  suppress  these 
murderous  traitors,  the  United  States  will  be  com¬ 
pelled  to  occupy  Baltimore  with  a  force  sufficient  to 
preserve  order  and  keep  the  way  open  to  the  city  of 
Washington.  This  is  no  time  for  half  measures. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune , 


80 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Doc.  70. — CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  GOV. 
ANDREW  AND  MAYOR  BROWN. 

“  Baltimore,  April  20,  1SG1. 

“  The  Hon.  John  A.  Andrew ,  Governor  of  Massa¬ 
chusetts  : 

“grR: — Mo  one  deplores  the  sad  events  of  yester¬ 
day  in  this  city  more  deeply  than  myself,  but  they 
were  inevitable.  Our  people  viewed  the  passage  of 
armed  troops  to  another  State  through  the  streets 
as  an  invasion  of  our  soil,  and  could  not  be  re¬ 
strained.  The  authorities  exerted  themselves  to  the 
best  of  their  ability,  but  with  only  partial  success. 
Governor  Hicks  was  present,  and  concurs  in  all  my 
views  as  to  the  proceedings  now  necessary  for  our 
protection.  When  are  these  scenes  to  cease  ?  Are 
we  to  have  a  war  of  sections  ?  God  forbid.  The 
bodies  of  the  Massachusetts  soldiers  could  not  be 
sent  out  to  Boston,  as  you  requested — all  communi¬ 
cation  between  this  city  and  Philadelphia  by  rail¬ 
road,  and  with  Boston  by  steamers,  having  ceased  ; 
but  they  have  been  placed  in  cemented  coffins,  and 
will  be  placed  with  proper  funeral  ceremonies  in 
the  mausoleum  of  Grcenmount  Cemetery,  where 
they  shall  be  retained  until  further  directions 
are  received  from  you.  The  wounded  arc  tenderly 
cared  for.  I  appreciate  your  offer,  but  Baltimore 
will  claim  it  as  her  right  to  pay  all  expenses  incurred. 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

“  Gko.  W.  Brown,  Mayor  of  Baltimore.” 

To  this  the  following  reply  was  returned  by  the 
Governor : 

“  To  His  Honor  Geo.  W.  Brown ,  Mayor  of  Balti¬ 
more  : 

“Dear  Sir  : — I  appreciate  your  kind  attention  to 
our  wounded  and  our  dead,  and  trust  that  at  the 
earliest  moment  the  remains  of  our  fallen  will  return 
to  us.  I  am  overwhelmed  with  surprise  that  a  peace¬ 
ful  march  of  American  citizens  over  the  highway 
to  the  defence  of  our  common  capital  should  be 
deemed  aggressive  to  Baltimoreans.  Through  New 
York  the  march  was  triumphal. 

“  John  A.  Andrew, 

“  Governor  of  Massachusetts.” 

— Evening  Post. 


Doc.  71.— DEPARTURE  OF  THE  NEW  YORK 
SEVENTH  REGIMENT. 

The  intelligence  that  the  Seventh  Regiment,  the 
“crack”  Regiment,  the  almost  adored  military  body 
of  New  York,  would  leave  for  Washington,  created 
an  excitement  scarcely  surpassed  by  any  thing  that 
has  transpired  since  the  first  news  of  the  attack  on 
Fort  Sumter.  Although  it  was  announced  that  3 
P.  M.  was  the  time  for  the  assembling  of  the  Regi¬ 
ment  at  their  Armory,  over  Tompkins  Market, 
Broadway  was  the  scene  of  gathering  for  hundreds 
of  people  long  before  noon.  The  march  of  the 
second  instalment  of  Massachusetts  troops,  early 
in  the  forenoon,  was  but  an  incentive  to  their 
patriotism.  If  they  had  to  wait  many  hours,  as 
indeed  they  had,  they  were  prepared  to  stand  on 
the  tip-toe  of  expectation  till  their  favorite  Regi¬ 
ment  passed,  even  if  nightfall  came.  The  aspect 
of  Broadway  was  very  gay  indeed.  Minus  the 
firing  of  pistols  and  the  explosion  of  Chinese 
crackers,  it  was  many  Fourth-of-Julys  rolled  into 
one.  The  Stars  and  Stripes  were  everywhere,  from 
the  costliest  silk,  twenty,  thirty,  forty  feet  in  length, 


to  the  homelier  bunting,  down  to  the  few  inches  of 
painted  calico  that  a  baby’s  hand  might  wave.  It 
would  be  invidious  to  say  from  what  buildings  the 
National  flag  was  displayed,  because  it  would  be 
almost  impossible  to  tell  from  wllat  buildings  it  did 
not  wave,  and  never,  if  flags  can  be  supposed  to  be 
animated  with  any  of  the  feelings  of  their  owners, 
with  a  purer  devotion  to  the  Union.  Evidently,  all 
political  partisanship  was  cast  aside.  But  the  gay¬ 
est,  and  in  this  respect,  the  most  remarkable  thor¬ 
oughfare  was  Cortlandt-street.  Lafayette-place, 
where  the  Regiment  was  to  form  previous  to  march¬ 
ing,  was  very  attractively  dressed — a  huge  flag  being 
displayed  from  the  Astor  Library,  among  numerous 
others  from  private  buildings.  But  Cortlandt-street 
showed  a  gathering  of  flags,  a  perfect  army  of  them. 
They  were  not,  in  that  comparatively  brief  space 
from  Broadway  to  the  Jersey  City  Ferry,  to  be 
numbered  by  dozens  or  by  scores :  every  building 
seemed  like  “  Captains  of  Fifties.”  It  was  flag, 
flag,  from  every  window  from  the  first  floor  to  the 
roof,  from  every  doorway, — in  short,  it  was  flag, 
flag, — and  of  quite  largo  sizes,  too,  till  the  wearied 
eye  refused  the  task  of  counting  them.  Such  was 
the  display  along  the  route  of  the  “Seventh.” 
Such  is  and  will  be  the  route  for  all  noble  troops 
entering  our  City  from  the  New  England  States. 

Around  the  Armory  of  the  Seventh  Regiment 
crowds  gathered  at  an  early  period  of  the  day, 
and  moved  on,  only  to  bo  replaced  by  other  crowds. 
So  the  excitement  was  kept  up,  till  towards  three 
o’clock  the  throng  became  stationai’y.  It  was,  by 
no  means,  an  ordinary  crowd.  Well-dressed  ladies, 
men  whose  checks  can  be  honored  at  the  best  Banks 
for  as  many  dollars  as  would  build  a  church  of  ex¬ 
cellent  architecture,  were  among  them.  They  were 
about  to  witness  the  departure  of  the  Seventh 
Regiment,  too  probably,  to  the  battle-field.  Though 
the  flags  waved  gaily  over  them,  their  faces  wore  a 
grave  look — not  sad  exactly,  but  it  was  no  time  for 
mirth. 

From  all  quarters  the  members  of  the  Regiment, 
in  full  fatigue  dress,  with  their  knapsacks  and 
blankets,  kept  pouring  into  the  Armory.  Guards 
at  the  doors  kept  the  crowd,  who  had  no  business 
inside,  from  entering,  but  the  building  was  filled  to 
its  utmost,  notwithstanding,  by  the  members,  their 
relatives  and  friends.  There  were  many  touching 
scenes  of  farewell-taking,  but  these  were  merely 
episodes.  Mothers,  wives,  sisters,  will  weep  on  such 
occasions,  but  there  was  no  faltering  among  the 
men.  A  heartier  shake  of  the  hand  than  usual,  to 
a  friend, — a  warmer  kiss — let  it  be  reverentially 
said — to  a  wife  or  mother,  and  the  manhood  of  the 
soldier  grew  the  greater,  and  he  trussed  his  knap¬ 
sack  the  tighter  to  his  back  as  he  gave  the  last 
adieu. 

They  formed  in  Lafayette-place  about  4  P.  M.,  in 
the  presence  of  an  immense  crowd,  each  window  of 
each  building  being  filled  with  such  fair  applauders 
as  might  cheer  the  heart  of  the  forlornest  bachelor, 
if  there  was  any  such  among  those  noble  soldiers. 
Once  in  line,  they  proceeded  through  Fourth-street 
to  Broadway,  down  that  great  thoroughfare  to 
Cortlandt-street,  and  across  the  ferry,  in  boats  pro¬ 
vided  for  the  purpose,  to  Jersey  City.  The  line  of 
march  was  a  perfect  ovation.  Thousands  upon 
thousands  lined  the  sidewalks.  It  will  be  remem¬ 
bered  as  long  as  any  of  those  who  witnessed  it  live 
to  talk  of  it,  and  beyond  that,  it  will  pass  into  the 
recorded  history  of  this  fearful  struggle.  The 


DOCUMENTS. 


81 


Regiment  was  escorted  by  a  band  of  Zouaves,  who 
volunteered  for  the  occasion.  Their  gay  uniform 
and  peculiar  step  revived  the  excitement  that  had 
begun  somewhat  to  droop  among  the  crowd  that 
had  waited  for  hours,  the  Regiment  not  reaching 
the  Park  till  5£  o’clock.  After  the  Zouaves  came 
a  strong  body  of  police,  and  after  the  police,  The 
Regiment.  Not  as  on  festival  days,  not  as  on  the 
reception  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  but  nobly  and 
sternly,  as  men  who  were  going  to  the  war.  Hur¬ 
ried  was  their  step,  not  so  regular  as  on  less  im¬ 
portant  occasions.  We  saw  women,  we  saw  men 
shed  tears  as  they  passed.  Amidst  the  deafening 
cheers  that  rose,  we  heard  cries  of  “  God  bless 
them.”  And  so  along  Broadway,  and  through 
Cortlandt-street,  under  its  almost  countless  flags,  the 
gallant  Seventh  Regiment  left  the  City. 

The  excitement  in  Jersey  City,  long  before  they 
had  crossed  the  ferry,  was  scarcely  less  intense, 
and  when  they  landed  there,  they  found  they  were 
by  no  means  in  a  foreign  State.  It  seemed  that  all 
the  people  of  the  sister  city  had  turned  out.  It 
was  a  reenaction  of  what  their  fellow-townsmen 
and  townswomen  hadxlone  for  them.  White  hand¬ 
kerchiefs,  waved  by  ladies’ hands,  were  as  numerous 
as  the  dog-wood  blossoms  in  Spring,  and  it  was 
proved  that  a  Jerseyman  can  raise  as  hearty  a  cheer 
as  the  best  New  Yorker.  And  so  it  was  till  all 
were  fairly  disposed  of  in  the  cars,  and  the  cars 
moved  off. 

— N.  Y.  Times. 

OFFICERS  OF  TIIE  SEVENTH  REGIMENT. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers  of  the 
Seventh  Regiment: 

Colonel — Marshal  Lefferts. 

Lieutenant-Colonel — William  A.  Pond. 

Major — Alexander  Thaler. 

Adjutant — J.  H.  Libenau. 

Engineer — E.  L.  Yiele. 

Surgeon — T.  M.  Cheeseman;  Surgeon’s  Mate,  J. 
C.  Dalton,  Jr. 

Chaplain — Rev.  S.  H.  Weston. 

Quartermaster — L.  W.  Winchester. 

Assistant-Quartermaster — G.  W.  Brainard. 

Paymaster — Meredith  Howland. 

Commissary — William  Patten. 

Ordnance  Officer — John  A.  Baker. 

Military  Secretary — C.  T.  McClenachan ;  and  the 
non-commissioned  staff,  eight  officers. 

First  Company — Captain,  William  P.  Bensell; 
First  Lieutenant,  James  II.  Hewett;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  James  E.  Harway,  five  sergeants,  six  cor¬ 
porals,  and  90  privates. 

Second  Company — Captain,  E.  W.  Clark ;  First 
Lieutenant,  N.  L.  Farnham ;  Second  Lieutenant, 
Edward  Bernard ;  five  sergeants,  six  corporals,  and 
120  privates. 

Third  Company — Captain,  James  Price ;  First 
Lieutenant,  J.  J.  Wickstead ;  Second  Lieutenant, 
George  T.  Haws;  five  sergeants,  six  corporals,  and 
100  men. 

Fourth  Company — Captain,  William  H.  Riblet ; 
First  Lieutenant,  William  Gurney ;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  John  W.  Bogert;  five  sergeants,  six  cor¬ 
porals,  and  100  men. 

Fifth  Company — Captain  W.  A.  Speaight ;  First 
Lieutenant,  F.  Millard;  Second  Lieutenant,  J.  F. 
Cook;  five  sergeants,  six  corporals,  and  about  100 

men. 

Sixth  Company — CaptaiD,  B.  M.  Nevers,  Jr. ;  | 


First  Lieutenant,  R.  F.  Halstcd;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  J.  B.  Young;  five  sergeants,  six  corporals,  and 
100  men. 

Seventh  Company — Captain,  John  Monroe  ;  First 
Lieutenant,  John  P.  Scliermerhorn ;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  John  D.  Moriarity ;  five  sergeants,  seven 
corporals,  and  about  100  men. 

THE  COMPLETE  FORCE. 

Non-commissioned  staff,  ....  8 

Government  staff,  .  .  .  .  .  .11 

Field  officers,  ......  8 

Artillery  corps,  54  men,  2  howitzers,  2  officers, 

2  sergeants,  ......  61 

Engineer  corps — 2  men,  2  officers,  2  sergeants,  29 
Recruits  in  fatigue  dress,  .  .  .  .175 

Company  1 — 63  men,  3  officers,  4  sergeants,  70 
Company  2 — 100  men,  3  officers,  5  sergeants,  108 
Company  3 — 70  men,  3  officers,  5  sergeants,  78 

Company  4 — 82  men,  3  officers,  5  sergeants,  90 

Company  5 — 54  men,  3  officers,  5  sergeants,  62 

Company  6 — SO  men,  3  officers,  5  sergeants,  88 

Company  7 — 60  men,  1  officer,  5  sergeants,  G6 
Company  8 — 78  men,  3  officers,  5  sergeants,  86 


Band — 40  pieces, 

40 

Drum  corps, 

.  12 

Total, 

.  985 

— N.  F.  Tribune. 

Doc.  72.— TIIE  EIGHTH  REGIMENT  OF  MAS¬ 
SACHUSETTS. 

TnE  staff  officers  of  the  Regiment  are  as  follows  : 

Timothy  Monroe  of  Lynn,  Colonel ;  Edward  W. 
Hinks  of  Lynn,  Lieutenant-Colonel;  Andrew  Elwell 
of  Gloucester,  Major;  C.  M.  Merritt  of  Lynn,  Ser¬ 
geant-Major;  E.  A.  Ingalls  of  Lynn,  Quartermaster; 
H.  E.  Monroe  of  Lynn,  Quartermaster’s  Sergeant ; 
R.  G.  Asher  of  Lynn,  Paymaster ;  Dr.  B.  B.  Breed 
of  Lynn,  Surgeon;  Warren  Taplev  of  Lynn,  Sur¬ 
geon’s  Mate ;  John  T.  Cole  of  Lynn,  Regiment 
Clerk. 

On  the  route  of  the  Regiment  at  the  Jersey  City 
depot,  an  affecting  incident  occurred.  Col.  Monroe 
being  loudly  called  for,  appeared,  surrounded  by 
Gen.  Butler,  Quartermaster-General  John  Moran, 
Col.  Hinks,  and  the  rest  of  the  staff.  A.  W.  Gris¬ 
wold,  Esq.,  a  prominent  member  of  the  New  York 
bar,  stepped  forward,  holding  in  his  hand  a  magni¬ 
ficent  silk  flag,  mounted  on  a  massive  hickory  staff. 
He  addressed  the  commandant  of  the  8th  Regiment 
as  follows : 

Col.  Monroe — Sir,  you  are  from  Massachusetts ; 
“  God  bless  you !”  Her  sons  everywhere  are  proud 
of  her  history,  and,  while  her  armies  are  command¬ 
ed  by  such  officers  as  are  now  at  their  head,  we 
have  faith  in  her  future.  As  a  son  of  Massachusetts, 
I  beg  to  present  this  standard  as  a  token  of  my  ap¬ 
preciation  of  the  cause  in  which  you  arc  engaged. 
I  confide  it  to  your  keeping.  “  Stand  by  it.” 

Col.  Monroe  responded  with  the  following  appro¬ 
priate  and  eloquent  remarks ; 

“  As  a  son  of  Massachusetts,  I  receive  it  from  a 
son  of  her  soil,  and  I  will  defend  it,  ‘  God  help  me.’  ” 

The  cheering  which  followed  was  deafening — 
nine  cheers  were  proposed  and  given  for  the  flag, 
and  at  that  moment  800  hardy  troops,  just  arrived 
from  the  sacred  precincts  of  Bunker  Hill,  vowed 
solemnly  to  defend  that  flag  wdth  their  lives  and 
honor. 


82 


REBELLION  RECORD,  iSGO-61. 


The  flag  is  made  of  silk ;  heavy  crimson  tassels 
hanging  from  the  spear  of  the  staff. 

—  Tribune ,  April  20. 


Doc.  '73.— FORT  MOULTRIE. 

The  raking  fire  from  Fort  Sumter  against  Fort 
Moultrie  was  terribly  destructive,  and  when  viewed 
in  connection  with  the  fact  that  no  life  was  lost,  is 
the  most  extraordinary  case  ever  recorded  in  his¬ 
tory.  As  you  enter,  the  eye  falls  upon  the  battered 
Avails  of  the  archway,  with  openings  in  some  places 
large  enough  for  windows.  In  other  places  may  be 
seen  the  hanging  splinters  of  the  rafters,  large 
pieces  of  ceiling  seemingly  about  to  drop,  while  the 
holes  in  the  roof  throw  a  clear  light  over  the  scene 
of  destruction,  tvhich  renders  it  painfully  impres¬ 
sive.  It  Avould  be  an  almost  impossible  task  to 
count  the  number  of  balls  discharged  at  this  devoted 
fortress.  All  of  the  officers’  quarters  were  battered 
with  seven,  eight,  or  ten  balls,  Avhieh  penetrated  the 
Avhole  depth  of  the  building.  The  western  wall  on 
the  upper  balcony  was  entirely  shot  away.  The 
barracks  were  almost  entirely  destroyed.  The  fur¬ 
nace  for  heating  hot  shot  was  struck  four  times,  the 
flag  of  the  Confederate  States  received  three  shots, 
and  the  Palmetto  flag  four — a  rather  singular  and 
peculiar  circumstance,  when  viewed  in  connection 
Avith  the  seven  Confederate  States.  The  merlons  of 
sand-bags,  &c.,  remain  unbroken. 

On  the  outside  Avails  we  counted  over  one  hundred 
shots.  Laborers  Avere  engaged  in  clearing  away 
fallen  bricks,  &c.  It  will  be  necessary  to  pull  down 
the  old  walls  and  rebuild  anew.  Even  the  beds  and 
bedding  in  the  officers’  quarters  and  the  men’s  bar¬ 
racks  Avere  cut  and  torn  into  splinters  and  shreds. 
Had  it  not  been  for  the  bomb-proof  shelter,  the  loss 
of  life  Avould  no  doubt  have  been  appalling.  One  shell 
entered  the  brick  Avail  of  Major  Ripley’s  bedroom, 
ran  down  the  Avail,  and  burst  on  the  bureau  imme¬ 
diately  over  the  head  of  the  bed.  Our  limited  time 
prevented  us  from  visiting  the  battery  to  the  north 
of  Fort  Moultrie.  We  learn,  however,  that  though 
many  of  the  buildings  around  it  had  been  struck 
several  times,  and  fences,  trees,  &c.,  cut  away,  the 
battery  sustained  no  injury. 

TIIE  BUILDINGS  DAMAGED. 

The  following  were  the  houses  destroyed  or  dam¬ 
aged  : 

Mr.  Henry  Oetjen’s  house,  a  two-story  frame 
dwelling,  almost  in  range  of  the  Floating  Battery. 
This  avus  completely  riddled. 

Mrs.  Gilman’s  summer  residence,  partially  de¬ 
stroyed. 

Mrs.  Brown’s  house,  in  front  of  the  Enfilade  Bat¬ 
tery.  This  Avas  removed  previous  to  the  cannonad¬ 
ing. 

Mr.  George  M.  Coffin’s  summer  residence  nearly 
destroyed. 

Mr.  Smith’s  house  partially  destroyed. 

Mrs.  C.  Fitzsimon’s  house  received  seven  shots, 
and  is  mostly  destroyed. 

Mr.  Gervais’s  house,  back  of  Fort  Moultrie,  almost 
riddled. 

Mr.  Benjamin  Mordecai’s  house,  badly  damaged. 

Mr.  T.  Savage  Heyward’s  house,  badly  damaged. 

Mr.  F.  P.  Elford’s  house — roof  battered  in  and 
weather-boarding  torn  off. 

Mr.  Thomas  Farr  Capers’s  house  was  struck  sev¬ 
eral  times. 


Mr.  Copcs’s  house,  in  front  of  the  Enfilade  Battery, 
Avas  removed  by  order  of  the  authorities. 

The  Moultrie  House  received  four  shots,  one 
cutting  away  one  of  the  main  pillars,  and  making  a 
clean  breach  through  the  building  from  one  end  to 
the  other. 

The  other  shots  have  damaged  the  walls  and  ceil¬ 
ing  to  a  very  considerable  extent.  Fortunately,  no 
one  was  in  at  the  time. 

Mr.  James  M.  Caldwell’s  house  received  several 
shots. 

Mr.  David  Briggs’s  house  Avas  badly  shattered. 

Mr.  Ross’s  house  received  one  shot. 

Mrs.  Fillette’s  house  was  damaged  by  a  shell, 
which  burst  on  the  roof  and  broke  through  the 
window. 

The  fence  in  front  of  the  Presbyterian  Church 
Avas  shot  away,  but  the  church  is  uninjured. 

The  railroad  track  in  front  of  Fort  Moultrie  was 
also  torn  up  by  the  shot  and  shell. 

The  small  building,  formerly  used  as  the  Quarter¬ 
master’s  Department,  United  States  Army,  was  very 
badly  shattered,  and  large  portions  of  the  Avail  cut 
away. 

Several  other  houses  were  struck  with  one  or 
more  balls,  tearing  off  the  Aveather-boarding  and 
shattering  the  roofs.  The  largest  number  of  the 
houses,  however,  are  untouched.  Providentially  no 
hot  shot  was  thrown  from  Sumter — probably  from 
the  fact  that  the  garrison  had  no  fuel.  Many  of 
those  whose  houses  have  been  battered  esteem  it 
more  fortunate  than  otherwise,  and  have  determined 
to  allow  the  buildings  to  remain,  as  far  as  possible, 
in  the  condition  in  which  they  were  found  after  the 
battle,  as  a  memento  of  the  glorious  12th  and  13th 
days  of  April,  1861. 

— Charleston  Courier,  April  20. 


Doc.  '73|. — MEETING  AT  UNION  SQUARE,  NEW 

YORK. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Spring,  of  the  Brick  Church,  of  the 
city,  Avas  invited  to  offer  the  opening  prayer.  The 
venerable  gentleman,  before  offering  prayer,  said : — ■ 

I  think  myself  very  happy,  Mr.  President  and  fel¬ 
low-citizens,  that,  as  a  native-born  American,  as  a 
son  of  one  of  the  revolutionary  officers,  as  a  mem¬ 
ber  of  Christ’s  church  and  one  of  His  ambassadors, 
I  am  permitted  to  bear  my  testimony  in  favor  of 
this  noble  cause.  My  past  views  on  the  agitated 
questions  of  the  country  are  Avell  knoivn  to  those  of 
you  who  are  familiar  with  the  press.  I  have  seen 
no  occasion  to  alter  them  ;  I  adhere  to  them  now. 
But  the  question  now  is  not  between  slavery  and 
anti-slavery — between  republicanism  and  democracy; 
it  is  between  law  and  anarchy — between  govern¬ 
ment  and  mere  phantoms,  that  sink  into  nothing¬ 
ness  compared  Avith  the  main  question  of  govern¬ 
ment  or  no  government  in  this  favored  country. 
And,  Sir,  it  is  that  my  feeble  voice,  in  the  behalf  of 
that  church  which  I  represent,  may  be  heard  to-day, 
that  I  cheerfully  accept  the  invitation  to  open  this 
meeting  with  prayer.  When  I  think  of  the  little 
band  of  men  who  took  such  a  noble  part  in  the 
struggle  at  Fort  Sumter,  maintaining  the  flag  of 
their  country  while  burning  fires  Avere  about  them 
— (referring  to  Major  Anderson  and  the  other  offi¬ 
cers  present) — I  feel  cheered.  (Cheers.)  T  our 
faces  here  to-day  cheer  me.  The  dead  lips  of  that 
Father  of  his  Country  speak  to  you  and  to  me ! 


DOCUMENTS. 


83 


And  what  do  they  say? — “United  we  stand — divi¬ 
ded  we  fall.”  Let  us  lift  up  our  hearts  to  Almighty 
God  for  His  presence  and  blessing. 

PRAYER. 

Almighty  God,  Creator  of  the  heavens  and  the 
earth,  the  Infinite  One,  we  are  Thy  creatures ;  Thou 
the  Infinite  and  Eternal  Creator,  the  King  Eternal, 
Immortal  and  Invisible;  the  Great  Emperor  of  heav¬ 
en  and  of  earth,  doing  Thy  counsel  in  the  armies 
of  heaven  and  amid  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  lower 
world.  We  know  we  are  unworthy ;  as  a  people 
we  have  to  confess  our  sins  before  Thee,  and  come 
to  Thy  throne  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  the 
great  Mediator,  who  is  Himself  the  Prince  of  the 
kings  of  the  earth,  that  we  might  have  an  interest 
in  Thy  pardoning  mercy,  and  under  the  blessings  of 
our  God  and  our  fathers’  God,  we  address  ourselves 
to  the  exercises  of  this  day  and  to  the  struggle  to 
which  Thy  holy  Providence  calls  us.  Oh,  God  of 
our  fathers,  remember  this  favored  land.  We  have 
reason  to  thank  Thee  for  the  spirit  and  success 
which  Thou  didst  impart  to  our  fathers  in  the  revo¬ 
lutionary  struggle  ;  and  may  some  of  that  spirit  of 
our  revered  fathers  and  sainted  mothers  come 
down  to  their  descendants  on  such  occasions  as  this  ; 
and  may  that  portion  of  the  people  of  this  land 
who,  in  the  spirit  of  revolt,  have  gone  from  us,  un¬ 
derstand  that  we  are  but  one  people.  Oh,  God,  we 
commit  the  cause  in  which  the  noble  men — young 
men  and  men  of  middle  age — have  gone  forth  to 
fight  the  battles  of  this  country  and  resist  the  ag¬ 
gressions  of  the  foe,  to  Thy  care,  to  Thy  favor,  to 
Thy  providence,  to  Thy  protection.  Smile  upon 
them  and  upon  us,  through  Christ  our  Redeemer. 
Amen.  (Responses  of  “Amen.”) 

These  preliminaries  having  been  arranged,  the 
meeting  was  formally  organized  as  follow's  : — 

Mr.  McCurdy  put  in  nomination  for  President 
Mr.  John  A.  Dix. 

The  following  list  of  officers  was  then  put  in  nom¬ 
ination,  and  acceded  to: — 


tV.  B.  Astor, 
Greeno  C.  Bronson 
Peter  Cooper, 

W.  M.  Evarts, 

W.  C.  Bryant, 
Pelatiah  Perit, 
Goo.  Bancroft, 
John  A.  King, 
Moses  Taylor, 
James  Boorman, 
Stewart  Brown, 
John  J.  Phelps, 

R.  B.  Minturn, 
Henry  Grinnell, 

O.  D.  P.  Grant, 

W.  E.  Dodge, 
Watts  Sherman, 
Edwin  Crosswell, 
E.  G.  B.  Cannon, 
John  D.  Wolfe, 
Seth  B.  Hunt, 
Edwin  Dobbs, 
Joseph  Stuart, 

R.  II.  McCurdy, 
Joseph  W.  Alsop, 
E.  E.  Morgan, 
Willis  Blackstone, 
Nath.  Hayden, 
John  Lloyd, 

Chas.  H.  Russell, 

J.  Smith  Homans, 
John  Bigelow, 
John  T.  Johnston, 
Sheppard  Gandy, 


VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

Robt.  Ray, 

Benj.  L.  Swan, 
John  Q.  Jones, 
David  Iloadley, 
Robt.  J.  Taylor, 
Jas.  N.  Phelps, 

Jas.  Low, 

John  Ewen, 

Jas.  A.  Briggs, 
John  D.  Jones, 
Wm.  C.  Bryce, 
Henry  F.  Vail, 
Frederick  Bronson 
F.  A.  Conkling, 

A.  J.  Williamson, 
D.  II.  Arnold, 

Geo.  Folsom, 
Andrew  Carrigan, 
A.  C.  Kingsland, 
Isaac  Ferris, 

J.  Auchincloss, 

M.  Franklin, 

D.  R.  Martin, 

Wm.  Chauncey, 

H.  B.  Chaffin, 

Wm.  Bryce, 

A.  S.  Hewitt, 

S.  B.  Althause, 
Peter  Lorillard, 

SECRETARIES. 

D.  D.  Lord, 

C.  H.  Marshall,  Jr. 
Jas.  G.  De  Forest, 


Erastus  Brooks, 
Joseph  Schleigman, 
Schuyler  Livingston 
W.  H.  Osborn, 

A.  A.  Vandcrpoel, 
W.  W.  De  Forrest, 
A.  B.  Baviis, 
Elnathan  Thorne, 
W.  B.  Maclay, 

Fred.  Kapp, 

Anson  Herrick, 
Theodore  Fowler, 
Daniel  Leroy, 

S.  L.  Mitchill, 
Augustus  Schell, 
Chas.  Christmas, 

J  B.  Varnum, 

Wm.  Hall, 

Chas.  A.  Secor, 

John  T.  Hoffman, 
Hamilton  Fish, 
Luther  Bradish, 
Fernando  Wood, 

A.  T.  Stewart, 
Morris  Ketchum, 
Jonathan  Sturges, 

J.  J.  Astor, 

John  Cochran, 

Alex.  Duncan. 


George  A.  Vogel, 

,  Fletcher  Westray, 
Charles  B.  Norton. 


SPEECH  OF  THE  HON.  JOHN  A.  PIN. 

On  taking  the  chair,  the  President  said  : — 

Fellow-Citizens: — We  have  come  together  to  ex¬ 
press  our  determination  to  uphold  the  authority  of 
the  Government  and  to  maintain  inviolate  the  honor 
of  the  country.  The  circumstances  under  which 
we  are  assembled  are  calculated  to  fill  any  patriotic 
heart  with  the  deepest  concern.  For  the  first  time 
in  our  day  civil  strife  has  broken  out  in  the  bosom 
of  our  prosperous  and  happy  country,  and  has  been 
pushed  by  unscrupulous  men  to  the  extremity  of 
war  and  bloodshed.  With  no  provocation  whatever 
from  the  Federal  Government  they  turned  their  arms 
in  fraternal  hatred  against  it,  even  when  it  was  ad¬ 
ministered  by  those  who  were  actuated  by  the 
most  friendly  dispositions  toward  them.  But  I  do 
not  doubt,  when  the  present  excitement  shall  have 
passed  away,  when  those  who  have  thus  arrayed 
themselves  against  the  Government  of  the  country 
shall  have  learned  from  a  disastrous  experience  that 
their  true  interest  lies  in  peace,  all  will  concede,  on 
a  review  of  the  past  in  a  spirit  of  fairness  and  mod¬ 
eration,  that  there  was  no  just  ground  for  aliena¬ 
tion.  (Cheers.)  But,  fellow-citizens,  I  feel  that  all 
such  considerations  are  inappropriate  to  the  hour. 
The  time  for  action  has  come.  Practical  issues  are 
upon  us,  to  be  dealt  with  under  a  just  sense  of  the 
responsibilities  they  have  brought  with  them.  The 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  has  been  spurned 
and  repudiated.  The  authority  of  the  Government 
has  been  resisted  by  military  force.  The  flag  of  the 
Union  has  been  insulted,  in  more  than  one  instance 
torn  down,  and  even  trampled  under  foot.  Most 
of  us  were  born,  and  all  of  us  have  lived  in  prosper¬ 
ity  and  peace  under  the  protection  of  the  constitu¬ 
tion  ;  we  have  regarded  our  allegiance  to  the  Union 
as  second  only  to  our  religion  in  the  sanctity  of  its 
obligations;  and  we  have  venerated  the  national 
standard,  under  which  Washington  and  Jackson  and 
the  host  of  gallant  men  who  were  their  companions 
in  arms,  or  who  followed  in  their  footsteps,  achieved 
undying  honors  for  themselves  and  their  country. 
(Enthusiastic  applause.)  We  should  be  more  or  less 
men  if  we  could  look  with  indifference  on  these 
outrages  on  all  we  hold  most  dear.  There  is  no 
justification  for  the  cause  of  the  Confederate  States 
in  overturning  within  their  limits  the  authority  of 
the  Federal  Government.  They  have  no  excuse  for 
it.  This  is  no  time  -for  elaborate  argument.  Let 
me  say  in  a  word,  that  no  respectable  defence  of  the 
right  of  secession  has  ever  fallen  under  my  notice. 
No  man  contends  that  there  is  any  warrant  for  it  in 
the  constitution.  There  is  but  one  way  for  a  State 
to  go  out  of  the  Union — the  way  iu  which  all  came 
iu — by  the  concurrence  of  the  common  authority. 
In  no  other  manner  can  the  terms  of  separation  be 
agreed  on.  (We  don’t  want  to  separate.)  What¬ 
ever  preliminary  action  there  may  be,  it  must  come 
to  this  conclusion  at  last.  It  is  an  omitted  case  in 
our  political  compact.  The  framers  of  the  constitu¬ 
tion  did  not  contemplate  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  They  framed  the  Government  for  them¬ 
selves  and  their  posterity.  The  repudiation  of  its 
authority  by  one  of  its  members  was  not  foreseen 
or  provided  for.  It  is  a  case  which  cannot  be 
reached  by  the  powers  vested  in  Congress  or  in  the 
Executive ;  and  the  States  are  necessarily  remitted 
to  the  exercise  of  their  united  sovereignty  for  the 
solution  of  a  problem  which  concerns  the  existence 
of  all.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  a  Committee,  of 


84 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


which  I  was  Chairman,  in  an  address  to  our  South¬ 
ern  brethren,  adopted  at  a  meeting  in  Pine-street, 
in  December  last,  recommended  that  the  States 
should  meet  together  for  consultation,  and  if  they 
could  not  settle  their  difficulties  amicably  and  pre¬ 
serve  the  Union,  that  they  should  arrange  the  terms 
of  separation,  and  save  the  country  from  the  hor¬ 
rors  civil  war.  We  implored  them  to  pause,  in  or¬ 
der  to  give  us  time  for  an  effort  to  restore  harmony 
and  fraternal  feeling.  We  appealed  to  them  in 
language  of  entreaty,  which  would  have  been  humil¬ 
iating  if  it  had  not  been  addressed  to  brethren  of 
the  same  political  family.  To  this  appeal,  enforced 
by  the  concurrence  of  eminent  citizens  of  this  State, 
who  had  always  been  the  most  strenuous  advocates 
of  Southern  rights,  the  States  to  which  it  was  ad¬ 
dressed  responded  by  setting  the  authority  of  the 
Union  at  defiance,  by  seizing  the  public  forts  and 
arsenals,  by  seducing  federal  officers  from  their  al¬ 
legiance,  and  in  one  instance  by  confiscating  the 
treasure  of  the  Government.  For  months  those 
outrages  were  submitted  to,  with  no  effort  on  the 
part  of  the  Government  to  resent  or  punish  them,  in 
the  hope  that,  under  the  guidance  of  better  counsels, 
those  who  committed  them  would  return  to  their 
allegiance.  This  forbearance,  unexampled  in  the 
history  of  nations,  and  falsely  interpreted  into  a  pusil¬ 
lanimous  surrender  of  its  authority  by  the  Federal 
Government,  had  only  the  effect  of  invigorating  the 
spirit  of  resistance,  until  at  last  the  slender  force  in 
Fort  Sumter  was  attacked — some  6,000  or  7,000 
men  against  100 — and  compelled,  after  a  heroic 
resistance,  to  evacuate  it.  (Cheers  for  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter.)  The  gallant  commander  of  that  handful  of 
loyal  men  who  sustained  this  unequal  contest  is  be¬ 
fore  you.  (Tremendous  cheers  for  Major  Ander¬ 
son.)  There  hangs  the  flag  under  which  they  up¬ 
held  the  honor  of  their  country ;  and  its  tattered 
condition  shows  the  desperate  defence  they  made. 
(Enthusiastic  cheering.)  It  is  under  these  circum¬ 
stances  that  the  General  Government  has  appealed  to 
the  country  to  come  to  its  support.  (We  will!  we  will!) 
It  would  have  been  treacherous  to  its  trust  if  it  had 
not  determined  to’uphold  the  authorities  confided  to 
it.  And  here,  fellow-citizens,  it  is  important  that  we 
should  clearly  understand  the  position  of  the  late 
Administration,  on  this  question.  It  is  due  to  this 
Administration  as  well  as  the  last,  that  we  should 
all  understand  it.  I  shall  be  very  brief,  but  I  must 
ask  your  close  attention  for  the  few  moments  that 
will  be  needed.  On  the  3d  of  December  last,  in  his 
Annual  Message  to  Congress,  the  late  President 
made  a  strong  and  unanswerable  argument  against 
the  right  of  secession.  He  also  indicated  his  pur¬ 
pose  to  collect  the  revenue  and  defend  the  forts  in 
South  Carolina.  In  a  special  message  to  Congress 
on  the  8th  of  January  he  declared  (I  use  the  lan¬ 
guage,  of  the  message)  “the  right  and  the  duty  to 
use  military  force  defensively  against  those  who  re¬ 
sist  the  federal  officers  in  the  execution  of  their 
legal  functions  and  against  those  who  assail  the 
property  of  the  Federal  Government,  is  clear  and  un¬ 
deniable.”  (Cries  of  “Good  for  him,”  and  loud 
cheering.)  The  authorities  of  South  Carolina  were 
repeatedly  warned  that,  if  they  assailed  Fort  Sumter, 
it  would  be  the  commencement  of  civil  war,  and  they 
would  be  responsible  for  the  consequences.  (Cheers.) 
The  last  and  most  emphatic  of  these  warnings  is 
contained  in  the  admirable  answer  of  Mr.  Holt, 
Secretary  of  War,  to  31  r.  Hayne,  the  Commissioner 
from  South  Carolina,  on  the  Cth  of  February.  It  is 


in  these  words : — “If,  with  all  the  multiplied  proof 
which  exists  of  the  President’s  anxiety  for  peace, 
and  of  the  earnestness  with  which  he  has  pursued 
it,  the  authorities  of  that  State  shall  assault  Fort 
Sumter  and  peril  the  lives  of  the  handful  of  brave 
and  loyal  men  shut  up  within  its  walls,  and  thus 
plunge  our  common  country  into  the  horrors  of  civil 
war,  then  upon  them  and  those  they  represent  must 
rest  the  responsibility.”  (Enthusiastic  applause, 
and  waving  of  hats.)  I  believe  the  letter  from 
which  I  have  read  this  extract  has  never  been  pub¬ 
lished,  for  I,  as  a  member  of  the  Administration  at 
the  time  it  was  written,  have  a  right  to  say  that  it 
had  the  cordial  approval  of  the  late  President,  and 
all  his  constitutional  advisers.  (Cheers  for  General 
Dix.)  And  this  brings  me  to  the  point  I  wish  to 
make.  I  violate  no  confidence  in  making  it.  It  is 
this  : — If  South  Carolina  had  tendered  war  to  the 
late  Administration  as  she  has  to  this — I  mean  by  a 
hostile  and  deadly  assault — it  would  have  been  unan¬ 
imously  accepted.  (Prolonged  cheering.)  I  re¬ 
peat,  then,  that  this  Administration  has  done  no 
more  than  its  duty.  Nay,  I  believe,  that  self-pres¬ 
ervation  rendered  necessary  what  it  has  doue.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  the  Confederate  leaders  at 
Montgomery  have  entertained,  and  still  entertain, 
the  design  of  marching  upon  Washington  to  over¬ 
throw  the  Government,  taking  its  place  and  present¬ 
ing  itself  to  the  nations  of  the  world  as  the  true  rep¬ 
resentative  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
(Cries  of  “  Never,  never  ;  they  can’t  do  it.”)  Against 
this  usurpation  and  fraud,  if  it  shall  be  attempted, 
I  trust  we  shall  contend  with  all  the  strength  God 
has  given  us.  (Cries  of  “  We  will.”)  I  am  for  sup¬ 
porting  the  Government.  I  do  not  ask  who  admin¬ 
isters  it.  It  is  the  Government  of  my  country, 
and  as  such  I  shall  give  it  in  this  extremity  all  the 
support  in  my  power.  I  regard  the  pending  contest 
with  the  secessionists  as  a  death  struggle  for  consti¬ 
tutional  liberty  and  law — a  contest  which,  if  suc¬ 
cessful  on  their  part,  could  only  end  in  the  estab¬ 
lishment  of  a  despotic  government,  and  blot  out, 
wherever  they  were  in  the  ascendant,  every  vestige 
of  national  freedom.  You  know,  fellow-citizens, 
that  I  have  always  been  in  favor  of  adjusting  con¬ 
troversies  between  the  States  by  conciliation,  by 
compromise,  by  mutual  concession — in  a  word,  in 
the  spirit  in  which  the  constitution  was  formed. 
Whenever  the  times  shall  be  propitious  for  calm 
consultation  they  will  find  me  so  still.  But  until 
then,  let  us  remember  that  nothing  could  be  so  dis¬ 
astrous,  so  humiliating  and  so  disreputable  to  us  all 
as  to  see  the  common  Government  overthrown  or 
its  legitimate  authority  successfully  resisted.  Let 
us,  then,  rally  with  one  heart,  to  its  support.  I  be¬ 
lieve  it  will  act  with  all  the  moderation  and  forbear¬ 
ance  consistent  with  the  preservation  of  the  great 
interests  confided  to  it.  There  is  no  choice  left  but 
to  acquiesce  in  its  surrender  to  revolutionary  leaders, 
or  to  give  it  the  means  it  needs  for  defence,  for  self- 
preservation  and  for  the  assertion  of  its  authority, 
holding  it  responsible  for  their  legitimate  use.  Fel¬ 
low-citizens,  we  stand  before  the  statue  of  the 
Father  of  his  Country.  The  flag  of  the  Union  which 
floats  over  it  hung  above  him  when  he  presided 
over  the  Convention  by  which  the  constitution  was 
framed.  The  great  work  of  his  life  has  been  rejected, 
and  the  banner  by  which  his  labors  were  consecrat¬ 
ed  has  been  trampled  in  the  dust.  If  the  inanimate 
bronze  in  which  the  sculptor  has  shaped  his  image 
could  be  changed  to  the  living  form  which  led  the  ar- 


DOCUMENTS. 


55 


mies  of  the  Revolution  to  victory,  he  would  com¬ 
mand  us,  in  the  name  of  the  hosts  of  patriots  and 
political  martyrs  who  have  gone  before,  to  strike 
for  the  defence  of  the  Union  and  the  constitution. 

Mr.  Dix  closed  his  remarks  amid  the  most  enthu¬ 
siastic  applause. 

The  Chairman  then  read  the  following  resolutions, 
which  were  unanimously  adopted : — 

Whereas,  the  Union  of  the  States,  under  the 
guidance  of  Divine  Providence,  has  been  the  fruit¬ 
ful  source  of  prosperity  and  domestic  peace  to  the 
country  for  nearly  three-quarters  of  a  century  ; 
and 

Whereas,  the  constitution,  framed  by  our  Revo¬ 
lutionary  fathers,  contains  within  itself  all  needful 
provisions  for  the  exigencies  of  the  Government, 
and,  in  the  progress  of  events,  for  such  amendments 
as  are  necessary  to  meet  new  exigencies ;  and 

Whereas,  an  armed  combination  has  been  formed 
to  break  up  the  Union,  by  throwing  olf  the  obliga¬ 
tions  of  the  constitution,  and  has,  in  several  of  the 
States,  carried  on  its  criminal  purpose,  and,  finally, 
by  assaulting  Fort  Sumter,  a  fortress  of  the  United 
States  occupied  by  a  slender  but  heroic  garrison, 
and  capturing  it  by  an  overwhelming  force  after  a 
gallant  defence,  thus  setting  the  authority  of  the 
Government  at  defiance,  and  insulting  the  National 
Flag;  and 

Whereas,  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
with  an  earnest  desire  to  avert  the  evils  of  civil  war, 
has  silently  submitted  to  these  aggressions  and  in¬ 
sults  with  a  patient  forbearance  unparalleled  in  the 
annals  of  history,  but  has  at  last  deemed  it  due  to 
the  public  honor  and  safety  to  appeal  to  the  people 
of  the  Union  for  the  means  of  maintaining  its  au¬ 
thority,  of  enforcing  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and 
of  saving  our  country  from  dismemberment  and  our 
political  institutions  from  destruction  ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  have  given  origin  to  this  Govern¬ 
ment,  the  most  equal  and  beneficent  hitherto  known 
among  men  ;  that  under  its  protection  the  wide  ex¬ 
pansion  of  our  territory,  the  vast  development  of 
our  wealth,  our  population,  and  our  power,  have 
built  up  a  nation  able  to  maintain  and  defend  before 
the  world  the  principles  of  liberty  and  justice  upon 
which  it  was  founded  ;  that  by  every  sentiment  of 
interest,  of  honor,  of  affection  and  of  duty,  ive  arc 
engaged  to  preserve  unbroken  for  our  generation, 
and  to  transmit  to  our  posterity,  tho  great  heritage 
we  have  received  from  heroic  ancestors ;  that  to 
the  maintenance  of  this  sacred  trust  we  devote 
whatever  we  possess,  and  wdiatever  we  can  do,  and 
in  support  of  that  Government  under  which  we  are 
happy  and  proud  to  live,  we  are  prepared  to  shed 
our  blood  and  lay  down  our  lives. 

Resolved,  That  the  founders  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  have  provided,  by  the  institu¬ 
tion  of  the  Supreme  Court,  a  tribunal  for  the  peace¬ 
ful  settlement  of  all  questions  arisiug  under  the 
constitution  and  the  laws  ;  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
States  to  appeal  to  it  for  relief  from  measures  which 
they  believe  unauthorized ;  and  that  attempts  to 
throw  off  the  obligations  of  the  constitution,  and  to 
obtain  redress  by  an  appeal  to  arms,  can  be  consid¬ 
ered  in  no  other  light  than  as  levying  war  against 
the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  the  basis  and  the  safeguard  of  the  Federal 
Union,  having  been  framed  and  ratified  by  the  origi- 
Documents — 6 


nal  States,  and  accepted  by  those  which  subsequently 
became  parties  to  it,  is  binding  upon  all ;  atid  that 
any  resumption  by  any  one  of  them  of  the  rights 
delegated  to  the  Federal  Government,  without  first 
seeking  a  release  from  its  obligations  through  the 
concurrence  of  the  common  sovereignty,  is  unau¬ 
thorized,  unjust  to  all  the  others,  and  destructive 
of  all  social  aud  political  order. 

Resolved,  That  when  the  authority  of  the  Federal 
Government  shall  have  been  re-established, and  peace¬ 
ful  obedience  to  the  constitution  and  laws  prevail, 
we  shall  be  ready  to  confer  and  co-operate  with  all 
loyal  citizens  throughout  the  Union,  in  Congress  or 
in  Convention,  for  the  consideration  of  all  supposed 
grievances,  the  redress  of  all  wrongs,  and  the  pro¬ 
tection  of  every  right,  yielding  ourselves,  and  ex¬ 
pecting  all  others  to  yield,  to  the  will  of  the  whole 
people  as  constitutionally  and  lawfully  expressed. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  all  good  citizens, 
overlooking  past  differences  of  opinion,  to  contri¬ 
bute  by  all  the  means  in  their  power  to  maintain 
the  Union  of  the  States,  to  defend  the  constitution, 
to  preserve  the  national  flag  from  insult,  and  uphold 
the  authority  of  the  Government  against  acts  of 
lawless  violence,  which,  if  longer  unresisted,  would 
inevitably  end  in  breaking  down  all  the  barriers 
erected  by  our  fathers  for  the  protection  of  life, 
liberty  and  property,  and  involve  the  country  in 
universal  anarchy  and  confusion. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  twenty-five,  to  be 
nominated  by  the  President,  be  appointed  by  this 
meeting  to  represent  the  citizens  in  the  collection 
of  funds  and  the  transaction  of  such  other  business 
in  aid  of  the  movements  of  the  Government  as  tho 
public  interests  may  require. 

SPEECH  OF  DANIEL  S.  DICKINSON. 

Fellow  Citizens — I  was  invited  to  speak  on  this 
occasion — in  the  language  of  the  call — to  the  peo¬ 
ple,  without  distinction  of  party,  and  I  avail  myself, 
with  alacrity,  of  the  invitation.  This  morning  I 
travelled  two  hundred  miles  in  order  to  be  present. 
(Cheers.)  We  are  cast  on  perilous  times.  The  demon 
of  discord  has  inaugurated  his  terrible  court,  and  it 
becomes  us  as  a  great  people  to  act  in  a  manner  be¬ 
coming  this  Government  and  people.  In  a  somewhat 
extended  service  I  have  entertained  my  own  views 
of  what  each  section  of  this  confederacy  owed  to 
the  other.  Through  a  spirit  of  forbearance,  fra¬ 
ternity  and  friendship,  I  had  hoped,  notwithstanding 
there  might  be  subjects  of  irritation,  that  the  heal¬ 
ing  influence  of  time  and  the  recollection  of  the 
great  names  and  greater  memories  of  the  Revolu¬ 
tion  would  call  back  all  to  their  duty,  that  all  might 
be  harmonized,  and  that  we  might  all  march  on 
together  like  brethren  to  a  great  and  common 
destiny.  (Cheers.)  But  while  we  were  revelling 
in  these  dreams  a  fortress  has  been  attacked  and 
reduced,  or  evacuated.  Tho  flag  of  the  country 
has  been  insulted,  public  property  seized,  and  civil 
war  exists  this  day  by  the  action  of  those  who 
should  be  and  are  our  sister  States — by  those  who 
are  our  brethren.  In  this  great  crisis  it  is  no  time 
to  inquire  for  causes  remote  and  distant ;  it  is  no 
time  to  inquire  who  holds  the  helm  of  the  ship  of 
State;  it  is  no  time  to  inquire  what  interest  or  sec¬ 
tion  placed  him  there.  The  only  question  is,  does 
he  steer  the  ship  between  the  Scylla  and  Charybdis 
which  threaten  our  Union,  according  to  the  lights 
of  the  constitution?  If  he  does,  he  is  to  be  sus¬ 
tained.  (Cheers.)  I  shall  not  pursue  this  matter 


86 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


in  an  angry  spirit.  I  would  make  every  effort  to 
bring  back  every  wandering  lamb  to  tbe  fold  again. 

I  would  not  levy  war  for  aggression — I  would  levy 
it  for  defensive  peace.  (Cheers.)  I  would  not  do 
it  to  despoil  others.  I  would  arm,  and  that  in  a  man¬ 
ner  becoming  this  Government  and  people,  not  for 
aggression,  1  repeat,  but  for  defence — for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  retaining  our  honor  and  dignity,  not  only 
at  home,  but  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 
(Cheers.)  The  most  brilliant  successes  that  ever 
attended  the  field  of  battle  could  afford  me  no 
pleasure ;  because  I  cannot  but  reflect  that  of  every 
one  who  falls  in  this  unnatural  strife,  be  it  on  one 
side  or  on  the  other,  wre  must,  in  our  sober  mo¬ 
ments,  exclaim, — 

Another  sword  has  laid  him  low, 

Another,  and  another’s; 

And  every  hand  that  dealt  a  blow — 

All,  me  1  it  was  a  brother’s. 

But  wo  are  called  upon  to  act.  There  is  no  time 
for  hesitation  or  indecision — no  time  for  haste  and 
excitement.  It  is  a  time  when  the  people  should 
rise  in  the  majesty  of  their  might,  stretch  forth 
their  strong  arm  and  silence  the  angry  waves  of 
tumult.  It  is  time  the  people  should  command 
peace.  (Cheers.)  It  is  a  question  between  union 
and  anarchy — between  law  and  disorder.  All  politics 
for  the  time  being  are  and  should  be  committed  to 
the  resurrection  of  the  grave.  The  question  should 
be,  “  Our  country,  our  whole  country,  and  nothing 
but  the  country.”  (Cheers.) 

’Tis  not  the  whole  of  life  to  liva 
Nor  all  of  death  to  dio. 

We  should  go  forwrard  in  a  manner  becoming  a 
great  people.  But  six  months  since,  the  material 
elements  of  our  country  were  never  greater.  To¬ 
day,  by  the  fiat  of  madness,  we  are  plunged  in  dis¬ 
tress  and  threatened  with  political  ruin,  anarchy 
and  annihilation.  It  becomes  us  to  stay  the  hands 
of  this  spirit  of  disunion.  The  voice  of  the  Empire 
State  can  be  potential  in  this  unnatural  strife. 
(Cheers.)  Sh»  has  mighty  power  for  union.  She 
has  great  wealth  and  influence,  and  she  must  bring 
forward  that  wealth  and  exert  that  influence.  She 
has  numerous  men  and  she  must  send  them  to  the 
field,  and  in  the  plenitude  of  her  power  command 
the  public  peace.  This  is  a  great  commercial  city 
—one  of  the  modern  wonders  of  the  earth.  With 
all  the  great  elements  that  surround  her,  with  her 
commercial  renown,  with  her  architectural  magnifi¬ 
cence,  with  her  enterprise  and  energy,  she  is  ca¬ 
pable  of  exercising  a  mighty  power  for  good  in 
silencing  the  angry  waves  of  agitation.  (Cheers.) 
While  I  would  prosecute  this  war  in  a  manner  be- 
-coming  a  civilized  and  a  Christian  people,  I  would  do 
so  in  no  vindictive  spirit.  I  would  do  it  as  Brutus 
set  the  signet  to  the  death-warrant  of  hi3  son — 
“  Justice  is  satisfied,  and  Rome  is  free.”  (Cheers.) 
I  love  my  country ;  I  love  this  Union.  It  was  the 
first  vision  of  my  early  years ;  it  is  the  last  ambition 
.of  my  public  life.  Upon  its  altar  I  have  surren¬ 
dered  my  choicest  hopes.  I  had  fondly  hoped  that 
in  approaching  age  it  was  to  beguile  my  solitary 
hours,  and  I  will  stand  by  it  as  long  as  there  is  a 
Union  to  stand  by — (cheers) — and  when  the  ship  of 
the  Union  shall  crack  and  groan,  when  the  skies  lower 
and  threaten,  when  the  lightnings  flash,  the  thunders 
roar,  the  storms  beat  and  the  waves  run  mountain- 
high,  if  the  ship  of  State  goes  down,  and  the  Union 
.perishes,  I  would  rather  perish  with  it  than  survive 


its  destruction.  (Loud  cheers.)  I  love  that  flag, 
with  all  its  stars  and  stripes — that  flag  of  my 
fathers  —  that  flag  that  is  known  and  honored 
throughout  the  earth,  wherever  civilization  has 
travelled.  I  love  it  still;  I  would  say,  with  the 
British  peer,  “  With  all  thy  faults  I  love  thee  still.” 
Let  us,  my  friends,  stay  up  the  hands  of  Union  men 
in  other  sections  of  the  country.  How  much  have 
they  sacrificed  of  advantage,  of  national  wealth,  of 
political  promotion!  Let  us  aid  them  and  cheer 
them  on.  Let  us,  my  fellow-citizens,  rally  round 
the  flag  of  our  country,  rendered  illustrious  by  the 
gallant  Anderson.  (Cheers.)  In  the  spirit  of  peace 
and  forbearance  he  waved  it  over  Fort  Sumter. 
The  pretended  authorities  of  South  Carolina  and  the 
other  Southern  States  attacked  him  because  they 
seemed  to  consider  him  a  kind  of  minister  plenipo¬ 
tentiary.  Let  us  maintain  our  flag  in  the  same 
noble  spirit  that  animated  him,  and  never  desert  it 
while  one  star  is  left.  (Cheers.)  If  I  could  see 
my  bleeding,  torn,  maddened  and  distracted  coun¬ 
try  once  more  restored  to  quiet  and  lasting  peace 
under  those  glorious  stars  and  stripes,  I  could 
almost  be  ready  to  take  the  oath  of  the  infatuated 
leader  in  Israel — Jephtha — and  swear  to  sacrifice 
the  first  living  thing  that  I  should  meet  on  my  re¬ 
turn  from  victory.  (Loud  cheers.) 

SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  BAKER,  OF  OREGON. 

The  majesty  of  the  people  is  here  to-day  to  sus¬ 
tain  the  Majesty  of  the  Constitution — (cheers) — and 
I  come,  a  wanderer  from  the  far  Pacific,  to  record 
my  oath  along  with  yours  of  the  great  Empire 
State.  (Applause  and  three  cheers  for  Baker.) 
The  hour  for  conciliation  has  passed,  the  gathering 
for  battlo  is  at  hand;  and  the  country  requires 
that  every  man  shall  do  his  duty.  (Loud  cheers.) 
Fellow-citizens,  what  i3  that  country?  Is  it  the 
soil  on  which  we  tread?  Is  it  the  gathering  of 
familiar  faces  ?  Is  it  our  luxury  and  pomp  and 
pride?  Nay,  more  than  these,  is  it  power  and 
might  and  majesty  alone?  No,  our  country  is 
more,  far  more  than  all  these.  The  country  which 
demands  our  love,  our  courage,  our  devotion,  our 
heart’s  blood,  is  more  than  all  these — (loud  ap¬ 
plause) — our  country  is  the  history  of  our  fathers 
— our  country  is  the  tradition  of  our  mothers — our 
country  is  past  renown — our  country  is  present 
pride  and  power — our  country  is  future  hope  and 
destiny — our  country  is  greatness,  glory,  truth, 
constitutional  liberty — above  all,  freedom  forever! 
(Enthusiastic  cheers.)  These  are  the  watchwords 
under  which  we  fight ;  and  we  will  shout  them  out 
till  the  stars  appear  in  the  sky,  in  the  stormiest 
hour  of  battle.  (Cheers.)  I  have  said  that  the 
hour  for  conciliation  is  past.  It  may  return ;  but 
not  to-morrow,  nor  next  week.  It  will  return  when 
that  tattered  flag  (pointing  to  the  flag  of  Fort 
Sumter)  is  avenged.  (Prolonged  and  enthusiastic 
cheers.)  It  will  return  when  rebel  traitors  are 
taught  obedience  and  submission.  It  will  return 
when  the  rebellious  confederates  are  taught  that 
the  North,  though  peaceable,  are  not  cowardly — 
though  forbearing,  are  not  fearful.  (Cheers.)  That 
hour  of  conciliation  will  come  back  when  again  the 
ensign  of  the  Republic  will  stream  over  every  re¬ 
bellious  fort  of  every  Confederate  State.  (Renewed 
cheers.)  Then,  as  of  old,  the  ensign  of  the  pride 
and  power,  and  dignity  and  majesty,  and  the  peace 
of  the  Republic  will  return.  (Loud  applause.) 
Young  men  of  New  York — young  men  of  the  United 


DOCUMENTS. 


87 


States — you  arc  told  this  is  not  to  be  a  war  of  ag¬ 
gression.  In  one  sense  that  is  true ;  in  another, 
not.  We  have  committed  aggression  upon  no 
man.  In  all  the  broad  land,  in  their  rebel  nest,  in 
their  traitor’s  camp,  no  truthful  man  can  rise  and 
say  that  he  has  ever  been  disturbed,  though  it  be 
but  for  a  single  moment,  in  life,  liberty,  estate,  char¬ 
acter,  or  honor.  (Cheers  and  cries  of  “That’s  so.”) 
The  day  they  began  this  unnatural,  false,  wicked, 
rebellious  warfare,  their  lives  were  more  secure, 
their  property  more  secure,  by  us — not  by  them¬ 
selves,  but  by  us — guarded  far  more  securely  than 
any  people  ever  have  had  their  lives  and  prop¬ 
erty  secured  from  the  beginning  of  the  world. 
(Applause.)  We  have  committed  no  oppression, 
have  broken  no  compact,  have  exercised  no 
unholy  power ;  have  been  loyal,  moderate,  con¬ 
stitutional,  and  just.  We  are  a  majority  of  the 
Union,  and  we  will  govern  our  own  Union,  within 
our  own  constitution,  in  our  own  way.  (Cries  of 
“  Bravo,”  and  applause.)  We  are  all  democrats. 
We  are  all  republicans.  We  acknowledge  the  sov¬ 
ereignty  of  the  people  .within  the  rule  of  the  con¬ 
stitution  ;  and  under  that  constitution  and  beneath 
that  flag,  let  traitors  beware.  (Loud  cheers.)  In 
this  sense,  then,  young  men  of  New  York,  we  are 
not  for  a  war  of  aggression.  But  in  another  sense, 
speaking  for  myself  as  a  man  who  has  been  a  sol¬ 
dier,  and  as  one  who  is  a  senator,  I  say,  in  the  same 
sense,  I  am  for  a  war  of  aggression.  I  propose  to 
do  now  as  we  did  in  Mexico — conquer  peace.  (Loud 
and  enthusiastic  applause.)  I  propose  to  go  to 
Washington  and  beyond.  (Cheers.)  I  do  not  de¬ 
sign  to  remain  silent,  supine,  inactive — nay,  fearful 
— until  they  gather  their  battalions  and  advance 
their  host  upon  our  borders  or  in  our  midst.  I  w'ould 
meet  them  upon  the  threshold,  and  there,  in  the 
very  State  of  their  power,  in  the  very  atmosphere 
of  their  treason,  I  propose  that  the  people  of  this 
Union  dictate  to  these  rebels  the  terms  of  peace. 
(Loud  cheers.)  It  may  take  thirty  millions  ;  it  may 
take  three  hundred  millions.  What  then?  We 
have  it.  (Cries  of  “  Good,”  and  applause.)  Loyally, 
nobly,  grandly  do  the  merchants  of  New  York  re¬ 
spond  to  the  appeals  of  the  Government.  It  may 
cost  us  seven  thousand  men.  It  may  cost  us  seven¬ 
ty-five  thousand  men  in  battle ;  it  may  cost  us  seven 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men.  What  then?  We 
have  them.  (Renewed  cheering.)  The  blood  of 
every  loyal  citizen  of  this  Government  is  dear  to 
me.  My  sons,  my  kinsmen,  the  young  men  who 
have  grown  up  beneath  my  eye  and  beneath  my 
care,  they  are  all  dear  to  me ;  but  if  the  country’s 
destiny,  glory,  tradition,  greatness,  freedom,  gov¬ 
ernment,  written  constitutional  government — the 
only  hope  of  a  free  people — demand  it,  let  them  all 
go.  (Enthusiastic  cheers.)  I  am  not  here  now  to 
speak  timorous  words  of  peace,  but  to  kindle  the 
spirit  of  manly,  determined  war.  I  speak  in  the 
midst  of  the  Empire  State,  amid  scenes  of  past  suf¬ 
fering  and  past  glory;  the  defences  of  the  Hudson 
above  me ;  the  battle-field  of  Long  Island  before 
me,  and  the  statue  of  Washington  in  my  very  face 
— (loud  and  enthusiastic  cheers) — the  battered  and 
unconquered  flag  of  Sumter  waving  in  his  hands, 
which  I  can  almost  now  imagine  trembles  with  the 
excitement  of  battle.  (Great  enthusiasm).  Aud  as 
I  speak,  I  say  my  mission  here  to-day  is  to  kindle 
the  heart  of  New  York  for  war — short,  sudden, 
bold,  determined,  forward  war.  (Applause.)  The 
Seventh  regiment  lias  gone.  (Three  cheers  for  the 


Seventh  regiment.)  Let  seventy  and  seven  more 
follow.  (Applause.)  Of  old,  said  a  great  historian, 
beneath  the  banner  of  the  cross,  Europe  precipi¬ 
tated  itself  upon  Asia.  Beneath  the  banner  of  the 
constitution  let  the  men  of  the  Union  precipitate 
themselves  upon  disloyal,  rebellious  Confederate 
States.  (Tremendous  applause.)  A  few  more  words, 
and  I  have  done.  (Cries  of  “  Go  on,”  “  You’re  tbo 
man,”  “We’ll  hear  you  till  night.”)  Let  no  man 
underrate  the  dangers  of  this  controversy.  Civil 
war,  for  the  best  of  reasons  upon  the  one  side,  and 
the  worst  upon  the  other,  is  always  dangerous  to 
liberty — always  fearful,  always  bloody  ;  but,  fellow- 
citizens,  there  are  yet  worse  things  than  fear,  than 
doubt  and  dread,  and  danger  and  blood.  Dishonor 
is  worse.  (Prolonged  cheers.)  Perpetual  anarchy 
is  worse.  States  forever  commingling  and  forever 
severing  are  worse.  (Renewed  cheers.)  Traitors 
and  Secessionists  are  worse.  To  have  star  after 
star  blotted  out — (Cries  of  “  Never !  never !  ”) — to 
have  stripe  after  stripe  obscured — (cries  of  “No! 
no  !  ”) — to  have  glory  after  glory  dimmed — to  have 
our  women  weep  and  our  men  blush  for  shame 
throughout  generations  yet  to  come — that  and  these 
are  infinitely  wrorse  than  blood.  (Tremendous 
cheers.)  People  of  New  York,  on  the  eve  of  battle 
allow  me  to  speak  as  a  soldier.  Few  of  you  know, 
as  my  career  has  been  distant  and  obscure,  but  I 
may  mention  it  here  to-day,  with  a  generous  pride, 
that  it  was  once  my  fortune  to  lead  your  gallant 
New  York  regiment  in  the  very  shock  of  battle. 
(Applause.)  I  was  their  leader,  and  upon  the 
bloody  heights  of  Cerro  Gordo  I  know  well  what 
New  York  can  do  when  her  blood  is  up.  (Loud 
applause,  and  “  three  cheers  for  Baker.”)  Again, 
once  more,  when  we  march,  let  us  not  march  for 
revenge.  As  yet  we  have  nothing  to  revenge.  It 
is  not  much  that  where  that  tattered  flag  waved, 
guarded  by  seventy  men  against  ten  thousand ;  it  is 
not  much  that  starvation  effected  what  an  enemy 
could  not  compel.  (Prolonged  applause.)  We  have  as 
yet  something  to  punish,  but  nothing,  or  very  little, 
to  revenge.  The  President  himself,  a  hero  without 
knowing  it — and  I  speak  from  knowledge,  having 
known  him  from  boyhood — the  President  says  : — 
“  There  are  wrongs  to  be  redressed,  already  long 
enough  endured.”  And  we  march  to  battle  and  to 
victory  because  we  do  not  choose  to  endure  this 
wrong  any  longer.  (Cheers.)  They  are  wrongs  not 
merely  against  us  ;  not  against  you,  Mr.  President ; 
not  against  me,  but  against  our  sons  and  against 
our  grandsons  that  surround  us.  They  are  wrongs 
against  our  ensign — (cries  of  “  That’s  so,”  and  ap¬ 
plause) — they  are  wrongs  against  our  Union ;  they 
are  wrongs  against  our  Constitution ;  they  are 
wrongs  against  human  hope  aud  human  freedom; 
and  thus,  if  it  bo  avenged,  still,  as  Burke  says  :  “  it 
is  a  wild  justice  at  last,”  and  we  will  revenge  them. 
While  I  speak,  following  in  the  wake  of  men  so 
eloquent,  so  conservative,  so  eminent,  so  loyal,  so 
well  known — even  while  I  speak,  the  object  of  your 
meeting  is  accomplished;  upon  the  wings  of  the 
lightning  it  goes  out  throughout  the  world  that  New 
York,  the  very  heart  of  a  great  city,  with  her 
crowded  thoroughfares,  her  merchants,  her  manu¬ 
facturers,  her  artists — that  New  York,  by  one  hun¬ 
dred  thousand  of  her  people,  declares  to  the  coun¬ 
try  and  to  the  world  that  she  will  sustain  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  (applause)  to  the  last  dollar  in  her  treasury 
— to  the  last  drop  of  your  blood.  (Renewed  cheers.) 
The  national  banners  leaning  from  ten  thousand 


88 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


•windows  in  your  city  to-day  proclaim  your  affection 
and  reverence  for  the  Union.  You  will  gather  in 
battalions, 

Patient  of  toil,  serene  amidst  alarms, 

Inflexible  in  faith,  invincible  in  arms  ; 

and  as  you  gather,  every  omen  of  present  concord 
and  ultimate  peace  will  surround  you.  The  minis¬ 
ters  of  religion,  the  priests  of  literature,  the  histo¬ 
rians  of  the  past,  the  illustrators  of  the  present, 
capital,  science,  art,  invention,  discoveries,  the  works 
of  genius — all  these  will  attend  us  in  our  march, 
and  we  will  conquer.  And  if,  from  the  far  Pacific, 
a  voice  feebler  than  the  feeblest  murmur  upon  its 
shore  may  be  heard  to  give  you  courage  and  hope 
in  the  contest,  that  voice  is  yours  to-day  ;  and  if  a 
man  whose  hair  is  gray,  who  is  well-nigh  worn  out 
in  the  battle  and  toil  of  life,  may  pledge  himself  on 
such  an  occasion  and  in  such  an  audience,  let  me 
say,  as  my  last  word,  that  when,  amid  sheeted  fire 
and  flame,  I  saw  and  led  the  hosts  of  New  York 
as  they  charged  in  contest  upon  a  foreign  soil  for 
the  honor  of  your  flag  ;  so  again,  if  Providence  shall 
will  it,  this  feeble  hand  shall  draw  a  sword,  never 
yet  dishonored — not  to  fight  for  distant  honor  in  a 
foreign  land,  but  to  fight  for  country,  for  home,  for 
law,  for  government,  for  constitution,  for  right,  for 
freedom,  for  humanity,  and  in  the  hope  that  the 
banner  of  my  country  may  advance,  and  whereso¬ 
ever  that  banner  waves,  there  glory  may  pursue 
and  freedom  be  established.  (Loud  and  prolonged 
applause.) 

[Lieutenant  Hall,  of  Fort  Sumter,  was  here  intro¬ 
duced  to  the  audience,  and  made  his  bow  amidst 
enthusiastic  cheers.] 

ROBERT  J.  walker’s  SrEECH. 

I  received  the  request  to  address  you  but  a  few 
hours  since,  and  being  wholly  unprepared,  shall 
therefore  detain  you  but  a  few  moments.  This 
greatest  popular  meeting  ever  assembled  in  the 
history  of  the  world,  has  a  deep  significance.  The 
hundred  thousand  freemen  whom  I  now  address, 
have  assembled  here  for  a  great  and  glorious  pur¬ 
pose.  It  is  a  sublime  spectacle,  and  the  greatest 
epoch  in  the  history  of  the  world.  The  question 
is,  shall  this  Union  be  maintained  and  perpetuated, 
or  shall  it  be  broken  and  dissolved  ?  (Cries  of  “  Nev¬ 
er.”)  No  question  so  important  has  ever  occurred 
in  the  history  of  our  race.  It  involves  not  only  the 
fate  of  this  great  country,  but  the  question  of  free 
institutions  throughout  the  world.  The  case  of 
self-government  is  now  on  trial  before  the  forum 
of  our  country  and  of  the  world.  If  we  succeed 
and  maintain  the  Union,  free  institutions,  under  the 
moral  force  of  our  example,  will  ultimately  bo  es¬ 
tablished  throughout  the  world ;  but  if  we  fail,  and 
our  Government  is  overthrown,  popular  liberty  will 
have  made  its  last  experiment,  and  despotism  will 
reign  triumphant  throughout  the  globe.  Our  re¬ 
sponsibilities  are  fearful.  We  have  a  solemn  duty  to 
perform — we  are  this  day  making  history.  We  are 
writing  a  book  whose  pages  can  never  be  erased — it 
is  the  destiny  of  our  country  and  of  mankind.  For 
more  than  seventy  years  this  Union  has  been  main¬ 
tained,  and  it  has  advanced  our  country  to  a  pros¬ 
perity  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  the  world.  (Ap¬ 
plause.)  The  past  was  great,  but  the  future  opened 
upon  prospects  beyond  the  power  of  language  to  de¬ 
scribe.  But  where  are  we  now  ?  The  world  looks  on 
with  scorn  and  derision.  We  have,  it  is  said,  no  gov¬ 
ernment — a  mere  voluntary  association  of  independent 


States~a  debating  society,  or  a  moot  court,  without  any 
real  power  to  uphold  the  laws  or  maintain  the  consti¬ 
tution.  We  have  no  country,  no  flag,  no  Union  ;  but 
each  State  at  its  pleasure,  upon  its  own  mere  whim  or 
caprice,  with  or  without  cause,  may  secede  and  dis¬ 
solve  the  Union.  Secession,  we  are  told,  is  a  consti¬ 
tutional  right  of  each  State,  and  the  constitution  has 
inscribed  its  own  death-warrant  upon  its  face.  If 
this  be  so,  we  have  indeed,  no  government,  and  Eu¬ 
rope  may  well  speak  of  us  with  contempt  and  de¬ 
rision.  This  is  the  very  question  we  are  now  to 
solve — have  we  a  government,  and  has  it  power  to 
maintain  its  existence  ?  This  question  is  not  for  the 
first  time  presented  to  the  consideration  of  the 
American  people.  It  arose  in  1832,  when  South  Car¬ 
olina  nullified  the  revenue  laws  of  the  Union,  and 
passed  her  secession  ordinance.  In  that  contest  I 
took  a  very  active  part  against  the  doctrines  of  nullifi¬ 
cation  and  secession,  and  upon  that  question,  after  a 
struggle  of  three  years,  I  was  elected  by  Mississippi 
as  a  Senator  of  the  United  States.  A  contest  so  pro¬ 
longed  and  violent  had  never  before  been  witnessed 
in  this  country.  It  was  fought  by  me  in  every 
county  of  the  State  under  the  banner  of  the  Union. 
The  sentiments  contained  in  the  many  speeches  then 
made  by  me,  and  then  published,  are  the  opinions  I 
now  entertain.  They  are  all  for  the  Union  and 
against  secession,  and  they  are  now  the  opinions  of 
thousands  of  Union  men  of  the  South,  and  of  Missis¬ 
sippi.  (Applause.)  These  opinions  are  unchanged, 
and  deeply  as  I  deplore  our  present  situation,  it  is 
my  profound  conviction  that  the  welfare,  security, 
and  prosperity  of  the  South  can  only  be  restored  by 
the  re-establishment  of  the  Union.  I  6ee,  in  the  per¬ 
manent  overthrow  of  the  Union,  the  utter  ruin  of  the 
South  and  the  complete  prostration  of  all  their  inter¬ 
ests.  I  have  devoted  my  life  to  the  maintenance  of 
all  their  constitutional  rights  and  the  promotion  of 
their  happiness  and  welfare  ;  but  secession  involves 
them  and  us  in  one  common  ruin.  The  recognition 
of  such  a  doctrine  is  fatal  to  the  existence  of  any 
government — of  the  Union — it  is  death — it  is  nation¬ 
al  suicide.  (Applause.)  This  is  the  question  now  to 
be  decided — have  we  a  Union — have  we  a  flag — are 
the  stars  and  stripes  a  reality  or  a  fiction — have  we  a 
government,  and  can  we  enforce  its  laws,  or  must 
the  whole  vanish  whenever  any  one  State  thinks 
proper  to  issue  the  despotic  mandate  ?  Is  the  Union 
indissoluble,  or  is  it  written  on  the  sand,  to  be  swept 
away  by  the  first  angry  surge  of  State  or  sectional 
passion  which  may  sweep  over  it  ?  It  was  the  de¬ 
clared  object  of  our  ancestors  to  found  a  perpetual 
Union.  The  original  articles  of  confederation,  by  all 
the  States,  in  1778,  declared  the  Union  to  be  “  per¬ 
petual,”  and  South  Carolina  (with  all  the  States)  then 
plighted  her  solemn  faith  that  “  the  union  of  the 
States  shall  be  perpetual.”  And  in  modifying  these 
articles  by  the  formation  of  the  constitution  in  1787, 
the  declared  object  of  that  change  was  to  make  “  the 
Union  more  perfect.”  But  how  more  perfect,  if  the 
Union  is  indissoluble  in  1787,  but  might  at  any  mo¬ 
ment  be  destroyed  by  any  one  State  after  the  adop¬ 
tion  of  the  constitution  ?  No,  my  countrymen,  se¬ 
cession  is  not  a  constitutional  right  of  any  one  State. 
It  is  war — it  is  revolution — and  can  only  be  estab¬ 
lished  on  the  ruins  of  the  constitution  and  of  the 
Union.  We  must  resist  and  subdue  it,  or  our  Govern¬ 
ment  will  be  but  an  organized  anarchy,  to  be  surely 
succeeded,  as  anarchy  ever  has  been,  by  military 
despotism.  This,  then,  my  fellow-citizens,  is  the  last 
great  contest  for  the  liberties  of  our  country  and  of 


DOCUMENTS. 


89 


the  world.  (Applause.)  If  we  are  defeated,  the  last 
experiment  of  self-government  will  have  failed  and 
we  will  have  written  with  our  own  hands  the  epitaph 
of  human  liberty.  We  will  have  no  flag,  we  will 
have  no  government,  no  country,  and  no  Union ;  we 
will  cease  to  be  American  citizens,  and  the  despots 
of  Europe  will  rejoice  in  the  failure  of  the  great  ex¬ 
periment  of  republican  institutions.  The  liberties  of 
our  country  and  of  the  world  will  have  been  in¬ 
trusted  to  our  care,  and  we  will  have  dishonored 
the  great  trust  and  proved  ourselves  traitors  to  the 
freedom  of  our  country  and  of  mankind.  This  is  not 
a  sectional  question — it  is  not  a  Northern  or  a  South¬ 
ern  question.  It  is  not  a  question  which  concerns 
our  country  only,  but  all  mankind.  It  is  this,  Shall 
we  by  a  noble  and  united  effort  sustain  here  repub¬ 
lican  institutions,  or  shall  we  have  secession  and 
anarchy  to  be  succeeded  by  despotism,  and  extin¬ 
guish  forever  the  hopes  of  freedom  throughout  the 
world  ?  God  grant  you,  my  dear  countrymen,  cour¬ 
age,  and  energy,  and  perseverance,  to  maintain  suc¬ 
cessfully  the  great  contest.  You  are  fighting  the  last 
great  decisive  battle  for  the  liberties  of  our  country 
and  of  mankind — faint  not,  falter  not,  but  move  on¬ 
ward  in  one  great  column  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
constitution  and  the  Union.  Remember  it  was  a  South¬ 
ern  man,  a  noble  son  of  Kentucky,  (Major  Anderson,) 
who  so  gloriously  sustained  the  flag  of  our  country  at 
Fort  Sumter,  and  never  surrendered  that  flag.  He 
brought  it  with  him  to  New  York,  and  there  it  is,  held 
in  the  hands  of  Washington,  in  thatmarble  columnnow 
before  us  representing  the  Father  of  his  Country,  and 
whose  lips  now  open  and  urge  us,  as  in  his  Farewell 
Address,  to  maintain  the  constitution  and  the  Union. 
And  now,  whilst  I  address  you,  the  news  comes  that 
the  city  of  Washington,  founded  by  the  Father  of  his 
Country  and  bearing  his  sacred  name,  is  to  be  seized 
by  the  legions  of  disunion.  Never.  Never  must  or 
shall  this  disgrace  befall  us.  That  capital  must  and 
shall  be  defended,  if  it  requires  every  Union  man  in 
America  to  march  to  its  defence.  And  now,  then, 
fellow-citizens,  a  desperate  effort  is  made  to  make 
this  a  party  question — a  question  between  Democrats 
and  Republicans.  Well,  fellow-citizens,  I  have  been 
a  Democrat  all  my  life,  and  never  scratched  a  demo¬ 
cratic  ticket,  from  Constable  up  to  President,  but  say 
to  you  this  is  no  party  question.  (Cheers.)  It  is  a 
question  of  a  maintenance  of  the  Government  and  the 
perpetuation  of  the  Union.  The  vessel  of  State  is 
rushing  upon  the  breakers,  and,  without  asking  who 
may  be  the  commander,  we  must  all  aid  in  her  rescue 
from  impending  disaster.  When  the  safety  of  my 
country  is  involved,  I  will  never  ask  who  is  Presi¬ 
dent,  nor  inquire  what  may  be  the  effect  on  parties 
of  any  particular  measure.  Much  as  I  love  my  party, 
I  love  my  country  infinitely  more,  and  must  and  will 
sustain  it  at  all  hazards.  Indeed,  it  is  due  to  the  great 
occasion  here  frankly  to  declare  that,  notwithstanding 
my  earnest  opposition  to  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  my  disposition  most  closely  to  scrutinize  all  his 
acts,  I  see  thus  far  nothing  to  condemn  in  his  efforts 
to  maintain  the  Union.  And  now,  then,  my  country¬ 
men,  one  word  more  before  I  close.  (Cheers.)  I  was 
trained  in  devotion  to  the  Union  by  a  patriot  sire, 
who  fought  the  battles  of  liberty  during  the  war  of 
the  Revolution.  My  life  has  been  given  to  the  sup¬ 
port  of  the  Union.  1  never  conceived  a  thought  or 
wrote  or  uttered  a  word,  except  in  its  defence.  And 
now,  let  me  say,  that  this  Union  must,  will,  and  shall 
be  perpetuated ;  that  not  a  star  shall  be  dimmed  or  a 
stripe  erased  from  our  banner ;  that  the  integrity  of 


the  Government  shall  be  preserved,  and  that,  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  from  the  lakes  of  the  North 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  never  shall  be  surrendered  a 
single  acre  of  our  soil,  or  a  drop  of  its  waters.  (Loud 
and  long  continued  cheering.) 

LETTER  OF  ARCHBISHOP  HUGHES. 

The  Chairman  then  read  the  following  letter  from 
Archbishop  Hughes,  amid  loud  applause : — 

New  York,  April  20, 1861. 

Dear  Sir  : — Unable  to  attend  the  meeting  at  Union 
Square  in  consequence  of  indisposition,  I  beg  leave  to 
state  my  sentiments  on  the  subject  of  your  coming 
together,  in  the  following  words : — 

Ministers  of  religion  and  ministers  of  peace,  ac¬ 
cording  to  the  instructions  of  their  Divine  Master, 
have  not  ceased  to  hope  and  pray  that  peace  and 
Union  might  be  preserved  in  this  great  and  free 
country.  At  present,  however,  that  question  has 
been  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  peacemakers, 
and  it  is  referred  to  the  arbitrament  of  a  sanguinary 
contest.  I  am  not  authorized  to  speak  in  the  name 
of  any  of  my  fellow-citizens.  I  think  so  far  as  I  can 
judge,  there  is  the  right  principle  among  all  those 
whom  I  know.  It  is  now  fifty  years  since,  a  for¬ 
eigner  by  birth,  I  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  this 
country  under  its  title  of  the  United  States  of  Amer¬ 
ica.  (Loud  cheers.)  As  regards  conscience,  patriot¬ 
ism,  or  judgment,  I  have  no  misgiving.  Still  desirous 
of  peace,  when  the  Providence  of  God  shall  have 
brought  it,  I  may  say  that  since  the  period  of  my 
naturalization  I  have  none  but  one  country.  In 
reference  to  my  duties  as  a  citizen,  no  change  has 
come  over  my  mind  since  then.  The  Government  of 
the  United  States  was  then,  as  it  is  now,  symbolized 
by  a  national  flag,  popularly  called  “  The  Stars  and 
Stripes.”  (Loud  applause.)  This  has  been  my  flag, 
and  shall  be  to  the  end.  (Cheers.)  I  trust  it  is  still 
destined  to  display  in  the  gales  that  sweep  every 
ocean,  and  amid  the  gentle  breezes  of  many  a  distant 
shore,  as  I  have  seen  it  in  foreign  lands,  its  own  pe¬ 
culiar  waving  lines  of  beauty.  May  it  live  and  con¬ 
tinue  to  display  these  same  waving  lines  of  beauty 
whether  at  home  or  abroad,  for  a  thousand  years  and 
afterwards  as  long  as  Heaven  permits,  without  limit 
of  duration. 

John  Hughes,  Archbishop  of  New  York. 

MAYOR  wood’s  SPEECH. 

Fellow-Citizens  : — The  President  has  announc¬ 
ed  that  Colonel  Baker,  the  gentleman  who  has  so 
eloquently  addressed  you  to-day,  proposes  to  raise 
a  New  York  brigade,  if  the  State  will  bear  the  ex¬ 
pense  of  outfit  (cheers) ;  and  here,  as  Mayor  of  this 
city,  so  far  as  I  have  the  power  to  speak,  I  pledge 
for  the  corporation  that  sum.  (Loud  applause,  and 
cries  of  “  good  !  ”)  When  I  assumed  the  duties  of 
the  office  I  have  now  the  honor  to  hold,  my  official 
oath  was  that  I  would  support  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  and  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of 
New  York ;  and  I  imply  from  that  that  it  is  not  only 
my  duty,  as  it  is  consistent  with  my  principles  and 
sense  of  right,  to  support  the  constitution,  but  the 
Union,  the  Government,  the  laws  and  the  flag. 
(Loud  cheers.)  And,  in  the  discharge  of  that  duty, 
I  care  not  what  past  political  associations  may  be 
severed.  I  am  willing  to  give  up  all  past  prejudices 
and  sympathies,  if  in  conflict  with  the  honor  and  inter¬ 
est  of  my  country  in  this  great  crisis.  (Applause.} 
I  am  willing  to  say  here  that  I  throw  myself  entirely 
into  this  contest  with  all  my  power  and  with  all  my 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


90 


might.  (Loud  cheers.)  My  friends,  the  greatest 
man  next  to  Washington,  that  this  country  has  ever 
produced — Andrew  Jackson — has  said  that  “the 
Union  must  and  shall  be  preserved  ” — (cheers) — and 
in  that  connection  he  has  said,  and  it  is  directly  perti¬ 
nent  to  the  present  contest,  “  the  Union  must  and 
shall  be  preserved — peaceably  if  we  can,  but  forcibly 
if  we  must.”  (Enthusiastic  applause.)  There  are 
those  of  us  who  have  heretofore  held  antagonist  posi¬ 
tions  to  what  is  supposed  to  be  the  policy  and  the 
principles  of  this  Administration,  who  are  willing 
to  accept  that  noble  declaration  of  the  sacred  Jackson, 
as  a  resort  to  force  upon  this  occasion.  (Prolonged 
cheers,  and  cries  of  “  That’s  so  !  ”  “  Good  !  ”)  Why, 
gentlemen,  what  is  the  nature  of  your  Government? 
Ours  is  a  government  of  opinion  expressed  through 
the  laws.  The  laws  being  made  by  the  people, 
through  their  representatives,  are  simply  the  ex¬ 
pressions  of  popular  sentiment ;  and  the  administra¬ 
tors  of  the  laws  should  be  maintained  in  the  exercise 
of  all  legal  authority.  (Cheers.)  I  have  always  ad¬ 
vocated  a  strong  Executive  power;  because,  to  be 
efficient  it  requires  ample  authority,  and  under  our 
form  of  Government,  the  agent  being  merely  the  ex¬ 
ponent  of  the  popular  will,  he  should  be  provided 
with  every  means  to  maintain  ^that  will.  Thus  in 
maintaining  the  Government,  we  maintain  ourselves, 
our  inalienable  rights  and  the  basis  of  free  institu¬ 
tions.  It  is  true  that  individuals  retain  the  right  of 
independent  criticism,  and  at  the  ballot  box  have  an 
opportunity  to  exercise  this  right ;  yet  we  are  all 
bound  to  abide  by  the  result.  These  views  are  perti¬ 
nent  to  the  occasion,  so  far  as  the  people  of  the  city 
and  State  of  New  York  arc  concerned.  (Applause.) 
This  city  is  a  portion  of  the  State,  and  this  State  re¬ 
dans  its  position  as  one  of  the  United  States  of  Amer¬ 
ica.  (Loud  cheers.)  Therefore  we  must  stand  by 
the  Government,  we  must  obey  the  laws,  we  must 
respect  official  authority,  we  must  respond  with  alac¬ 
rity  to  the  calls  of  patriotism,  and  so  long  as  we  may 
have  the  strength,  support  the  constitution  and  the 
Union.  (Applause.)  In  accordance,  then,  with 
these  views,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  throwing  what¬ 
ever  power  I  may  possess  in  behalf  of  the  pending 
struggle.  If  a  military  conflict  is  necessary,  and 
that  military  authority  can  be  exercised  under  the 
constitution  and  consistently  with  the  laws,  dreadful 
as  the  alternative  may  be,  we  have  no  recourse  ex¬ 
cept  to  take  up  arms.  (Cheers,  and  cries  of  “We 
will  do  it.”)  In  times  of  great  peril  great  sacrifices 
are  required.  When  the  human  frame  is  upon  the 
verge  of  death,  every  effort  of  skill  and  the  most  des¬ 
perate  experiments  arc  resorted  to  to  preserve  life 
and  prevent  dissolution.  This  may  be  said  to  be  an 
apt  illustration  of  the  present  condition  of  the  body 
politic.  In  the  expression  of  these  views,  which 
1  design  to  be  understood  as  a  public  proclamation 
in  favor  of  maintaining  the  authority  of  government 
as  such,  “  peaceably  if  we  can  but  forcibly  if  we 
must,”  (renewed  cheering,)  I  desire  also  to  be  under¬ 
stood  as  taking  back  no  sentiment  I  have  ever  utter¬ 
ed  on  the  political  issues  of  the  day.  (Cries  of 
“  Good  for  you.”)  If  the  Presidential  election  was 
to  be  held  over  again  to-morrow,  my  vote  and  my 
sentiments  would  be  unchanged  ;  nor  am  I  to  be  re¬ 
garded  as  countenancing  or  justifying  mob  law  or 
violence.  The  people  themselves  have  elected  or 
established  tribunals  for  the  adjudication  of  offences 
against  the  laws,  and  all  of  us  are  restrained  and  must 
conform  thereto.  Every  man’s  opinion  is  to  be  re¬ 
spected  ;  and  he  who  denies  to  a  fellow-citizen  the 


right  of  independent  thought  violates  the  first  princi¬ 
ples  of  republicanism  and  strikes  a  blow  at  the  theory 
of  our  Government.  (Loud  applause.)  My  friends, 
it  has  been  said  here  to-day  that  your  flag  has  been 
insulted.  Aye  !  not  only  lias  your  flag  been  insult 
ed,  but  the  late  Secretary  of  War,  assuming  to  repre¬ 
sent  the  Confederate  States,  has  said  that  the  confed¬ 
erate  flag  shall  wave  over  your  Capitol  before  the 
first  of  May.  (Groans.)  And,  more  than  that,  that 
the  confederate  flag  shall  fly  over  Faneuil  Hall  in 
Boston.  (Cries  of  “  Never,”  groans  and  hisses.)  My 
friends,  before  that  banner  can  fly  over  Faneuil  Hall 
in  Boston,  it  must  be  carried  over  the  dead  body  of 
every  citizen  of  New  York.  (Enthusiastic  applause.) 
In  behalf  of  you  I  am  prepared  to  say  here,  and, 
through  the  press,  to  our  friends  of  the  South,  that 
before  that  flag  shall  float  over  the  national  capitol, 
every  man,  woman,  and  child  would  enlist  for  the 
war.  (Renewed  cheers,  and  cries  of  “  That  they 
will.”)  Gentlemen,  I  have  no  voice,  although  the 
heart,  to  address  you  longer.  (Cries  of  “  Go  on.”) 
Abler  and  more  eloquent  men  that  myself  are  here. 
I  can  only  say,  therefore,  that  I  am  with  you  in  this 
contest.  We  know  no  party  now.  (Cheers.)  We 
are  for  maintaining  the  integrity  of  the  national  Union 
intact.  W e  are  for  exhausting  every  power  at  our  com¬ 
mand  in  this  great,  high,  and  patriotic  struggle — 
(cheers) — and  I  call  upon  every  man,  whatever  may 
have  been  his  position  heretofore,  whatever  may  be  his 
individual  sympathy  now,  to  make  one  great  phalanx 
in  this  struggle,  that  we  may,  in  the  language  of  the 
eloquent  Senator  who  preceded  me,  proceed  to  “  con¬ 
quer  peace.”  (Loud  applause.) 

My  friends,  it  has  been  already  announced  by  the 
Chairman  that  the  Baltic  and  other  vessels  at  the 
foot  of  Canal-street  are  ready  to  take  five  thousand 
men  to-morrow  to  the  capital  of  Washington.  I 
urge  a  hearty  response  to  that  call,  that  New  York 
may  speak  trumpet-tongued  to  the  people  of  the 
South.  (Enthusiastic  applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  EX-GOVERNOR  IIUNT. 

Mr.  President  and  Fellow-Citizens — A  profound 
sense  of  duty  impels  me  to  take  a  brief  part  in  your  de¬ 
liberations  at  this  trying  crisis  in  our  national  history. 
At  no  period  since  the  darkest  hours  of  the  Revolu¬ 
tion  has  the  republic  been  involved  in  dangers  appeal¬ 
ing  so  emphatically  to  the  patriotism  and  wisdom  of 
the  people.  It  has  been  my  constant  hope  that  the 
controversies  which  have  disturbed  the  harmony  of 
the  two  great  sections  of  our  country  might  find  a 
peaceful  and  constitutional  solution,  that  the  voice  of 
reason  and  patriotism  would  finally  prevail  over  the 
turbulence  of  excited  passions,  and  above  all,  that  we 
might  be  spared  the  agonizing  spectacle  of  a  great 
and  free  people  destroying  the  richest  inheritance 
ever  bestowed  upon  mankind,  in  unnatural  and  fratri¬ 
cidal  strife.  But,  Mr.  President,  we  are  compelled  to 
deal  with  the  stern  realities  before  us.  The  past  is 
beyond  recall.  It  belongs  to  history.  The  present 
is  no  time  for  reviving  former  controversies  or  dis¬ 
cussions.  .  We  must  meet  the  issue  which  is  forced 
upon  us.  Let  us  remember  only  that  wo  have  a 
country  to  serve,  a  constitution  to  defend,  and  a 
national  Union  to  cherish  and  uphold.  On  one  side 
we  behold  our  national  Government  struggling  for 
the  maintenance  of  its  constitutional  authority;  on 
the  other  a  formidable  combination  of  discontented 
States,  arrayed  in  open  and  disloyal  resistance. 
Whatever  differences  of  opinion  may  exist  touching 
the  causes  of  the  attempted  subversion  of  the  fede- 


DOCUMENTS. 


91 


ral  power,  I  am  sure  you  will  all  agree  that  they 
are  not  such  as  to  furnish  a  sufficient  justification 
for  the  States  which  seek  to  renounce  and  annul 
the  national  compact.  Our  constitution  makes  ample 
provisions  for  the  redress  of  grievances,  and  who 
shall  say  that  the  people,  on  a  direct  appeal  to  their 
patriotism  and  sense  of  justice,  would  not  be  found 
faithful  to  its  principles  and  true  to  its  spirit  and 
design  ?  Instead  of  revolution  or  secession  we  have 
at  least  the  right  to  demand  that  an  honest  effort 
should  be  made  to  settle  differences  within  the 
Union,  and  according  to  the  principles  of  the  con¬ 
stitution.  This  is  the  only  mode  consistent  with 
reason  or  compatible  with  the  public  safety.  Amid 
the  present  distractions  and  dangers  I  cannot  but 
feel  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  true  citizen  to  up¬ 
hold  and  maintain  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  Come  what  may,  we  must  stand  by  our 
country  and  support  the  Union  in  its  integrity. 
You  and  I,  Mr.  President,  have  sworn  more  than 
once  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  I  consider  that  oath  perpetually  binding ; 
but  if  it  were  blotted  out,  the  obligations  of  loyalty 
and  patriotic  fidelity  to  the  Government  under  which 
we  live  would  demand  our  best  efforts  for  its  pres¬ 
ervation.  Why  should  we  not  support  the  consti¬ 
tution  ?  It  has  made  us  a  great  and  powerful  people 
— prosperous  at  home,  respected  abroad,  and  con¬ 
ferring  upon  our  citizens  everywhere  a  larger  share 
of  liberty  and  happiness  than  has  fallen  to  the  lot 
of  any  other  nation  on  earth.  While  the  country 
is  convulsed  by  violence  and  dissension,  it  is  not 
pretended  that  the  Government,  in  its  action,  had 
invaded  the  constitutional  rights  of  any  of  its  mem¬ 
bers,  or  given  any  adequate  cause  for  resistance  to 
its  rightful  authority.  Yet  so  rapid  has  been  the 
progress  of  disaffection  that  the  national  capital  is 
in  danger  of  armed  invasion  and  seizure.  Sir,  the 
capital  of  this  Union  must  be  defended  at  all  hazards ; 
and  I  hope  to  see  the  preparations  for  that  purpose 
on  a  scale  fully  commensurate  with  the  magnitude 
of  the  danger.  Let  the  force  be  sufficient,  if  not 
to  prevent,  then  to  repel  any  assault  on  the  seat  of 
Government.  I  cannot  even  yet  believe  that  the 
attempt  will  be  made.  The  men  of  the  South  ought 
to  know  that  the  men  of  the  North  will  not  permit 
the  capital  to  be  -wrested  from  the  legitimate  na¬ 
tional  functionaries  without  a  struggle  such  as  this 
continent  has  never  seen.  If  the  time  has  not  gone 
by,  I  would  make  a  last  appeal  to  Virginia  not  to 
permit  any  hostile  invasion  of  the  federal  district. 
Can  she  forget  that  it  bears  the  august  name  of  her 
own  Washington,  and  that  it  was  he  who  dedicated 
its  soil  to  the  national  Union,  to  be  held  as  a  sacred 
trust  by  the  United  States?  It  is  consecrated 
ground.  It  is  guarded  by  the  most  sacred  and 
venerable  recollections.  Let  no  impious  hand  be 
laid  upon  the  temple  of  American  liberty  and  na¬ 
tionality.  Any  attempt  to  make  the  city  of  Wash¬ 
ington  the  theatre  of  bloody  civil  conflict  would  be 
alike  treasonable,  fratricidal,  and  sacrilegious,  and 
could  not  fail  to  arouse  a  spirit  of  intense,  unap¬ 
peasable  vengeance.  Whatever  else  may  come,  I 
pray  to  Heaven  that  this  land  may  be  spared  the 
woes  which  are  inevitable  if  the  possession  of  the 
capital  is  to  be  determined  by  the  arbitrament  of 
the  sword.  I  yet  indulge  the  hope  that  this  Union 
is  to  be  perpetual.  That  hope  is  dearer  to  me  than 
life,  and  I  will  be  found  among  the  last  to  relinquish 
it.  We  may  well  pause  before  admitting  the  idea 
that  the  people  of  the  North  and  South  have  be¬ 


come  so  incurably  alienated,  or  that  there  is  such 
incompatibility  of  interest  and  feeling  that  they  can 
no  more  dwell  together  in  peace,  under  a  common 
government.  If  we  should  ever  be  forced  to  the 
conclusion  that  a  separation  is  inevitable  or  desir¬ 
able,  there  are  regular  and  pacific  methods  in 
which  the  question  may  be  submitted  to  the  people, 
in  whom  the  sovereign  power  resides,  for  their 
solemn  deliberation  and  verdict,  in  view  of  their 
obligations  to  themselves  and  their  posterity.  We 
are  bound  to  make  every  effort  which  wisdom  can 
devise  or  patriotism  suggest  to  avert  the  calamities 
of  a  final  dissolution  of  the  Union.  If  a  national 
convention  could  be  invoked  in  a  constitutional 
mode  and  enabled  to  deliberate  in  peace,  undisturb¬ 
ed  by  the  clash  of  arms,  is  it  too  much  to  hope  that 
it  might  result  in  a  satisfactory  solution  of  our 
present  troubles?  I  feel,  Mr.  President,  that  I  have 
some  right  to  appeal  to  the  Union  men  of  the  South, 
and  to  invoke  them  to  join  hands  with  us  in  one 
more  patriotic  effort  to  preservo  our  common  na¬ 
tionality.  In  these  unhappy  dissensions  I  have 
been  an  humble  advocate  of  moderation  and  for¬ 
bearance  ;  in  my  love  of  country,  discarding  all 
geographical  distinctions,  and  contending  for  a 
faithful  observance  of  the  constitutional  rights  of 
both  sections.  Knowing  full  well  that  a  large  por¬ 
tion  of  the  Southern  people  were  earnestly  devoted 
to  the  national  constitution  in  all  their  efforts  to 
uphold  it  from  the  assaults  of  its  enemies,  the 
warmest  affections  of  my  heart  have  been  with 
them.  While  abhorring  the  spirit  of  disunion  and 
secession,  I  have  cherished  and  still  feel  an  ardent 
attachment  for  the  loyal  Union  men  of  the  South¬ 
ern  States.  I  have  loved  them  as  brethren,  and  am 
not  willing  to  be  disjoined  from  them,  now  or  here¬ 
after.  Overborne  as  they  are  in  many  of  the  States 
by  tho  resistless  torrent  of  popular  frenzy  and  delu¬ 
sion,  may  they  still  stand  firm  in  their  loyalty,  and 
be  prepared  to  aid  in  the  noble  wrork  of  pacification. 
Let  them  not  believe  that  the  mass  of  the  Northern 
people  are  their  enemies  or  desire  their  subjugation ; 
nor  should  it  be  assumed  that  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment  intends  to  reduce  them  to  dishonorable  sub¬ 
mission  by  force  of  arms.  Notwithstanding  the  ir¬ 
ritations  engendered  by  past  controversies,  the  na¬ 
tional  heart  of  the  North  is  still  sound,  and  its  pre¬ 
vailing  desire  at  the  present  moment  is  that  our 
Union  may  be  preserved  and  perpetuated,  in  the 
spirit  of  the  fathers,  as  a  bond  of  peace  and  affection 
between  the  people  of  all  the  States,  for  the  com¬ 
mon  benefit  and  security  of  both  sections.  It  is  this 
sentiment  of  nationality,  now  thoroughly  aroused, 
which  prompts  our  people  to  step  forth  with  patriotic 
ardor  and  enthusiasm  to  pledge  their  lives  and  for¬ 
tunes  for  the  support  and  defence  of  the  Federal  Gov¬ 
ernment  in  all  its  constitutional  vigor.  While  they 
feel  themselves  bound  by  the  highest  considera¬ 
tions  of  patriotism  to  sustain  the  executive  arm  in 
defence  of  the  national  supremacy,  they  are  not 
actuated  by  a  spirit  of  aggression  towards  their  fel¬ 
low-citizens  of  the  South.  They  look  to  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  to  act  with  firmness  in  defence  of  its  just 
rights  and  prerogatives,  yet  with  kindness  and  mod¬ 
eration  towards  the  people  of  every  State ;  and  if 
compelled  to  draw  the  sword  with  one  hand  for  the 
preservation  of  its  authority,  it  should  ever  be  ready 
to  tender  with  the  other  tho  olive  branch  of  peace 
and  conciliation. 

I  believe  these  are  the  sentiments  which  animate, 
you  all  on  the  present  occasion,  and  which  this  im- 


1)2 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18GO-01. 


pressive  demonstration  of  the  popular  will  is  in¬ 
tended  to  embody  and  express.  In  manifesting 
your  attachment  to  the  Government  founded  by  our 
fathers,  and  your  undying  devotion  to  that  national 
flag,  under  whose  ample  folds  we  have  steadily 
marched  onward  in  an  unexampled  career  of  great¬ 
ness  and  renown,  you  aim  only  to  attest  your  affec¬ 
tion  for  the  Union,  and  your  determination  to  stand 
by  your  country,  and  your  whole  country,  one  and 
indivisible.  For  myself,  I  can  only  say  that  my 
whole  heart  is  with  you,  in  every  effort  for  the 
maintenance  of  our  national  Union  and  constitution. 
Let  every  patriot,  in  this  trying  hour,  range  himself 
on  the  side  of  bis  country  and  give  a  prompt  and 
cheerful  support  to  every  measure  of  Government, 
which  may  be  necessary  to  vindicate  its  rightful 
power  and  integrity.  My  fellow-citizens,  we  must 
not  despair  of  the  republic.  I  pray  that  the  God  of 
our  fathers,  who  has  so  signally  favored  and  sus¬ 
tained  our  country  in  times  past,  may  dispel  the 
clouds  which  darken  the  horizon,  and  ever  continue 
to  protect  the  majestic  fabric  of  American  Union 
and  nationality. 

SPEECH  OF  WM.  M.  EVARTS. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen:  I  regard  this  as 
a  business  meeting  commencing  the  greatest  trans¬ 
action  that  this  generation  of  men  have  seen.  Wo 
stand  here  the  second  generation  from  the  men  who 
declared  our  independence,  fought  the  battles  of 
the  Revolution,  and  framed  our  constitution.  The 
question  for  us  to  decide  is,  whether  we  are  worthy 
children  of  such  men — whether  our  descendants 
shall  curse  us  as  we  bless  our  fathers.  (Cheers.) 
Gentlemen,  you  have  got  something  more  to  do 
than  you  have  done  hitherto — something  more  than 
merely  to  read  the  glorious  history  of  the  past;  you 
have  got  to  write  a  history  for  the  future  that  your 
children  will  either  glory  in  or  blush  for.  (Loud 
cheers.)  When  Providence  puts  together  the  19th 
of  April,  1776,  when  the  first  blood  wras  shed  at 
Lexington,  and  the  19th  of  April,  1861,  when  the 
tirst  blood  was  shed  at  Baltimore,  I  tell  you  it 
means  something.  (Loud  cheers.)  When  that 
statue  of  Washington  sustains  in  its  firm  hands  the 
flagstaff  of  Fort  Sumter,  I  tell  you  it  means  some¬ 
thing.  (Three  cheers  were  here  given  for  the  flag 
and  Major  Anderson.)  There  is  but  one  question 
left,  and  that  is,  whether  you  mean  something  too. 
(Cheers,  and  responses  of  “Yes,  we  do.”)  If  you 
mean  something,  do  you  mean  enough?  Do  you 
mean  enough  of  time,  of  labor,  of  money,  of  men, 
of  blood,  to  seal  and  sanction  the  glories  of  the  fu¬ 
ture  of  America?  (Cheers.)  Your  ancestors  fought 
for  and  secured  independence,  liberty  and  equal 
l  ights.  Every  enemy  of  liberty,  independence,  and 
equal  rights  has  told  you  that  those  ideas  are  in¬ 
consistent  with  government.  It  is  for  you  to  show 
that  government  of  the  people  means  that  the 
people  shall  obey  the  government.  (Cheers.)  Hav¬ 
ing  shown  what  the  world  never  saw  till  the  Decla¬ 
ration  of  Independence  was  made — what  a  people 
which  governs  itself  can  do  in  peace,  you  are  to 
show  what  a  people  which  governs  truly  means  to 
accomplish,  when  it  wages  war  against  traitors  and 
rebels.  (Cheers.)  Each  man  here  is  fighting  his 
own  quarrel  and  protecting  the  future  of  his  chil¬ 
dren.  With  these  sentiments,  you  need  no  argument 
and  no  suggestion  to  carry  you  through  this  conflict. 
You  are  to  remember  your  fathers  and  care  for  your 
children.  (Cheers.) 


LETTER  OF  THE  HON.  JAMES  T.  BRADY. 

The  following  letter  wTas  here  read,  from  James 
T.  Brady : 

United  States  Circuit  Court,  ) 
Philadelphia,  April  19, 1861.  f 

Wm.  M.  Evarts,  Esq.  : — My  Dear  Sir — I  have 
been  in  this  city  since  Saturday,  engaged  as  counsel 
in  a  case,  the  trial  of  which  is  proceeding  while  I 
write,  and  there  is  little  prospect  of  its  being  fin¬ 
ished  until  about  Wednesday  next.  It  will  be  im¬ 
possible  for  me  to  attend  the  meeting  in  New  York 
to-morrow,  which  I  am  invited  to  address,  and  I 
must  content  myself  with  expressing  briefly  what  I 
think  in  reference  to  the  present  crisis.  I  am  sure 
that  no  one  more  deeply  than  I  deplores  the  present 
critical  and  excited  condition  of  the  country.  In 
common  with  millions  of  our  people  I  mourn  over 
the  prospect  of  a  civil  war,  the  occurrence  of  which 
cannot  but  awaken  the  most  poignant  sorrow  in 
the  heart  of  every  man  who  desires  the  ascendency 
of  democratic  principles  and  the  continued  exist¬ 
ence  of  free  government.  It  is  useless  to  speculate 
about  the  causes  which  have  produced  this  lament¬ 
able  state  of  affairs.  No  questions  as  to  inferior 
political  subjects  can  now  be  debated,  and  all  other 
considerations  are  inferior  to  the  inquiry  as  to 
what  is  the  duty  of  the  American  people  at  this 
alarming  juncture.  I  cannot,  within  the  limits  of 
a  letter  thus  hastily  written,  give  my  views  of  the 
means  adopted  or  omitted  in  any  quarter,  by  which 
our  present  condition  has  been  produced  or  might 
have  been  avoided ;  but  I  repeat  what  on  recent 
occasions  I  have  felt  called  upon  to  state,  that  my 
country  is  the  United  States  of  America — by  that 
name  I  hope  and  believe  it  will  ever  be  known — to 
it,  by  that  name,  my  allegiance  is  entirely  due,  and 
shall  always  be  cheerfully  given,  and  I  can  imagine 
no  contingency  which  could  ever  lead  me  to  withdraw 
one  particle  of  my  love  or  devotion  from  that  flag 
which  waved  over  the  head  of  Washington  in  the 
grandest  moments  of  his  grandest  triumph,  and  upon 
which  no  power  on  earth  has  hitherto  been  able  to 
affix  defeat  or  dishonor.  I  have  always  loved  the 
Southern  people  rcflectingly,  as  well  as  naturally 
sympathized  with  them,  and  been  ever  ready  and 
willing,  with  the  utmost  zeal  and  ability,  to  aid 
in  maintaining  all  their  rights  in  our  confederacy 
under  the  Federal  Constitution.  I  am  not  prepared 
to  admit  that  even  the  most  ardent  son  of  South 
Carolina  could,  in  this  respect,  have  been  more  sin¬ 
cere  or  earnest  than  I.  But  in  no  view,  even  of 
the  doctrines  asserted  by  that  State,  have  I  been 
able  to  discover  any  just  cause  for  the  secession 
movement  now  progressing  under  circumstances  so 
dangerous  and  deplorable.  If  prudent  and  wise 
counsels  had  prevailed,  I  think  this  movement  would 
never  have  attained  its  present  point ;  but  the  fact 
cannot  be  disguised  or  evaded  that  several  of  our 
States  have,  so  far  as  they  could  effect  that  result, 
withdrawn  from  the  Union  and  formed  a  Southern 
confederacy.  The  great  question,  worthy  the  most 
cautious  reflection  of  all  our  statesmen,  and  arous¬ 
ing  the  anxiety  of  our  whole  people  is,  how  can  the 
Union  be  restored  to  its  integrity,  and  its  old  at¬ 
tractions  be  reproduced  ?  If,  however,  that  most 
desirable  result  cannot  be  accomplished,  and  the 
new  confederacy  insists  upon  its  separate  organiza¬ 
tion,  it  is  very  plain  that  the  loyal  States  should 
and  must  continue  their  association  and  adhere  to 
the  Constitution,  title,  and  purposes  of  the  Union 
established  by  the  great,  good,  and  patriotic  men 


DOCUMENTS. 


93 


of  the  past.  If  the  Southern  people  insist  upon 
having  a  country  and  a  name — a  government  and  a 
destiny  distinct  from  ours,  and  no  just  measures 
can  prevent  this  consequence — I,  for  one,  submit 
to  the  event,  however  lamentable.  But  I  cannot 
go  with  the  South,  away  from  my  home  and  insti¬ 
tutions — away  from  the  Government  and  Constitu¬ 
tion,  and  I  cannot  consent  that  any  portion  of  our 
territory,  property,  or  honor  shall  be  wrested  from 
us  by  force.  Beyond  this,  at  present,  I  am  not 
prepared  to  go.  I  deem  it  absurd  to  hope  for  any 
wrong  to  attempt  any  coercion  of  the  seceding 
States  into  remaining  with  us;  but  at  the  same 
time,  I  think  we  have  a  right  to  the  forts  and  all 
other  lawful  property  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  that  the  forcible  seizure  of  any  part 
of  them  by  the  South  was  without  any  justification 
whatever.  I  am  sorry  to  observe  in  presses  of 
different  political  opinions,  expressions  strongly 
calculated,  aud  in  some  cases,  I  fear,  intended  to 
foment  between  the  South  and  the  North  a  more 
angry  and  sanguinary  feeling  than  already  exists. 
While  we  should  entertain  and  express,  with  proper 
firmness,  a  due  appreciation  of  the  duties  which 
the  nation  has  a  right  to  see  us  discharge,  we 
should  also  be  careful  not  to  increase  the  difficulty 
of  removing  the  obstacles  to  a  restoration  of  good 
feeling  among  the  various  States.  I  do  not  flatter 
myself  that  these  views  have  the  importance  which 
some  friends  seem  to  think  my  opinions  might  at 
this  moment  possess.  But  in  the  present,  as  in  all 
previous  instances  affecting  my  course  in  public,  I 
freely  and  fully  define  my  position.  I  pray  heaven 
that  some  means  may  yet  be  devised  to  prevent 
our  brethren  shedding  each  other’s  blood,  and  that 
all  of  us  who  reside  on  American  soil  may  be  re¬ 
stored  to  that  condition  so  happily  expressed  by  the 
great  man  who  demanded  and  predicted  for  us  one 
country,  one  constitution,  one  destiny.  That  this 
beneficent  issue  may  occur  through  the  holy  in¬ 
fluences  of  peace  and  the  kindly  offices  of  fraternity, 
Is  my  profound  aspiration.  But  within  the  limits 
and  to  the  extent,  crudely  stated  in  what  I  have 
already  written,  I  say  to  my  fellow-citizens  of  New 
York  city  that  I  shall  cling  while  life  remains  to  the 
name  and  fame  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
sharing  its  government  and  glory,  and  abiding  with 
resignation  any  perils  or  adversity  that  may  fall 
upon  us,  hoping  ever  that,  from  any  and  every 
trial,  it  may  come  forth  with  no  part  of  its  just 
rights  impaired,  and  no  portion  of  its  power 
or  prosperity  diminished.  That  this  may  be  the 
sentiment  of  all  the  States  still  loyal  to  the  Union, 
and  serve  as  their  guide  in  all  the  future,  is  the 
fervent  hope  and  confident  expectation  of  him, 
who,  without  departing  in  any  respect  from  the 
political  principles  he  has  ever  entertained,  feels  it 
an  imperative  duty  to  avow  unwaveriug  and  un¬ 
dying  fidelity  to  his  country.  James  T.  Braoy. 


The  President  announced  the  following  persons 
as  members  of  the  Committee  of  Finance : 


Moses  Taylor, 

Moses  H.  Grinned, 
Royal  I’helps, 
William  E.  Dodge, 
Greene  C.  Bronson, 
William  M.  Evarts, 
John  J.  Cisco, 

James  T.  Brady, 
Simeon  Draper, 
James  8.  Wadsworth, 
Isaac  Bell, 

James  Boorman, 
Abiel  A  Low, 


Edwards  Pierrepont, 
Richard  M.  Blatchford, 
Alexander  T.  Stewart, 
Hamilton  Fish, 
Samuel  Sloan, 

John  Jacob  Astor, 
Wm.  F.  Havemeyer, 
Charles  II.  Russell, 
Rudolph  A.  Witthaus, 
Charles  H.  Marshall, 
Prosper  M.  Wetmore, 
Robert  IL  McCurdy. 


On  motion,  the  name  of  Hon.  John  A.  Dix  was 
added  to  the  committee. 

Mr.  S.  B.  Chittenden  offered  the  following  reso¬ 
lution,  which  was  unanimously  adopted  amid  hearty 
cheers : 

Resolved, ,  That  New  York  adopts  the  widows  and 
children  of  her  citizens  who  may  fall  in  the  defence 
of  the  Union. 

SPEECH  OP  HON.  R.  C.  SCHENCK,  OF  OHIO. 

Men  of  New  York — Let  me  inform  you  that  I 
meet  you  here  to-day,  as  it  were,  by  accident,  but 
that  does  not,  at  the  same  time,  debar  me  from  the 
privilege  of  being  one  of  yourselves ;  therefore,  I 
have  no  apology  to  make  on  this  head.  (Hear,  hear.) 
1  also  meet  you  as  an  American,  and  in  this  respect  I 
am  one  of  yourselves,  as  I  said  before.  (Applause.) 
On  this  ground  I  know  you,  and  in  knowing  you, 
and  finding  myself  in  your  company,  I  feel  at  home 
— yes,  perfectly  at  home.  (Loud  cheers.)  I  live  in 
Ohio;  but  it  is  not  New  York  or  Ohio  we  arc  now 
trying — that  is  not  the  question — that  is  not  the 
subject  which  has  brought  us  together  this  day. 
The  great  question — the  vitally  important  question 
— which  we  have  to  consider  is,  whether  we  are 
citizens  or  not ;  and  in  being  citizens,  we  are  also 
to  inquire  whether  we  have  become  refractory  and 
have  need  of  chastisement.  (Loud  cheers,  and  cries 
of  “  Chastise  the  South.”)  You  are  aware  of  the 
chastisement  that  was  endeavored  to  be  adminis¬ 
tered  to  the  men  of  Massachusetts.  These  brave 
men  had  passed  through  your  streets  to  the  capital; 
you  see  such  men  passing  through  every  day  as 
they  did,  and  more  are  yet  to  follow.  I  was  in 
Boston  when  those  brave  men,  who  were  so  bar¬ 
barously  assailed,  left  for  the  seat  of  war;  I  wit¬ 
nessed  her  population  blessing  them,  and  bidding 
them  God  speed,  and  cordially  wishing  success  to 
their  brave  artillery.  (Loud  cheers.)  Therefore,  I 
cannot  speak  of  New  York  more  than  of  another. 
The  lines  are  now  broken,  yet  we  feel  here,  as  citi¬ 
zens,  bound  to  support  the  law.  God  send  that 
this  may  be  the  case ;  but,  before  we  turn  against 
the  constitution,  let  us  stand  up  nobly  and  die,  and 
if  blood  naturally  must  flow,  let  it  flow  in  defence 
of  the  Union.  (Great  cheers.)  There  is  no  middle 
ground  now  between  the  parties.  They  have  as¬ 
sumed  the  offensive,  and  wo  must  act  on  the  defen¬ 
sive.  (Cheers  and  cries  of  “  We  will.”)  We  must 
be  either  on  the  one  side  or  the  other !  It  has 
come  to  that,  and  we  cannot  now  evade  it.  (Hear, 
hear.)  The  responsibility  is  now  upon  you  to  vindi¬ 
cate  the  honor  and  dignity  of  your  institutions,  and 
from  this  you  cannot  escape.  Those  States  which 
obey  the  law,  are  the  only  ones  now  you  arc  bound 
to  maintain  and  keep.  We  are  here  to-day  in  their 
behalf,  and  I  am  glad  to  state  that  we  arc  hero 
without  distinction  of  party.  (Applause.)  We 
know  neither  Republicans,  Democrats,  Bell-Everett 
men,  nor  any  other;  but  we  are  here  to  state,  and 
to  proclaim  strongly  and  loudly,  that  wo  shall  stand 
by  the  Union  to  the  last,  and  support  it  against 
those  who  would  attempt  to  overthrow  it.  (Loud 
and  long  continued  cheers.)  This  platform  we  are 
determined  to  stand  upon,  and  all  other  platforms 
placed  in  antagonism  to  it  shall  be  broken  away 
like  the  grass  before  the  fire  of  the  mountain  prai¬ 
ries.  (Tremendous  cheers.)  I  ask  you  to  look  at 
those  thirteen  stripes  (pointing  to  the  flag  on  the 
bust  of  Washington)  which  wave  in  your  midst. 
They  are  the  thirteen  planks  you  are  called  upon 


94 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


this  day  to  stand  on,  and  God  grant  that  it  may 
bo  made  an  enduring  platform,  where  we  can  all 
stand  together!  (Hear  and  cheers.)  I  am  about 
to  return  to  the  State  of  Ohio,  or  the  State  they 
call  Buckeye.  (Loud  laughter.)  I  have  not  time 
to  say  much  more  to  you  now.  (Loud  cries  of  “Go 
on,  we  are  not  tired  of  you  yet.”)  Talk  is  not  the 
matter  in  these  times,  it  is  action.  (Applause.) 
Then  I  call  upon  you,  the  men  of  New  York,  to  act 
as  you  have  ever  done ;  I  implore  you  to  act  as 
men ;  do  your  duty  to  your  country  and  to  your¬ 
selves.  If  eloquence  were  needed,  that  eloquence 
is  to  be  found  in  your  numbers,  in  the  mighty  array 
which  I  now  see  before  me.  (Loud  cheers.)  The 
fire  that  at  present  burns  in  your  patriotic  hearts 
tells  me  that  you  will  never  permit  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  to  be  frittered  away.  (Loud 
cheers,  and  cries  of  “No,  never.”)  I  am  going 
home  to  assist  in  supporting  the  glorious  flag  of  our 
Union,  that  banner  which  was  never  yet  tarnished ; 
and,  if  possible,  to  re-unite  the  United  States  of 
America.  (“Hear,”  and  cheers.)  In  conclusion, 
I  would  say,  let  us  be  determined  to  bo  a  nation  of 
freemen;  and  if  it  be  that  we  cannot  again  be  a 
united  people,  I  hope  that  we  shall  ever  hold  firmly 
and  sacredly  the  principles  of  our  glorious  consti¬ 
tution  as  framed  and  cemented  by  those  who  were 
the  framers  of  this  great  and  mighty  Union.  The 
speaker  concluded  amid  rounds  of  applause. 

The  Chairman  here  came  forward  and  said  he  had 
received  a  telegraphic  despatch  from  Governor  Mor¬ 
gan,  which  he  would  read  to  the  meeting. 

Mr.  Charles  II.  Russell  also  presented  himself 
to  the  meeting,  and  stated  that  ho  had  received  a 
telegraphic  message  from  Governor  Morgan  calling 
upon  them  to  supply  four  additional  regiments,  and 
two  also  of  volunteers. 

The  Chairman  read  another  telegraphic  despatch, 
which  stated  that  the  Seventh  regiment  had  reached 
Philadelphia  in  safety  ;  that  they  were  on  their  way 
to  Annapolis,  and  would  proceed  from  thence  at 
once  to  Washington,  not  touching  at  all  at  Baltimore. 
This  intelligence  was  received  with  deafening  plau¬ 
dits. 

mr.  Chittenden’s  speech. 

Fellow-Citizens  and  Fellow-Countrymen — My 
name  was  not  on  the  programme  of  this  great  meet¬ 
ing  as  a  speaker,  and  consequently  I  have  no  right 
here.  But  in  what  I  do  say  to  you  I  will  not  occupy 
your  time  more  than  two  or  three  minutes.  (Hear, 
hear.)  I  have  been,  for  the  last  seventeen  years,  an 
humble  merchant  in  your  city  among  the  great  mer¬ 
chants  of  New  York ;  and  whatever  I  have  achieved 
during  those  seventeen  years,  I  am  willing  to  devote 
to  the  great  cause  which  has  brought  us  all  together 
here  this  day.  (Tremendous  cheering.)  I  look  upon 
this  epoch  in  the  history  of  this  great  country  as  one 
of  the  most  important  which  has  ever  occurred  on 
the  face  of  the  earth.  I  ask  was  there  ever  such  a 
meeting  as  this  assembled  before  in  defence  of  the 
Union  flag?  What  are  all  the  great  men  of  New 
York  here  fo" 9 — one  hundred  thousand  men?  Of 
what  use«is  all  the  money  in  the  banks  ?  Why,  these 
are,  comparatively  speaking,  nothing  when  contrasted 
with  the  distress  which  has  happened  to  the  United 
States  of  America.  (Hear,  hear.)  The  Union,  how¬ 
ever,  we  must  defend  ;  and  although  future  genera¬ 
tions  may  have  to  refer  to  the  history  of  this  day,  it 
will  be  with  pride  and  gratification  that  they  will 
learn  that  we  met  to  defend  the  flag  of  our  Union. 


(Loud  cheers.)  The  merchants  of  New  York  were 
enterprising  men,  and  the  merchants  of  New  York 
when  they  spoke  out  it  was  not  without  reason. 
They  have  the  sinews  of  war,  and  they  have  prepared 
to  willingly  distribute  it.  (Applause.)  The  steamer 
Baltic  will  as  fast  as  possible  convey  many  brave 
men  to  the  scene  of  action — to  the  battle-field  ;  and 
their  helpless  women  and  children  will  be  left  behind. 
These  noble  and  gallant  men  leave  all  behind  them 
for  the  good  of  their  country.  But  they  leave  us, 
knowing  that  their  wives  and  children  will  be  taken 
care  of.  (Loud  cheers.)  These  are  the  sentiments 
of  the  New  York  people  ;  and  I  am  proud  and  glad 
to  say  that,  according  to  the  resolution  which  you 
have  just  a  little  while  ago  heard  read,  the  people  of 
New  York  will  adopt  them.  (Renewed  and  long  con¬ 
tinued  applause.) 

MR.  CALED  LYON’S  SPEECH. 

Fellow-Citizens  : — This  surging  sea  of  upturned 
faces,  these  stalwart  arms,  and  honest  and  patriotic 
hearts,  betoken  the  greatness  of  this  occasion  endors¬ 
ed,  as  it  is,  by  the  merchant  princes  upon  my  right 
and  upon  my  left,  representing  the  commerce,  the 
wealth  and  the  intelligence  of  the  Empire  City  of  tho 
Empire  State.  (Applause.) 

Endurance  has  ceased  to  be  a  virtue.  "Wo  come 
here  for  the  sacred  purpose  of  laying  all  that  our 
hearts  hold  dear  upon  the  altar  of  our  country ;  to 
vindicate  her  constitution,  to  uphold  her  laws,  and 
to  support  her  legitimately  constituted  authorities, 
with  our  influence,  with  our  property,  and,  if  need  be, 
with  our  lives. 

Years  ago,  there  went  forth  Peter  tho  Hermit  who, 
with  undaunted  zeal,  advocated  the  conquest  of  the 
holy  sepulchre  from  the  hands  of  the  usurping  infi¬ 
del;  but  his  thrilling  eloquence  of  the  wrongs,  indig¬ 
nities,  and  insults  never  fell  upon  the  ear  of  such  an 
ocean  audience  as  this.  He  labored  for  a  dead  idea : 
we  contend  for  a  living  truth — for  that  Washington 
who  led  to  victory  our  armies,  who  consolidated  our 
Government,  who  supported  our  constitution,  who 
gave  vitality  to  our  laws,  whose  Mt.  Vernon  sepul¬ 
chre  is  desecrated,  and  in  the  hands  of  the  insurrec¬ 
tionists,  and  the  capital  he  founded  is  now  threatened 
by  impious  assault ! 

It  now  devolves  upon  us,  fellow-citizens,  to  rally 
and  stop  these  parricidal  hands,  and  take  part  in  the 
great  crusade  by  which  that  sepulchre,  the  capital, 
and  the  country  can  alone  be  saved.  Arc  you  ready  ? 
(Cries  of,  “  Wc  arc  /”) 

Men  of  New  York  !  your  great  awakening  tells 
the  South  of  no  single  soul’s  sympathy  for  secession ; 
it  will  tell  her  that  the  North  is  a  perfect  unit  upon 
the  doctrine  that  our  Government  is  not  a  confed¬ 
eracy,  but  a  union,  for  good  or  ill,  for  weal  or  woo, 
present  and  future,  perpetual,  indivisible,  and  eter¬ 
nal.  (Cheers.)  From  the  balls  that  struck  Fort 
Sumter,  like  th%  dragon’s  teeth  that  were  sown  in 
classic  days  upon  the  shores  of  the  Euxine,  from 
which  sprang  armed  warriors,  are  our  volunteers 
rising  in  serried  thousands  from  the  snow-clad 
shores  of  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  fertile  valleys 
of  the  Susquehannah,  from  the  forests  of  Chatauque 
to  the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson,  begirt  with  the 
panoply  of  right.  I  say,  let  our  brethren  of  the  South 
pause,  ere  the  crevassed  Mississippi  River  turns  the 
States  of  Mississippi  and  Louisiana  into  dismal 
swamps,  and  New  Orleans  to  a  wilderness  of 
waters.  Let  them  pause  ere  northern  chivalry  de¬ 
vastates  the  shores  of  South  Carolina,  and  makes  tho 


DOCUMENTS. 


95 


site  of  Charleston  what  the  desert  of  Sahara  now  is, 
in  remembrance  of  her  infamous  and  cowardly  attack 
of  nineteen  batteries  and  nine  thousand  men,  upon 
an  unfinished  fortification,  garrisoned  by  seventy  ill- 
ammunitioned  and  hungry  soldiers,  and  for  every 
drop  of  loyal  Massachusetts  blood  spilled  in  the  streets 
of  Baltimore,  other  blood  alone  can  wash  it  away  in  riv¬ 
ulets  just  as  warm  and  red.  Y esterday  we  said  farewell 
to  the  glorious  Seventh  Regiment,  the  flower  of  this 
city’s  soldiery,  its  household  guards.  W ords  can  feebly 
describe  the  unanimity  with  which  they  mustered 
for  their  country’s  service.  The  lover  left  his 
betrothed,  the  husband  his  bride,  the  father  his  new¬ 
born  babe,  the  merchant  his  counting  room,  the 
mechanic  hi3  shop,  the  student  his  books,  the  lawyer 
his  office,  and  the  parson  his  church,  as  one  man,  the 
entire  regiment  responding  to  that  love  of  country 
worthy  of  the  better  days  of  the  Republic,  many 
more  of  them  gone,  doubtless,  to  return  no  more  ;  and 
if  they  fall,  theirs  will  be  the  proud  Lacedemonian’s 
epitaph,  “  They  died  in  the  defence  of  their  country 
and  its  laws.”  It  is  said  that  when  General  Jackson 
came  to  die,  he  told  his  spiritual  adviser  that  there 
was  one  sin  of  omission  that  lay  heavily  on  his  soul. 
“  What  is  it  ?  ”  softly  inquired  the  devoted  minister. 
The  old  General  roused  his  departing  energies,  and 
exclaimed,  “  It  is  that  I  did  not  hang  Calhoun.”  Ilis 
reason  was  prophetic.  John  C.  Calhoun,  having 
sowed  the  seeds  of  nullification,  whose  blossoms  were 
secession,  and  the  fruit  fraternal  bloodshed  and  civil 
war  ! — -facilis  descensus  Averni ! — we  are  now  called 
upon  to  teach  the  people  of  the  South  a  salutary  les¬ 
son  of  submission  to  the  Constitution,  and  obedience 
to  the  laws.  [Cheers.] 

They  who  now  see  only  seven  of  Uncle  Sam’s 
stars  (and  those  would  be  Pleiades)  will  clearly  see 
the  whole  thirty-four  ere  this  war  is  finished ;  and 
they  who  choose  but  three  stripes  of  Uncle  Sam’s 
bunting,  (and  those  laid  the  wrong  way,)  will  feel 
the  force  of  the  whole  thirteen  ere  the  campaign  is 
ended.  Before  us  are  the  ball-broken  flag-staff  and 
tattered  colors,  speaking  in  trumpet  tones  of  the 
treachery  of  South  Carolina.  That  flag,  whose  daz¬ 
zling  folds  have  crystallized  the  love  of  a  thousand 
heroes  in  our  hearts,  is  destined  to  float  once  more 
over  the  ramparts  of  Sumter,  before  we  will  listen  to 
the  voice  of  peace.  I  feel  that  the  spirit  that  is  here 
is  the  spirit  of  1776,  it  is  that  of  1812,  it  is  that  of  a 
sublime  instinct  of  self-preservation  rising  up  to  per¬ 
petuate  the  grandest  nationality  of  freemen  the  world 
has  ever  known.  [Cheers.] 

When  after  ages  shall  open  the  volume  of  history 
to  the  illuminated  page  lighted  by  this  day’s  sun,  let 
it  be  said  that  in  her  darkest  hour  New  York  knew 
her  duty  and  was  equal  to  the  occasion,  and  volun¬ 
teered  without  stint  her  treasure  and  her  blood. 
[Enthusiastic  cheers.] 

The  stand  No.  two  was  located  opposite  the  Everett 
House.  The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  Mr. 
Samuel  Sloane,  who  nominated  Ex-Governor  Fish  for 
President,  which  nomination  was  ratified  with  great 
enthusiasm.  The  following  Vice  Presidents  were  ap¬ 
pointed  : — 


W.  II  Aspinwall,  Wm.  Whitlock,  Jr.,  G.  S.  Bedford, 
Cornel'sVanderbilt,  N.  Ludlam,  Wm.  M.  Richards, 

James  T.  Brady,  J.  J.  Roosevelt,  W.  C.  Rhinelander, 

Daniel  Lord,  Isaac  Seymour,  Thomas  Tileston, 

Sheppard  Knapp,  J.  McLeod  Murphy,  Jno.  A.  Kennedy, 
Wm.  A.  Booth,  A.  R.  Wetmore,  ’  0.  A.  Brownson, 


Jno.F.Butterworth, 
F.  S.  Winston, 

Jno.  C.  Hamilton, 
Denning  I)ucr, 

J.  A.  Westervelt, 
Wm.  II.  Stewart, 

C  R.  Robert, 
George  S.  Robbins, 
Richard  Patrick, 
Robert  T.  Haws, 
John  8.  Giles, 

John  H.  Hall, 
George  Griswold, 
Ezra  Nye, 

George  Law, 

Fred.  Foster, 

II.  B.  Raymond, 

L.  B.  Woodruff, 
Solomon  Banta, 
Morgan  Jones, 
George  Young, 

D.  F.  Maurice, 
Horace  Greeley, 
Dan.  E.  Devlin, 


Wm.  G.  Lambert, 
A.  W.  Bradford 
W.  S.  Hatch, 

W.  P.  Lee, 

Erastus  C.Bonedict, 

C.  Newbold, 

W.  II  Appleton, 
Jno.  E.  Williams, 
Richard  Irvin, 
William  Tucker, 
Yah  G.  Hall, 

James  Marsh, 
Horace  Webster, 

D.  A.  Cushman, 

A.  C.  Richards, 
Tim’y  P.  Chapman, 
Chas.  P.  Kirkland, 
Jno.  Dimon, 
Samuel  Hotaling, 
Richard  Warren, 
George  Jones, 

Geo.  T.  Olyphant, 

B.  Cornell, 


Jas.  W.  Underhill, 
Bernard  Kelly, 

E.  H.  Ludlow, 
Thos.  J.  Barr, 

A.  M.  White, 
James  Bryce, 

It.  C.  Root, 

D.  B.  Fearing, 
AVm.  McMurray, 
John  R.  Brady, 
Henry  Hilton, 

W.  F.  Havemeyer, 
Jas.  Gallatin, 

W.  B.  Crosby, 

F.  B.  Cutting, 

Dan.  F.  Tiemann, 
J.  S.  Bosworth, 

T.  B.  Stillman, 
Geo.  T.  II.  Davis, 
W.  Curtis  Noyes, 
James  Lenox, 

B.  R.  Winthrop, 

D.  D.  Field. 


The  presiding  officer  said  : — Fellow-citizens,  we 
desire  to  commence  this  meeting  with  prayer  by  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Vinton. 


The  reverend  gentleman  stepped  forward,  and  de¬ 
livered  the  following  prayer : — 


PRATER  OF  DR.  VINTON. 

0,  Almighty  God,  Creator  of  all  men,  high  and 
mighty,  whose  kingdom  ruleth  over  all — whose  power 
no  creature  dare  resist — thou  art  the  protector  of 
those  who  trust  in  thee.  We  come  before  thee  to 
confess  our  own  sins  and  the  sins  of  our  nation,  and 
to  declare  our  confidence  in  thee  as  our  light  and  our 
salvation.  0  God,  we  have  heard  with  our  cars  and 
our  fathers  have  declared  unto  us  the  noble  works 
thou  didst  in  their  days,  and  in  the  old  time  before 
them.  Let  the  shield  of  thy  omnipotent  care  be  ex¬ 
tended  over  the  United  States  of  America  to  defend 
the  constitution  and  to  perfect  the  union  of  the  peo¬ 
ple.  Be  the  ruler  of  our  rulers  and  the  counsellor 
of  our  legislators,  so  that  they  may  guide  our  feet 
into  the  ways  of  peace.  Inspire  the  people  with  a 
spirit  to  think  and  to  do  that  which  is  right.  Thou 
hast  proclaimed  throughout  the  land — “  Prepare  war, 
wake  up  the  mighty  men,  let  all  the  men  of  war  draw 
near,  let  them  come  up,  beat  your  plough-shares  into 
swords,  and  your  pruning  hooks  into  spears — let  the 
weak  say,  I  am  strong.”  A  loving  patriotism  has 
yielded  the  pride  and  treasures  of  the  family  to  pro¬ 
tect  the  State.  A  religious  loyalty  has  animated  and 
nerved  society  to  whatever  it  valued  in  social  desire 
to  uphold  the  government  of  the  United  States,  as  a 
divine  institution  ordained  by  God  for  good.  Bless 
and  prosper  the  courage  and  piety  that  have  been  thus 
displayed  to  defend  them  who  with  their  lives  in 
their  hands  maintain  the  cause  of  our  country.  God’s 
strength  of  our  life  cover  their  heads  in  the  day  of 
battle.  Be  Thou  the  Ruler  and  Guide  of  all,  that 
they  may  so  pass  through  the  things  temporal,  that 
they  lose  not  the  things  eternal.  0  God,  bring  again 
peace  in  our  time,  and  allay  all  passions,  prejudice, 
and  pride.  May  Thy  spirit  descend  upon  the  great 
congregation  of  Thy  people,  inspire  the  orators  to 
speak  the  truth  in  love,  and  bow  our  hearts  in  obe¬ 
dience  to  duty  as  Christians  and  fellow-citizens,  a3 
loyalists  and  patriots,  as  sinners  saved  in  a  common 
salvation  through  Jesus  Christ,  to  whom  with  tho 
Father  and  the  Holy  Ghost  be  praise  now  and  for¬ 
ever.  Amen. 

SPEECH  OF  HAMILTON  FISn. 

My  fellow:citizens,  I  shall  not  detain  you  longer 
than  to  express  my  appreciation  of  tho  position  con- 


96 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


ferred  upon  me  of  presiding  over  a  meeting  of  patriots 
convened  to  declare  their  intention  to  uphold  the 
government,  to  maintain  and  support  the  constitution 
and  the  cause  of  the  United  States.  We  have  fallen, 
indeed,  on  troublous  times.  Rebellion  is  abroad ; 
treason  attempts  to  overthrow  the  work  of  patriots, 
and  it  is  for  you,  for  us,  to  say  the  work  that  has  been 
made  shall  stand.  (Voices,  “  It  shall.”)  Yes,  stand 
it  will,  in  spite  of  traitors,  in  spite  of  rebellion. 
Thank  God,  I  look  now  upon  a  multitude  that  knows 
no  party  divisions — no  Whigs,  Democrats  or  Republi¬ 
cans.  (A  voice,  “  We  are  all  Americans  and  for  the 
Union.”  Great  cheering.)  There  is  no  party  but 
the  Union.  The  only  distinction  now,  until  this  con¬ 
test  shall  be  settled,  till  order  shall  be  established,  is 
that  of  citizen  or  traitor.  (Voices,  “  Down  with 
them.”  Great  applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  JOHN  COCHRANE. 

Fellow-Citizens  : — No  ordinary  events  have  no¬ 
tified  you  to  assemble,  nor  ordinary  circumstances 
have  convened  you  upon  this  spot.  Another  of  the 
periods  in  human  affairs  which  constitute  the  epochs 
of  history  has  transpired;  and  summoned  by  the 
emergency  from  their  usual  vocations  the  people 
have  congregated  hero  to-day  to  take  order  upon 
that  which  so  intimately  affects  them.  Since  the 
construction  of  our  government  hitherto  has  its  con¬ 
trolling  policy  been  determined  and  applied  through 
the  instrumentality  of  political  parties.  To  be  sure, 
the  vital  functions  of  these  parties  have  uniformly 
been  derived  from  the  people,  as  the  source  of  all 
political  power ;  yet  the  favorite  method  of  assert¬ 
ing  its  sovereignty,  most  usually  preferred  by  pub¬ 
lic  opinion,  has  been  that  which  embraces  party 
organization  and  party  discipline.  Accordingly  we 
have  seen  great  public  measures  when  proposed 
either  adopted  or  defeated  under  the  auspices  and  by 
the  strength  of  political  divisions.  The  clamors  of 
conflicting  opinions  have  at  various  times  proceeded 
from  the  various  organizations  •which  prompted 
them.  The  Federalist  at  one  time  contended  with 
the  Republican ;  at  another  the  Democrat  struggled 
for  political  ascendency  with  an  opposition  variously 
designated,  as  expediency  or  the  irresistible  conflict 
of  some  political  necessity  conferred  the  various 
titles  of  National  Republican,  Whig,  or  Republican. 
These  progressive  changes  you  will  not,  fellow-citi¬ 
zens,  fail  to  perceive  were  characteristic  of  the  dif¬ 
ficulties  which  prevailed  among  the  citizens  of  a 
common  country  respecting  the  method  of  guiding 
its  destiny.  They  were  but  the  internal  distinctions 
adopted  among  men  occupying  together  the  com¬ 
mon  position  of  one  government  and  one  country, 
and  devoting  their  whole  energies,  whatever  their 
conflicting  opinions  upon  incidental  questions,  to 
the  advancement  and  prosperity  of  that  government 
and  that  country.  Such  hitherto  has  been  the  at¬ 
titude  of  our  political  parties  towards  each  other, 
and  such  their  relations  to  the  country,  whose  best 
interests  each  and  all  aspired  to  consult.  It  is  not 
singular,  therefore,  that  when  government  and  coun¬ 
try  are  imperilled  the  divisions  of  party  should  dis¬ 
appear,  and  that  their  memory  should  be  regarded 
but  as  an  incentive  to  a  more  cordial  and  general 
co-operation  for  the  general  welfare.  But  yesterday 
and  the  commotions  of  party  strife  characterized 
our  councils  and  imparted  vigor  to  our  political 
contest.  Then,  with  a  constitution  unimpeached 
and  a  government  unimpaired,  the  struggle  for 
ascendency  contributed  to  political  divisions.  But 


to-day,  party  zeal  has  subsided  and  party  emulation 
ceased  ;  for  to-day  our  country  demands  the  efforts 
of  all  her  children.  To-day,  the  people  and  the 
whole  people  have  cast  aside  the  attributes  of  the 
political  partisan,  and  in  an  unbroken  array  have 
assembled  to  express  their  unanimous  condemna¬ 
tion  of  the  practices  by  which  the  public  peace  has 
been  violated,  and  the  public  weal  endangered. 
(Cheers.)  Events  of  dire  import  signal  to  us  the 
approach  of  war — not  the  war  constituted  of  resist¬ 
ance  to  the  hostile  tread  of  an  invading  foe,  and 
laden  with  the  consequences  only  of  foreign  aggres¬ 
sion  resented,  and  foreign  attack  resisted — but  a  war 
inflamed  by  the  passions,  waged  by  the  forces,  and 
consisting  of  the  conflict  of  citizens,  brothers  and 
friends.  It  is  true  that  the  problem  of  the  future 
must  baffle  the  most  comprehensive  wisdom,  and 
compel  the  patriot  into  painful  anxiety  for  the  fate 
that  awaits  us.  Yet  we  are  not  forbidden  to  extract 
from  the  past  whatever  consolations  rectitude  of 
purpose  and  a  discreet  conduct  allow,  and  to  sum¬ 
mon  their  inspiration  to  our  alliance  and  aid.  It  is 
not  my  purpose,  fellow-citizens,  to  weary  you  with 
the  recapitulation  of  the  party  differences,  the  con¬ 
flict  of  which,  while  constituting  our  past  political 
history  at  the  same  time  shaped  the  question  so 
long,  so  pertinaciously,  and  so  fearfully  debated  be¬ 
tween  the  North  and  the  South,  I  need  not  direct 
your  attention  to  those  acts  which  seem  necessarily 
to  constitute  the  preliminaries  to  the  bloody  arbit¬ 
rament  that  is  upon  us,  and  the  consideration  of 
which,  however  brief,  cannot  fail  to  manifest  the 
patience  and  forbearance  with  which  conflict  has 
been  shunned  and  the  evils  of  war  sought  to  be 
averted.  Nearly  all  that  need  be  submitted  upon 
this  point  is  directly  pertinent  to  the  recent  and 
coercive  attitude  of  the  citizens  very  generally  of 
the  city  of  New  York.  Upon  the  revolutionary 
action  of  the  seven  Gulf  States  there  occurred  here 
an  access  of  desire  that  every  honorable  means 
should  be  employed  to  induce  their  retention  to  the 
confederation  of  States  in  this  Union.  If  this  could 
not  be  attained,  it  was  still  hoped  that  a  consider¬ 
ate  policy  might  retain  the  border  slave  States,  and 
thus  possess  us  of  the  means  of  an  ultimate  restora¬ 
tion  of  its  former  integrity  to  the  Union.  Thus, 
though  the  property  of  the  United  States  had  been 
seized,  its  jurisdiction  violated,  and  its  flag  assailed, 
yet  it  was  by  very  many  still  thought  wiser  to  re¬ 
frain  from  hostility  and  to  court  renewed  national 
harmony,  through  the  milder  methods  of  concilia¬ 
tion  and  compromise.  Accordingly  many,  actuated 
by  such  motives,  established  themselves  firmly  in 
the  policy  ot  such  concessions  as,  satisfactory  to 
the  Union  sentiment  of  the  border  slave  States, 
would,  in  their  opinion,  recommend  themselves 
also  to  the  judgment  of  the  Northern  people.  I 
believe  that  a  very  large  portion  of  our  fellow-citi¬ 
zens  entertained  similar  views,  and  were  quite  will¬ 
ing  to  advance  towards  any  settlement  of  our  sec¬ 
tional  difficulties,  not  so  much  in  the  sense  of 
remedial  justice  to  the  South  as  in  that  of  an  effec¬ 
tual  method  of  restoriug  the  Union.  For  myself, 
I  may  say  that  while  actuated  by  such  views,  I 
have  never  supposed  that  the  requirements  of  the 
border  slave  States  would  exact  what  a  Northern 
opinion  would  not  grant ;  nor,  while  affirming  my 
belief  that  Northern  patriotism  would  resist  the  in¬ 
fraction  of  Southern  rights,  did  I  for  an  instant 
imagine  that  I  could  be  understood  as  including 
secession,  and  the  seizure  of  the  property  of  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


97 


United  States  among  them.  "Whatever  the  consti¬ 
tution  has  secured  to  the  South,  that  there  has  been 
an  abiding  wish  throughout  the  North  to  confirm  ; 
and  although  there  have  been  and  are  differences 
of  opinion  as  to  the  extent  of  Southern  constitution¬ 
al  rights,  yet  I  have  never  understood  the  disciples 
of  any  Northern  political  school  to  advocate  those 
that  were  not  affirmed  by  its  party  platform  to  be 
strictly  of  a  constitutional  character.  But  strenu¬ 
ous  as  were  these  efforts  to  disembarrass  by  coer¬ 
cion,  even  for  the  execution  of  the  laws,  the  friend¬ 
ly  intervention  of  the  border  slave  States  in  behalf 
of  a  disrupted  confederacy,  their  authors  have 
been  baffled,  and  their  dearest  hopes  extinguished 
by  the  active  hostility  of  South  Carolina.  Her  at¬ 
tack  upon  Fort  Sumter  was  simply  an  act  of  war. 
The  right  of  property  and  the  jurisdiction  thereof, 
continued  in  the  United  States,  and  its  flag  denoted 
a  sovereignty  perfect  and  unimpaired.  (Applause.) 
The  cannon  ball  which  first  visited  these  battle¬ 
ments  in  hostile  career  violated  that  sovereignty 
and  insulted  that  flag.  It  was  the  coercion  which, 
at  the  North,  had  been  deprecated  for  the  sake  of 
the  Union  and  suspended,  that  was  thus  com¬ 
mended  by  the  South  to  the  North.  The  ensigns 
of  government,  and  the  emblems  of  national  honor, 
were  systematically  assailed ;  and  the  adhering  States 
were  reduced  to  the  attitude  and  compelled  to  the 
humiliation  of  an  outraged  nationality.  Nor  was 
this  all.  Menaces,  so  authentic  as  to  merit  the  atten¬ 
tion  accorded  to  facts,  marked  the  national  capital  for 
attack.  Hostilities,  with  this  object,  were  concerted 
against  the  government,  and  received  the  open  appro¬ 
bation  of  the  revolutionary  leaders.  In  truth,  the 
scene  of  war  against  the  States  represented  by  the 
government  at  Washington,  which  opened  with  the 
bombardment  of  Fort  Sumter,  has  gradually  devel¬ 
oped  into  the  fearful  proportions  of  an  organized 
invasion  of  their  integral  sovereignty.  Such  has 
been  the  gradual,  nay,  the  almost  imperceptible  pro¬ 
gress  from  initiatory  violence  to  federal  rights  to  the 
levying  war  upon  the  federal  government.  And 
now,  fellow-citizens,  it  seems  to  me  that  no  profound 
reflection  is  necessary  to  perceive  that  the  posture 
of  affairs  which  united  so  many  of  the  Union  loving 
men  of  the  North  against  the  policy  of  a  coercion, 
supposed  to  be  fraught  with  the  danger  of  permanent 
dissolution,  is  not  the  same  with  that  which  represents 
the  seceded  States  in  open  war  to  the  constitution 
and  the  government.  The  considerations  which  de¬ 
precated  the  coercion  of  the  South,  address  them¬ 
selves  with  equal  force  against  the  coercion  of  the 
North.  That  which  was  opposed  because  of  its  anti¬ 
cipated  injury  to  efforts  at  adjustment,  becomes  far 
more  objectionable  in  its  positive  initiation  of  hos¬ 
tilities  against  the  constitution  and  laws.  The  tramp 
of  war  is  heard  in  our  streets.  The  fearful  note  of 
preparation  rises  above  the  din  of  daily  life,  and 
mingles  with  our  busy  thoughts  the  solemnities  of 
approaching  conflict.  Let  us  not  deceive  ourselves. 
It  is  no  gala  occasion — that  which  receives  our  atten¬ 
tion.  Confident  as  we  are,  many  are  the  sad  expe¬ 
riences  which  war  reserves  for  those  subjected  to  its 
stern  necessities ;  and  ere  the  strife  ceases,  terminate 
as  it  may,  we  must  expect  the  reverses  which  have 
generally  characterized  the  experience  of  all  belliger¬ 
ents.  But  through  all  the  coming  scenes  there  will 
expand  the  pervading  sense  of  the  rectitude  of  those 
who  strive  for  the  rights  of  government  and  of  coun¬ 
try — the  comforting  reflection,  that  in  a  war  which 
afflicts  so  many  of  our  dearest  affections,  we  at  least 


were  not  the  aggressors.  Nor  should  a  success  pro¬ 
ductive  of  subjugation  of  any  portion  of  our  fellow- 
citizens  be  contemplated  among  the  possibilities  of 
the  future.  The  contest  so  unhappily  inaugurated, 
is  directed  to  the  establishment  of  the  authority  of 
the  government  and  the  vindication  of  its  flag.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that,  as  for  the  attainment  of  such  an 
object  men  of  all  parties  have  disregarded  political 
divisions,  so  that  men  without  exception  will  accept 
the  first  opportunity  to  welcome  returning  peace 
upon  the  basis  of  one  constitution  and  one  country. 
Still  if  that  national  reconstruction,  which  unfortu¬ 
nately  has  hitherto  baffled  every  patriotic  and  peaceful 
effort,  shall  neither  be  attainable  by  any  other  method, 
our  resistance  to  aggression,  now  conducted  to  the 
issue  of  arms,  will  at  least  have  asserted  our  national 
dignity  and  have  prevented  the  inexpressible  humili¬ 
ation  of  national  dismemberment  and  desolation  ac¬ 
complished  at  the  expense  of  the  degradation  of  the 
North.  Should  final  separation  prove  inevitable  not¬ 
withstanding  every  effort  for  a  return  to  the  peaceful 
repose  of  an  undivided  republic,  we  shall  at  least 
have  entitled  ourselves  to  the  invaluable  self-respect 
founded  in  the  consciousness  of  laws  maintained,  and 
honor  vindicated.  (Cheers.)  The  summons  which 
the  chief  executive  has  proclaimed  for  military  aid 
has  appealed  to  the  patriotism  of  the  entire  North. 
As  at  a  single  bound,  thousands  have  responded,  and 
other  thousands  await  the  call  which  shall  require 
them  also  to  arm  in  the  common  cause.  (Cheers.)  I 
cannot  find  that  the  magistrate’s  power  is  to  be  cir¬ 
cumscribed  now  by  constitutional  scruples,  or  re¬ 
strained  by  the  doubts  of  constitutional  power.  The 
action  which  threatens  the  subversion  of  the  govern¬ 
ment  is  confessedly  revolutionary,  and  avows  its  jus¬ 
tification  in  the  imprescriptable  right  of  self-preserva¬ 
tion.  Now,  I  think  that  it  cannot  be  questioned  that 
an  effort  to  overthrow  a  government,  by  a  portion  of 
its  citizens,  on  the  plea  of  self-preservation,  conclu¬ 
sively  remits  the  government  assailed  to  resistance 
upon  the  same  rights ;  and  that  all  means  are  justi¬ 
fiable  for  the  suppression  of  revolution  which  it  is 
conceded  may  be  employed  in  its  behalf.  Many  of 
the  Southern  States,  disregarding  the  fundamental 
law  which  united  them  under  the  government  of  the 
Union,  have  armed  themselves  against  its  constitu¬ 
tion,  and  wage  unprovoked  war  against  its  citizens. 
They  propose  thus,  by  an  appeal  to  the  transcendent 
law  of  nature — the  law  that  human  happiness  and  the 
safety  of  society  are  the  objects  to  which  all  institu¬ 
tions  and  all  governments  must  be  sacrificed — to  jus¬ 
tify  their  efforts  at  revolution,  and  to  disrupt  the  con¬ 
federation.  I  do  not  perceive  that  the  resistance  of 
such  an  effort  is  to  be  criticized  in  the  spirit  of  strict 
constitutional  construction ;  but  that  the  same  law 
which  guides  the  revolution,  should  and  must  also 
apply  to  all  efforts  to  oppose  it,  viz. : — the  law  which 
commands  the  employment  of  any  force  and  in  the 
best  manner  calculated  to  repress  the  movement 
which  menaces  the  happiness,  and  is  believed  to  be 
destructive  of  the  safety  of  the  people.  I  cannot 
doubt  that  in  case  of  an  emergency,  proportionately 
formidable,  the  whole  body  of  the  community  threat¬ 
ened,  might  upon  the  plea  of  self-preservation,  arise 
in  immediate  resistance  of  the  danger  without  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  provisions  of  constitutional  law.  Such 
an  act  would  doubtless  be  referable  to  the  magni¬ 
tude  of  the  danger,  and  be  justifiable  by  a  law  above 
and  beyond  all  compacts  whatever.  But  it  is  need¬ 
less,  fellow-citizens,  to  pursue  this  theme  further. 
The  hour  bears  its  events,  and  is  fraught  with  its  les- 


98 


[REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


8on&  We  are  in  the  midst  of  revolution — not  the 
revolution  of  the  rhetorician,  invoked  to  swell  his 
periods,  and  to  impress  an  audience  ;  but  the  revolu¬ 
tion  of  facts,  the  revolution  of  w?ar.  We  have  assem¬ 
bled  to  resist  its  wild  career,  and,  if  possible,  to  re¬ 
store  a  distracted  country  once  more  to  the  author¬ 
ity  of  law  and  to  the  peace  of  orderly  and  constitu¬ 
tional  government.  To  such  an  effort  we  summon 
the  assistance  of  all  good  men.  To  such  an  effort  we 
bring  our  party  predilections  and  political  associa¬ 
tions,  and  sacrifice  them  all  in  the  presence  of  our 
countrymen  upon  the  altar  of  our  common  country. 
To  such  an  effort  we  devote  our  energies  and  our 
means,  all  the  while  hoping  and  acting  for  the  restor¬ 
ation  of  peace  and  the  reunion  of  a  severed  confeder¬ 
acy  ;  but  still  remembering  that  should  the  unhappy 
time  arrive  when  final  separation  becomes  inevitable, 
our  affections  and  our  efforts  are  due  to  the  geographi¬ 
cal  section  to  which  we  belong — that  our  future  is 
inseparable  from  the  future  of  the  North.  (Cheers.) 
In  the  mean  time  the  path  of  duty  and  honor  conducts 
in  but  one  direction — consists  with  but  one  course. 
It  brings  us,  one  and  all,  to  the  support  of  the  gov¬ 
ernment,  the  maintenance  of  the  constitution,  and 
the  execution  of  the  laws.  (Applause.)  Thousands 
are  they  who  tread  therein,  and  their  motto  is  our 
country,  and  our  whole  country — in  every  event  our 
country.  (Loud  cheering.) 

SrEECII  OF  HIEAM  KETCIIU.M. 

Fellow-Citizens  : — Whoever  attempts  to  address 
his  fellow-citizens  at  this  time  should,  in  my  judgment, 
well  weigh  and  consider  the  words  that  he  utters. 
They  should  not  be  words  of  irritation  or  of  anger,  but 
words  which  indicate  a  settled  purpose  and  determina¬ 
tion.  Our  first  duty,  my  fellow-citizens,  on  this  occa¬ 
sion,  is  to  banish  all  thoughts  of  difference  between 
ourselves.  (A  voice,  “  Good.”)  We  are  to  forget  that 
we  have  had  any  controversy  among  ourselves.  (A 
voice,  “  They  are  forgotten.”)  We  must  come  up  as 
one  united  people.  (A  voice,  “  So  we  will.”)  And 
for  what  should  we  be  united  ?  My  fellow-citizens,  the 
great  principle  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  our  in¬ 
stitutions  is  that  the  people  are  capable  of  self-gov¬ 
ernment,  that  the  majority  of  the  people  must  rule. 
(Cheers  for  the  people.)  That  their  will,  constitu¬ 
tionally  expressed,  is  the  law  of  the  land :  that  the 
minority  must  submit  to  the  majority.  (Applause, 
and  “  That  is  so.”)  It  is  upon  that  principle,  my  fel¬ 
low-citizens,  that  our  whole  institutions  of  liberty 
rest.  It  is  that  principle,  for  which  the  flag  of  our 
country  is  the  emblem,  and  it  is  upon  that  principle 
that  we  must  take  our  stand.  That  is  the  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter  which  we  must  defend.  (Applause.)  We  must 
resist  to  the  death  if  necessary,  all  who  would  assail 
or  attempt  to  destroy  the  principle  of  popular  liberty. 
(Applause.)  It  is  that  principle  which  our  fathers 
through  the  Revolution  maintained,  through  a  W'ar 
of  seven  years,  which  they  established  by  the  forma¬ 
tion  of  the  constitution  under  which  we  live.  It  is 
that  principle  which  has  attracted  to  our  shores  thou¬ 
sands  and  millions  of  persons  from  foreign  countries 
to  come  here,  and  they  have  sworn  allegiance  to  this 
government,  to  this  constitution.  They  will  never 
violate  that  oath — the  millions  ivho  have  come  here 
from  foreign  lands.  (Cheers.)  Yes,  there  are  mul¬ 
titudes  here  who  have  taken  that  oath.  There  are 
millions  in  this  country  who  have  taken  that  oath. 
(A  voice,  “And  will  keep  it,  too.”)  They  have 
taken  it  upon  the  Evangelists  of  Almighty  God,  they 
have  t alien  it  upon  the  cross,  and  they  will  stand  by 


it.  (A  voice,  “  We  will.”)  And  do  you  suppose 
that  it  is  less  obligatory  upon  them  than  it  is  upon 
us,  who  have  sucked  in  that  obligation  with  our 
mothers’  milk?  (“  Good,”  and  applause.)  Now,  my 
friends,  I  am  going  to  show  you,  before  I  sit  down, 
that  the  war  now  is  in  defence  of  that  principle.  The 
assault  is  upon  that  principle.  The  batteries  of  the 
enemy  are  directed  against  the  principle  of  popular 
government — the  principle  that  the  people  shall  rule 
by  the  majorities ;  and  that  I  propose,  in  a  very  few 
words,  to  demonstrate  to  you  before  I  take  my  seat. 
Now,  my  friends,  what  are  the  facts?  We  have 
lately  had  an  election  of  President  and  Vice-Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  United  States.  There  were  those  among 
us — and  I  was  of  that  number — that  did  not  wish  to 
see  the  Republican  party  prevail.  Every  ward  and 
every  election  district  in  this  city  signified  its  wish 
that  the  Republican  party  should  not  prevail.  Now, 
our  fellow-citizens  at  the  South  have,  therefore,  sup¬ 
posed  that  they  could  rely  upon  the  city  of  New 
York  to  sympathize  with  them  in  their  rebellion. 
(“  No,  never.”)  What  was  the  principle  ?  Wre  came 
up  to  say — “All  your  grievances  can  be  redressed  in 
the  Union  and  under  the  Constitution  and  at  the 
ballot-box.”  We  gave  a  fair  trial,  and  we  were  de¬ 
feated  ;  and  what  then  ?  Did  we  justify  anybody  to 
go  outside  of  the  Constitution — (“No”) — and  to 
break  up  the  Government  ?  Have  we  not  been  de¬ 
feated  time  and  again  ?  I  have  been  defeated  ;  my 
party  lias  been  defeated  time  and  again.  I  have 
known  what  it  was  to  be  defeated  when  I  advocated 
Henry  Clay  as  President  of  the  United  States,  and  I 
have  known  what  it  was  to  shed  scalding  tears  over 
that  defeat.  But  did  we  authorize  him  to  rebel 
against  my  country  ?  (“  No.”)  Has  it  not  been  our 
practice,  my  fellow-citizens,  I  submit  to  you,  to  have 
free  discussion,  free  press,  and  an  animated  and  free 
canvass?  But  when  the  question  was  settled,  the 
minority  always  submitted.  Is  not  that  American 
law?  (“  Yes,  and  it  will  be.”)  Have  you  not  seen 
parties  come  here  time  and  again  at  the  polls,  angry, 
severe,  and  anxious,  and  have  you  not  seen  them  the 
next  day,  after  the  ballot  was  counted,  shake  hands  ? 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  That  is  American  law. 
(“  Yes,  it  is.”)  That  is  American  feeling.  (“  That’s 
so.”)  We  say,  “We  got  beat,  and  we,  as  the  minor¬ 
ity,  yield.  At  the  next  election  we  will  try  you 
again.”  '(Applause.)  That  is  our  law;  and  now, 
when  I  went  into  this  last  canvass,  and  tried,  as  I 
did,  according  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  to  defeat  the 
election  of  Abraham  Lincoln, — (“  And  so  did  I,”) — 
believing  that  the  success  of  that  party  would  be  in¬ 
jurious  to  the  country,  when  it  w7as  over,  and  I  was 
defeated,  what  remained  but  to  give  up,  to  submit  to 
the  majority  of  the  people,  and  to  sustain  the  Presi¬ 
dent  who  was  elected  by  the  majority,  (applause ;) 
and  had  I  any  thought  that  those  people  with  whom 
I  was  acting  were  going  to  rebel  against  the  Govern¬ 
ment,  I  never  would  have  acted  with  them  for  one 
moment.  (“No,  nor  I.”)  The  three  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  men  in  the  State  of  New  York,  who 
came  up  and  voted  with  the  South,  never  would 
have  voted  with  her  if  they  had  supposed  that 
these  men  were  going  to  rebel  against  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  country.  (“  That  is  so  !  ”  “  Bravo  !  ” 
Applause.)  Now,  my  friends,  what  do  we  hear? 
Why,  when  the  election  is  over,  they  who  have 
entered  the  contest  and  had  the  fight  have  had  a 
fair  chance  at  the  ballot-box,  have  had  a  fair  contro¬ 
versy  in  the  canvass.  And  what  do  they  say  ?  Be¬ 
cause  we  have  not  succeeded,  we  will  break  up  this 


DOCUMENTS. 


99 


Government.  (“  They  cannot  do  it !  ”  “  Never  !  ”) 

This  glorious  Government,  this  Government  which 
has  stood  more  than  seventy  years,  and  brought 
such  prosperity  and  such  blessings  upon  the  people 
as  was  never  known  in  the  history  of  the  world — 
(“That’s  so”) — which  has  enabled  us  to  prosper — 
which  has  built  up  this  great  city — which  has  founded 
institutions  of  learning,  and  schools,  and  benevolent 
institutions,  and  enabled  the  poor  man  to  educate  his 
children,  and  to  grow  up  and  be  somebody  in  the 
land — these  institutions  are  now  to  be  crushed.  And 
why  ?  Because  they  did  not  succeed  at  an  election. 
Is  that  the  talk?  (“No.”)  What  would  Henry  Clay 
have  said  to  his  followers  if  they  had  said,  We  have 
not  elected  you,  and  now  we  will  break  up  the  na¬ 
tion  ?  He  would  have  said,  Get  out  of  my  sight. 
What  would  Jackson  or  anybody  have  said  ?  What 
would  any  American  have  said,  because  we  have  not 
succeeded  in  this  election,  we  will  go  out  of  the 
Union?  Will  that  do?  (“No.”)  Well,  now,  gen¬ 
tlemen,  these  people  have  made  war  upon  this  great, 
this  cherished,  this  glorious  principle,  which  has  thus 
far  conducted  us  to  renown,  to  the  happiness  which 
we  now  enjoy,  and  made  our  flag,  which  is  the  em¬ 
blem  of  this  principle,  known,  respected,  honored 
and  feared  all  over  the  civilized  world,  and  has  never 
been  dishonored  except  by  these  rebels.  (Great  ap¬ 
plause.)  Now,  my  friends,  what  I  want  is  that  you 
shall  every  man  this  day  take  the  oath  inwardly  in 
your  own  consciences  that  you  will  maintain  this 
principle  of  republican  liberty.  (Applause.)  That 
13  the  fortress.  That  flag  (pointing  to  the  American 
flag)  is  the  emblem  of  republican  liberty  ;  and  you, 
my  fellow-citizens  of  foreign  birth,  who  have  sworn 
to  support  the  Constitution,  and  you,  my  fellow-citi¬ 
zens,  born  on  the  soil,  who  are  equally  bound  to  sup¬ 
port  that  Constitution,  I  want  you  to  stand  up  for  the 
principle  for  which  our  fathers  fought  for  seven  years 
— for  the  principle  that  the  people  are  capable  of 
self-government,  and  that  the  majority  shall  rule. 
And  now  let  us  see  what  has  been  done  on  the  other 
side.  They  tell  you  that  they  have  the  right  of  revo¬ 
lution.  Every  people,  when  oppressed  beyond  en¬ 
durance,  have  a  right  of  revolution.  When  the 
people  of  this  country  were  oppressed  by  Great 
Britain,  they  exercised  the  right  of  revolution ;  but 
what  did  they  do  first  ?  They  saw  that  there  were 
no  other  means  of  redress  but  by  revolution.  Then 
our  friends  at  the  South,  whom  some  of  us  here  have 
aided  to  redress  their  grievances,  can  they  say  that 
their  grievances,  such  as  they  complain  of,  cannot  be 
redressed  without  a  revolution  ?  (“  No.”)  Why, 

my  friends,  at  this  very  election  which  made  Abra¬ 
ham  Lincoln  President  of  the  United  States,  the  very 
people  that  put  that  party  into  power  in  the  execu¬ 
tive  department  of  the  country,  put  the  majority  and 
the  representatives  of  the  people  in  both  branches  of 
the  Legislature  in  the  hands  of  the  opposition. 
(“  That  is  so.”)  They  would  have  had,  if  they  had 
stayed  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  now  to  come 
into  existence,  thirty  majority,  and  they  would  have 
had  a  majority  in  the  Senate.  They  would  have  had, 
as  they  have,  the  Supreme  Court  on  their  side  ;  and 
now,  my  friends,  what  could  they  complain  of? 
(“Nothing.”)  Some  of  us  believe  that  when  the 
four  years  commenced  they  would  have  had  a  major¬ 
ity  if  they  had  only  given  the  time,  and  only  given 
the  room  for  free  discussion ;  but  they  could  not 
wait.  Having  a  majority  in  the  branches  of  the 
Legislature,  if  the  President  had  done  what  he  said 
lie  was  going  to  do,  they  could  have  restrained  him  ; 


but  they  must  break  away  from  this  Union ;  they 
must  destroy  this  Government,  and  now  what  comes 
to  pass?  We  now  find  that  this  is  the  result  of  a 
conspiracy ;  a  conspiracy  which  has  been  formed 
secretly  for  years  by  designing  political  men  to  over¬ 
turn  the  Government  of  this  country.  (“  That  is' 
so.”)  Now  let  us  see.  I  have  said  that  they  mean 
to  overthrow  popular  Government,  let  us  see  if  I 
cannot  prove  it.  They  have  attempted  to  form  a 
Government ;  they  have  attempted  to  form  a  Union. 
They  have  made  a  Constitution ;  have  they  submitted 
it  to  the  people  ?  (“  No,  they  dare  not.”)  When 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  formed, 
what  was  the  process?  (“It  was  submitted  to  the 
people.”)  The  process  was  this,  my  friends :  A  con¬ 
vention  met  and  formed  this  Constitution ;  a  conven¬ 
tion  properly  chosen  met  and  formed  it,  and  then 
this  Constitution  was  reported  to  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States.  Then  the  Congress  ordered  the  peo¬ 
ple  in  each  State  to  choose  representatives  and  to 
form  conventions ;  and  then  the  Constitution  was  to 
be  submitted  to  these  conventions,  debated  freely 
without  fear ;  and  then,  and  not  till  then,  until  the 
will  of  the  people  had  been  ascertained — not  till 
then,  did  it  become  the  Constitution  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States.  That  is  the  way  that  the  Consti¬ 
tution  under  which  we  live,  which  we  have  sworn  to 
defend,  was  formed.  It  is  the  Constitution  of  the 
people,  made  by  the  whole  people  for  the  whole  of 
the  people,  and  can  only  be  abolished  and  altered  in 
the  way  that  the  people  themselves  have  directed  in 
the  instrument  itself.  Now,  what  is  the  other  course  ? 
They  rush  into  a  convention  hastily  and  in  a  passion, 
and,  after  a  heated  conflict,  they  rush  into  a  conven¬ 
tion.  They  send  delegates,  and  these  delegates  meet, 
form  a  Constitution  without  having  any  power  given 
to  them,  because  the  question  simply  was,  “  Shall  we 
secede  ?  "  They  met,  they  formed  a  convention,  and 
they  made  a  new  Constitution,  and  there  are  efforts 
made  to  have  it  submitted  to  the  people,  and  they 
won’t  submit  it  to  the  people  ;  they  have  never  sub¬ 
mitted  it  to  the  people ;  they  dare  not  submit  it  to 
them.  It  is  not  the  people’s  Government.  They  do 
not  mean  to  have  a  people’s  Government.  They 
mean  to  have  a  military  despotism  which  shall  rule 
the  people.  (“  That’s  so.”  Applause.  “  Never.”) 
And  now,  my  friends,  there  are  thousands  and  tens 
of  thousands  of  good  Union  men  in  these  very  States 
which  profess  to  have  seceded.  There  are  thousands 
and  tens  of  thousands  there  who  think  as  you  and  1 
think  here  to-day,  but  they  dare  not  utter  their  senti¬ 
ments.  They  would  be  hanged  by  the  neck  if  they 
uttered  their  sentiments.  They  would  be  put  down 
by  villains ;  and  now  it  is  for  their  sake  as  well  as 
ours,  it  is  for  the  sake  of  the  liberty  of  this  Union, 
and  for  the  liberty  of  the  people,  that  we  contend 
this  day.  (Great  cheers.)  Now,  my  friends,  there 
are  those  who  will  follow  me,  but  let  me  leave  this 
impression  strong  on  your  minds,  that  we  make  no 
war,  we  have  not  been  the  aggressors.  We  stand  by 
the  Constitution  and  the  principles  of  our  fathers. 
We  stand  by  popular  liberty ;  we  stand  by  the  right 
of  the  people  to  make  their  own  laws  by  the  majority 
of  their  votes,  and  that  is  the  principle  which  they 
have  attacked  and  which  they  mean  to  destroy,  and 
which,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  we  mean  to  defend  to 
the  last — (great  applause) — defend  in  argument,  de¬ 
fend  in  the  press,  defend  on  the  stump,  defend  with 
our  lives.  (Tremendous  applause.)  Fellow-citizens, 

I  leave  the  subject.  I  leave  you  to  contemplate  upon 
it.  I  leave  you  to  decide  whether  this  Government 


100 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


shall  stand  for  the  benefit  of  mankind — for  the  bene¬ 
fit  of  our  posterity — for  the  benefit  of  those  who 
may  seek  the  blessings  of  liberty  from  foreign  shores, 
I  leave  you  to  decide.  With  you,  with  the  people 
themselves,  it  is  to  determine  this  great  question,  and 
I  cannot  doubt  what  will  be  the  determination.  We 
will  stand  by  our  Constitution  and  our  laws,  and  we 
will  enforce  our  Constitution  and  our  laws  (Ap¬ 
plause.) 

SPEECH  OF  HENRY  J.  RAYMOND. 

Fellow-Americans  and  brethren,  in  the  cause  of 
human  liberty  I  never  felt  more  at  a  loss  for  words, 
I  never  felt  more  the  poverty  of  human  language, 
than  at  this  moment.  But  what  need  that  I  should 
say  any  thing  to  you,  when  the  occasion  speaks  trum- 
pet-tongued  to  every  American  heart  ?  While  armed 
rebellion  is  upon  us,  and  while  responsive  echoes 
come  from  every  loyal  heart — while  blood  of  loyal 
citizens  has  been  shed  in  the  Monumental  City  for  no 
other  crime  than  because  they  were  on  their  way  to 
defend  the  capital  of  the  republic  from  lawless  inva¬ 
sion — what  need  of  words,  then,  while  events  like 
these  are  around  us?  There  is  but  one  sentiment 
abroad,  and  there  is  no  need  of  appeal,  for  every 
heart  beats  responsive  to  the  demands  of  the  Consti¬ 
tution  and  the  liberties  which  that  Constitution  se¬ 
cures  and  protects.  We  live  and  have  been  living  in 
an  age  of  revolution.  Europe  has  rocked  to  and  fro 
and  surged  under  the  tread  of  armed  men,  fighting 
for  what  ?  To  beat  down  oppressive  Governments 
that  warred  upon  human  rights  and  trampled  their 
people  under  foot.  Here  on  this  •continent,  where 
liberty  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Government,  where 
human  rights  are  respected,  where  the  laws  and  the 
Constitution  are  made  by  the  people — here  on  this 
continent  we  find  treason  and  rebellion  rampant. 
What  is  the  spectacle  presented  to  us  to-day  ?  Armed 
rebellion  aiming  to  overthrow  and  tread  under  foot 
the  Constitution  and  Government  of  the  country. 
For  what  purpose?  To  vindicate  human  rights? 
No  !  Human  rights  are  safe  with  the  Government. 
This  is  a  Government  of  the  people,  and  cannot 
overthrow  the  liberties  it  fosters  and  protects,  for 
our  liberties  rest  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  the 
people  themselves  are  the  rulers  of  the  nation.  And 
now  what  our  duty  is  in  this  emergency,  is  the 
only  question  asked,  and  in  considering  that  we  need 
no  arguments  and  no  party  appeals.  I,  fellow-citi¬ 
zens,  helped  to  put  this  Government  into  power ;  but 
God  destroy  me  at  once  if  I  would  not,  the  moment 
the  Administration  proved  hostile  to  the  Constitution, 
desert  it  and  make  way  with  it.  We  ask  but  one 
thing  of  the  Administration — that  it  protect  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  committed  to  its  care.  We  demand  that  of 
them  ;  and  if  they  do  not  perform  that  duty,  we  will 
put  off  from  them.  (Cheers.)  Why,  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  country  is  but  the  agent  of  the  people  ; 
and  if  the  Government  cannot  defend  the  liberties 
of  the  people,  the  people  will  prove  able  to  take  care 
of  their  own  liberties.  (Applause.)  The  capital  of 
our  country  is  in  danger.  (Cries  of  “  No.”)  Yes, 
in  a  danger  that  I  fear  we  do  not  sufficiently  appre¬ 
ciate — which  I  fear  that  the  Government  does  not 
properly  appreciate  or  understand.  What  is  the  state 
of  the  case  to-day  ?  Virginia,  the  mother  of  states¬ 
men,  and  the  mother  of  traitors  too.  (Cheers.) 
Virginia  has  long  been  pretending  to  be  holding  back 
in  this  crisis,  and  standing  aloof  from  the  contest,  for 
the  purpose  of  restoring  peace.  But  what  is  the  fact 
as  now  manifested  ?  She  stands  forth  at  the  head  of 


this  great  rebellion.  Twenty-five  hundred  men  ap¬ 
peared  yesterday  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  not  to  find  mus¬ 
kets  which  Floyd  had  intended  for  their  use,  thank 
God,  but  to  take  possession  of  the  useless  armory. 
And  where  did  they  come  from  ?  They  came  from 
Richmond.  And  with  what  purpose  ?  To  arm  them¬ 
selves,  and  to  arm  some  fifteen  thousand  other  Seces¬ 
sionists,  and  then  to  take  the  capital  of  Washington 
on  the  rear.  (Cheers.)  Need  I  call  upon  you  to  go 
to  the  rescue  ?  (Cries  of  “  We  will.”)  That  is  the 
talk ;  that  is  the  duty  of  American  freemen.  We 
are  not  to  stand  here  urging  action,  while  the  Consti¬ 
tution  i3  in  danger,  and  the  capital  of  the  republic 
threatened  with  flames.  If  we  consider  our  liberties 
worth  preserving — if  we  have  any  veneration  for  the 
Constitution — if  the  memory  of  Washington  is  still 
enthroned  in  our  hearts  as  the  founder  of  our  liber¬ 
ties — let  us  be  up  and  doing.  (Cheers.)  Let  me 
give  you  this  piece  of  information :  I  understand 
since  I  came  here  that  General  Scott  has  sent  word 
to  this  city  that  the  capital  is  in  danger,  and  that 
volunteers  are  wanted,  orders  or  no  orders.  (Enthu¬ 
siastic  cries  of  “  We  will  all  go,  every  man  of  us.”) 
Now,  I  have  another  piece  of  information  to  give 
you,  that  the  steamer  Baltic  will  be  at  the  wharf  to¬ 
morrow  morning  to  take  as  many  volunteers  as  may 
choose  to  go.  (Loud  cheers.)  The  people  have  re¬ 
solved  that  the  Government  shall  be  preserved,  and 
they  must  and  shall  preserve  it. 

At  this  time  the  speaker  was  interrupted  by  many 
voices  crying  out — “At  what  time  will  tho  Baltic 
leave  ?  ” 

Mr.  Raymond — At  10  o’clock,  I  learn,  from  the 
foot  of  Canal  street.  (Three  cheers  were  given  for 
General  Scott,  and  three  for  the  Baltic.)  Fellow-citi¬ 
zens,  I  believe  that  we  have  a  Government  at  Wash¬ 
ington  on  which  we  can  rely,  and  worthy  of  preserv¬ 
ing.  If  the  Government  proves  false  to  the  country, 
why,  we  will  drive  them  from  their  places,  and  put 
men  in  their  places  who  will  take  care  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment.  Thousands  will  rise  and  rush  to  the  rescue 
of  the  capital,  and  to  keep  it  from  the  possession  of 
the  rebels  who  have  made  piracy  their  watchword, 
and  who  commenced  their  present  work  with  plun¬ 
der,  and  who  have  adopted  as  a  basis  of  their  action 
and  of  their  power,  plunder  and  arson,  and  with  the 
weapons  stolen  from  the  Government  have  aimed  an 
assassin  blow  at  the  heart  of  the  republic.  What  we 
want  is,  that  a  terrible  blow  be  struck,  and  that  it  will 
be  felt  by  those  who  have  strongly  provoked  it. 
They  have  already  ascertained  that  they  cannot 
longer  trust  to  one  great  hope  they  had  in  their  en¬ 
terprise.  They  had  counted  confidently  on  the  divis¬ 
ions  of  the  North.  They  believed  that  they  would 
be  perfectly  safe  in  marching  an  army  to  Washing¬ 
ton,  and  that  in  doing  so  they  would  receive  support 
from  this  city.  This  reliance  of  theirs  only  shows 
them  now  how  little  they  understood  what  the  Amer¬ 
ican  heart  is  made  of,  whether  that  heart  beats  in  the 
city  of  New  York  or  in  the  Western  prairies.  It 
shows  they  know  nothing  of  liberty,  or  the  impulses 
of  liberty.  It  shows  that  they  know  nothing  of  the 
attachment  of  the  people  to  the  Government — to 
that  Government  under  which  we  have  grown  great, 
and  mighty,  and  prosperous — a  Government  which 
gave  to  the  South  itself  its  only  title  to  consideration 
among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  I  have’nothing  fur¬ 
ther  to  say  but  what  I  have  already  announced,  that 
the  Baltic  sails  to-morrow  ;  and  I  trust  that  you  will 
all  rush  to  the  rescue,  and  preserve  the  capital,  and 
prevent  its  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  barbarians — 


DOCUMENTS. 


101 


(laughter  and  cheers) — who  threaten  to  destroy  it. 
The  South  may  rest  assured  that  the  enterprise  under¬ 
taken  by  her  cannot  succeed,  and  cannot  long  run 
on.  They  will  learn  that  it  is  one  thing  to  take  a 
people  and  a  Government  by  surprise,  but  that  it  is 
quite  another  thing  to  wage  a  war  of  despotism  over 
thirty  millions  of  people.  What  have  the  Secession¬ 
ists  done  towards  human  liberty?  What  sort  of  a 
Government  have  they  established  ?  A  Government 
of  force,  a  Government  of  despotism.  Jefferson 
Davis  is  to-day  as  pure  and  as  unmitigated  and  com¬ 
plete  a  despot  over  those  he  rules,  as  any  who  sits 
upon  any  throne  of  Europe.  (Applause,  and  cries 
of  “  That’s  so.”  Three  groans  were  then  given  for 
Davi3.)  If  he  gets  possession  of  Washington — (cries 
of  “  Don’t  you  be  alarmed  at  that  ”) — if  he  is  allowed 
to  form  a  Government,  it  will  be  such  a  Government 
as  the  people  will  have  as  little  to  do  with  as  possi¬ 
ble.  (Cries  of  “  He  can’t  do  that.”)  No  ;  but  if  ho 
gets  possession  of  the  capital,  one  hundred  thousand 
men  will  rush  to  the  rescue  and  sweep  rebellion  from 
the  headquarters  of  the  Government.  He  (Davis) 
will  find  that  the  heart  of  the  American  people  is 
irrevocably  fixed  upon  preserving  the  republic. 
(Cheers.)  I  heard  an  anecdote  to-day  from  Major 
Anderson — (cheers  for  Anderson) — which  may  inter¬ 
est  you,  and  at  the  same  time  illustrate  this  position. 
During  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  a  report  came  here 
that  the  flag  on  the  morning  of  the  fight  was  half- 
mast.  I  asked  him  if  that  was  true,  and  he  said 
there  was  not  a  word  of  truth  in  the  report.  He 
said  that  during  the  firing  one  of  the  halyards  was 
shot  away,  and  the  flag  in  consequence  dropped  down 
a  few  feet.  The  rope  caught  in  the  staff,  and  could 
not  be  reached,  so  that  the  flag  could  not  be  either 
lowered  or  hoisted ;  and,  said  the  Major,  “  God 
Almighty  nailed  that  flag  to  the  flagmast,  and  I 
eould  not  have  lowered  it  if  I  tried.”  (Immense 
cheering.)  Yes,  fellow-citizens,  God  Almighty  has 
nailed  that  resplendent  flag  to  its  mast,  and  if  the 
South  dares  to  march  upon  Washington,  they  will 
find  that  that  cannot  bo  taken  down.  No,  not  by  all 
the  powers  they  can  collect.  No  !  they  will  find 
that  that  sacred  sword  which  defends  and  strikes  for 
human  rights — that  sword  which  Cromwell  wielded, 
and  which  our  fathers  brought  into  the  contest,  and 
which  made  us  a  nation — will  be  taken  once  more 
from  its  scabbard  to  fight  the  battle  of  liberty  against 
rebellion  and  treason.  (Vehement  cheering.)  As  I 
have  already  said,  the  Baltic  will  be  at  the  foot  of 
Canal  street  to-morrow  morning  to  take  volunteers  to 
serve  the  country,  whether  they  have  orders  or  not. 
(Cries  of  “We’ll  go.”)  I  would  advise  you  not  to 
go  without  arms.  (Cries  of  “Where  will  we  get 
them  ?  ”)  I  have  already  made  the  announcement 
of  the  sailing,  and  now  I  am  requested  to  make  an¬ 
other.  T  ou  may  have  seen  in  the  morning  papci's 
that  Governor  Hicks,  of  Maryland,  said  that  he 
would  endeavor  to  prevent  the  passage  of  troops 
through  Baltimore.  I  desire  to  say  for  him,  that  he 
has  stood  in  the  breach  long  months  in  Maryland, 
and  he  has  done  more  to  preserve  the  Union  than 
any  other  man  in  the  Southern  States,  and  he  is  en¬ 
titled  to  the  warm  gratitude  of  all  for  arresting 
rebellion  on  its  very  first  tide,  and  when  it  was 
sweeping  the  whole  South  to  destruction.  (Three 
cheers  were  given  with  great  unanimity  for  Governor 
Hicks.)  If  they  could  have  once  secured  a  State 
Convention  in  Maryland,  they  would  have  had  every¬ 
thing  their  own  way.  State  Conventions  are  old 
tricks  of  despotism.  Whenever  any  thing  despotic 
Documknt.s — 7 


was  to  be  carried  out  against  the  will  of  the  people, 
State  Conventions  have  always  been  the  convenient 
instrument  used,  for  they  assumed  to  be  the  repre¬ 
sentatives  of  the  people,  and  having  sovereign  power, 
did  just  as  they  pleased.  Take  the  case  of  Virginia. 
The  Convention  was  elected  by  the  people  to  stand 
by  the  Union ;  yet  it  goes  into  secret  session,  and 
then  resolves  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  national 
capital,  to  seize  the  seat  of  Government,  and  to  burn 
down  the  bridges  between  Baltimore  and  Philadel¬ 
phia.  Maryland  had  no  such  standpoint  for  rebel¬ 
lion — she  stood  firm,  and  Governor  Hicks  has  held 
the  State  to  its  moorings  in  the  Union,  and  he  de¬ 
served  the  thanks  of  the  North.  Governor  Hicks 
had  said  that  he  would  endeavor  to  prevent  the  pas¬ 
sage  of  troops,  simply  that  he  might,  in  that  way, 
prevent  needless  bloodshed,  while,  at  the  same  time, 
he  would  not  interfere  with  measures  necessary  for 
the  defence  of  the  capital.  A  message  has  just  been 
put  into  my  hands,  stating  that  the  President  had 
conceded  that  no  more  troops  should  be  brought 
through  Maryland,  if  Governor  Hicks  would  pledge 
the  State  not  to  interfere  with  the  passage  of  troops 
up  the  Potomac — thus  leaving  a  quiet  path  to  Wash¬ 
ington  by  water.  I  trust  in  Heaven  that  before  three 
days,  aye,  before  two  days,  that  at  least  50,000  men 
will  be  concentrated  at  the  capital  of  the  country  to 
protect  it  from  the  hands  of  traitors.  (Cheers,  and 
cries  of  “What  about  the  Seventh  Regiment?”) 
They  were  in  Philadelphia  this  morning,  and  it  was 
determined  that  they  would  be  sent  on  by  water ; 
but  I  believe  the  Seventh  kicked  against  it,  and  were 
anxious  to  go  through  Baltimore.  (Immense  cheer¬ 
ing.)  The  Seventh  Regiment,  they  would  recollect, 
paid  a  visit  to  Baltimore,  at  which  time  they  received 
the  courtesies  and  hospitalities  of  their  fellow-soldiers 
there,  and  they  were  anxious  to  see  whether  these 
same  men  had  become  their  enemies  and  the  enemies 
of  the  country  at  the  same  time.  The  Seventh  was 
the  pet  regiment  of  New  York,  and  well  it  deserves 
to  be.  They  were  a  band  of  noble,  gallant  young 
men,  who  would  stand  by  their  country  to  the  last 
extremity.  I  would  have  been  glad  if  the  Seventh 
had  first  gone  on,  that  they  might  have  opened  the 
way  for  their  comrades.  But  there  is  a  Providence 
which  presides  over  these  movements.  Look  at  this 
one  single  instance  of  Providential  arrangement. 
The  Massachusetts  Regiment,  on  the  19th  April, 
1861,  were  assailed  and  two  of  their  number  killed, 
simply  because  they  were  on  their  way  to  protect  the 
Federal  capital.  The  first  blood  of  the  Revolution 
came  from  Massachusetts,  on  the  streets  of  Lexing¬ 
ton,  and  now  we  find  that  on  the  anniversary  of  the 
battle  of  Lexington,  which  inaugurated  and  sanctified 
the  revolution  of  our  fathers,  the  blood  of  a  Massa¬ 
chusetts  man  has  been  shed  to  inaugurate  the  revolu¬ 
tion  now  upon  us.  (Vehement  cheering.)  But  if 
Massachusetts  has  had  the  glory  of  giving  her  blood 
the  first  in  this  cause,  if  she  can  now  claim  the  high 
honor  of  being  the  first  to  shed  her  blood  in  defence 
of  the  Constitution,  she  shall  not  be  left  alone  in  the 
contest  to  preserve  it.  (Loud  cheers.)  A  despatch 
has  been  just  received  by  Major-General  Sandford 
from  Colonel  Lefferts,  of  the  Seventh,  stating  that  his 
command  would  leave  Philadelphia  by  rail  lor  Havre 
de  Grace — (great  cheering) — where  they  would  em¬ 
bark  on  board  a  steamer  to  Annapolis,  to  go  thence 
to  "Washington  by  rail.  You  may  rely  upon  it,  while 
we  are  here  assembled  to  respond  to  the  Constitu¬ 
tion,  our  brethren  of  the  Seventh  are  on  the  soil  of 
Washington,  ready  to  fight,  and,  if  necessary,  die  for 


102 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-C1. 


it.  (Three  cheers  were  given  for  the  Seventh  Regi¬ 
ment,  during  which  Mr.  R.  sat  down.) 

SPEECH  OF  RICHARD  o’GORMAN,  ESQ. 

Fellow-Citizens  : — This  is  not  the  time  for  many 
words.  Speech  should  be  like  the  crisis,  short,  sharp, 
and  decisive.  What  little  I  have  to  say  will  be 
shortly  said.  I  am  an  Irishman — (Cheers  for  O’Gor¬ 
man) — and  I  am  proud  of  it.  I  am  also  an  Ameri¬ 
can  citizen,  and  I  am  proud  of  that.  (Renewed  ap¬ 
plause.)  For  twelve  years  I  have  lived  in  the  United 
States,  twelve  happy  years,  protected  by  its  laws,  un¬ 
der  the  shadow  of  its  constitution.  When  I  assum¬ 
ed  the  rights  of  citizenship,  I  assumed,  too,  the  duties 
of  a  citizen.  When  I  was  invested  with  the  rights  which 
the  wise  and  liberal  constitution  of  America  gave  to 
adopted  citizens,  I  swore  that  I  would  support  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  and  I  will  keep  my  oath.  (Tremendous  cheer¬ 
ing,  and  a  voice,  “You  would  not  be  an  Irishman  if 
you  did  not.”)  This  land  of  mine,  as  well  as  of  yours, 
is  in  great  danger.  I  have  been  asked  what  side  I 
would  take ;  and  I  am  here.  (Cheers.)  No  greater  peril 
ever  assailed  any  nation.  Were  all  the  armies 
and  all  the  fleets  of  Europe  bound  for  our  shores  to 
invade  us,  it  would  not  be  half  so  terrible  a  disaster 
as  that  we  have  to  face  now.  Civil  war  is  before  us. 
We  are  threatened  not  with  subjugation,  but  disinte¬ 
gration,  utter  dissolution.  The  nation  is  crumbling 
beneath  our  feet,  and  we  arc  called  to  save  it.  Irish 
bom  citizens,  will  you  refuse  ?  (“  No,  no.”)  This 

quarrel  is  none  of  our  making :  no  matter.  I  do  not 
look  to  the  past.  I  do  not  stop  to  ask  by  whose 
means  this  disaster  was  brought  about.  A  time  will 
come  when  history  will  hold  the  men  who  have  caused 
i  t  to  a  heavy  account ;  but  for  us,  we  live  and  act  in 
the  present.  Our  duty  is  to  obey,  and  our  duty  is  to 
stand  by  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  (Applause.) 
I  saw  to-day  the  officers  of  the  Sixty-ninth  Irish  regi¬ 
ment,  and  they  are  ready.  (Cheers  for  Col.  Cor¬ 
coran.)  Fellow-citizens,  if  there  be  any  men  in 
these  United  States,  who  look  to  this  war  with  any 
feeling  of  exultation,  I  take  no  part  with  them.  I 
look  to  it  with  grief,  with  heartfelt  grief.  It  is,  after 
all,  a  fratricidal  war ;  it  is  a  war  that  nothing  but 
inevitable  necessity  can  excuse,  and  the  moment  that 
inevitable  necessity  ceases,  the  moment  peace  can  be 
attained — for  peace  is  the  only  legitimate  end  of  any 
war. — I  pray  to  God  that  it  may  cease  and  we  be 
brothers  and  friends  again.  Some  of  the  gentlemen 
who  preceded  me  to-day  have  said  that  traitors  have 
sprung  from  Virginia.  0,  fellow-citizens,  when  you 
passed  that  statue — the  statue  of  the  Father  of  his 
Country — and  saw  that  serene,  calm  face,  and  that 
hand  raised,  as  it  were,  in  benediction  over  this  peo¬ 
ple,  forget  not  that  Washington  was  a  son  of  Vir¬ 
ginia.  The  South  has  been  deceived,  cruelly  deceiv¬ 
ed,  by  demagogues ;  they  have  had  false  news  from 
tliis  side,  and  that  has  deceived  them.  They  did  not 
know,  we  did  not  know  it  ourselves,  what  a  fund  of 
loyalty,  what  stern  hearty  allegiance  there  was  all 
through  this  land  for  the  Constitution  and  the  Union. 
Fellow-citizens,  the  cloud  that  lowers  over  us  now 
will  pass  away.  There  may  be  storm ;  it  may  be 
iierce  and  disastrous,  but  trust  me  that  storm  was 
needed  to  clear  and  purify  the  political  atmosphere. 
We  are  passing  through  an  inevitable  political  and 
national  crisis.  W e  could  not  go  on  as  we  were  go¬ 
ing  on.  A  sea  of  corruption  was  swelling  all  around 
us,  and  threatened  to  engulpli  honor,  reputation,  and 
the  good  name  of  the  nation  and  of  individuals. 
That  stagnant  water  stirs,  but  trust  me,  it  is  an  angel 


that  has  touched  the  waters.  (“Good.,”  and  ap¬ 
plause.)  An  angel  hand  has  touched  them  and  turn¬ 
ed  the  foetid  stream  into  a  healing  balm.  That  angel 
is  patriotism,  that  walks  the  land  in  majesty  and 
power.  (Applause.)  And  were  nothing  else  gained 
by  this  terrible  struggle  than  the  consciousness  that 
we  have  a  nation  and  a  national  spirit  to  support  it,  I 
would  still  say  that  this  ordeal  that  we  are  going 
through  will  not  be  all  in  vain.  (Cheers.)  For  me,  fel¬ 
low-citizens,  as  far  as  one  man  can  speak  I  recognize 
but  one  duty.  I  will  keep  my  oath,  I  will  stand  as 
far  as  in  me  lies  by  the  Constitution  and  the  laws. 
Abraham  Lincoln  is  not  the  President  of  my  choice  ; 
no  matter,  he  is  the  President  chosen  under  the  Con¬ 
stitution  and  the  laws.  The  government  that  sits  in 
Washington  is  not  of  my  choice,  but  it  is  cle  facto 
and  dc  jure  the  government,  and  I  recognize  none 
other.  That  flag  is  my  flag,  and  I  recognize  none 
other  but  one.  (Bravo  and  applause.)  Why,  what 
other  flag  could  we  have  ?  It  has  been  set  by  the 
hands  of  American  science  over  the  frozen  seas  of 
the  North  ;  it  is  unrolled  where  by  the  banks  of  the 
Amazon  the  primeval  forests  weave  their  tangled 
hair.  All  through  the  infant  struggles  of  the  repub¬ 
lic  under  its  consecrated  folds  men  poured  out  their 
life  blood  with  a  liberal  joy  to  save  this  country. 
(“  And  will  again.”)  All  through  the  Mexican  war  it 
was  a  sign  of  glory  and  of  hope.  Fellow-citizens,  all 
through  Europe,  when  down-trodden  men  look  up 
and  seek  for  some  sign  of  hope,  where  do  they  look 
but  to  that  flag,  the  flag  of  our  Union  ?  (Great  ap¬ 
plause.)  I  deprecate  this  war ;  I  do  hope  that  it  will 
cease,  but  it  is  war.  That  flag  must  not  be  allowed 
to  trail  in  the  dust,  not  though  the  hand  that  held  it 
down  is  a  brother’s.  I  have  done.  (Voices  “  Go  on, 
go  on.”)  All  I  can  say  is,  that,  with  all  the  men  that 
honestly  go  out  to  fight  this  fight,  my  sympathies 
go  with  them.  I  trust  it  will  be  fought  out  in  an 
honorable  and  chivalrous  manner,  as  becomes  men 
that  are  fighting  to-day  with  those  that  may  be  their 
friends  to-morrow.  But  if  there  cannot  be  peace,  if 
war  must  be,  then  for  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union  I  am,  and  may  God  defend  the  right.  (Tre¬ 
mendous  cheering.) 

SPEECH  OF  IRA  I\  DAVIS. 

He  said  he  had  a  difficult  task  to  perform  in  ad¬ 
dressing  them  after  the  eloquent  speaker  who  had 
just  left  the  stand.  Yet,  as  a  citizen,  and  as  an 
American,  and  as  one  whose  father  fought  at  Lexing¬ 
ton,  lie  was  before  them  that  day  to  do  his  duty, 
lie  would  call  their  attention  to  a  few  facts  to  illus¬ 
trate  the  principle  involved  in  this  great  question. 
The  Government  of  the  United  States  was  based  on 
the  principle  that  all  power  is  inherent  in  the  people ; 
that  at  any  time  the  people  can  alter,  amend,  or,  if 
they  pleased,  totally  abrogate  the  Government.  But 
while  this  right  was  recognized,  it  was  still  their  duty 
to  observe  the  sacredncss  of  contracts.  The  people 
of  Great  Britain,  of  France,  and  other  nations  of  the 
world,  with  whom  we  have  made  treaties  through  our 
lawful  counsellors,  recognize  the  people  living  on  the 
continent,  within  certain  jurisdictions,  as  a  nation. 
And  though  the  people  here  might,  if  they  pleased, 
change  the  character  of  the  Government,  yet  the 
Government  of  these  countries  would  hold  them  re¬ 
sponsible  within  those  districts,  to  fulfil  their  con¬ 
tracts  and  treaties — to  live  up  to  the  contracts  they 
had  made.  So  was  it  with  the  people  of  those  States. 
The  Federal  Government  was  nothing  more  than  the 
executor  of  the  contracts  entered  into  by  the  thirty- 


DOCUMENTS. 


103 


four  States  of  the  Union  as  a  nation,  and  though  the 
people  of  any  one  of  those  States  were  disposed  to 
change  the  character  and  form  of  the  Government, 
yet  that  would  not  annul  the  contracts  entered  into 
by  them  with  the  General  Government,  or  with  the 
other  States  throughout  the  General  Government. 
They  possessed  Constitutional  methods  of  changing 
the  form  by  which  their  contracts  with  the  General 
Government  should  be  fulfilled.  There  was  no  way 
of  dissolving  the  contracts  except  by  mutual  consent 
— (cheers) — or  by  fulfilling  these  contracts.  So  the 
Southern  States  might,  if  they  pleased,  alter  and 
change  the  form  of  their  Constitution ;  but  if  they 
desired  to  retreat  from  their  association  with  the 
North  and  West  and  East,  they  must  present  their 
grievances  to  the  people  of  all  the  States,  the  people 
themselves  being  the  only  tribunal  to  decide  the 
question  involved.  They  must  present  their  griev¬ 
ances  to  the  people,  and  the  people,  after  being  duly 
convened,  would,  through  the  legitimate  officers,  pro¬ 
ceed  in  a  legal,  Constitutional  manner,  to  change  that 
Constitution ;  and  they  must  abide  their  time,  and 
must  wait  till  that  process  has  been  gone  through. 
They  could  not  dissolve  their  union  with  these  States 
— they  could  not  be  allowed  to  bring  that  evil  upon 
the  country.  He  concurred  with  a  previous  speaker, 
that  many  of  these  Southern  demagogues  were  mis¬ 
led.  They  had  looked  to  New  York  with  her  30,000 
Democratic  majority  to  back  them  up  in  their  traitor¬ 
ous  designs ;  but  they  little  knew  the  heart  of  the 
great  Democracy.  They  underrated  your  honesty, 
they  underrated  your  nobility  of  character.  The  men 
that  they  hoped  would  aid  them,  will  in  thousands 
and  tens  of  thousands  march  to  the  defence  of  the 
capital.  As  a  citizen  and  as  a  Democrat  he  had 
labored  hard  against  the  election  of  the  powers  that 
be.  He  had  labored  as  hard  as  his  humble  ability 
would  permit,  to  prevent  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln ; 
but,  so  help  me  God,  as  a  citizen  and  as  a  lover  of 
my  country,  I  will  defend  his  administration  so  long 
as  he  holds  his  seat.  (Loud  cheers.)  He  held  that 
they  were  not  only  all  bound  to  support  the  Presi¬ 
dent  and  the  Constitution  and  the  confederacy  of 
these  States  as  expressed  through  the  State  Legisla¬ 
tures  by  every  man  who  has  exercised  the  right  of 
suffrage  ;  they  were  bound  to  support  the  party  that 
succeeded  to  office.  Were  these  men  to  enter  into 
the  political  arena  with  a  chance  of  winning  and  none 
at  all  of  losing  ?  By  the  very  fact  that  they  had  ex¬ 
ercised  the  right  of  suffrage  made  them  bound  to 
submit  to  the  decision  of  the  majority.  (Cheers.) 
It  was  a  great  insult  to  say  that  they  were  threatened 
by  a  band  of  desperadoes  who  underrated  their  char¬ 
acter  and  endeavored  to  bring  them  down  to  their 
own  level.  Short  speeches  were  now  called  for. 
They  were  called  upon  to  support  the  Constitution 
and  to  maintain  the  President  in  his  call,  and  to  urge 
upon  him  the  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  he  will  have 
a  million  of  men,  if  necessary,  to  carry  out  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  and  to  punish  the  traitors  who  would  raise 
their  traitorous  swords  to  overturn  it.  The  true  way 
to  deal  with  the  crisis  was  to  nip  the  treason  in  its 
bud,  by  sending  forth  such  a  body  of  soldiers  as 
would  paralyze  those  men  with  terror.  That  was  the 
only  way.  The  South  had  had  months  to  arm,  and 
they  had  been  collecting  arms  for  years  past.  It  was 
not  because  they  were  defeated  at  the  late  election 
they  should  become  dissatisfied,  and  attempt  to  break 
up  the  Government.  (“  That’s  so,”  and  cheers.) 
Those  base  connivers,  those  traitors  who  had  assailed 
the  flag  of  the  Union,  had  been  plotting  the  over¬ 


throw  of  the  Government  for  years  past.  Their  con¬ 
duct  at  the  Charleston  Convention  proved  that  unmis¬ 
takably.  Their  object  in  breaking  up  the  Convention 
was  to  throw  the  election  into  the  hands  of  the 
Republicans,  so  that  they  might  have  a  pretext  for 
disunion.  (Cheers.)  The  action  now  taken  was  not 
with  any  view  of  subjugation,  but  merely  to  maintain 
law  and  order  and  to  support  the  Government. 
They  were  engaged  in  working  out  the  great  problem 
of  popular  Government.  It  was  long  thought  that 
the  people  could  not  govern  themselves,  but  they  had 
shown  the  practicability  of  it.  The  Government  was 
placed  in  a  position  of  great  danger ;  but  if  they 
passed  through  this  ordeal,  they  will  more  clearly 
and  gloriously  prove  the  success  of  popular  Govern¬ 
ment.  (Cheers.) 

SrEEC'II  OF  FROFESSOR  MITCITELL. 

Professor  Mitchell  was  introduced,  and,  fired 
with  nervous  eloquence  and  patriotism,  he  infused 
the  same  spirit  into  his  auditors.  He  spoke  as  fol¬ 
lows  : — I  am  infinitely  indebted  to  you  for  this  evi¬ 
dence  of  your  kindness.  I  know  I  am  a  stranger 
among  you.  (“  No,”  “  No.”)  I  have  been  in  your 
State  but  a  little  while  ;  but  I  am  with  you,  heart  and 
soul,  and  mind  and  strength,  and  all  that  I  have  and 
am  belongs  to  you  and  our  common  country,  and  to 
nothing  else.  I  have  been  announced  to  you  as  a 
citizen  of  Kentucky.  Once  I  was,  because  I  was 
born  there.  I  love  my  native  State,  as  you  love 
your  native  State.  I  love  my  adopted  State  of  Ohio, 
as  you  love  your  adopted  State,  if  such  you  have ; 
but,  my  friends,  I  am  not  a  citizen  now  of  any 
State.  I  owe  allegiance  to  no  State,  and  never  did, 
and,  God  helping  me,  I  never  will.  I  owe  allegiance 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  A  poor 
boy,  working  my  way  with  my  own  hands,  at  the  age 
of  twelve  turned  out  to  take  care  of  myself  as  best 
I  could,  and  beginning  by  earning  but  $4  per  month, 
I  worked  my  way  onward  until  this  glorious  Govern¬ 
ment  gave  me  a  chance  at  the  Military  Academy  at 
West  Point.  There  I  landed  with  a  knapsack  on  my 
back,  and,  I  tell  you  God’s  truth,  just  a  quarter  of  a 
dollar  in  my  pocket.  There  I  swore  allegiance  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  I  did  not  abjure 
the  love  of  my  own  State,  nor  of  my  adopted  State, 
but  all  over  that  rose  proudly  triumphant  and  pre¬ 
dominant  my  love  for  our  common  country.  And 
now  to-day  that  common  country  is  assailed,  and, 
alas !  alas !  that  I  am  compelled  to  say  it,  it  is 
assailed  in  some  sense  by  my  own  countrymen.  My 
father  and  my  mother  were  from  Old  Virginia,  and 
my  brothers  and  sisters  from  Old  Kentucky.  I  love 
them  all ;  I  love  them  dearly.  I  have  my  brothers 
and  friends  down  in  the  South  now,  united  to  me  by 
the  fondest  ties  of  love  and  affection.  I  would  take 
them  in  my  arms  to-day  with  all  the  love  that  God 
has  put  into  this  heart ;  but  if  I  found  them  in  arms, 

I  would  be  compelled  to  smite  them  down.  You 
have  found  officers  of  the  army  who  have  been  edu¬ 
cated  by  the  Government,  who  have  drawn  their  sup¬ 
port  from  the  Government  for  long  years,  who,  when 
called  upon  by  their  country  to  stand  for  the  Consti¬ 
tution  and  for  the  right,  have  basely,  ignominiously 
and  traitorously  either  resigned  their  commissions, 
or  deserted  to  traitors,  rebels,  and  enemies.  What 
means  all  this  ?  How  can  it  be  possible  that  men 
should  act  in  this  way  ?  There  is  no  question  but 
one.  If  we  ever  had  a  Government  and  Constitu¬ 
tion,  or  if  we  ever  lived  under  6uch,  have  we  ever 
recognized  the  supremacy  of  right  ?  I  say,  in  God’s 


104 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


name,  why  not  recognize  it  now  ?  Why  not  to-day  ? 
Why  not  forever?  Suppose  those  friends  of  ours 
from  old  Ireland,  suppose  he  who  has  made  himself 
one  of  us,  when  a  war  should  break  out  against  his 
own  country,  should  say,  “  I  cannot  fight  against  my 
own  countrymen,”  is  he  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States  ?  They  are  no  countrymen  longer  when  war 
breaks  out.  The  rebels  and  the  traitors  in  the  South 
we  must  set  aside  ;  they  are  not  our  friends.  When 
they  come  to  their  senses,  we  will  receive  them  with 
open  arms  ;  but  till  that  time,  while  they  are  trailing 
our  glorious  banner  in  the  dust,  when  they  scorn  it, 
condemn  it,  curse  it,  and  trample  it  under  foot,  then 
I  must  smite.  In  God’s  name  I  will  smite,  and  as 
long  as  I  hare  strength  I  will  do  it.  (Enthusiastic 
applause.)  0,  listen  to  me,  listen  to  me  !  I  know 
these  men ;  I  know  their  courage ;  I  have  been 
among  them  ;  I  have  been  with  them  ;  I  have  been 
reared  with  them ;  they  have  courage ;  and  do  not 
you  pretend  to  think  they  have  not.  I  tell  you  what 
it  is,  it  is  no  child’s  play  you  are  entering  upon. 
They  will  fight,  and  with  a  determination  and  a  power 
which  is  irresistible.  Make  up  your  mind  to  it.  Let 
every  man  put  his  life  in  his  hand,  and  say,  “  There 
13  tho  altar  of  my  country  ;  there  I  will  sacrifice  my 
life.”  I,  for  one,  will  lay  my  life  down.  It  is  not 
mine  any  longer.  Lead  me  to  the  conflict.  Place 
me  where  I  can  do  my  duty.  There  I  am  ready  to 
go,  I  care  not  where  it  leads  me.  My  friends,  that 
is  the  spirit  that  was  in  this  city  on  yesterday.  I  am 
told  of  an  incident  that  occurred,  which  drew  the 
tears  to  my  eyes,  and  I  am  not  much  used  to  the 
melting  mood  at  all.  And  yet  I  am  told  of  a  man  in 
your  city  who  had  a  beloved  wife  and  two  children, 
depending  upon  his  personal  labor  day  by  day  for 
their  support.  He  went  home  and  said,  “  Wife,  I 
feel  it  is  my  duty  to  enlist  and  fight  for  my  country.” 
“  That’s  just  what  I’ve  been  thinking  of,  too,”  said 
she  ;  “  God  bless  you  !  and  may  you  come  back  with¬ 
out  harm  !  but  if  you  die  in  defence  of  the  country, 
the  God  of  the  widow  and  the  fatherless  will  take 
care  of  me  and  my  children.”  That  same  wife  came 
to  your  city.  She  knew  precisely  where  her  husband 
was  to  pass  as  he  marched  away.  She  took  her  posi¬ 
tion  on  the  pavement,  and  finding  a  flag,  she  begged 
leave  just  to  stand  beneath  those  sacred  folds  and 
take  a  last  fond  look  on  him  whom  she,  by  possibil¬ 
ity,  might  never  see  again.  The  husband  marched 
down  the  street ;  their  eyes  met ;  a  sympathetic  flash 
went  from  heart  to  heart ;  she  gave  one  shout,  and 
fell  senseless  upon  the  pavement,  and  there  she  lay 
for  not  less  than  thirty  minutes  in  a  swoon.  It 
seemed  to  be  the  departing  of  her  life.  But  all  the 
sensibility  wras  sealed  up.  It  was  all  sacrifice.  She 
was  ready  to  meet  this  tremendous  sacrifice  upon 
which  we  have  entered,  and  I  trust  you  are  all  ready. 
I  am  ready.  God  help  me  to  do  my  duty !  I  am 
ready  to  fight  in  the  ranks  or  out  of  the  ranks. 
Having  been  educated  in  tho  Academy,  having  been 
in  the  army  seven  years ;  having  served  as  com¬ 
mander  of  a  volunteer  company  for  ten  years,  and 
having  served  as  an  adjutant-general,  I  feel  I  am 
ready  for  something.  I  only  ask  to  be  permitted  to 
act ;  and  in  God’s  name  give  me  something  to  do. 

[The  scene  that  followed  the  close  of  Professor 
Mitchell’s  eloquent  and  patriotic  remarks  baffles 
description.  Both  men  and  women  were  melted  to 
tears,  and  voices  from  all  parts  of  the  vast  mutitude 
re-echoed  the  sentiments  of  tho  speaker,  and  every 
one  seemed  anxious  to  respond  to  the  appeal  to  rush 
to  the  defence  of  the  country.] 


REMARKS  OF  SAMUEL  IIOTALING. 

The  next  speaker  was  Mr.  Samuel  Hotalixg,  who 
called  upon  the  citizens  of  New  York  to  defend  their 
flag,  their  homes,  and  the  blessed  heritage  which  our 
ancestors  left  us.  He  had  been  a  farmer  and  a  mer¬ 
chant,  and  he  was  now  ready  to  be  a  soldier.  This 
meeting  is  mainly  held  to  stimulate  us  to  action  and 
to  arms.  We  must  shoulder  our  muskets  and  take 
our  place,  carry  our  swords  to  the  Capitol  at  Wash¬ 
ington,  and  even  to  Texas,  for  the  protection  of  our 
friends  and  our  country.  The  speaker  went  on  to 
say  that  the  motto  of  the  rebels  was  Captain  Kidd 
piracy.  They  were  a  band  of  traitors  to  their  coun¬ 
try  and  to  their  oaths ;  and  what  could  we  expect 
from  thieves  like  them?  He  said  he  had  never  been 
a  rabid  abolitionist,  but  it  was  his  opinion  that  Provi¬ 
dence  was  as  much  at  work  now  as  He  was  when  the 
children  of  Israel  in  Egypt  received  their  emancipa¬ 
tion  under  Moses. 

He  believed  that  in  five  years  this  warfare  would 
produce  such  bankruptcy  and  starvation  in  the  South¬ 
ern  States,  that  their  white  laboring  people  and  their 
slaves  would  go  into  a  state  of  anarchy,  bloodshed, 
and  San  Domingo  butchery,  and  that  within  that 
period  the  seceded  States  rvould  petition  the  Federal 
Government  for  aid  and  money  to  transmit  their 
butchering  Africans  among  themselves  across  the  At¬ 
lantic  ocean  to  the  land  of  their  fathers. 

Mr.  IIalleck  then  called  upon  all  young  men  to 
enroll  as  volunteers,  and  to  proceed  to  Washington  to 
strengthen  the  Seventh  Regiment.  As  for  himself, 
he  felt  as  if  he  would  leave  his  wife  and  four  children 
to  go  to  Washington  and  take  whatever  part  was  ne¬ 
cessary  to  maintain  the  Government.  (Cheers.)  He 
had  voted  against  the  party  coming  into  office  ;  but 
now,-  so  help  me  God,  I  will  do  all  I  can  to  aid  the 
Administration  to  the  uttermost.  He  had  come  from 
the  mighty  Niagara,  and  he  would  assure  them  that 
in  Western  New  York  thousands  of  young  men  were 
prepared  to  enrol  themselves  to  fight  for  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution. 

At  Stand  No.  3,  located  on  the  northwest  side  of 
Union  Square,  tho  meeting  M  as  called  to  order  by 
Mr.  Richard  Warren,  M’ho  nominated  Mr.  Wm.  F. 


Ilavemeycr  as  Chairman  of  the  meeting. 


The  following  gentlemen  acted  as  Vice-Presidents: 


Jno.  A.  Stevens,  Isaac  Bell,  Jr.. 

R.  A.  Witthaus,  Dan.  I’.  Ingraham, 

i  It.  M.  Blatchford,  AV.  M.  Vcmiilye, 

Elijah.  F.  Purdy,  J.  L.  Aspinwall, 
Samuel  15.  Buggies,  Richard  Schell, 
James  Owen,  Fred.  Lawrence, 

S.  B.  Chittenden,  J.  G.  Vassar, 

Thos.  C.  Smith,  J.  G.  Pierson, 
August.  F.  Schwab,  John  II.  Swift, 
Wm.  Lyell,  Allan  Cummings, 

Clias.  P.  Daly,  Geo.  B.  DcForest, 

W.  II.  Hays,  W.  C.  Alexander, 

Samuel  I)." Babcock,  Augt.  Weisman, 
A.  V.  Stout,  II.  D.  Aldrich, 

Geo.  R.  Jackson,  R.  L.  Kennedy, 

Jno.  T.  Agnew,  R.  Mortimer, 

Francis  Hall,  Horatio  Allen, 

Thos.  A.  Emmett,  Norman  White, 
Wm.  Allen  Butler,  Geo.  T.  Hope, 
Edwin  Hoyt,  Ogden  Haggerty, 

Jno.  E.  Devlin,  John  Wadsworth, 

James  W.  Beckman,  Josiah  Oakes, 

P.  M.  Wctmore,  Loring  Andrews, 
Geo.  S.  Coe,  F.  L.  Talcott, 

N.  Knight,  Alfred  Edwards, 

Jno.  A.  C.  Gray,  John  Jay, 

Cyrus  Curtiss,  Martin  Bates, 
Henry  A.  Smythe,  AY.  II.  Webb, 
David  Thompson,  J.  G.  Brooks, 

T.  II.  Faile, 


James  G.  Bennett, 
R.  B.  Connolly, 
Paul  Spofford, 
Smith  Ely,  Jr., 

O.  Ottendorfer, 

M.  B.  Blake, 
Francis  S.  Lathrop, 
Henry  Pierson, 
Isaac  Delaplainc, 
Richard  O'Gorman, 
Peter  M.  Bryson, 
Charles  W.  Sanford, 
Charles  Aug.  Davis, 
Henry  E.  Davies. 
Josiah  Sutherland, 
Anth’y  L.Bobinson, 
James  AV.  White, 
M.  II.  Grinned, 
Geo.  Opdykc, 

G.  C.  Arcrplanck, 

E.  L.  Stuart, 

Jas.  S.  AVadsworth, 
Simeon  Draper, 

J.  Punnctt, 

Robt.  J.  Dillon, 
Samuel  Sloan, 

Jno.  C.  Greene, 
Jno.  McKeon, 
Royal  Phelps. 


DOCUMENTS. 


105 


Mr.  Havemeyer,  on  taking  the  chair,  made  a  few 
brief  remarks,  observing  that  in  the  course  of  his 
life  he  never  had  supposed  that  he  would  be  called 
upon  to  perform  the  duty  which  all  present  were 
called  upon  to  perform  this  day. 

Mr.  Havemeyer  then  introduced  the  Rev.  Mr.  Pres¬ 
tos,  who  read  a  short  prayer. 

Mr.  Witthaus  was  called  upon  to  act  as  Secretary 
of  the  meeting,  and  a  list  of  Vice-Presidents  was 
read  and  adopted. 

The  resolutions  were  then  read  by  Mr.  Richard 
Warren,  and  were  adopted  by  a  unanimous  vote. 
During  these  proceedings  the  crowd  in  the  square, 
fronting  the  stand,  had  augmented  by  tens  of  thou¬ 
sands,  and  the  greatest  degree  of  enthusiasm  pre¬ 
vailed  everywhere.  The  excitement  increased  at  the 
appearance  of  Major  Anderson  on  the  platform,  ac¬ 
companied  by  Messrs.  Simeon  Draper  and  Police 
Superintendent  Kennedy.  The  gallant  Major  was 
introduced  to  the  Germans  by  Mr.  Draper.  The  first 
speaker  introduced  was  Mr.  Coddington,  and  while 
he  was  speaking,  Captain  Poster  and  Dr.  Crawford, 
the  Surgeon  of  Fort  Sumter,  arrived  on  the  platform. 
They  were  introduced  by  Mr.  Warren,  and  were 
received  with  vociferous  cheers.  These  gentlemen, 
as  also  Major  Anderson  previously,  soon  left  the 
stand,  and  the  speaker  was  permitted  to  proceed  with 
the  discourse. 

SPEECH  OF  DAVID  S.  CODDINGTON. 

Fellow-Citizens  : — The  iron  hail  at  Fort  Sumter 
rattles  on  every  Northern  breast.  It  has  shot  away 
the  last  vestige  of  national  and  personal  forbearance. 
A  loaf  of  bread  on  its  way  to  a  starving  man  was 
split  in  two  by  a  shot  from  his  brother.  You  might 
saturate  the  cotton  States  with  all  the  turpentine  of 
North  Carolina ;  you  might  throw  upon  them  the 
vast  pine  forests  of  Georgia,  then  bury  the  Gulf 
storm’s  sharpest  lightning  into  the  combustible  mass, 
and  you  would  not  redden  the  Southern  horizon  with 
so  angry  a  glow  as  flashed  along  the  Northern  heart 
when  the  flames  of  Fort  Sumter  reached  it.  To-day, 
bewildered  America,  with  her  torn  flag  and  her  bro¬ 
ken  charter,  looks  to  you  to  guard  the  one,  and  re¬ 
store  the  other.  How  Europe  stares  and  liberty 
shudders,  as  from  State  after  State  that  flag  falls,  and 
the  dream  breaks  !  Hereafter  Southern  history  will 
be  as  bare  as  the  pole  from  which  the  sundered  pen¬ 
nant  sinks,  and  treason  parts  with  the  last  rag  that 
concealed  its  hideousness.  I  know  how  common 
and  how  easy  it  is  to  dissolve  this  Union  in  our 
mouths.  Dangerous  words,  like  dangerous  places, 
possess  a  fearful  fascination,  and  we  sometimes  look 
down  from  the  heights  of  our  prosperity  with  an  irre¬ 
sistible  itching  to  jump  off.  This  spectre  of  disunion 
is  no  new  ghost,  born  of  any  contemporary  agitation, 
lor  years  it  has  been  skulking  semi-officially  about 
the  Capitol.  Through  the  whole  range  of  our  parlia¬ 
mentary  history  every  great  question,  from  a  tariff  to 
a  Territory,  has  felt  its  clammy  touch.  Did  it  not 
drop  its  death’s  head  into  the  tariff  scales  of  ’33, 
hoping  to  weigh  the  duties  down  to  a  conciliation 
level?  did  it  not  shoot  its  ghastly  logic  into  the 
storm  of  ’20,  and  frighten  our  soundest  statesman¬ 
ship  into  that  crude  calm  called  the  Missouri  Com¬ 
promise  ?  did  it  not  sit  grinning  upon  the  deck  of  all 
our  naval  battles,  hoping  to  get  a  turn  at  the  wheel, 
that  it  might  run  the  war  of  1812  upon  a  rock  ?  did 
it  not  stand  up  upon  the  floor  of  the  first  Congress  and 
shake  its  bony  fingers  in  the  calm  face  of  Washington  ? 
and  did  not  our  fathers,  who  stood  unmoved  the 
Documents — 8 


shock  of  George  the  Third’s  cannon,  shudder  in  the 
presence  of  this  spectre,  when  they  thought  how  the 
infant  republic  might  be  cast  away  upon  its  bleak  and 
milkless  breast?  Then  it  was  a  thin,  skulking, 
hatchet-faced  ghost.  At  last,  fed  upon  the  granaries 
of  Northern  and  Southern  fanaticism,  it  has  come  to 
be  a  rotund,  well  fed,  corpulent  disaster.  Southern 
passion  may  put  on  the  war-paint ;  Southern  states¬ 
manship  may  attempt  to  organize  a  pique  into  an 
empire,  to  elevate  a  sulk  into  a  sacrament,  by  marry¬ 
ing  disappointment  to  revolution,  and  reducing  a 
temporary  constitutional  minority  into  a  hopeless 
organic  political  disaster.  They  may  even  propose 
in  solemn  convention  to  abolish  the  Fourth  of  July, 
and  throw  all  its  patriotic  powder  into  the  murder¬ 
ous  arsenal  of  fratricidal  conflict ;  but  they  cannot, 
except  through  self-destruction,  permanently  disrupt 
our  nationality.  Talk  of  the  wise  statesmanship  of 
the  South  !  Had  they  allowed  Kansas  to  become  a 
free  State  they  would  have  been  in  possession  of  the 
national  government  at  this  moment.  Although  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  awoke  the  North 
from  its  deep  sleep  upon  the  slave  question,  yet  the 
most  economical  outlay  of  prudence  would  have  con¬ 
tinued  them  in  possession  of  the  government  for  an 
indefinite  future.  Then  Mexico  would  have  been 
possible,  without  the  awful  leap  which  copies  her 
morals  without  the  possibility  of  possessing  her  terri¬ 
tories.  South  Carolina  once  lived  upon  a  potato  to 
rout  a  king,  and  she  is  fast  going  back  to  that  im¬ 
mortal  vegetable,  in  order  to  crown  a  fallacy.  Our 
republicanism  means  the  whole  nation,  or  it  means 
nothing.  Together,  the  parts  temper  each  other ; 
asunder,  the  aristocracy  of  the  slave  power  makes 
equality  a  myth,  and  the  free  radical  North  less  safely 
democratic.  If  Abraham  Lincoln  has  inaugurated  a 
crash;  if  George  Washington  is  to  be  no  longer 
known  as  the  successful  contender  for  a  combined 
and  self-regulating  nationality  ;  if  Bishop  Berkeley’s 
star  of  empire  has  crumbled  away  into  belligerent 
asteroids,  and  we  are  to  fall,  like  Caesar,  at  the  base 
of  this  black  Pompey’s  pillar,  we  shall  at  least  go  into 
this  holy  battle  for  the  Constitution,  with  no  law 
broken  and  no  national  duty  unfulfilled.  We  have 
not  stolen  a  single  ship,  or  a  pound  of  powder,  or  a 
dollar  of  coin  to  sully  the  sacred  tramp  with  which 
patriotism  pursues  robbery  and  rebellion.  All  the 
ills  of  the  South  could  have  been  remedied  within 
the  Constitution — all  their  wrongs  righted  by  the 
victory  of  future  votes.  Shall  I  tell  you  what  seces¬ 
sion  means?  It  means  ambition  in  the  Southern 
leaders  and  misapprehension  in  the  Southern  people. 
Its  policy  is  to  imperialize  slavery ;  and  to  degrade 
and  destroy  the  only  free  republic  in  the  world.  It 
is  a  fog  of  the  brain  and  a  poison  at  the  heart. 
Dodging  the  halter,  it  walks  in  a  volcano  which  must 
explode  whenever  the  tempestuous  shock  of  North¬ 
ern  invasion  shall  render  slavery  impossible.  The 
day  that  Southern  statesmanship  turned  pirate, 
Southern  slavery  lost  its  last  hold  on  Northern  for¬ 
bearance.  God  forbid  that  servile  war  should  ever 
be  on  our  consciences ;  but  what  power  could  re¬ 
strain  the  frenzied  passion  of  continuously  provoked 
multitudes,  when  the  taste  of  blood  has  brutalized 
their  march  ?  We  have  not  come  here  to  talk  about 
any  man’s  party  creed.  We  have  not  come  to  seek 
the  falling  fruits  of  patronage,  but  to  save  the  beau¬ 
tiful  and  wide-spreading  tree  upon  which  all  our  bles¬ 
sings  grow.  Party  and  partyisms  are  dead ;  only 
grim,  black  powder  is  alive  now.  Who  talks  of 
Tammany  or  Mozart  Hall?  Who  haunts  the  coal- 


106 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


hole  or  the  wood-pile,  when  our  souls’  fuel  is  on  fire 
for  flag  and  country?  Did  not  Washington  fight 
seven  years,  break  ice  on  the  Delaware,  break  bones 
and  pull  triggers  on  Monmouth  field,  send  ten  thou¬ 
sand  bleeding  feet  to  where  no  blood  ever  comes, 
and  pass  from  clouds  of  smoke  to  archways  of  flowers 
— for  what  ?  That  States  should  defy  their  best  guar¬ 
dian,  which  is  the  nation,  insult  history  and  make  re¬ 
publicanism  impossible  ?  Here,  in  this  city  of  our 
love  and  pride,  this  cradle  of  the  civil  life  of  Wash¬ 
ington,  where  despotism  sheathed  its  last  sword  and 
constitutional  liberty  swore  its  first  oath ;  where 
steam  first  boiled  its  way  to  a  throne,  and  art  and 
commerce  and  finance,  and  all  the  social  amenities 
marshalled  their  forces  to  the  sweet  strain  of  the  first 
inaugui’al — here,  where  government  began  and  capi¬ 
tal  centres,  is  the  sheet  anchor  of  American  loyalty.- 
Nothing  so  disappoints  secession  as  the  provoking 
fidelity  of  New  York  to  the  Constitution.  From  the 
vaults  of  Wall-street,  Jefferson  Davis  expected  to 
pay  his  army,  and  riot  in  all  the  streets  and  in  all 
towns  and  cities  of  the  North  to  make  their  march  a 
triumphant  one.  Fifty  thousand  men  to-day  tread  on 
his  fallacy.  Gold  is  healthy,  gold  is  loyal,  gold  is 
determined  ;  it  flows  easy,  because  the  war  is  not  to 
subjugate  or  injure  any  one,  but  to  bring  back  within 
the  protecting  folds  of  the  Constitution  an  erring  and 
rebellious  brother, — a  brother  whom  we  have  trusted 
and  toasted,  fought  with  side  by  side  on  the  battle 
field,  voted  for  at  the  ballot-box,  showered  with 
honor  after  honor  upon  his  recreant  head,  while  that 
brother  was  poisoning  the  milk  in  his  mother’s  breast, 
striking  a  parricidal  blow  at  the  parental  govern¬ 
ment  which  has  protected  and  prospered  us  all  as  no 
people  were  ever  so  prospered  and  protected.  Here¬ 
tofore,  in  our  differences,  we  have  shouldered  ballots 
instead  of  bayonets.  With  a  quiet  bit  of  paper  in 
our  hands  we  have  marched  safely  through  a  hundred 
battles  about  tariff1,  bank,  anti-liquor,  anti-rent,  and 
all  those  social  and  political  questions  about  which  a 
free  people  may  amicably  differ.  If  slavery  cannot 
be  appeased  with  the  old  life  of  the  ballot,  depend 
upon  it  the  bayonet  will  only  pierce  new  wounds  in 
its  history.  We  have  heretofore  kept  all  our  lead 
moulded  into  type,  that  peaceably  and  intellectually 
we  might  enter  the  Southern  brain,  until  passion  and 
precipitation  have  forced  us  to  melt  down  that  type 
into  a  less  friendly  visitor.  Kossuth  says  that  bayo¬ 
nets  think ;  and  ours  have  resolved  in  solemn  conven¬ 
tion  to  think  deeply,  act  promptly,  and  end  victo¬ 
riously.  Do  you  wonder  to-day  to  see  that  flag  fly¬ 
ing  over  all  our  reawaked  national  life,  no  longer 
monopolized  by  mast-head,  steeple,  or  liberty-pole, 
but  streaming  forth  a  camp  signal  from  every  private 
hearthstone,  breaking  out  in  love  pimples  all  down 
our  garments,  running  like  wild  vine  flowers  over 
whole  acres  of  compact  anxious  citizens?  Why  has 
that  tender  maiden  turned  her  alabaster  hands  into 
heroic  little  flagstaff's,  which,  with  no  loss  of  modesty, 
unveils  to  the  world  her  deep  love  of  country  ?  Do 
you  see  that  infant  show  off  its  playthings,  tottering 
under  rosettes  and  swathed  in  the  national  emblem 
by  foreboding  parents,  who  would  protect  its  growth 
with  this  holy  talisman  of  safety?  Do  you  see,  too, 
those  grave  old  citizens,  sharpened  by  gain-seeking, 
and  sobered  with  law-expounding,  invade  their  plain 
exterior  with  peacock  hues,  which  proclaim  such 
tenacity  to  a  flag  that  has  fanned,  like  an  angel’s 
wing,  every  form  of  our  prosperity  and  pride  ?  It 
seems  hard  for  philosophy  to  divine  how  any  section 
of  the  country,  so  comprehensively  prosperous,  could 


allow  a  mean  jealousy  of  another  portion,  a  little 
more  wealthy  and  populous,  to  so  hurry  it  on  into 
rebellion,  not  against  us,  but  a  common  Government 
and  a  common  glory,  to  which  both  are  subject  and 
both  should  love.  Does  not  each  State  belong  to  all 
the  States,  and  should  not  all  the  States  be  a  help 
and  a  guide  to  each  State  ?  Louisiana’s  sugar  drops 
into  Ohio’s  tea-cup ;  and  should  not  every  palace  built 
on  Fifth-avenue  nod  its  head  amicably  to  whatever 
cotton  receipts  its  bills  ?  Over-pride  of  locality  has 
been  the  scourge  of  our  nationality.  When  our 
thirty-one  stars  broke  on  the  north  star,  did  not 
Texas,  as  well  as  Pennsylvania,  light  up  the  bleak 
Arctic  sky  ?  When  the  old  flag  first  rose  over  the 
untouched  gold  of  California,  did  not  Georgia  and 
New  York  join  hands  in  unveiling  the  tempting  ore  ? 
Virginia  has  seceded  and  carried  my  political  lathers 
with  it — Washington  and  Jefferson.  The  State  has 
allowed  their  tombs  to  crumble,  as  well  as  their  prin¬ 
ciples.  Outlaw  their  sod  !  Who  will  dare  to  ask  me 
for  my  passport  at  the  grave  of  Washington  ? 

SPEECH  OF  FREDERIC  RAPP. 

If  I  understand  you  rightly,  Mr.  President,  your 
object  in  inviting  German  speakers  to  this  large 
meeting  is  to  prove  by  their  addresses  that  in  respect 
to  the  present  crisis  there  is  no  difference  of  opinion 
in  any  class  of  our  population,  that  a  unanimity  of 
feeling  prevails  in  the  hearts  of  all  citizens,  adopted 
as  well  as  native,  and  that  the  same  just  and 
patriotic  indignation  swells  the  breast  of  every  lover 
of  his  country  against  the  unscrupulous  traitors  who 
are  trying  to  set  up  a  government  of  their  own  by 
perjury,  theft,  and  plunder.  It  has  often  been  said,  and 
I  am  sorry  to  confess  not  without  some  share  of  truth, 
that  wherever  there  are  two  Germans  together  there 
are  three  different  opinions  among  them.  I  am, 
however,  happy  to  tell  you  that  is  not  so  in  the  face 
of  the  danger  which  now  threatens  to  break  up  the 
national  government.  I  see  around  me  old  German 
democrats  and  republicans — men  belonging  to  every 
variety  of  parties,  at  home  and  in  this  country.  But 
the  past  differences  are  forgotten,  and  as  long  as  the 
present  crisis  will  last,  I  am  sure  all  will  unanimously 
co-operate  for  the  same  end,  namely  : — for  the  pres¬ 
ervation  of  this  great  republic,  which  is  as  dear  to 
the  Germans  as  to  any  other  men.  Although  I  am 
not  authorized  to  speak  for  others,  I  feel  confident 
that  I  do  but  express  the  sentiments  of  every  German 
in  this  country  when  I  say  that  we  are  unani¬ 
mously  for  the  adoption  of  the  most  energetic  means 
against  the  fiendish  attempts  of  our  common  foe. 
Fellow-citizens,  let  us  not  deceive  ourselves ;  the 
present  struggle  requires  prompt  action  and  powerful 
means  to  overcome  it.  The  stronger  we  prepare 
ourselves,  the  better  we  shall  be  able  to  defeat  the 
purposes  of  the  enemies  of  this  Union,  and  who  are 
at  the  same  time  the  enemies  to  the  cause  of  univer¬ 
sal  civilization  and  liberty.  The  internecine  war  now 
raging  here  is  not  only  a  private  affair  of  America ; 
it  is  a  question  of  the  highest  importance  to  the 
whole  civilized  world,  which  expects  that  we  will 
crush  anarchy  in  its  inception.  We  have  to  prove 
that  civil  liberty,  with  all  its  blessings,  is  not  only  an 
experiment — not  a  mere  passing  state  of  political 
being,  which  lasts  only  so  long  as  it  is  not  assailed 
either  by  a  military  or  the  slaveholder’s  despotism, 
but  that  it  a  power  self-sustaining,  and  interwoven 
with  our  natures  and  with  our  whole  national  exist¬ 
ence.  Liberty  is  precarious,  and  we  would  not  be 
worthy  of  it  unless  we  have  sense  and  spirit  enough 


DOCUMENTS. 


107 


to  defend  it.  Let  us  prove  ourselves  adequate  to  the 
expectations  of  the  friends  of  liberty  in  the  old  world 
as  well  as  in  the  new,  whose  eyes  are  fixed  upon  us. 
The  two  powers  which  have  grown  up  side  by  side  in 
the  United  States  from  the  beginning,  self-govern¬ 
ment  and  slavery,  stand  now  face  to  face  against 
each  other.  It  is  now  for  the  first  time  in  the  history 
of  the  world,  that  slavery  in  its  worst  developments, 
makes  a  revolution  against  the  morals  and  ethics  of 
society ;  that  it  tries  to  found  a  State  on  all  that  is 
mean,  contemptible,  and  unsound  in  human  nature. 
But  such  a  State  cannot  and  will  not  last.  If  justice 
and  liberty  do  not  form  its  basis,  it  is  doomed  from 
the  first  day  of  its  existence.  But  it  will  not  disap¬ 
pear  of  itself ;  it  must  be  swept  away  by  us,  and,  as 
peaceful  means  will  not  do,  we  must  use  iron  means, 
and  we  must  send  to  these  sinners  against  human  na¬ 
ture  our  arguments  with  twelve-pounders  and  mor¬ 
tars.  As  my  eyes  are  glancing  over  this  majestic 
assembly,  majestic  as  well  by  its  numbers  as  by  its 
enthusiasm,  I  perceive  at  once  that  every  one  of  you, 
fellow-citizens,  understands  his  duty,  and  that  every 
one  of  you  will  be  ready  for  your  country’s  call. 
This  call  will  be  war — and  nothing  but  war — until 
our  arms  shall  have  won  a  glorious  triumph,  and  our 
(lag  shall  float  again  victorious  from  the  Potomac  to 
the  Rio  Grande.  (Great  cheering.) 

SPEECH  OF  ME.  OTTO  SACKENDORF. 

If  I  had  prepared  a  speech,  I  would  not  be  able  to 
recite  it  in  the  presence  of  such  a  jubilation,  the 
booming  of  the  cannons  and  the  shouts,  which  have 
greeted  the  hero  of  Fort  Sumter.  But  I  will  recite 
to  you  the  verses  of  our  national  poet,  Theodor 
Korner,  who  said  that  when  the  people  rises  there 
will  be  no  coward  found  to  sit  idle,  and  who  called 
the  man  a  contemptible  enervated  fellow  who  would 
not  be  in  the  ranks  of  the  defenders  of  his  country, 
when  that  country  called  him.  You  do  not  look  like 
cowards.  (Cries  of  “  No,  no  !  ”)  You  look  like 
brave  fellows.  (Cheers.)  What  are  platforms,  what 
are  parties ;  there  is  a  higher  sentiment  prevailing, 
and  no  political  clique  shall  divide  us.  We  are  now 
gathered  here  in  purpose  of  discussing  a  measure  of 
the  government.  We  know  what  we  are  about; 
there  can  be  no  doubt  about  it.  We  see  the  object 
when  we  see  the  heroes  of  Fort  Sumter,  when  we 
hear  the  sound  of  the  guns  !  Who  is  blind  or  deaf 
enough  not  to  see  that  we  have  to  shoulder  the  mus¬ 
ket  and  to  go  into  the  holy  war  for  our  adopted 
country.  Not  the  union  of  parties,  but  the  union  of 
strength  is  it,  what  we  want.  We  have  not  left  our 
country  in  which  we  have  been  persecuted,  and  from 
which  we  are  exiled,  in  order  that  we  might  have  the 
same  mizere  repeated  here.  It  was  not  for  nothing 
that  we  have  left  there  the  recollections  of  our 
younger  years,  the  playmates  and  our  fellow-warriors 
in  the  fight  for  freedom.  We  have  got  in  this  coun¬ 
try  that  freedom  for  which  we  have  fought  in  vain 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  we  will 
show  that  we  are  worthy  of  that  new  fatherland  by 
defending  its  rights  against  the  fiendish  aggressions 
of  ruthless  rebels,  who  threaten  the  existence  of  this 
republic.  Democrats  and  republicans,  remember  the 
danger  in  which  the  country  is,  and  take  the  musket 
to  avert  the  danger  for  now  and  forever.  (Mr.  S. 
was  most  heartily  cheered  when  he  left  the  stand.) 

speech  of  ncGO  wesexdonck. 

He  observed  that  the  Germans  were  disposed  to 
show  their  thankfulness  to  this  country.  It  was  in 


the  German  character  to  be  thankful.  Some  of  those 
present  had  come  here  and  gained  positions,  and 
those  who  had  not,  had  gained  the  privilege  to  bo 
free  men  and  independent  citizens.  For  this  they 
ought  to  be  thankful.  There  was  a  particular  reason 
for  them  to  be  patriots,  and  this  was  because  they 
were  naturally  republicans — not  republicans  in  the 
political  meaning  in  this  country,  but  in  the  real 
sense  of  the  term.  The  political  parties  were  now 
entirely  out  of  question,  and  one  party  had  probably 
made  as  many  mistakes  as  the  other.  We  were 
republicans  now,  and  as  such  all  present  ought  to 
stand  by  our  country.  The  despots  of  Europe 
were  anxiously  and  hopefully  watching  the  move¬ 
ments  in  this  country.  So  far,  we  had  insisted  upon 
the  republican  form  of  government  as  the  only  one 
which  is  right  and  calculated  to  make  a  people  happy. 
Let  all  those  present  stand  by  our  flag.  There  were 
other  reasons  why  it  should  be  done ;  it  was  this. 
The  war  against  the  North  was  a  war  against  human 
liberty.  The  question  was  now,  whether  they  (the 
Germans)  would  stand  by  the  side  of  liberty,  or  by 
the  side  of  oppression.  The  government  of  the 
Union  had  long  been  very  lenient  and  discreet,  but 
it  had  exhausted  its  patience.  Patience  had  ceased 
to  be  a  virtue.  There  was  no  question  now  whether 
war  or  no  war ;  war  had  been  wantonly  and  deliber¬ 
ately  forced  upon  us,  and  they  (the  Germans)  were 
ready  for  war.  Mr.  Wesendonck  created  coniderablc 
enthusiasm  among  the  thousands  of  Germans  present. 

After  he  had  finished  his  speech  in  English,  he 
continued  in  German,  and  remarked : — It  has  often 
been  asked  why  we  make  war  against  the  South? 
War  cannot  last  forever,  and  the  South  can  be  exter¬ 
minated,  but  not  subjugated.  But  this  is  not  the 
question ;  we  have  to  punish  rebellion,  and  the  vic¬ 
tory  will  be  on  the  side  of  the  North.  To  be  sure, 
the  North  was  very  slow ;  the  South  had  had  six 
months  for  preparation  ;  they  have  taken  a  firm  posi¬ 
tion  ;  have  armed  themselves  with  all  implements  of 
modern  warfare,  and  have  the  advantage  of  time. 
Mr.  Lincoln  has  been  blamed  because  he  was  too 
indulgent ;  but  there  was  something  which  he  had  to 
take  into  consideration,  namely,  public  opinion. 
Why  ?  We  have  now  the  North  as  a  unit,  and  we 
can  quietly  look  on  and  be  sure  of  success,  if  wc 
fight  for  our  rights  with  that  tenacity  of  purpose 
which  always  has  characterized  the  Germans.  We 
have  the  advantage  of  money  and  numbers,  and  wc 
will  have  the  same  enthusiasm  to  the  end  which  we 
have  to-day.  Patriotism  is  not  shown  on  one  single 
day  only ;  wre  must  have  perseverance,  even  if  we 
should  be  defeated  in  the  beginning ;  we  must  finally 
vanquish,  because  we  are  the  defenders  of  liberty, 
humanity,  and  right.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  wc 
shall  carry  this  war  to  the  last  extremity,  because  we 
want  to  give  the  rights  to  the  South  which  are  due  to 
them ;  but  we  want  some  rights  for  ourselves,  too. 
We  have  no  opposition  to  it  if  the  South  introduces 
restraints  within  its  own  borders  ;  but  they  shall  not 
dare  to  intrude  upon  our  rights ;  if  they  do  so,  wc 
will  whip  them.  They  shall  not  break  down  our  pal¬ 
ladium.  Liberty  and  the  South  will  always  be  in  an 
irrepressible  conflict,  although  by  no  fault  of  their 
own.  There  is  a  discrepancy  in  these  two  words. 
The  South  have  made  all  their  institutions  them¬ 
selves,  but  the.  climate  has  made  them  to  some  ex¬ 
tent.  There  are  good  men  in  the  South ;  and 
although  I  do  not  want  to  reproach  the  South,  I  de¬ 
clare  that  liberty  and  Southern  institutions  always 
will  be  in  an  irrepressible  conflict.  This  war  is  no 


108 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1800-61. 


great  misfortune  for  their  country,  because  at  the 
end  of  it  the  air  will  be  purified,  and  we  shall  have 
a  sound  body,  instead  of  one  subject  to  the  symp¬ 
toms  of  reversion.  We  shall  have  it  by  sacrifices  of 
money,  work,  and  life,  and  the  Union  will  exist  now 
as  ever ;  and  the  North  will  be  victorious.  It  has 
often  been  asserted  that  the  almighty  dollar  was  the 
only  thing  Americans  cared  about ;  but  it  is  evident 
there  is  something  higher  in  existence,  and  it  wanted 
only  the  emergency  to  prove  it.  Who  had  seen  the 
gallant  Seventh  Regiment  marching  yesterday,  when 
called  by  their  country,  along  Broadway,  who  does 
not  understand  that  the  love  of  liberty  is  predomi¬ 
nant  over  every  other  thing,  and  can  never  be  extin¬ 
guished  ?  There  was  no  aristocracy  about  America 
or  the  Seventh  Regiment.  The  merchant,  the  la¬ 
borer,  all  classes  went  to  work  for  the  same  great 
cause.  One  idea  elevated  them,  one  wish  and  one 
action — that  is,  the  re-establishment  of  the  Union ; 
and,  as  they  do,  let  us  not  look  back  upon  the  party ; 
let  us  face  future  danger  and  future  victory.  If  you 
do  this,  my  fellow-citizens,  then  the  future  will  be 
ours. 

SPEECH  OP  GUSTAVUS  STRUVE. 

Mr.  Struve  was  the  President  of  the  Garibaldi 
Committee,  which  sent  Mr.  Reventloro  to  Garibaldi 
to  bring  him  money  and  assistance.  He  said : — 
When  we  took  the  sword  in  our  hands  thirteen  years 
ago,  we  did  it  on  purpose  of  founding  a  republic,  the 
ideal  of  which  was  America.  We  have  arrived  here, 
but  the  storms  which  have  cast  us  upon  this  shore 
have  not  ceased  yet,  and  again  we  have  to  fight  for 
our  ideal,  which  has  been  attacked  by  the  enemy  of 
freedom  and  civilization,  by  the  slaveholding  tyrant, 
the  lickspittle  of  European  despots,  who  thinks  he 
can  tear  down  this  sacred  flag.  But  we  will  carry 
this  flag  high  in  our  hands,  where  those  rebels  never 
can  reach  it.  We  shall  hold  it  more  sacred,  higher 
and  more  united  than  in  Germany.  In  Germany, 
disunion  was  our  curse ;  but  in  this  country  we  are 
united  with  all  people,  who  have  found  an  asylum  in 
their  glorious  country,  and  before  all  with  the  sons 
of  the  patriotic  founders  of  the  great  republic  which 
has  adopted  us.  The  same  spirit  which  lived  in  us 
in  1848  is  still  living  in  us ;  it  lives  in  me  and  you, 
in  every  one  of  us.  The  question  is  now  between 
secession  and  Union,  between  liberty  and  slavery. 
Wherever  we  stand,  if  not  on  the  side  of  Union  and 
liberty,  and  we  mean  to  defend  it  to-day  as  we  did  in 
the  battle-fields  of  1848.  Brethren,  nothing  can 
help  to-day  but  the  sword,  and  you  are  going  to  take 
that  sword,  to  live  or  die  freemen,  as  we  have  been 
all  during  our  life.  Let  us  act,  not  speak.  The 
freedom  which  is  our  palladium,  shall  be  defended 
by  he  brave  sons  of  Germany. 

[Mr.  Struve  seemed  highly  impressed  with  the  ob¬ 
ject  of  his  speech,  and  was  repeatedly  interrupted 
by  the  enthusiastic  cheers  of  the  crowd,  which 
gave  three  other  cheers  for  the  gentleman  when  he 
left.] 

SrEECn  OF  RICHARD  WARREN. 

He  was  a  Minute  Man,  said  Mr.  Warren,  and  hav¬ 
ing  been  called  to  say  a  few  words  to  the  Germans, 
he  would  give  them  his  welcome  and  fellowship.  He 
asked  them  to  stand  by  this  country,  this  new  coun¬ 
try  of  theirs.  The  cowardly  acts  perpetrated  on 
Fort  Sumter  made  the  heart  of  every  American, 
cemented  with  German  strength,  shout,  Shame  ! 
shame  !  Shame  !  shame  !  would  be  said  by  every 
German  in  the  Old  World,  when  the  news  would  get 


to  them.  To-day,  what  sight  was  this?  The  Al¬ 
mighty  God  looked  down  upon  us.  The  spirit  of 
Washington  seemed  to  animate  that  statue  yonder, 
as  if  to  say  to  us,  to  be  faithful  to  our  country.  If 
he  (the  speaker)  had  ten  sons,  they  all  should  go  and 
defend  tne  country.  German  citizens — no  more 
Germans,  but  American  citizens — urged  the  speaker, 
stand  to  your  home  that  you  have  adopted.  There 
were  more  men  there  to-day  than  this  South  Carolina 
had.  (Applause.)  Come  on,  come  on,  Jefferson 
Davis ;  if  you  would,  you  would  be  hung.  Tremble, 
traitors,  as  traitors  have  to  tremble  when  the  freemen 
of  the  country  speak.  Mr.  Warren  wound  up  with  a 
eulogy  on  Major  Anderson  and  his  brave  men,  and 
he  was  enthusiastically  cheered  by  the  Germans. 

SPEECH  OF  IGNATZ  KOCH. 

Mr.  Ignatz  Koch  said : — It  was  the  duty  to  go 
into  the  fight  against  the  South.  When  the  Germans 
left  their  country  bleeding  and  covered  with  wounds 
received  in  the  struggle  for  liberty,  when  thousands 
of  the  brave  fellows  were  killed,  they  swore  that  lib¬ 
erty  would  be  the  war-cry  of  the  future  time.  When 
the  Germans  came  over  to  this  country,  the  Ameri¬ 
cans  did  not  understand  them,  and  thought  it  was  all 
the  same  whether  a  man  was  a  German  or  a  Dutch¬ 
man  ;  one  reverend  gentleman  said  in  Mr.  Koch’s 
presence,  that  Hamburg  was  the  capital  of  Dutch- 
land  !  They  were  understood  now  by  the  Ameri¬ 
cans,  and  it  was  conceded  that  the  Germans  knew 
something  else  beside  lager  beer,  and  that  they  knew 
nothing  better  than  freedom.  In  Germany  there 
were  good  prospects  for  a  republic,  and  nobody  had 
destroyed  them  but  the  Germans  themselves.  This 
shall  not  be  done  with  the  second  fatherland.  The 
Germans  had  elected  the  present  President,  Mr.  Lin¬ 
coln,  a  man  of  liberal  ideas,  energy,  and  sincerity  of 
purpose  ;  while  Mr.  Buchanan — (cries  of,  “  No  poli¬ 
tics  !  ”)  The  orator  finished  his  remarks  by  asking 
for  “  three  chairs  for  the  Union !  ”  by  which  he 
probably  meant  “  cheers,”  as  the  Union  is  not  so 
tired  yet  as  to  want  three  chairs. 

SPEECH  OF  SAMUEL  nULL. 

He  alluded  to  the  fact  that  yesterday  (Friday) 
being  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Lexington, 
when  the  first  blood  was  spilled  in  the  Revolution, 
on  that  day  the  first  blood  was  spilled  in  this  war. 
Yesterday  those  noble  grandsons  of  those  who  were 
engaged  in  the  former  struggle,  were  the  first  who 
spilled  their  blood  in  this  war.  Massachusetts  was  in 
the  field,  and  New  York  would  follow  suit.  Through¬ 
out  the  Revolution  New  York  and  Massachusetts 
fought  side  by  side,  and  they  would  do  the  same  in 
this  war.  This  was  a  fearful  crisis.  Our  enemy  pre¬ 
tended  to  be  fearful  fighters,  having  had  six  months’ 
preparation,  but  our  men  would  meet  them.  The 
speaker  made  allusion  to  the  events  at  Baltimore,  and 
the  report  that  the  gallant  Seventh  Regiment  had 
forced  their  way  through  the  mob.  (Cheers.)  The 
news  was  not  precise  as  yet,  but  he  would  say,  that 
if  the  Baltimoreans  had  spilt  one  drop  of  blood  of 
that  gallant  New  York  regiment,  the  resentment  to 
follow  would  be  terrible.  (Tremendous  applause.) 
I  am  just  informed,  said  the  speaker,  that  the  rebels 
attacked  them  with  brickbats,  that  the  noble  regi¬ 
ment  forced  their  way  through,  and  that  three  hun¬ 
dred  of  the  insurgents  were  lying  weltering  in  their 
gore.  [This  information,  although  a  mere  report, 
caused  immediately  an  immense  excitement.] 


DOCUMENTS. 


109 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  0.  0.  OTTENDORFER. 

This  address  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Oswald  Ot- 
tendorfer,  editor  of  the  New  York  Staats  Zeitung: 

Iii  his  introductory  remarks  he  alluded  to  the 
occasion  which  had  given  rise  to  such  an  unparalleled 
and  truly  sublime  display  of  enthusiasm  and  patriotic 
feeling.  lie  maintained  that  we  were  here  to  save 
the  groundwork  of  our  institutions,  in  the  acknowledg¬ 
ment  of  our  lawful  authorities,  in  the  regard  for  the 
result  of  an  election  agreeable  to  a  Constitution  so 
universally  admitted  to  be  the  pillars  of  our  political 
existence,  the  bulwark  of  our  liberties  and  our  pros¬ 
perity.  Take  away  these  pillars,  or  suffer  their  dis¬ 
integration,  and  the  whole  proud  structure  will  tum¬ 
ble  into  atoms.  Look  around,  or  peruse  the  pages  of 
the  history  of  the  country,  and  tell  us  what  is  the 
secret  of  our  progress  and  success  ?  Political  parties 
have  contributed  to  the  advancement  of  the  country 
by  means  of  the  application  of  such  principles, 
which  in  their  opinion  could  be  made  instrumental 
to  the  furtherance  of  our  general  welfare.  But  this 
display  of  the  activity  and  powers  of  parties  could 
never  have  been  successful  without  fealty  to  the  car¬ 
dinal  principle,  that  every  lawful  election  carries  with 
it  the  duty  of  abeyance  in  its  results,  and  that  only 
from  a  strict  adherence  to  this  obligation  and  usage  a 
party  can  maintain  its  ascendency,  and  command  the 
confidence  of  the  people.  Unconditional  obedience 
to  self-created  laws,  and  implicit  respect  for  the  de¬ 
cision  of  the  popular  will,  were  the  fruitful  sources 
of  party  power  and  prestige  not  alone,  by  the  rea¬ 
sons  which  have  led  the  whole  civilized  world  at  once 
to  admire  our  system,  and  to  fear  or  cheer  our 
progress.  The  proof  of  the  capability  of  man  for 
self-government — as  made  apparent  from  our  exam¬ 
ple — was  gaining  ground  among  the  lovers  of  liberty 
of  all  nations,  and  presented  an  ever-active  stimulus 
to  our  own  people  to  contribute  to  its  reassertion  and 
confirmation.  At  this  very  hour  we  are  here  assem¬ 
bled  for  the  very  same  object.  As  to  the  ways  and 
means  through  which  that  end  is  to  be  reached,  con¬ 
trary  opinions  have  not  failed  to  be  maintained,  and 
in  particular  as  to  the  recognition  of  the  result  of  our 
late  Presidential  election.  Such  has  been  the  case, 
and  has  been  a  fruitful  source  of  evils  of  various 
descriptions.  The  refusal  of  such  recognition  in 
some  parts  of  the  country,  the  obstinate  resistance  to 
the  constitutionally  created  authority,  the  stubborn 
denial  of  established  and  fundamental  truths,  the 
rejection  of  every  conciliatory  proposition,  and  many 
other  shapes  of  opinion,  found  their  adherents ;  and 
with  some  it  was  difficult  to  reason  at  all,  or  to  per¬ 
suade  them  that  the  application  of  power  or  the 
resort  to  revolution  was  not  always  the  safest  way  to 
adjust  difficulties  or  to  retrieve  wrongs.  It  is  not 
long  since  that  every  shape  and  variety  of  opinions 
have  found  their  adherents  among  our  people. 
Everybody  understood  perfectly  well,  that  the  main¬ 
tenance  of  our  lawful  authorities  was  imperative  and 
indispensable ;  very  few,  however,  agreed  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  that  end  was  to  be  achieved,  and 
how  in  particular  the  pending  revolution  which  had 
given  rise  to  a  renewal  of  all  these  diversities  of 
opinions,  was  to  be  treated  ;  but  on  one  point  all 
agreed,  namely,  that  obedience  to  the  constitutional 
powers  was  to  be  exacted  at  all  events,  either  by 
means  of  persuasion  or  by  force.  Our  meeting  here 
is  proof  to  the  fact,  that  patriotism  and  loyalty  have 
conquered  prejudice  and  alienation,  and  that  all  are 
united  in  one  common  purpose,  the  maintenance  of 


the  authority  of  our  Government,  the  protection  of 
our  flag  and  property,  and  the  correction  of  palpable 
errors,  that  have  been  the  consequence  of  the  machi¬ 
nations  of  men  disloyal  and  inimical  alike  to  the 
Union,  and  to  their  best  interests  and  welfare.  The 
events  of  the  last  few  days  have  convinced  all  of  us 
of  the  futility  of  the  application  of  any  further  con¬ 
ciliatory  measures,  and  that  the  people  of  the  United 
States  see  nothing  left  them  beyond  an  appeal  to  the 
ultima  ratio,  force ;  and  in  order  to  uphold  the  very 
existence  of  the  nation,  and  to  perpetuate  the  bless¬ 
ings  of  that  Union  under  which  we  all  alike,  our¬ 
selves  and  the  revolutionists,  have  prospered  in  so 
unprecedented  a  degree.  But  if  force  is  once  to  be 
applied,  let  us  do  it  vigorously,  and  without  faltering 
and  hesitation.  As  it  is,  we  see  no  other  alternative 
before  us  to  secure  to  our  posterity  the  blessings  of 
the  Union,  than  by  asserting  its  indissolubility  with 
arms  in  hand.  [The  speaker,  who  was  vociferously 
cheered,  again  and  again  excused  himself  from  con¬ 
tinuing  his  remarks  any  further  on  account  of  indis¬ 
position,  and  withdrew  amidst  hearty  plaudits.] 

At  Stand  No.  4,  situated  at  the  southwest  comer 
of  Union  Square,  the  meeting  was  called  to  order  by 
Mr.  Royal  Phelps,  who  nominated  Mr.  Moses  H. 
Grinnell  as  Chairman. 

Fellow-citizens,  said  Mr.  Phelps,  I  have  been 
requested  to  call  this  meeting  to  order  by  nominating 
a  presiding  officer.  At  political  meetings  it  is  not 
always  an  easy  task  to  name  a  chairman  who  will 
satisfy  all ;  but  this  is  not  a  political  meeting — this 
is  a  patriotic  meeting,  called  for  the  purpose  of  sup¬ 
porting  our  legally  elected  President  (Abraham  Lin¬ 
coln),  our  Constitution,  and  our  flag.  For  this  pur¬ 
pose  I  know  of  no  one  who  will  give  greater  satis¬ 
faction  to  you  than  the  old,  well-known,  and  highly 
respected  merchant,  Mr.  Moses  H.  Grinnell.  (Cheers.) 
Those  in  favor  of  having  Mr.  Grinnell  as  our  presi¬ 
ding  officer  will  please  say  “  Aye.”  A  tremendous 
“aye”  was  the  response,  and  amid  enthusiastic 
cheering,  Mr.  Grinnell  assumed  the  duties  of  Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  meeting. 

Mr.  Grinnell  now  said  the  next  thing  in  order 
would  be  the  nomination  of  Vice-Presidents,  and  the 
following  list  was  accordingly  read : — 

VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

.Tames  Harper,  RobertC.  Goodhue,  Win.  n.  Neilson, 
Wm.  V.  Brady,  J.  Van  Buren,  F.  B.  Spinola, 

C.  V.  S.  Roosevelt,  Joseph  Battelle,  Thos.Commerford, 

A.  R.  Eno,  C.Vanderbilt  Cross,  W.  8.  Hcrriman, 

Edward  J.  Jaffray,  Samuel  R.  Betts,  S.  W.  Roosevelt, 

Eli  White,  F.  Marquand,  Thomas  Denny, 

M.  O.  Roberts,  Joseph  Hoxie,  J.  D.  Morgan, 
George  Briggs,  Philip  Hamilton,  George  Jones, 
Simeon  Baldwin,  C.  G.  Conover,  Henry  G.  Norton, 
W.  J.  Peck,  B.  P.  Manierre,  Joseph  P.  Norris, 

Thomas  Adame,  J.  H.  HcCunn,  John  H.  Smylie, 
Willard  Parker,  J.  J.  T.  Stranalian,  Corn.  K.  Garrison, 
Jas.  Watson  Webb,  Henry  K.  Bogert,  Daniel  Parish, 

A.  A.  Low,  Charles  King,  Thos.  W.  Clarke, 

Charles  Partridge,  John  Stewart,  Wm.  II.  Leonard, 
Lulco  Kiernan,  James  Humphrey,  Geo.  G.  Barnard, 

U.  A.  Murdock,  George  F.  Thomas,  LewisB. Woodruff, 
Charles  Butler,  Wm.  Jollinghaus,  James  Bowen, 

W.  C.  Wetmore,  G.  W.  Burnham,  Thomas  C.  Acton, 
Hiram  Ketchum,  Edward  Minturn,  S.  S.  Wyckoff, 
Lathrop  Sturges,  W.  E.  Warren,  J.  D.  Ingersoll, 

B.  W.  Bonney,  Theo.  Glaubensklee  John  Harper, 

Fred.  Schuchardt,  Samuel  T.  Tisdale,  B.  F.  Beekman, 
John  J.  Cisco,  James  G.  King,  W.  H.  Townsend, 

J.  Sampson,  Gerard  Hallocli,  Ph.  Frankenheimer 

Edward  Haight,  James  W.  Gerard,  E.  J.  Wilson, 

Henry  Coullard,  Edward  Larned,  John  Ward, 

John  Moncreif,  W.  G.  Sprague,  James  W.  White, 
Wm.  H.  Johnson,  Edwds.Pierrepont,  John  H.  Lyell. 

C.  P.  Levorich,  George  J.  Fox, 


110 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1800-01. 


The  foregoing  were  unanimously  adopted  as  the 
Vice-Presidents  of  the  meeting,  as  were  also  the  fol¬ 
lowing  names  as 

SECRETARIES. 

George  W.  Ogston,  V.  B.  Denslow,  Nath.  Coles, 
Samuel  Hall,  David  Adee,  Frank  S.  Allen, 
Thomas  Thorncll,  E.  L.  Winthrop,  J.  Wyman  Jones. 
John  A.  Kyerson, 

The  meeting  having  now  been  fully  organized, 
Rev.  Dr.  Vermiltea  offered  the  following  prayer,  the 
vast  crowd  standing  with  uncovered  heads,  and  the 
most  impressive  silence  being  preserved : — 

PRATER  OF  REV.  DR.  VERMILTEA. 

Infinite  and  adorable  God !  Thou  art  the  all- 
powerful  Creator,  and  in  Thy  providence  Thou  rulest 
over  the  nations  and  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  We 
bow  in  presence  of  Thine  awful  majesty  to  supplicate 
Thy  guidance  and  help  amidst  the  agitations  and 
perils  of  our  beloved  country.  Wicked  and  design¬ 
ing  men  have  plotted  treason,  and  have  now  excited 
the  passions  of  a  portion  of  the  people  to  levy  war 
against  that  Constitution  and  Government  Thou  didst 
enable  our  fathers  to  establish  ;  and  blood  has  been 
shed  in  the  causeless  strife.  Bring  to  nought,  we 
beseech  Thee,  the  counsels  of  the  traitors,  and  re¬ 
store  amity  to  the  people  and  peace  and  prosperity 
to  the  afflicted  land.  For  this  purpose  give  calm 
wisdom  and  inflexible  decision  to  Thy  servant,  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  all  his  counsel¬ 
lors.  May  they  shrink  from  no  needful  responsibility, 
but  adopt  promptly  and  execute  firmly  such  means 
as  may  be  most  effectual  in  speedily  enforcing  the 
laws,  maintaining  the  Constitution  and  Government, 
and  punishing  the  disobedient.  Bless  the  Army  and 
Navy  of  the  United  States.  May  they  be,  what  they 
were  designed  to  be,  the  bulwark  and  defence  of  the 
country  in  this  hour  of  trial.  If  it  may  be,  spare 
further  effusion  of  blood ;  but  if  not,  then  grant,  0 
God,  a  heart  of  adamant  to  every  officer  and  soldier 
and  seaman,  end  help  those  who  go  forth  to  fight  our 
battles  for  us,  each  man  to  do  his  duty.  Bless  the 
Governor  and  officers  of  this  State,  and  the  body  of 
the  people,  tvho,  after  long  fraternal  forbearance,  are 
now  risen  to  assert  the  majesty  of  law,  and  uphold 
the  best  Government  the  world  has  ever  seen.  Give 
us  pe-'feet  unity,  and  let  all  party  diversities  be 
hu'sheu  and  forgotten.  May  the  whole  faithful  por¬ 
tion  of  the  people,  now  forced  into  this  struggle  for 
our  political  life  and  freedom,  determine  with  fixed 
purpose  never  to  falter  nor  give  over  until  law  and 
the  Government  are  effectually  vindicated  and  sus¬ 
tained.  Though  it  may  be  for  months  or  for  years, 
though  disaster  and  defeat  may  come,  may  they  have 
the  fortitude  to  suffer  and  the  courage  to  persevere 
until  this  end  is  attained ;  for  in  it  wo  believe  arc 
bound  up  the  interests  of  freedom  and  of  constitu¬ 
tional  Government  in  this  land  and  the  world  over, 
now  and  for  generations  yet  unborn.  Mercifully  look 
upon  this  great  city.  Inspire  its  people  in  this  sharp 
emergency  with  it  spirit  of  obedience  to  law,  and  aid 
its  magistrates  in  the  preservation  of  social  order 
among  us.  Let  all  classes  realize  the  responsibility 
of  this  solemn  crisis,  and  each  one  be  submissive  and 
gird  himself  to  the  work  that  may  bo  required  of 
him.  Thus  we  pray  most  humbly  and  fervently,  0 
our  God.  We  acknowledge  Thy  supremacy ;  we 
look  to  Thee  for  Thy  divine  blessing.  Thou  who 
didst  give  success  to  our  fathers  in  their  day,  give 
success  to  our  righteous  cause.  Help  us  to  support 


the  powers  that  be,  which  are  ordained  of  God. 
Spare  blood,  if  it  may  be.  Speedily  end  this  need¬ 
less  and  unnatural  warfare,  and  bring  in  peace  and 
good-will  over  the  whole  land.  We  ask — we  implore 
these  blessings — for  the  sake  of  Thy  Son,  Jesus 
Christ,  our  adorable  Saviour.  Amen. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  prayer,  Rev.  Dr.  Vermil¬ 
tea  said  he  desired  to  say  a  few  words.  I  was,  said 
he,  born  a  citizen  of  this  city,  under  the  Stars  and 
Stripes,  and  here  I  spent  the  greater  part  of  my  life. 
I  cannot  fight,  but  I  can  pray,  and  I  have  prayed 
most  fervently  for  the  success  of  our  cause,  and  for 
constitutional  liberty ;  and  now  I  will  read  to  you  the 
following  brief  document : — 

New  York,  April  20,  1861. 

Carpenter  &  Vermiltea — Pay  to  the  order  of 
Hon.  John  A.  Dix  one  hundred  dollars  to  aid  in  fur¬ 
nishing  men  and  means  to  uphold  the  Constitution 
and  Government  of  our  country  against  treason  and 
rebellion. 

$100.  Thos.  E.  Vermiltea. 

The  reading  of  this  brief  but  expressive  document 
was  greeted  with  cheers. 

MR.  GRINNELL’S  REMARKS. 

Mr.  Grinnell  said  that  this  was  a  meeting  of 
American  citizens  without  distinction  of  party ;  it 
was  a  meeting  of  citizens  without  respect  to  former 
political  issues  •  a  meeting  impelled  by  one  impulse 
and  one  purpose — the  preservation  of  our  country’s 
integrity  and  the  Constitution  under  which  we  live. 
(Applause.)  Gentlemen,  said  Mr.  G.,  a  crisis  has 
arrived ;  the  arm  of  the  traitor  lias  been  raised 
against  this  Union.  That  arm  must  be  broken  down. 
(Enthusiastic  applause.)  Blood — yes,  yesterday  the 
blood  of  Massachusetts  was  shed.  Yesterday,  the 
anniversary  of  the  glorious  battle  of  Lexington,  the 
grandchildren  of  those  who  fought  there,  and  whose 
blood  was  the  first  that  was  shed  in  our  Revolution — 
yesterday,  my  friends,  the  blood  of  their  children  was 
spilled  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore.  (Sensation.) 
Now,  I  say,  the  time  has  come  when  you  and  I,  the 
young,  the  old  and  the  middle-aged,  must  do  their 
duty  like  men.  Let  no  man  stand  aside.  Let  him 
who  wants  physical  strength  pour  out  his  advice,  and 
his  money,  if  he  have  any  to  give.  To  you,  young 
gentlemen,  who  have  the  bone  and  the  sinew  in  you, 
supported  by  conscientious  feelings  of  the  duty  you 
owe  to  your  country — to  you  we  look  to  stand  by 
those  Stars  and  Stripes.  (Cheers.)  We  are  all  in 
the  same  boat, — (Cries  of,  “  That’s  so,”) — and  wo 
know  only  one  pilot  and  one  guide ;  and  that  is, 
the  Constitution,  and  the  God  who  reign3  over  all. 
(Applause.)  Gentlemen,  I  will  not  take  up  your 
time  any  longer ;  you  have  so  many  eloquent  speak¬ 
ers  to  address  you,  that  I  will  not  detain  you. 

The  resolutions  which  were  read  at  Stand  No.  1 , 
and  all  the  others,  were  also  read  here  and  adopted 
with  the  most  unbounded  enthusiasm.  Those  parts 
referring  to  Major  Anderson’s  defence  of  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter,  and  to  the  preservation  intact  of  the  Union, 
were  applauded  and  cheered  to  the  echo.  The  whole 
series  were  put  to  the  vote,  and  passed  with  the 
greatest  unanimity. 

You  have  heard,  said  Mr.  Grinnell,  the  resolutions ; 
do  you  all  second  them?  (Cries  of  “Yes,  yes.”) 


DOCUMENTS. 


Ill 


Then  adopt  them  with  three  cheers.  (“  Aye,  aye,” 
and  tremendous  cheers.) 

At  this  point  of  the  proceedings  Major  Anderson 
came  upon  the  stand,  arm-in-arm  with  Mr.  Simeon 
Draper,  and  when  brought  to  the  front  of  the  plat¬ 
form  such  a  cheer  as  went  up  from  that  vast  multi¬ 
tude  was  never  heard  before.  It  must  have  glad¬ 
dened  the  heart  of  the  hero  of  Fort  Sumter.  Three 
cheers  thrice  repeated  were  given  for  him,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  go  to  the  rear  of  the  stand  and  show 
himself ;  there  he  was  greeted  with  a  similar  demon¬ 
stration.  It  was  at  least  five  minutes  before  quiet 
could  bo  restored,  and  the  meeting  allowed  to  pro¬ 
ceed.  In  the  meantime  crowds  swarmed  around  the 
gallant  Major,  and  nearly  shook  the  hands  off  him  in 
the  warmth  of  their  friendship. 

SPEECH  OF  WILLIAM  CURTIS  NOYES,  ESQ. 

I  have  never  before  load  reason  to  speak  anywhere 
under  circumstances  of  such  extraordinary  solemnity. 
The  most  eloquent  speaker  that  could  address  you 
has  just  presented  himself  in  the  person  of  Major 
Anderson.  (Loud  cheers  and  applause,  which  lasted 
several  minutes.)  He  has  just  come  from  the  smoke 
and  flame  of  the  fiery  furnace,  kindled  by  a  band  of 
faithless  traitors.  (Loud  cheers,  and  three  groans  for 
the  traitors.)  You  have  just  sent  from  among  your 
midst  nearly  one  thousand  men,  the  flower  of  the 
city  of  New  York,  to  resent  the  insult  to  your  flag. 
(Loud  applause.)  You  have  sent  then*  to  resent  the 
insult  to  your  flag,  and  the  greater  insult,  namely,  an 
insult  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  your  coun¬ 
try  ;  and  you  know  that  if  those  men  are  permitted 
to  make  their  progress  to  Washington,  and  south¬ 
ward,  they  will  tell  a  tale  of  which  New  York  may 
justly  be  proud.  (Cheers.)  Your  assembling  here 
proves  that  you,  young  men,  and,  I  hope,  some  of  us 
old  men,  are  ready  to  follow  their  example,  shoulder 
their  muskets,  put  on  their  knapsacks  and  their 
fatigue  dresses — not  their  fancy  dresses — and  march 
to  the  rescue  of  the  Constitution  and  the  country. 
(Loud  cheers.)  Yesterday  was  the  anniversary  of  the 
battle  of  Lexington.  The  blood  of  Massachusetts 
was  the  first  to  be  shed  on  that  anniversary, — (three 
cheers  for  Massachusetts,) — yesterday,  in  the  putting 
down  of  this  rebellion.  (Cheers.)  John  Clarke,  one 
of  the  heroes  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  wrote  in 
his  almanac,  opposite  that  day,  “  This  is  the  inaugur¬ 
ation  of  the  liberty  of  the  American  world.”  (Cheers.) 
I  beg  you  to  mark  the  phrase,  “  The  inauguration  of 
the  liberty  of  the  American  world.”  Not,  a  frag¬ 
ment  of  it — not  of  the  Northern  States — not  of  a 
portion  of  this  great  Union,  but  of  “  the  liberty  of 
the  American  world  ” — the  whole  Union.  (Loud 
cheers.)  This  Union  will  go  on,  notwithstanding  this 
rebellion,  until  that  prophecy,  uttered  eighty  years 
ago  and  upwards,  is  fulfilled.  (Cheers.)  We  are 
not  in  the  midst  of  revolution.  We  are  in  the  midst 
of  rebellion.  There  never  was  a  more  beneficent,  a 
more  benign  Government,  than  that  of  the  United 
States,  since  time  began.  (Loud  applause.)  Never  ! 
(Cheers.)  It  has  borne  so  gently  always — (three 
loud  cheers  for  the  Government  of  the  United  States) 
— it  has  borne  so  gently  always  upon  the  shoulders 
of  the  people,  that  they  have  hardly  known  it — 
scarcely  felt  it.  Nothing  has  been  oppressive  or  un¬ 
just,  and  no  tyranny  has  been  offered  in  any  in¬ 


stance,  north  or  south.  Now,  my  fellow-citizens, 
this  is  a  rebellion  against  a  faultless,  not  only  a  fault¬ 
less,  but  a  forbearing  Government.  (Applause.) 
Let  us  see  for  a  moment.  For  months,  nay,  for 
years,  the  destruction  of  this  Union  has  been  plotted 
to  a  certain  degree,  until  almost  the  entire  generation 
has  been  educated  in  the  infernal  doctrines  of  a 
traitor  now  sleeping  in  his  grave,  and  who  endeav¬ 
ored  thirty  years  ago  to  dissolve  this  Union.  (Three 
groans  for  John  C.  Calhoun.)  It  has  not  been  be¬ 
cause  the  Government  was  unkind  or  unjust  in  its 
operation,  but  it  was  because  that  man  was  disap¬ 
pointed  in  his  unhallowed,  unholy,  and  damnable  am¬ 
bition.  And  now  his  followers  are  going  forward 
and  carrying  out  the  doctrines,  and  under  the  pre¬ 
text  of  the  election  that  did  not  suit  them,  they 
immediately  seceded  from  the  Union,  and  have 
inaugurated  a  bloody,  causeless  war.  (A  voice, 
“  That’s  so.”)  You  are  called  upon,  and  I  think  the 
whole  people  of  this  country  arc  called  on,  to  put 
down  these  traitors,  to  restore  the  condition  of  the 
country  to  its  ordinary  purity,  and  drive  these  trait¬ 
ors,  if  it  may  be,  into  the  sea.  (Loud  cheers.)  I 
have  said  that  we  have  a  forbearing  Government. 
Was  there  ever  an  instance  of  greater  forbearance 
than  this  Government  has  exercised  ?  (Cries  of 
“  No  !  no  !  ”)  Never  !  Even  under  the  administra¬ 
tion  of  Mr.  Buchanan  they  were  permitted  to  go  on 
— permitted  to  prepare  for  war — to  organize  an  army 
— to  steal  our  public  fortresses,  our  public  treasury, 
and  everything  that  was  necessary  for  the  freedom 
of  their  country  South,  and  not  a  hand  was  raised 
against  them.  (A  voice,  “  Buchanan  is  a  traitor.”) 
I  was  going  on  to  say,  in  connection  with  his  for¬ 
bearance,  that  he  had  dishonest  traitors  in  his  Cabi¬ 
net,  who  were  stealing  from  the  Treasury,  and  arming 
themselves  against  the  Government,  and  there  was 
only  one — the  hero  of  Detroit — who  stood  up  against 
it.  (Three  cheers  for  General  Cass.) 

At  this  juncture,  Captain  Foster,  of  the  Engineer 
Corps,  and  Dr.  Crawford,  both  of  whom  were  with 
Major  Anderson  in  Fort  Sumter,  appeared  on  the 
stand,  and  were  introduced  by  the  President  to  the 
assemblage.  They  bowed  their  acknowledgments, 
were  received  with  deafening  cheers,  and,  having 
conversed  with  some  of  the  gentlemen  on  the  plat¬ 
form,  retired. 

Mr.  Noyes  resumed  as  follows : — The  only  objec¬ 
tion  that  I  have  to  Dr.  Crawford,  is  that  he  adminis¬ 
tered  an  antidote  to  Mr.  Pryor.  I  wish  the  antidote 
had  been  administered  first,  and  something  else  after¬ 
wards.  (Loud  laughter  and  cheers.)  I  was  saying 
that  there  was  only  one  true  patriot  in  the  Cabinet 
of  Mr.  Buchanan,  and  he  left  the  moment  he  discov¬ 
ered  the  perfidious  conduct  of  his  associates.  Let 
him  be,  as  he  deserves  to  be,  forever  embalmed  in 
your  recollections,  and  in  those  of  a  grateful  pos¬ 
terity.  (Loud  applause.)  He  has  retired  to  his  own 
home,  but  he  has  retired  with  public  gratitude,  which 
will  follow  him  to  his  last  moment.  I  said  we  had  a 
forbearing  Government.  After  Fort  Sumter  was 
taken  possession  of  by  Major  Anderson,  the  Govern¬ 
ment  were  still  supine  ;  and  even  after  the  inaugura¬ 
tion  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  if  any  thing  could  have  been 
done,  nothing  was  done,  to  prevent  the  closing  round 
of  the  men  in  that  brave  fortress,  and  round  the 
braver  hearts  in  it.  Seventeen  or  eighteen  batteries 
were  prepared,  as  soon  as  ready,  to  pour  out  fire 


112 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1SG0-G1. 


upon  it.  Was  there  ever  a  greater  instance  of  for¬ 
bearance  than  this  ?  Never  !  And  the  moment  they 
discovered  it  was  to  be  relieved,  in  provisions  only, 
that  instant  they  sought  to  murder  every  man  in  that 
hopeless  garrison.  Our  Government  then  was  for¬ 
bearing.  Our  Government  has  been  kind.  But 
what  is  the  character  of  the  Government  that  has 
been  inaugurated,  claiming  to  be  the  Government  of 
the  Confederate  States  ?  What  is  the  character  of 
that  Government  ?  I  call  your  attention  to  a  single 
instance.  They  have  inaugurated  a  wholesale  system 
of  piracy  on  the  entire  commerce  of  the  country. 
(Applause.)  That  is  what  they  have  done,  and  that 
is  the  character  of  the  measures  which  they  will 
adopt  in  all  the  war  which  is  to  go  on.  Now,  what 
is  the  duty  of  the  Administration  under  such  circum¬ 
stances  ?  (Shouts  of  “  Shoot  them  !  shoot  them  !  ”) 
Let  us  see  how  they  speak  of  the  national  flag,  that 
idol  of  your  hearts,  which  every  one  of  us  has  adored 
from  the  moment  his  eyes  first  saw  the  light.  Let  us 
see  how  they  speak  of  the  national  flag.  Here  is  a 
speech  of  Gov.  Pickens,  delivered  immediately  after 
Fort  Sumter  had  surrendered.  This  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  the  pupil  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  under  the 
tutorship  of  Jefferson  Davis,  thus  speaks  of  our  flag 
— a  flag  which  was  never  trailed  in  the  dust  before, 
and  which  has  maintained  its  integrity  with  unflinch¬ 
ing  courage,  and  was  never  with  a  stain  before.  He 
says : — 

“  I  hope  on  to-morrow,  Sabbath  though  it  be,  that 
under  the  protection  of  Providence,  and  under  the 
orders  of  General  Beauregard,  commander  of  our 
forces  from  the  Confederate  States,  you  shall  have 
the  proud  gratification  of  seeing  the  Palmetto  flag 
raised  upon  that  fortress,  and  the  Confederate  flag  of 
these  free  and  independent  States  side  by  side  with 
it ;  and  there  they  shall  float  forever,  in  defiance  of 
any  power  that  man  can  bring  against  them.  (Ap¬ 
plause.)  We  have  humbled  the  flag  of  the  United 
States ;  and  as  long  as  I  have  the  honor  to  preside  as 
your  Chief  Magistrate,  so  help  me  God,  there  is  no 
power  on  this  earth  shall  ever  lower  from  that 
fortress  those  flags,  unless  they  be  lowered  and  trailed 
in  a  sea  of  blood.  (Vociferous  applause.)  I  can 
here  say  to  you,  it  is  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
this  country  that  the  Stars  and  Stripes  have  been 
humbled.  It  has  triumphed  for  seventy  years,  but 
to-day,  on  the  13th  day  of  April,  it  has  been  hum¬ 
bled,  and  humbled  before  the  glorious  little  State  of 
South  Carolina.  (Applause.)  The  Stars  and  Stripes 
have  been  lowered  before  your  eyes  this  day,  but 
there  are  no  flames  that  shall  ever  lower  the  flag  of 
South  Carolina  while  I  have  the  honor  to  preside  as 
your  Chief  Magistrate.” 

Now  I  give  one  response  to  that,  and  I  ask  you  to 
respond  to  it : — 

Forever  float  that  standard  sheet, 

Where  breathes  the  foe  but  falls  before  us  : 

With  freedom’s  soil  beneath  our  feet, 

And  freedom’s  banner  waving  o’er  us. 

(Loud  and  continued  cheers.) 

SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  SPINOLA. 

There  is  no  more  glorious  cause  under  which  we 
could  assemble  than  that  which  calls  us  together — the 
cause  of  our  country.  War  under  any  circumstances 
is  to  be  regretted,  and  more  particularly  it  is  to  be 
mourned  over  when  we  find  such  a  war  as  is  now 
upon  us ;  but  it  has  come,  and  there  is  only  one 
thing  left  for  us  to  do,  and  that  is,  our  duty.  It  is 
for  you  to  say  whether  you  will  meet  these  traitors 


and  drive  them  into  the  ocean.  (Cries  of  “  Yes,” 
“  Yes.”)  God  in  His  mercy  gave  you  this  country, 
and  Washington  gave  you  the  Constitution  under 
which  w'e  live.  Both  have  been  intrusted  to  you  for 
safety  and  perpetuation.  Will  you  take  care  of  them, 
or  will  you  not?  (“We  will,  we  will.”)  Before 
coming  upon  this  stand  I  circuited  this  park,  and  as 
I  walked  by  the  statue  of  W ashington  on  the  other 
side,  and  saw  the  flag  of  Fort  Sumter,  torn  and  tat¬ 
tered  as  it  is — torn  and  tattered,  but  not  dishon¬ 
ored — I  gloried  in  that  flag.  I  gloried  in  Anderson 
and  his  little  band  of  thirty-five  gunners,  who  kept 
off  for  so  many  hours  thirty  thousand  treason-mongers 
of  South  Carolina,  who  were  not  able  even  to  make 
them  strike  that  flag.  (Cheers.)  We  must  not  stop 
now  to  inquire  what  has  produced  this  war.  You 
must  only  inquire  as  to  the  proper  means  to  meet  and 
carry  it  on  successfully,  and  to  finish  it  at  the  earliest 
moment.  To  accomplish  this,  let  the  Northmen  rally 
in  their  might,  and  these  traitors  shall  meet  an  end 
more  ignominious  than  that  which  fell  upon  the 
traitor  Arnold.  (Applause.)  Familiar  to  every  man 
within  the  sound  of  my  voice  is  the  fact  that  our 
men  have  been  interrupted  in  their  way  to  the  Fed¬ 
eral  capital.  Let  not  those  “Blood  Tubs”  provoke 
us  to  too  great  an  extent,  or  we  wall  make  the  city 
of  Baltimore  suffer  terribly.  We  will  leave  nothing 
but  a  smouldering  ruin  where  Baltimore  now  stands. 
(Tremendous  cheering.)  The  great  leading  avenue 
to  the  Federal  capital  shall  be  kept  open  under  all 
circumstances.  No  power  on  earth  shall  close  it. 
Jefferson  Davis  says  for  the  first  time  in  three-quar¬ 
ters  of  a  century  the  American  flag  has  been  hum¬ 
bled.  He  lietl  when  he  said  so.  (Applause.)  There 
is  not  blood  enough  in  his  body  to  humble  it.  (Re¬ 
newed  applause.)  Jefferson  Davis  and  Cobb  have 
filled  their  pockets  at  the  public  expense,  and,  having 
robbed  the  republic,  have  endeavored  to  destroy  it. 
May  God’s  mercy  rest  upon  them  until  they  wither 
away  from  the  respect  of  mankind !  (Cheering.) 
My  countrymen,  revolution  under  some  circum¬ 
stances  is  justifiable,  but  only  when  the  rights  of  the 
people  have  been  invaded,  and  when  the  iron  heel 
of  despotism  has  crushed  them  to  the  earth ;  but 
here  in  this  instance  no  wrong  has  been  perpetrated, 
no  outrage  has  been  committed,  except  in  the  dirty 
imagination  of  political  demagogues  in  the  cotton 
States.  (Cheers.)  And  they  seek  to  break  up  this 
Government.  But  let  me  tell  you,  they  shall  not  do 
it.  (Cheers.)  Men  have  died  for  the  liberties  of 
their  fellow-men.  Go  to  Ireland,  and  you  will  there 
behold  the  grave  of  her  patriot  martyr.  Emmet,  who 
perished  on  the  scaffold  because  he  desired  to  give 
to  his  countrymen  the  same  liberty  we  now  enjoy. 
And  if  a  patriot  was  thus  treated  for  trying  to  gain 
the  independence  of  his  native  land,  what  should  be 
done  with  the  traitor  who  seeks  to  destroy  the  free¬ 
dom  of  his  country,  and  to  bring  it  to  destruction? 
(Cries  of  “  Hang  him.”)  Hanging  is  too  good  for 
him.  A  more  severe  but  certain  punishment  should 
await  him  ;  but  a  single  jerk,  and  it  is  all  over  with 
him.  Our  Government,  my  friends,  must  not  falter 
in  this  hour  of  our  emergency.  Every  nerve  must 
be  brought  into  action,  and  every  action  must  deal  a 
blow  of  death  to  every  traitor.  (Cheers.)  The  Po¬ 
tomac  should  be  lined  with  gunboats,  and  every  time 
that  one  of  these  vagabonds  appears  upon  its  banks, 
he  should  be  blown  to  the  devil  without  mercy. 
(Cheers  and  laughter.  A  voice,  “  Yes,  and  without 
the  benefit  of  clergy.”)  My  friend  says,  “  without 
the  benefit  of  clergy  to  that  I  say,  Amen  !  This 


DOCUMENTS. 


113 


war  may  be  a  long  one,  but  it  is  to  be  a  victorious 
one  to  you.  Some  men  ask,  “  Can  we  coerce  them 
back  into  the  Union  ?  ”  I  don’t  say  we  can,  but  we 
cau  conquer  them  ;  and  when  we  do  so,  every  dollar 
of  property  in  those  States  shall  be  confiscated  for 
the  benefit  of  the  great  Northern  army.  Those  fine 
plantations  shall  belong  to  the  Northern  soldier,  and 
with  Northern  men  we  shall  repeople  those  States. 
This  may  be  bold  talk,  but  it  is  true,  and  it  is  certain 
to  take  place.  I  am  still  for  peace,  if  it  can  be  had. 
We  have  waited  with  all  patience  for  it.  They  have 
fired  upon  our  flag,  and  we  will  never  suffer  it  to  be 
fired  upon  with  impunity.  We  may  as  well  let  them 
know  now  as  hereafter,  that  the  reward  we  will  mete 
out  to  them  for  their  treason  shall  be,  committing 
their  homes  to  the  flames,  and  their  own  carcasses  to 
the  eagles  of  America.  (Cheers.) 

SPEECH  OF  DAVID  DUDLEY  FIELD. 

This  is  not  a  time  for  words,  but  for  deeds.  Our 
Union  is  assailed :  that  Union  which  was  created 
after  so  many  years  of  patient  labor,  of  common  suf¬ 
fering,  and  common  glory.  Our  Constitution  is  de¬ 
fied  :  that  Constitution  which  Washington,  Franklin, 
Madison,  Hamilton,  and  their  compatriots  made,  and 
which  has  served  us  so  well  in  peace  and  in  war. 
Our  liberties  are  menaced  :  those  liberties  which  we 
inherited  from  our  brave  and  suffering  fathers,  and 
which  we  received  as  an  inheritance  to  be  transmitted 
intact  to  our  children.  The  symbol  of  our  country’s 
strength  and  honor :  that  flag  which  our  countrymen 
have  borne  over  so  many  lands  and  seas,  has  been 
insulted  and  trampled.  Our  fortresses,  arsenals, 
mints,  custom-houses,  hospitals,  have  been  seized. 
The  roads  to  our  national  capital  have  been  ob¬ 
structed,  and  our  own  troops,  marching  to  its  succor, 
molested  and  stopped  ;  every  form  of  contumely  and 
insult  has  been  used  towards  us.  The  foundations 
of  Government  and  society  are  rocking  around  us. 
Truly,  my  fellow-citizens,  this  is  no  time  for  words — 
we  must  act,  act  now,  act  together,  or  we  are  lost. 
This  is  no  occasion  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  this 
awful  state  of  things.  All  hands,  all  hearts,  all 
thoughts,  should  be  concentrated  upon  the  one  great 
object  of  saving  our  country,  our  Union,  our  Consti¬ 
tution — I  had  almost  said,  our  civilization.  If  we 
fail  hi  this  great  emergency,  if  we  allow  a  single 
source  of  discord  to  intrude  into  our  counsels,  if  we 
do  not  give  to  our  glorious  land,  in  this  hour  of  its 
peril,  our  substance,  our  labors,  and  our  blood,  we 
shall  prove  ourselves  most  degenerate  children.  A 
great  conspiracy  has  been  forming  and  extending  for 
many  years  to  overthrow  this  Government ;  the 
people  have  only  now  believed  its  existence  ;  it  was 
something  so  monstrous  as  to  be  incredible,  till  an 
armed  rebellion  has  overcome  eight  States,  and  seems 
to  be  spreading  over  more  ;  a  military  despotism  has 
obtained  control  of  eight  millions  of  people,  and  is 
knocking  at  the  gates  of  the  capital.  Therefore  arm 
yourselves ;  for  this  contest  is  to  be  decided  by  arms ; 
let  every  man  arm  himself.  None  capable  of  bear¬ 
ing  arms  can  be  spared.  It  is  not  30,000  that  this 
State  must  get  ready,  but  300,000.  Arm  yourselves 
by  land  and  sea ;  rally  to  the  support  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment  ;  give  your  counsel  and  your  strength  to  the 
constituted  authorities,  whom  the  votes  of  the  people 
and  the  laws  of  the  land  have  placed  in  power. 
Never  give  up.  Never  despair.  Never  shrink.  And 
from  this  darkness  and  gloom,  from  the  smoke  and 
flame  of  battle,  we  shall,  with  God’s  blessing,  come 
out  purified  as  by  fire,  our  love  of  justice  increased, 


the  foundations  of  our  institutions  more  firmly  ce¬ 
mented,  and  the  blessings  of  liberty  more  certainly 
secured  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity.  Every  mo¬ 
tive  that  can  influence  men  is  present  to  us  this  day 
— love  of  honor  and  love  of  right — the  history  of 
the  heroic  past,  the  vast  interests  of  the  present  and 
the  future  of  all  the  millions  that  for  ages  shall  in¬ 
habit  this  continent. 

SPEECH  OF  JUDGE  THOMPSON. 

Fellow-countrymen, — In  1832,  the  State  of 
South  Carolina  attempted  to  nullify  the  action  of  the 
Federal  Government  upon  the  questions  affecting  our 
revenue  laws.  Fortunately,  Andrew  Jackson  was 
then  President  of  the  United  States.  Himself  the 
very  impersonation  of  republican  democracy,  he  was 
also  at  that  period  surrounded  by  loyal  majorities  in 
both  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives.  In 
that  emergency  the  old  hero  at  once  determined  to 
defend  the  Constitution  and  uphold  the  laws.  Both 
branches  of  Congress  stood  firmly  by  the  side  of  the 
people’s  chosen  chief,  who  proclaimed,  in  words 
which  cannot  die — “  The  Union  must  and  shall  be 
preserved  !  ”  (Tumultuous  applause.)  True,  South 
Carolina  had  aided  to  swell  the  majority  by  which  he 
was  placed  amongst  the  foremost  rulers  of  the  na¬ 
tions  of  the  earth — nevertheless,  his  fidelity  and 
patriotism,  his  devotion  to  the  Constitution  which  he 
had  sworn  to  support,  raised  him  above  the  reach 
and  beyond  the  stretch  of  mere  party  feeling,  and 
prompted  him  to  lose  sight  of  everything  that  might 
tend  to  seduce  him  from  the  service  of  the  country 
he  loved  so  well.  Thus  it  was  that  the  prompt, 
statesmanlike,  and  energetic  action  of  the  Federal 
authorities  in  that  memorable  and  trying  crisis,  most 
effectually  suppressed  the  spirit  of  rebellion  which 
then  menaced  the  peace  of  the  country  and  the  sta¬ 
bility  of  our  cherished  institutions ;  and  the  deter¬ 
mined  announcement  of  Jackson  to  preserve  the 
Union  at  all  hazards,  was  responded  to  by  the  united 
voice  of  every  hamlet,  village,  town,  and  city 
throughout  the  limits  of  our  blessed  land.  Since 
then  Columbia’s  sons  have  ever  made  the  heavens 
ring  with  music  to  the  inspired  words : — 

Then  a  eons;  for  our  Union — tho  watchword  recall 
Which  gave  the  republic  her  station. 

United  we  stand — divided  we  fall — 

It  made  and  preserved  us  a  nation. 

The  union  of  lakes,  the  union  of  lands, 

The  union  of  States  none  can  sever  ; 

The  union  of  hearts,  the  union  of  hands, 

And  the  flag  of  our  Union  for  ever  ar.d  ever, 

The  flag  of  our  Union  for  ever  I— (Great  cheering.) 

After  the  lapse  of  thirty  peaceful  years — years  of 
unexampled  national  prosperity — 20,000,000  of  free¬ 
men,  in  this  hour  of  our  country’s  peril,  again  are 
chaunting  the  magic  words : — 

Tho  flag  of  our  Union  forever  and  ever, 

The  flag  of  our  Union  forever  [—(Cheers.) 

The  decisive  and  vigorous  policy  of  the  hero  of 
New  Orleans  gave  peace  and  harmony  to  the  country 
at  once,  and  proved  to  the  world  that  whether  fighting 
under  Washington  or  Scott,  against  a  foreign  enemy, 
or  under  Jackson  or  Lincoln  (cheers)  against  domes¬ 
tic  foes,  the  people  of  this  enlightened  land  have  a 
government  which  is  invincible  against  assaults  and 
attacks,  let  them  come  from  without  or  from  within. 
The  spirit  of  rebellion  again  rears  its  hideous  head 
amongst  the  citizens  of  the  sunny  South  ;  and  as  it 
was  met  by  Jackson  thirty  years  ago,  so  is  it  now 
being  met  by  President  Lincoln.  (Cheers.)  Now, 


114 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


as  then,  though  we  differ  upon  questions  of  domestic 
politics— whether  we  favor  or  oppress  the  internal 
doctrines  and  platforms  upon  which  Jackson  or  Lin¬ 
coln  was  elected — nevertheless,  we  are  all  agreed 
that  “  The  Union  must  and  shall  be  preserved  !  ” 
The  speaker  proceeded  in  an  eloquent  strain,  favor¬ 
ing  the  energetic  enforcement  of  the  laws,  and  the 
Constitution  upon  which  they  rest.  He  had  always 
been  a  democrat,  yet  he  would  forget  his  party  pro¬ 
clivities,  and  join  heart  and  hand  in  the  work  of  sup¬ 
pressing  insurrection,  and  in  vindicating  the  supremo 
majesty  of  the  law.  lie  closed  by  saying : — My  heart’s 
desire  and  prayer  to  high  Heaven  is,  that  as  God  was 
on  the  side  of  our  fathers  in  the  trying  days  of  the 
Revolution,  so  may  Ho  now  stand  by  the  sacred  cause 
of  their  sons  in  these  days  of  disloyalty  and  rebel¬ 
lion  !  And  now  that  the  horrors  of  civil  war  are 
upon  us,  may  the  conflict  continue  till  the  death- 
rattle  shall  seize  upon  the  palsied  throat  of  dying 
Treason  and  Disunion  !  (Loud  applause.) 

REMARKS  OF  EX-JUDGE  PIERREPQNT. 

Fellow-Citizens — What  does  all  this  mean.  Is  it 
that  our  Southern  brethren  have  been  trampled  upon 
and  their  rights  invaded  ?  (Cries  of  “  No  no.”)  Let 
me  tell  you,  fellow-countrymen,  what  it  is.  Every 
Southern  traitor  hates  a  Northern  working-man  and 
says  that  he  should  be  a  slave.  They  hate  the  man 
who  works  honestly  for  the  support  of  his  family, 
and  say  he  ought  to  be  a  slave.  They  make  war 
upon  you  because  they  want  a  despotic  government 
and  power.  They  want  to  place  the  power  in  the 
hands  of  a  few.  If  they  succeed  they  will  build  up 
a  military  despotism.  Next  will  follow  an  empire, 
and  lords  and  ladies  and  an  aristocracy  will  be  the 
order.  (Cries  of  “  Never.”)  They  say  that  we  arc 
cowards,  that  we  won’t  say  any  thing  in  reply  ;  but 
be  ready.  (Immense  applause  and  cheers.) 

SPEECH  OF  THOMAS  C.  FIELDS. 

Fellow-Citizens — No  sight  could  more  enliven 
the  heart  of  a  man  who  would  be  true  to  his  country, 
than  the  one  which  is  now  presented  around  this 
square  to-day.  It  is  in  the  city  of  New  York  that 
we  find  that  every  man  lays  aside  his  business  and 
his  prejudices  and  comes  as  an  honest  man  to  lay 
upon  the  altar  of  his  country  the  offering  he  has  for 
its  defence.  (Cheers.)  I  may  say  that  the  great 
heart  of  the  city  of  New  York  throbs  lively  to-day 
when  the  news  comes  teeming  from  the  telegraph 
that  her  citizen  soldiers,  her  sons,  have  been  impeded 
in  their  progress  to  the  national  capital  by  obstruc¬ 
tions  placed  in  the  way  by  the  rebels  to  our  country, 
and  traitors  to  the  Constitution.  Fellow-citizens,  there 
is  hardly  one  within  the  sound  of  my  voice  but  must 
feel  the  responsibility  which  rests  upon  us  as  men  and 
as  citizens  of  this  great  metropolis  of  the  nation.  But 
let  us  not  forget  in  this,  the  hour  of  trial  to  our  coun¬ 
try,  there  should  be  but  one  feeling  amongst  us,  and 
that  feeling  of  devotion,  entirely  the  defence  of  our  flag 
and  the  protection  and  perpetuity  of  our  Government. 
Will  it  be  said  of  us,  the  most  enlightened  nation  on 
the  face  of  the  earth,  that  in  this,  the  nineteenth  cen¬ 
tury,  we,  within  almost  the  period  of  a  man’s  life,  should 
be  found  ungrateful  to  the  recollections  of  the  past, 
unmindful  of  the  present,  and  forgetful  of  the  duty 
which  we  owe  to  our  country  ?  Believe  it  not,  fel¬ 
low-countrymen,  that  this  country  of  ours  is  not  to 
endure  for  more  than  the  lifetime  of  a  man.  I  be¬ 
lieve  that  it  has  had  a  past  history,  and  I  tell  you  it 
is  to  have  a  future  life.  Why,  this  very  Government, 


as  has  been  justly  observed,  is  a  kind  and  beneficent 
one,  and  so  kind  and  beneficent  in  its  operation  that 
we  hardly  knew  that  we  lived  under  one.  There 
was  no  restraint  or  restriction  upon  us,  and  we  were 
not  burthened  by  taxation.  Let  us  teach  our  South¬ 
ern  brethren  that  they  must  yield  to  the  requirements 
of  the  Constitution ;  that  they  must  redress  their 
grievances,  if  they  have  any,  within  the  Constitution 
and  according  to  the  provisions  calculated  and  ap¬ 
proved  of  for  their  redress ;  and  until  they  are  wil¬ 
ling  to  submit  to  that  arbitration — until  they  are  wil¬ 
ling  to  bring  their  grievances  and  lay  them  before  a 
jury  of  their  country,  before  the  people  of  the  United 
States — I  say,  until  that  hour  they  are  our  enemies, 
and  they  must  be  treated  as  such.  Now,  fellow-citi¬ 
zens — and  it  lingers  on  my  tongue  in  saying  so — 
they  are  our  enemies,  and  it  is  our  duty  to  oppose 
them  and  compel  them  to  conform  to  the  principles 
of  the  Constitution.  We  have  arrived  at  the  hour  of 
trial,  and  I  ask  you  all  to  bear  yourselves  firmly  in 
the  struggle  which  is  before  us  in  meeting  these  men, 
who  are  freemen  like  yourselves.  You  must  remem¬ 
ber  at  all  times  that  we  have  but  one  object  in  view. 
We  must  lay  aside  all  selfish  feelings,  and  struggle  to 
accomplish  that  end  which  will  best  secure  to  us  our 
liberties,  and  tend  to  secure  the  liberty  of  all  man¬ 
kind.  We  would  be  recreants  to  ourselves — to  the 
standard  which  history  has  given  us — if  we  did  not 
at  this  time  come  up  as  one  man  in  the  cause  of  our 
country.  As  I  said  before,  every  consideration  should 
be  laid  aside  in  support  of  the  flag  whose  stripes  de¬ 
note  the  past  of  our  freedom,  and  whose  stars  show 
the  brightness  of  our  future  greatness.  (Loud 
cheers.)  Press  onward,  fellow-countrymen,  if  neces¬ 
sary,  but  let  it  be  done  quickly.  Let  the  spirit  of  our 
ancestors — let  the  spirit  of  freedom  in  the  North — 
awaken.  Let  them  come  in  as  one  man,  and  let 
us  crush  out  this  monster.  (Vociferous  cheers.)  Yes, 
this  monster  rebellion,  which  seeks  to  find  a  lodg¬ 
ment  among  our  people.  (Cheers.)  Press  them 
out,  I  say.  Press  them  out  once,  and  do  it  well,  and 
that  will  be  their  end.  (Loud  and  continued  cheers.) 

SPEECn  OF  W.  J.  A.  FULLER. 

Fellow-Citizens  : — This  is  no  time  for  set 
speeches.  Fine  phrases,  rhetorical  flourishes  and 
rounded  periods,  are  not  what  the  people  want. 
There  is  more  eloquence  in  the  words  “I  enlist” 
than  in  the  combined  utterances  of  all  the  orators  in 
the  nation.  What  man,  by  words,  could  inspire  such 
military  enthusiasm  and  ardent  patriotism  as  did  the 
roll  of  the  drum  and  tread  of  the  New  York  “Im¬ 
perial  Guard,”  the  gallant  Seventh,  as  it  marched 
through  our  streets  yesterday  ?  But  earnest  words 
are  necessary  to  incite  the  government  to  vigor¬ 
ous  action.  I  am  rejoiced  at  this  opportunity  of  ad¬ 
dressing  you,  because  I  can  through  the  reported 
speech  attempt  to  diffuse  an  energy  into  the  govern¬ 
ment  corresponding  to  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people. 
The  Government  has,  by  lying  supinely  on  its  back 
and  hugging  closely  the  delusive  phantoms  of  conces¬ 
sion  and  compromise,  permitted  treason  to  run  riot 
in  the  land  and  bind  it  hand  and  foot.  See  with  what 
delight  the  people  hailed  the  first  evidence  of  action. 
The  proclamation  of  the  President,  which  was  a  brave 
and  good  one,  was  issued  on  Monday  morning  last. 
Its  effect  upon  a  patient,  forbearing,  and  long  suffer¬ 
ing  people  was  like  the  blast  upon  Roderick’s  bugle 
horn — ’twas  worth  a  thousand  men.  It  was  like  the 
presence  of  Napoleon  at  the  head  of  his  army,  which 
the  combined  despots  of  Europe  were  wont  to  esti- 


DOCUMENTS. 


115 


mate  as  a  reinforcement  of  one  hundred  thousand 
men.  It  was  the  first  trumpet-note  of  freedom.  Its 
echoes  reverberated  among  the  hills  of  peaceful  and 
happy  New  England,  across  the  fertile  valleys  of  the 
Susquehanna  and  the  Genesee,  and  over  the  broad 
prairies  of  the  West,  sweeping  them  like  their  own 
destructive  fires,  until  the  dying  cadences  were  lost, 
mingling  with  the  paeans  of  rejoicing  that  came  an¬ 
swering  back  to  us  from  that  last  and  brightest  star 
in  liberty’s  greatest  constellation.  Never  before  was 
a  Government  so  cordially  sustained  by  the  people. 
They  have  responded  to  this  call  upon  their  patriot¬ 
ism  with  a  loyalty,  a  devotion  and  enthusiasm  which 
has  no  parallel  in  history.  Nobly  have  the  people 
done  their  duty.  It  remains  for  the  Government  to 
do  theirs— to  do  the  will  of  the  people.  The  paper 
blockade  is  well.  Let  the  Government  see  that  it 
immediately  becomes  efficient,  especially  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi.  Let  the  Government  forever  dis¬ 
card  its  “  do  little  and  drift  along  ”  policy,  and  give 
the  people  action,  action— prompt,  vigorous,  ener¬ 
getic,  crushing,  bloody,  and  decisive.  Let  it  quit 
searching  musty  law  tomes  for  precedents.  Make 
precedents.  The  idea  of  the  government  being  har¬ 
nessed  down  by  the  iron  bands  of  formula  and  delay 
when  dealing  with  revolutionists,  traitors,  and  rebels, 
is  criminal  and  absurd.  Inter  anna  leges  silent. 
When  Gen.  Jackson  threatened  to  hang  Calhoun,  ho 
was  told  by  his  Attorney-General  that  there  was  no 
law  for  it.  His  reply  was,  “  If  you  can’t  find  law  for 
me,  I  will  appoint  an  Attorney-General  who  can.” 
If  the  Government  will  adopt  a  vigorous  policy  the 
law  for  every  thing  it  does  will  be  found  in  the  hearts 
of  the  people.  The  eyes  of  the  people  are  upon  the 
Government.  They  cannot  wait  its  tardy  action. 
They  will  reward  energy,  and  will  hold  it  to  a  strict  ac¬ 
countability  for  imbecility.  The  war  will  be  short  and 
decisive ;  or  long,  disastrous,  and  without  permanent 
results,  unless  the  Government  does  its  whole  duty. 
The  time  for  defensive  warfare  has  passed,  and  the 
time  for  aggressive  action  has  come.  The  strongest 
defence  is  counter  attack.  Carry  the  war  literally 
into  Africa,  by  marching  upon  Virginia.  Liberate 
the  Africans,  if  need  be,  to  crush  out  this  most  un¬ 
natural  rebellion.  Take  military  control  of  all  the 
avenues  leading  to  Washington,  north,  south,  east, 
and  west.  In  Baltimore  are  loyal  men,  but  if  they 
are  not  strong  enough  to  quell  the  rebels  in  their 
midst,  the  government  must  do  it  for  them.  The 
transit  through  Baltimore  must  be  kept  unobstructed, 
even  if  it  be  necessary  to  lay  the  city  in  ashes  and 
inscribe  upon  its  monuments : — ■“  Here  stood  the 
Monumental  City.”  If  the  government  yields  to  the 
clamors  of  a  mob  or  even  to  the  “  urgent  requests” 
of  the  Mayor  and  Governor  not  to  send  troops 
through  the  city,  it  will  lose  the  hearty  confidence 
and  support  of  the  people  which  it  now  enjoys,  and 
be  disgraced  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation  and  the  world. 
Suppose  a  request  had  been  made  to  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  under  similar  circumstances,  would  he  have 
heeded  it?  He  would  have  said,  as  he  did  when 
somewhat  similarly  placed,  “  My  soldiers  want  bread 
and  wine ;  if  you  do  not  supply  it  immediately,  I 
will.”  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add,  that  the  pro¬ 
visions  were  supplied.  The  Government  should  at 
once  plant  batteries  along  the  entire  southern  bank 
of  the  Potomac,  and  not  wait  for  the  rebels  to  do  it, 
and  point  their  cannon  against  the  capital.  It  should 
lay  in  ashes  those  cities,  whether  on  the  sea-coast  or 
in  the  interior,  whose  citizens  attempt,  in  any  way,  to 
interforc  with  our  navy  or  our  army  in  the  execution 


of  the  commands  of  the  Government.  The  mails 
South  should  all  be  stopped.  The  telegraph,  rail¬ 
road,  and  every  leading  avenue  of  communication  to 
the  South  should  be  under  a  military  control  suffi¬ 
ciently  strong  to  stop  all  communication.  The  rebels 
should  be  left  in  outer  darkness,  to  wrangle  and  fight 
among  themselves.  Cairo  should  at  once  be  made  a 
military  post.  Not  a  word  of  intelligence,  not  a 
pound  of  provisions,  no  supplies  of  any  kind,  should 
be  permitted  to  pass  the  military  border  which  the 
Government  ought  immediately  to  establish.  In 
short,  all  transit  and  communication  of  every  kind 
southward  should  be  stopped.  But  I  will  not  en¬ 
large  upon  suggestions  as  to  the  policy  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment.  I  only  wish  that  it  may  know  that  the 
people  demand  action.  Deeds,  not  words,  are  what 
the  people  now  expect.  The  flag  which  is  the  em¬ 
blem  of  their  nationality  has  been  derided,  defied, 
trampled  upon,  and  trailed  in  the  dust  by  traitors. 
The  honor  of  that  flag  must  be  sustained  ;  the  insult 
must  be  washed  out  in  blood.  Nothing  else  can 
restore  its  tarnished  lustre.  A  flag  is  the  representa¬ 
tion  of  history,  the  emblem  of  heroic  daring  and  of 
brave  deeds.  The  associations  of  a  flag  alone  make 
it  sacred.  Who  sees  the  tri-color  of  France,  without 
thinking  of  Napoleon  and  the  army  of  Italy,  of  Ma¬ 
rengo  and  Austerlitz,  of  Moscow  and  Waterloo? 
No  man  can  read  of  the  strife  of  Lexington  and  Con¬ 
cord,  whose  heart  does  not  thrill  with  emotion  at  this 
glorious  baptism  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  No  man 
can  see  the  banner  of  the  republic,  now  waving  in 
triumph  from  Bunker’s  height,  and  not  with  startled 
ear  and  glowing  breast  hear  the  din  of  the  conflict, 
behold  the  fierce  repulse  of  advancing  squadrons, 
and  the  flames  of  burning  Charlestown.  No  man, 
even  from  the  sunny  South,  can  be  at  Saratoga,  and 
not  tread  with  exultant  step  and  throbbing  heart  the 
ground  where  the  Star-spangled  Banner  first  success¬ 
fully  rolled  back  the  tide  of  British  power  and 
aggression.  No  man  can  think  of  that  sacred  em¬ 
blem  trailing  in  blood  through  the  snows  of  Valley 
Forge,  or  across  the  frozen  Delaware,  or  amid  the 
swamps  of  Carolina,  and  not  weep  that  the  patriotism 
of  the  Jaspers,  the  Sumters,  and  the  Marions,  no 
longer  burns  upon  their  native  altars ;  and  so  through 
the  long  and  dark  hours  of  that  dreary  struggle — the 
gallant  defence  of  Moultrie,  at  Cowpens  and  Eutaw 
Springs — at  a  “  time  which  tried  men’s  souls,”  when 
the  strong  became  weak,  the  hopeful  despondent,  the 
bold  grew  timid,  and  the  tattered  ensign  seemed  but 
a  funereal  pall  or  winding-sheet  to  envelop  the 
nakedness  of  a  forlorn  cause,  until  it  covered,  as 
with  a  brilliant  mantle  of  glory  and  redemption,  the 
new-born  republic  at  Yorktown — that  sacred  flag  was 
upborne  on  many  a  hard-fought  field,  and  carried  in 
triumph  through  many  an  unequal  contest.  Although 
not  yet  in  the  prime  of  manhood,  I  have  roamed 
much  in  my  day ;  and  wherever  I  have  been,  any 
association  that  awakened  recollections  of  the  land 
of  my  birth  was  peculiarly  pleasing.  But  especially 
were  my  feelings  kindled  into  enthusiasm  when  that 
silent  appeal  was  made  to  my  patriotism,  by  behold¬ 
ing  “  the  gorgeous  ensign  of  the  republic,”  so  long 
“  known  and  honored  throughout  the  world.”  When 
I  gazed  upon  its  ample  folds,  floating  to  the  breeze, 
and  spreading  the  broad  wings  of  its  protection  over 
our  citizens  in  remotest  seas,  I  felt  a  thrill  of  pleasure 
which  experience  only  can  know,  and  which  language 
would  fail  to  describe.  I  have  seen  its  Stars  and 
Stripes  waving  in  Polar  seas,  and  behold  its  graceful 
folds  fluttering  in  the  light  winds  of  torrid  climes ; 


116 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1SG0-G1. 


and,  at  homo  or  abroad — ashore  or  afloat — on  the 
stormy  seas  of  high  latitudes,  or  beneath  the  summer 
skies  of  the  tropics — whenever  and  wherever  my 
eyes  have  beheld  that  flag,  I  have  gazed  upon  it  with 
feelings  of  exultation  and  of  pride,  and  thanked 
God,  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart,  that  I  was  an 
American  citizen.  I  love,  more  than  ever,  that 
“  Star-spangled  Banner,”  now  that  a  few  of  its  stars 
are  temporarily  obscured ; 

May  it  continue  to  wave 

O’er  tho  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave  i 

To  achieve  this  consummation  so  devoutly  to  be 
wished,  the  rebels  and  traitors  who  have  defied  and 
insulted  that  flag  must  be  taught  a  severe  lesson.  In 
the  name  of  God  and  humanity — in  the  name  of  that 
God  above  us,  laying  His  requirements  upon  us,  and 
in  the  name  of  that  humanity  around  us,  bound  to 
us  by  a  relationship  which  nothing  can  sever  or 
annul,  the  people  call  upon  the  Government  to  make 
this  lesson  of  rebellion  short,  terrible,  and  lasting. 

The  meeting  on  Stand  No.  5  was  organized  by  the 
unanimous  appointment  of  Egbert  Benson,  Esq.,  as 
Chairman,  and  Thos.  Williams  as  Secretary. 

JosEPn  P.  Simpson,  Esq.,  was  then  introduced  as 
the  first  speaker,  and  received  with  loud  applause. 
He  said : — 

Fellow-Citizens — I  am  very  proud  to  be  here 
before  you  on  this  important  and  momentous  occa¬ 
sion.  I  am  proud  that  you  are  here,  for  I  believe 
you  are  friends  to  your  country,  friends  to  this  noble 
Union  of  ours.  In  the  war  of  1812  I  was  in  the 
active  service  of  our  country,  and  I  performed  all 
the  duty  that  was  required  of  me  there.  (Cheers.) 
I  had  a  brother  who  was  on  board  of  Commodore 
McDonough’s  ship,  on  the  beautiful  Lake  Champlain, 
and  who  fought  bravely  and  successfully  in  vindica¬ 
tion  of  the  cause  of  freedom.  (Applause.)  I  see 
before  me  here  to-day,  in  this  vast  assembly,  many 
who  are  hard-working  men.  Let  me  say  to  you,  my 
friends,  that  I  can  sympathize  with  you  all,  for  I 
have  been  a  hard-working  man  myself.  More  than 
sixty-four  years  ago  I  went  an  apprentice-boy  into  a 
workshop  to  earn  my  living.  Therefore  I  know  what 
it  is  to  be  a  working  man  ;  I  can  feel  for  a  man  who 
has  to  work  for  his  living ;  and  I  tell  you,  that  in 
order  to  secure  a  living,  we  must  sustain  our  coun¬ 
try.  (Cheers.)  There  is  no  better  nation  upon  earth 
than  this  nation.  There  is  no  people  that  have  se¬ 
cured  such  liberty,  and  privileges,  and  blessings,  as 
this  people  have  enjoyed.  And  now,  what  is  it, 
fellow-citizens,  that  brings  us  here  ?  Oh,  my  heart 
bleeds,  my  spirit  mourns,  that  I  have  lived  to  see  the 
day  when  a  reckless,  unthinking,  and — I  hate  to  say 
the  word — a  disloyal  people,  a  people  who  are  untrue 
to  their  country,  have  raised  their  arms  against  the 
liberty  of  this  great  nation.  I  say,  fellow-citizens, 
stand  firm  by  your  country. 

At  this  point  a  tremendous  excitement  among  the 
crowd,  and  shouts  of  “  Cheers  for  the  hero  of  Fort 
Sumter  !  ”  announced  that  Major  Anderson  was  ap¬ 
proaching.  Accompanied  by  Simeon  Draper  and 
Superintendent  Kennedy,  he  was  conducted  upon  the 
stand,  and  introduced  to  the  vast  assembly  amid  the 
wildest  enthusiasm.  Subsequently,  Captain  Foster 
and  Dr.  Crawford,  from  Fort  Sumter,  were  also  intro¬ 


duced,  and  received  with  great  cheering.  Soon  after 
being  presented,  they  retired  from  the  platform. 

Mr.  Simpson  resumed : — I  know,  my  friends,  that 
I  am  not  so  much  an  object  of  interest  as  that  noble 
man,  Major  Anderson,  who  well  deserves  all  the 
honor  that  is  accorded  him.  Let  me  say  to  you,  con¬ 
tinue  to  love  the  Stars  and  Stripes  as  you  have  loved 
that  noble  ensign  in  the  past.  It  is  that  flag  which 
has  floated,  and  now  floats  over  this  nation,  and 
which  has  carried  its  fame  to  every  sea  and  every 
land.  So  I  say,  fellow-citizens,  cleave  to  the  Stars 
and  Stripes.  (Cries  of  “  We  will.”)  And  further, 
let  me  say,  look  out  for  traitors  among  us,  who  would 
sell  their  birthright  for  a  mess  of  pottage.  (Cries  of 
“  Yes,  yes.”)  Stand  by  the  honor  of  your  country 
and  your  country’s  flag,  and,  if  needs  be,  buckle  on 
your  armor,  and  go  forth  to  defend  it  against  any  and 
all  assailants,  let  them  come  from  whatever  quarter 
they  may ;  and,  old  as  I  am — seventy-four  years  of 
age — I  am  ready  to  go  with  you.  (Cheers.) 

SPEECH  OF  GEN.  APPLETON,  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

This  mighty  gathering  of  the  patriotic  citizens  of 
the  great  city  of  New  York  speaks  in  no  equivocal 
language.  It  is  not  in  my  power  to  give  it  greater 
significance.  It  is  meet  that  you  should  thus  assem¬ 
ble  ;  it  is  fit  and  proper  that  the  multitudes  of  this 
great  city  should  convene  together  to  consult  upon 
matters  concerning  the  public  welfare.  Every  thing 
dear  to  humanity,  every  thing  dear  to  our  social  rela¬ 
tions,  every  thing  important  touching  our  past  his¬ 
tory  and  our  national  concerns,  is  involved  in  the 
issue  now  before  the  country.  (Cheers.)  It  is,  my 
friends,  a  matter  most  deeply  to  be  deplored,  that  a 
country  so  vast  in  its  territory,  so  great  in  all  its  re¬ 
sources,  so  grand  in  the  glorious  liberty  which  Heaven 
has  vouchsafed  to  it,  should  be  placed  in  peril.  But 
such  is  the  fact.  The  stability  of  our  national  Gov¬ 
ernment,  the  very  existence  of  our  country,  is  threat¬ 
ened.  Because,  if  you  have  no  Constitution,  you 
have  no  country  that  is  worth  defending.  (Ap¬ 
plause.)  What  is  liberty  without  law,  without  order? 
I  know  full  well  that  those  States  which  have  seceded 
pretend  that  they  had  a  right  to  withdraw  from  the 
Union,  and  to  assert  their  separate  independence. 
Well,  if  that  be  true,  if  States  have  the  right  to  go 
off  at  their  own  will  and  pleasure,  then  the  position 
which  we  assume  that  the  Union  is  indivisible,  is 
wrong,  and  we  have  no  right  to  interfere  with  them. 
But  mark  you,  my  friends,  is  not  our  Government  a 
Government  of  the  people  of  the  whole  country  ? 
(Cries  of  “  Yes,”  “  Yes.”)  Why  did  our  fathers 
undertake  to  establish  our  present  Constitution  ?  It 
was  because,  under  the  old  Confederation,  there  was 
such  a  variety  of  interests  in  the  several  States,  that 
there  could  be  no  harmonious  action  for  the  benefit 
of  the  whole  country ;  and  so  those  wise  and  patriotic 
statesmen  of  our  earlier  history  assembled  together 
for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  more  perfect  Union, 
and  establishing  a  better  form  of  Government,  which 
should  be  a  Government  over  the  whole  country,  freo 
and  independent.  It  was  the  work  of  the  people  of 
all  the  separate  States.  And  let  me  say  to  you,  that 
if  the  Government  which  was  then  established,  if  the 
Constitution  which  was  then  formed,  contemplated 
any  such  contingency  as  the  withdrawal  of  a  portion 
of  the  people,  then  all  the  work  of  our  fathers  in 
framing  that  Constitution  was  a  farce,  and  amounted 
to  nothing  practical  at  all.  (Applause.)  But  the 
fact  remains  true,  that  this  is  one  Government,  one 


DOCUMENTS. 


117 


and  indivisible.  (Cheers.)  If  such  were  not  the 
case,  then  the  efforts  put  forth  upon  so  many  occa¬ 
sions  by  the  immortal  Clay  and  Webster,  to  secure 
the  perpetuity  of  this  Government  and  all  our  inter¬ 
ests  and  liberties,  were  utterly  in  vain.  And  since 
we  were  constituted  one  Government,  I  say  those 
individuals  who  have  broken  off  from  us,  and  pre¬ 
tended  to  have  established  another  Government, 
are — 

(A  Voice,  “  Traitors.”) 

Mr.  Appleton — Yes,  they  are  traitors,  and  were 
guilty  of  a  crime  of  the  greatest  atrocity.  Although 
I  did  not  come  forward  to  claim  your  attention  for 
any  great  length  of  time,  when  I  know  there  are 
other  speakers  better  qualified  to  interest  you,  there 
is  one  fact  to  which  I  wish  to  advert,  that  tends  to 
aggravate  the  criminality  of  those  States  which  have 
seceded  from  the  Union.  It  is  this:  At. the  time 
they  seceded,  our  country  was  in  a  state  of  the  great¬ 
est  prosperity ;  therefore  there  was  no  reason  which 
would  satisfy  any  rational  mind  to  justify  that  act. 
Had  we  not  sustained  the  transportation  of  the  mails 
in  those  States  ?  Had  we-  not  built  the  forts  within 
their  limits,  and  in  every  way  provided  for  their  de¬ 
fence,  and,  in  the  case  of  some,  actually  purchased 
their  territory  ?  It  was  under  these  circumstances, 
so  aggravating,  so  unprovoked,  so  unjustifiable,  that 
they  have  gone  off ;  and  now  it  devolves  upon  all  the 
people  of  our  land  to  lend  their  influence,  their  lives, 
their  sacred  honors — to  use  all  the  means  in  their 
power  to  perpetuate  our  Constitution  and  our  Gov¬ 
ernment.  (Cheers.)  Remember,  my  friends,  that 
you  have  inherited  from  your  fathers  a  glorious 
legacy  ;  you  have  inherited  from  them  a  Constitution 
which  is  justly  considered  the  most  glorious  upon 
earth.  To  these  young  men  before  me  who  have 
inherited  these  glorious  privileges,  who  have  inherited 
the  liberty  they  so  richly  enjoy,  let  me  say,  when  the 
occasion  occurs,  lend  your  personal  effort,  lend  your 
strength  and  vigor,  lend  your  lives,  if  need  be,  to 
preserve  the  honor  and  integrity  of  your  country. 
(Cheers.)  These  old  men  upon  this  platform  have 
all  served  their  country  in  her  hour  of  trial  in  the 
past — (cheers) — and  they  now  call  upon  you  to  unite 
in  her  defence  at  the  present  moment  of  her  peril. 
War,  I  know,  is  a  great  evil ;  but  there  are  other 
evils  greater  than  war.  It  were  better  that  we 
should  perish,  than  see  our  glorious  country  destroyed 
forever.  0,  think  of  it !  The  loss  of  our  rich  in¬ 
heritance,  the  loss  of  all  the  glorious  privileges  and 
liberties  we  enjoy  !  Let  us  all  unite,  then,  in  saying, 
in  the  language  of  John  Adams,  “  Live  or  die,  sink 
or  swim,  we  go  for  our  country  and  for  its  blessed 
liberties.”  (Cheers.) 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  ABBOTT. 

Mr.  Abbott,  a  veteran  of  1812,  was  next  intro¬ 
duced  to  the  multitude,  who  received  him  with  loud 
demonstrations  of  applause. 

He  said  that  in  the  year  1812,  this  great  nation 
reposed  in  quiet.  They  then  had  their  commerce 
shut  out  from  any  foreign  power,  an  armament  of 
vessels  on  the  ocean,  besides  thousands  of  adopted 
citizens.  Well,  the  war  ensued.  He  had  been 
everywhere  in  that  war  with  General  Scott — (cheers) 
— consequently  he  had  seen  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
floating  proudly  in  the  breeze,  enveloped  in  smoke, 
while  the  shot  from  cannons  knocked  the  earth  from 
beneath  their  feet.  (Applause.)  But  now  the  ques¬ 
tion  was,  Shall  we  have  a  Government  ? — (A  voice, 


“  And  stand  by  it  ?  ”) — and  shall  the  Government  be 
supported?  (Cries  of  “  Yes,  yes,”  and  cheers.)  Or 
shall  history  write  the  extinction  of  the  best  Govern¬ 
ment  that  has  ever  existed  on  this  earth  ?  (“  No, 

no,”  and  loud  cheers.)  Did  all  of  them  answer  in 
the  negative  ?  (“  Yes,  yes.”)  Now,  how  should  the 
Government  be  supported  ?  By  strong  arms  and 
brave  hearts.  (Cheers,  and  cries  of  “We  have  got 
them.”)  He  saw  them  before  him.  Oh,  if  it  were 
necessary  for  him  to  go  with  them  and  fight,  old  as 
he  was,  he  would  not  hesitate  a  single  moment. 
(Cheers.)  But,  although  his  heart  was  young  and  his 
whole  soul  enlisted  in  the  cause,  yet  his  limbs  were 
withered  and  aged ;  but  he  saw  smiling,  firm  faces 
enough  around  him,  which  proved  to  him  that  there 
were  men  enough  in  the  city  to  go  out  and  battle 
with  the  foe.  (Cheers.)  He  wished  to  remark  to 
them,  that  the  present  issue  was  more  desperate,  the 
cause  more  important,  than  in  the  former  war  to 
which  he  had  just  alluded.  He  never  saw,  during  the 
war  of  1812,  the  extreme  enthusiasm  and  excite¬ 
ment  which  now  prevailed  in  this  city.  Who  among 
them  did  not  feel  his  blood  run  chill  when  he  heard 
of  the  manner  in  which  their  flag  had  been  treated, 
in  being  fired  upon  by  a  foe  uprising  from  their  own 
country  ?  Therefore  he  urged  them  on  to  the  con¬ 
test.  He  begged  of  them  to  be  firm,  and  to  remem¬ 
ber  that  they  might  not  die  in  the  battle-field.  If 
they  did  die,  they  would  die  with  honor.  (Cheers.) 

The  Chairman  here  rose,  and  said  that  beautiful 
and  inspiring  air,  “The  Star-Spangled  Banner” — 
(cheers) — would  now  be  sung,  and  he  hoped  all  who 
could  would  join  in  the  chorus.  The  song  was  then 
sung  by  thousands  of  voices  in  the  most  enthusiastic 
and  thrilling  manner. 

SPEECH  OF  C.  H.  SMITH. 

Fellow-countrymen — (Loud  cheering,  which  last¬ 
ed  for  several  minutes.)  Fellow-countrymen — for  on 
this  occasion  I  know  of  no  one  here  but  my  fellow- 
countrymen — wo  are  assembled  to-day  in  the  glori¬ 
ous  cause  of  our  country.  (Cheers.)  There  is  no 
question  of  politics  to-day  to  divide  you  and  me.  It 
makes  no  difference  where  you  or  I  was  born,  though 
I  hail  this  city  as  my  birthplace,  and  you  may  have 
been  born  in  old  Ireland,  or  in  Germany.  (Loud 
cheers.)  They  had  assembled  in  one  common  broth¬ 
erhood,  to  take  measures  for  the  protection  of  that 
glorious  old  flag  which  had  been  borne  through  the 
Revolution  of  ’76,  baptized  in  the  blood  of  our  fore¬ 
fathers,  and  sacred  to  the  memory  of  liberty  and 
popular  institutions.  (Applause.)  I  tell  you,  my 
countrymen,  to-day,  that  this  is  no  child’s  play.  It 
is  a  question  of  manhood,  of  freedom,  of  liberty, 
and  of  popular  Government.  (Cheers.)  The  ques¬ 
tion  is,  Shall  we  be  overridden  by  those  who  have 
assailed  us  for  the  last  fifty  years — by  those  who,  the 
very  moment  their  hands  are  taken  from  the  public 
pocket,  presume  to  insult  our  flag,  and  try  to  con¬ 
quer  us  ?  Shall  we  submit  to  that  ?  (Loud  cries  of 
“No,  no.”)  Wo  are  not  men  if  we  submit  to  it. 
We  would  deserve  to  be  what  they  have  driven  all 
their  lives — black  slaves — if  we  submit  to  it.  We 
won’t  submit  to  it.  (Several  voices,  “  Bravo ! 
bravo  !  ”)  We  won’t  submit ;  and  to-day  the  com¬ 
mon  sentiment  that  thrills  the  common  heart  of  the 
North  is,  Our  country  and  our  country’s  flag.  (Tre¬ 
mendous  cheering.)  Born  on  this  island,  which  con¬ 
tains  to-day  one  million  of  souls,  in  all  the  pride  of 


118 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


my  birthplace — my  forefathers  having  fought  for  that 
glorious  flag— to-day  I  say,  “  My  country,  one,  un¬ 
divided,  and  inseparable.  I  know  no  North,  no 
South,  no  East,  no  West— nothing  but  my  country 
and  my  country’s  flag.”  (Immense  cheering,  and 
waving  of  ladies’  handkerchiefs.) 

The  Chairman  here  interrupted  the  speaker  to 
say,  it  had  been  just  stated  to  him  that  Washington, 
their  noble  capital,  was  in  danger  ;  and  as  the  steam¬ 
ship  Baltic  lay  at  the  foot  of  Canal  street,  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  taking  away  volunteers  to-morrow  morning, 
he  wanted  five  thousand  of  them  to  go  at  V  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  “  Now,  then,”  said  the  speaker, 
“  who  will  go  ?  ”  (The  question  was  answered  by 
hundreds  in  a  breath,  who  cried  out  lustily,  “We’ll 
all  go ;  we’ll  all  go.”)  “  There  arc  four  regiments,” 

he  continued,  “  to  sail  to-morrow  for  Baltimore. 
Those  who  want  to  serve  their  country,  let  them 
come  forward  and  enroll  themselves  to  protect  the 
flag  of  their  country.”  (Cheers.) 

Mr.  Smith  resumed — I  remember  these  old  gen¬ 
tlemen — (the  Veterans) — and  on  every  occasion  I 
have  met  them  when  they  appeared  in  public.  They 
have  been  pleased  to  call  me  their  young  friend. 
Not  so  young,  perhaps,  as  to  make  a  great  distinction, 
but  yet  their  friend  forever.  In  those  I  recognize 
men  who  have  stood  up  in  the  face  of  the  British 
cannon — who  have  listened  to  the  whizzing  of  thou¬ 
sands  of  bullets,  and  all  for  the  glory  and  freedom  of 
our  common  country.  (Cheers.)  And  in  these 
brave  old  remnants  of  the  Revolution  I  am  proud  to 
say  that  I  have  relatives  to-day.  An  uncle  of  mine  is 
now  on  this  stand  who  has  fought  for  the  glory  of  his 
country,  and  is  still  ready  to  render  his  services,  if 
needs  be,  in  that  country’s  cause.  Even  Roger  A. 
Pryor,  of  Virginia,  who  got  so  sick  after  having 
taken  a  brandy  cock-tail  at  Fort  Sumter — the  scion 
of  one  of  the  noblest  families  in  Virginia — even 
Roger  A.  Pryor,  with  that  dose  of  ipecac  in  his  stom¬ 
ach,  does  not  boast  of  such  blood  in  his  veins  as  this 
common  plebeian  born  on  Manhattan  Island.  What 
a  ridiculous  figure  Pryor  must  have  cut  with  that 
magazine  of  revolvers  and  bowie-knives  surrounding 
the  upper  part  of  his  hips.  Now,  we  want  a  good 
square  fight  this  time.  We  have,  as  I  said  before, 
on  this  island  one  million  of  souls.  We  have  one 
hundred  thousand  voters,  and  every  one  of  them  is  a 
fighting  man.  (Cheers.)  If  it  is  necessary,  then, 
you  and  I  will  leave  our  wives  and  families,  believing 
there  is  public  corporate  spirit  enough  in  this  city  to 
support  them  while  we  are  fighting  for  our  country. 
(Cheers.)  We  will  go  down  South  and  show  them 
that  though  we  were  born  north  of  Mason  and 
Dixon’s  line,  though  we  have  cold  winters,  we  have 
warm  hearts  and  red  blood  in  our  veins.  (Tumul¬ 
tuous  cheering.)  This  is  the  time  to  try  men’s  souls. 
Show  me  your  traitor  to-day,  and  I  will  show  you  the 
rope  that  is  spun  to  hang  him.  (Great  applause.) 
There  is  no  time  now  for  mealy  mouths  to  talk.  The 
summer  soldiers,  they  may  forsake  the  cause  of  free¬ 
dom,  but  he  who  stands  up  firmly  deserves  the  love 
and  thanks  of  men  and  women  both.  (Cheers.) 
These  were  the  motives  which  actuated  the  Revolu¬ 
tionary  patriots.  These  are  the  words  which  ex¬ 
alted  every  American  heart  when  the  soldiers  of  the 
Revolution  went  to  New  Jersey  to  fight  the  battles 


of  Monmouth  and  Trenton.  (Applause.)  And  to¬ 
day  the  same  words  thrill  every  heart.  This  is  no 
time  for  mealy  mouths — no  time  for  milk-and-water 
men — no  time  for  summer  soldiers — fighting  is  the 
business  of  the  day.  Who  will  fight?  I  will. 
Will  you  ?  (Great  cheering,  and  cries  of  “  Yes, 
yes  !  ”)  It  is  not  the  muscle  in  the  street  brawl  that 
is  now  required ;  it  is  the  heart  and  will — the  love 
of  liberty — the  feeling  that  we  are  men.  (Cheers.) 
No  man  who  has  cracked  his  whip  over  a  nigger’s 
shoulders  shall  crack  it  over  us.  (Cheers.)  There  is 
no  oligarchy  here.  You  men,  with  your  rough  felt 
hats — you  with  your  cloth  caps  that  cost  two-and-six- 
pence — you  with  your  silky  hat  that  cost  five  dollars 
— you  with  your  Grand  street,  Chatham  street,  or 
Broadway  make  of  clothes — there  is  no  distinction 
between  us.  We  are  all  men,  we  are  fighting  for 
liberty.  (Boisterous  cheering.)  It  is  not  a  question 
of  money  nor  class,  but  one  of  free  institutions,  popu¬ 
lar  government,  and  manhood.  (Cheers.)  Let  you 
and  I,  then,  prove  ourselves  worthy  of  the  name  of 
Americans.  No  matter  where  you  were  born,  “  We 
believe  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men 
are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  amongst 
which  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.” 
We  have  a  glorious  Union  cemented  with  the  blood  of 
our  fathers,  to  fight  for,  and  we  say,  as  they  said, 
when  they  fought  for  it — “  the  Union,  one  and  for¬ 
ever — one  and  inseparable.”  (Loud  cheering.)  There 
can  be  no  secession.  There  is  but  one  common 
sentiment  actuating  the  North.  It  is  no  sectional 
thing  on  our  part.  Major  Anderson,  though  he  was 
forced  by  untoward  circumstances  to  yield,  did  not 
allow  the  flag  of  his  country  to  be  disgraced ;  and 
whenever  any  American  thinks  of  defending  that  flag, 
let  him  remember  Major  Anderson,  and  let  no  influ¬ 
ences  force  him  to  yield  one  jot  or  tittle  from  that 
flag,  from  which  no  star  shall  be  struck,  not  a  stripe 
taken.  Let  no  circumstances  force  him  to  yield  to 
any  domestic  traitor  or  any  foreign  foe.  (Cheers.) 

REMARKS  OF  EDMOND  BLANKMAX. 

He  came  there,  he  said,  as  a  looker-on  ;  but  when 
he  heard  the  patriotic  speeches  of  old  men,  ready  to 
die  for  their  country,  he  had  something  to  say.  With 
his  fellow-citizens  he  had  a  strong  right  arm  to  use 
always  for  his  country  and  its  flag.  (Cheers.)  He 
asked  them,  his  friends — he  asked  the  ladies  present, 
who  were  there  in  that  assemblage,  who  did  not  love 
the  glorious  Stars  and  Stripes  ?  (Applause  and  cries 
of  “None,  none.”)  Their  brethren  of  the  South 
might  say  that  they  would  reduce  the  Capital  to 
ashes,  but  in  return  to  them  he  said  this — Let  them 
do  their  6pite — let  them  level  the  city  to  the  ground 
— let  them  despoil  its  beautiful  edifices — and  let  them 
if  they  would,  pull  down  that  magnificent  statue  of 
their  Washington,  and  he  said,  that  from  the  ashes  of 
our  ruins  would  arise  the  glorious  and  great  Consti¬ 
tution  of  our  forefathers,  phoenix-like,  in  all  its  integ¬ 
rity — the  safeguard  and  protection  of  our  future 
posterity. 

After  an  eloquent  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of  the 
American  people,  the  speaker  closed  his  remarks, 
and  the  proceedings  terminated. — Ar.  Y.  Herald , 
April  21,  24. 

Many  eloquent  and  patriotic  speeches  were  made 
from  the  balconies  of  buildings  on  the  south  side  of 
Union  square,  and  amid  a  very  large  concourse  of 


DOCUMENTS. 


119 


ladies  and  gentlemen.  From  the  balcony  of  Haugh- 
wout’s  building,  the  remarks  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  George 
W.  Bethune  and  ex-Ald.  Douglass  of  Brooklyn 
elicited  and  stirred  the  right  vein,  and  long  and  en. 
tbusiastic  cheers  were  given  by  the  listening  crowd. 

It  was  impossible  to  put  a  sudden  6top  to  such  en¬ 
thusiasm.  Ten  thousand  people  lingered  around  the 
square,  and  were  addressed  by  stump  speakers  from 
balconies  at  half  a  dozen  or  more  different  places, 
from  the  steps  of  houses,  from  the  regular  stands, 
from  the  tops  of  pillars  at  the  entrances  of  the  Park, 
and  Union  square  did  not  become  quiet  until  dark¬ 
ness  came  on,  and  reminded  the  people  of  other  mat¬ 
ters  beside  the  Union.  Large  companies  of  volun¬ 
teers  continued,  however,  to  parade  up  and  down  the 
streets,  some  of  them  having  no  less  than  five  hun¬ 
dred  adherents,  and  the  numbers  were  constantly 
increasing. 


Doc.  74.— THE  FOURTH  REGIMENT  OF 
MASSACHUSETTS. 

Tiie  4th  Regiment,  2d  Brigade,  1st  Division, 
Massachusetts  Volunteer  Militia,  left  Boston  at 
8£-  p.  m.,  on  Wednesday,  17th  April.  It  com¬ 
prises  500  rank  and  file,  divided  into  nine  com¬ 
panies,  and  is  officered  as  follows :  Colonel 
Commandant,  Abner  B.  Packard ;  Lieutenant- 
Colonel,  Ilawkes  Fearing,  jr.  ;  Major,  H.  0. 
Whittemore;  Adjutant,  Henry  Walker ;  Quar¬ 
termaster,  Wm.  M.  Carruth ;  Paymaster,  Wm. 
D.  Atkinson,  jr. ;  Surgeon,  Henry  M.  Saville ; 
Surgeon’s  Mate,  Wm.  Lyman  Foxon. — V.  Y. 
Tribune ,  April  20. 


Doc.  75.— GOVERNOR  CURTIN’S  PROC¬ 
LAMATION,  April  20. 

Whereas ,  an  armed  rebellion  exists  in  a  por¬ 
tion  of  the  States  of  this  Union,  threatening  the 
destruction  of  the  national  Government,  peril¬ 
ing  public  and  private  property,  endangering 
the  peace  and  security  of  this  Commonwealth, 
and  inviting  systematic  piracy ;  and  whereas , 
adequate  provision  does  not  exist  hy  law  to  en¬ 
able  the  Executive  to  make  the  military  power 
of  the  State  as  able  and  efficient  as  it  should  be 
for  the  common  defence  of  the  State  and  the 
General  Government,  and 

Whereas,  An  occasion  so  extraordinary  re¬ 
quires  prompt  legislative  power — 

Therefore,  I,  hy  virtue  of  the  power  vested 
in  me,  do  hereby  convene  the  General  Assembly 
of  this  Commonwealth,  and  require  the  mem¬ 
bers  to  meet  at  their  respective  Houses  at  Har¬ 
risburg,  on  Tuesday,  April  30th,  at  noon,  there 
to  take  into  consideration  and  adopt  such  meas¬ 
ures  in  the  premises  as  the  present  exigencies 
may  demand. 

Andrew  C.  Curtin. 


Doc.  76.— THE  CAPTURE  OF  TIIE  STAR 
OF  THE  WEST,  April  20. 

Tiie  expedition  for  the  capture  of  the  vessel 
composed  of  about  80  men,  under  command  of 
Col.  Van  Dorn,  hurriedly  organized  in  Gal¬ 
veston,  Tex.,  was  made  up  of  men  from  the 
Galveston  Artillery  and  the  Island  City  Rifles  ; 
the  Guards  are  Irish,  and  the  Rifles  are  a  Ger¬ 
man  company.  The  party  arrived  at  Indianola 
on  Wednesday,  and  kept  all  ready,  apparently 
in  no  manner  interested  in  the  active  prepara¬ 
tions  going  on  for  the  debarkation  of  the  United 
States  soldiers,  which  was  effected  by  the  aid 
of  the  steamship  Fashion,  acting  as  a  lighter  to 
remove  the  men  to  the  Star  of  the  West,  which 
lay  outside. 

About  half-past  9  o’clock  at  night  Col.  Van 
Dorn  and  his  band  quietly  got  on  board  the 
Gen.  Rusk,  and  made  out  to  the  Star  of  the 
West. 

When  the  Rusk  got  within  hailing  distance, 
the  captain  of  the  United  States  vessel  sang  out 
to  know  who  was  approaching.  Van  Dorn 
replied : 

“The  General  Rusk,  with  troops  on  hoard.” 

The  answer  was  correct  to  the  letter,  and 
very  readily  impressed  the  captain  of  the  Star 
of  the  West  that  he  was  about  taking  on  board 
his  own  men.  His  blissful  ignorance  of  his 
visitors’  identity  and  designs  was  not  suffered 
to  remain  long. 

The  vessels  were  made  fast,  without  any  sus¬ 
picion  on  one  side  or  any  demonstration  on  the 
other.  Then,  swift  as  the  lightning,  the  Texan 
band  was  over  the  bulwarks  and  in  virtual  pos¬ 
session  of  the  vessel.  No  effort  was  made  at 
resistance,  for  it  would  have  been  absurd  ;  and 
comprehending  in  an  instant  how  matters  were, 
the  commander  “gave  up  the  ship”  with  the 
best  grace  he  could  muster. 

The  vessel  was  put  about  for  Galveston,  and 
left  Col.  Van  Dorn  there. 

The  next  news  we  may  have  of  that  enter¬ 
prising  officer  will  be  that  he  has  taken  the  U. 
S.  troops  prisoners,  or  else  that  there  has  been 
a  fight. — N.  O.  True  Delta. 


Doo.  77.— BURNING  OF  GOSPORT  NAVY- 
YARD. 

Portsmouth,  Ya.,  Sunday  Morning,  April  21, 1S61. 

The  Pawnee,  with  the  Commodore’s  flag  at 
her  peak,  and  about  six  hundred  trusty  men 
aboard,  cast  off  from  the  dock  of  Fort  Monroe, 
about  7  o’clock  on  Saturday  evening.  The 
crowded  parapets  of  the  fort  sent  a  loud  and 
hearty  cheer  to  the  departing  ship,  which  was 
answered  with  an  exulting  huzza  from  her  popu¬ 
lous  deck.  The  night  was  bright  and  still, 
and  the  moon,  at  half-full,  shed  abundant  light 
on  land  and  sea.  The  Pawnee  steamed  up  the 
Roads  toward  Norfolk,  easily  passing  between 
the  sunken  vessels  with  which  the  channel  was 
intended  to  be  blocked,  and  about  8-J-  entered 


120 


REBELLION'  RECORD,  1860-61. 


the  Gosport  Harbor.  Her  coming  was  not  un¬ 
expected,  and  as  she  glided  to  her  place  at  the 
dock,  the  men  on  the  Pennsylvania  and  the 
Cumberland,  several  hundred  in  number,  greet¬ 
ed  her  with  a  volley  of  cheers  that  echoed  and 
reechoed,  till  all  of  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth 
must  have  heard  the  hail.  The  men  of  the 
Pennsylvania  fairly  outdid  themselves,  in  their 
enthusiasm  on  this  occasion.  They  clambered 
into  the  shrouds,  and  not  only  answered  to  the 
“  three  cheers,”  but  volunteered  “  three  times 
three,”  and  gave  them  with  a  hurricane  of 
heartiness.  This  intense  feeling  on  their  part 
is  easily  explicable.  They  have  been  a  long 
time  almost  imprisoned  on  shipboard,  on  a  ship 
imbedded  in  the  river,  motionless  and  helpless, 
and  subject  to  promises  from  the  Secessionists 
of  speedy  demolition.  In  the  advent  of  the 
Pawnee  they  saw  deliverance  from  such  du¬ 
rance,  and  they  exulted  with  tremendous  em¬ 
phasis. 

All  Portsmouth  and  Norfolk  were  thoroughly 
aroused  by  the  arrival  of  the  Pawnee.  They 
did  not  expect  her,  and  were  not  prepared 
for  her.  They  were  seized  with  trepidation, 
thinking,  perhaps,  she  had  come,  and  along 
with  the  Cumberland  and  Pennsylvania,  meant 
to  bombard  the  towns  for  having  obstructed 
the  channel,  and  for  having,  the  night  before, 
rifled  the  United  States  magazine,  just  below 
Norfolk,  of  about  4,000  kegs  of  powder.  Be¬ 
ing  utterly  defenceless  and  quite  terrified,  the 
Secessionists  made  no  protest  against  the  Paw¬ 
nee’s  presence,  nor  did  they  venture  too  near 
the  Navy-yard. 

The  Pawnee  made  fast  to  the  dock,  and  Col. 
Wardrop  marched  out  his  regiment,  and  sta¬ 
tioned  them  at  the  several  gates  of  the  Navy- 
yard  to  oppose  the  entrance  of  any  forces  from 
without,  in  case  any  attempt  to  enter  should  be 
made.  Having  adopted  this  precaution,  the 
Commodore  set  the  marines  on  the  Pennsylva¬ 
nia,  the  Cumberland,  the  Pawnee,  and  in  the 
yard,  to  work.  All  the  books  and  papers,  the 
archives  of  the  establishment,  were  transferred 
to  the  Pawnee. 

Every  thing  of  interest  to  the  Government  to 
preserve  on  the  Pennsylvania,  was  transferred 
to  the  Cumberland.  On  this  latter,  it  was  also 
said,  a  large  amount  of  gold  from  the  Custom¬ 
house  at  Norfolk,  had  been  in  good  time  placed. 
Having  made  safe  every  thing  that  was  to  be 
brought  away,  the  marines  were  next  set  to 
work  to  destroy  every  thing  on  the  Pennsylva¬ 
nia,  on  the  Cumberland,  and  in  the  yard,  that 
might  be  of  immediate  use  in  waging  war  upon 
the  Government.  Many  thousand  stands  of 
arms  were  destroyed.  Carbines  had  their 
stocks  broken  by  a  blow  from  the  barrels,  and 
were  thrown  overboard.  A  large  lot  of  revolv¬ 
ers  shared  the  like  fate.  Shot  and  shell  by 
thousands  went  with  hurried  plunge  to  the 
bottom.  Most  of  the  cannon  had  been  spiked 
the  day  and  night  before.  There  were  at  least 
1,500  pieces  in  the  yard — some  elegant  Dahl- 
gren  guns,  and  Columbiads  of  all  sizes. 


It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  scene  of  de¬ 
struction  that  was  exhibited.  Unweariedly  it 
was  continued  from  9  o’clock  until  about  12, 
during  which  time  the  moon  gave  light  to  di¬ 
rect  the  operations.  But  when  the  moon  sank 
behind  the  western  horizon,  the  barracks  near 
the  centre  of  the  yard  were  set  on  fire,  that  by 
its  illumination  the  work  might  be  continued. 
The  crackling  flames  and  the  glare  of  light  in¬ 
spired  with  new  energies  the  destroying  ma¬ 
rines,  and  havoc  was  carried  everywhere,  with¬ 
in  the  limits  of  orders.  But  time  was  not  left 
to  complete  the  work.  Pour  o’clock  of  Sunday 
morning  came,  and  the  Pawnee  was  passing 
down  from  Gosport  harbor  with  the  Cumber¬ 
land,  the  coveted  prize  of  the  Secessionists,  in 
tow — every  soul  from  the  other  ships  and  tho 
yard  being  aboard  of  them,  save  two.  Just  as 
they  left  their  moorings,  a  rocket  was  sent  up 
from  the  deck  of  the  Pawnee.  It  sped  high  in 
air,  paused  a  second,  and  burst  in  shivers  of 
many-colored  lights.  And  as  it  did  so,  the  well- 
set  trains  at  the  ship-houses,  and  on  the  decks 
of  the  fated  vessels  left  behind,  went  off  as  if 
lit  simultaneously  by  the  rocket.  One  of  the 
ship-houses  contained  the  old  New  York,  a  ship 
thirty  years  on  the  stocks,  and  yet  unfinished. 
The  other  was  vacant ;  but  both  houses  and  the 
old  New  York  burnt  like  tinder.  The  vessels 
fired  were  the  Pennsylvania,  the  Merrimac,  the 
Germantown,  the  Plymouth,  the  Raritan,  the 
Columbia,  the  Dolphin.  The  old  Delaware  and 
Columbus,  worn  out  and  dismantled  seventy- 
fours,  were  scuttled  and  sunk  at  the  upper 
docks  on  Friday. 

I  need  not  try  to  picture  the  scene  of  the 
grand  conflagration  that  now  burst,  like  the 
day  of  judgment,  on  tho  startled  citizens  of 
Norfolk,  Portsmouth,  and  all  the  surrounding 
country.  Any  one  who  has  seen  a  ship  burn, 
and  knows  how  like  a  fiery  serpent  the  flame 
leaps  from  pitchy  deck  to  smoking  shrouds,  and 
writhes  to  their  very  top,  around  the  masts 
that  stand  like  martyrs  doomed,  can  form  some 
idea  of  the  wonderful  display  that  followed. 
It  was  not  30  minutes  from  the  time  the  trains 
were  fired  till  the  conflagration  roared  like  a 
hurricane,  and  the  flames  from  land  and  water 
swayed,  and  met,  and  mingled  together,  and 
darted  high,  and  fell,  and  leaped  up  again,  and 
by  their  very  motion  showed  their  sympathy 
with  the  crackling,  crashing  roar  of  destruction 
beneath.  But  in  all  this  magnificent  scene,  the 
old  ship  Pennsylvania  was  the  centre-piece. 
She  was  a  very  giant  in  death,  as  she  had  been 
in  life.  She  was  a  sea  of  flame,  and  when 
“the  iron  had  entered  into  her  soul,”  and  her 
bowels  were  consuming,  then  did  she  spout 
from  every  port-hole  of  every  deck,  torrents 
and  cataracts  of  fire  that  to  the  mind  of  Milton 
would  have  represented  her  a  frigate  of  hell 
pouring  out  unremitting  broadsides  of  infernal 
fire.  Several  of  her  guns  were  left  loaded,  but 
not  shotted,  and  as  the  fire  reached  them,  they 
sent  out  on  the  startled  and  morning  air  minute 
guns  of  fearful  peal,  that  added  greatly  to  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


121 


alarm  that  the  light  of  the  conflagration  had 
spread  through  the  surrounding  country.  The 
Pennsylvania  burnt  like  a  volcano  for  five 
hours  and  a  half  before  her  mainmast  fell.  I 
stood  watching  the  proud  but  perishing  old 
leviathan  as  this  sign  of  her  manhood  was 
about  to  come  down.  At  precisely  9^  o’clock, 
by  my  watch,  the  tall  tree  that  stood  in  her 
centre  tottered  and  fell,  and  crushed  deep  into 
her  burning  sides,  whilst  a  storm  of  sparks 
flooded  the  sky. 

As  soon  as  the  Pawnee  and  Cumberland  had 
fairly  left  the  waters,  and  were  known  to  be 
gone,  the  gathering  crowds  of  Portsmouth  and 
Norfolk  burst  open  the  gates  of  the  navy-yard 
and  rushed  in.  They  could  do  nothing,  how¬ 
ever,  but  gaze  upon  the  ruin  wrought.  The 
Commodore’s  residence,  left  locked  but  un¬ 
harmed,  Avas  burst  open,  and  a  pillage  com-, 
menced,  which  Avas  summarily  stopped.  As 
early  as  six  o’clock,  a  "Volunteer  Company  had 
taken  formal  possession  in  the  name  of  Vir¬ 
ginia,  and  run  up  her  flag  from  the  flag-staff. 
In  another  hour,  several  companies  were  on 
hand,  and  men  Avere  at  work  unspiking  cannon, 
and  by  9  o’clock  they  were  moving  them  to 
the  dock,  whence  they  Avere  begun  to  be  trans¬ 
ferred,  on  keels,  to  points  beloAAr,  where  sand 
batteries  were  to  be  built.  Notwithstanding 
the  effort  to  keep  out  persons  from  the  yard, 
hundreds  found  their  Avay  in,  and  spent  hours 
in  wandering  over  its  spacious  area,  and  in¬ 
specting  its  yet  stupendous  Avorks,  and  com¬ 
paring  the  value  of  that  saved  with  that  lost. 

There  was  general  surprise  expressed  that 
so  much  that  was  valuable  Avas  spared.  The 
Secessionists  forgot  that  it  was  only  the  im¬ 
mediate  agencies  of  war  that  it  Avas  Avorth  while 
to  destroy.  Long  before  the  workshops  and 
armories,  the  foundries,  and  ship-Avood  left 
unharmed  can  bring  forth  new  Aveapons  of  of¬ 
fence,  this  Avar  will  be  ended.  And  may  be, 
as  of  yore,  the  Stars  and  Stripes  will  float  over 
Gosport  Navy-yard.  All  that  is  now  spared 
will  then  bo  so  much  gained ! 

The  Secessionists  are  excessively  chagrined 
by  this  movement.  The  vessels  were  sunk  in 
the  entrance  of  the  harbor  expressly  to  catch 
the  Cumberland  and  other  valuable  ships  of 
war.  The  act  was  done  by  Goa\  Letcher’s  or¬ 
der  ;  and  the  despatch  to  Richmond,  announcing 
the  execution  of  the  scheme,  exultingly  pro¬ 
claimed  :  “  Thus  have  wo  secured  for  Virginia 
three  of  the  best  ships  of  the  Navy” — alluding  to 
the  Cumberland,  Merrimac,  and  Pennsylvania. 

But  they  have  lost  all,  and  ten  millions  of  dol¬ 
lars’  worth  of  property  besides.  The  Cumber¬ 
land  has  been  piloted  successfully  between  the 
seven  sunken  vessels,  and  now  floats  proudly  in 
front  of  Fort  Monroe,  with  her  great  Avar  guns 
thrust  far  out  of  her  sides,  as  if  hungering  and 
hunting  for  prey.  It  will  be  a  hard  thing  for 
Norfolk  and  Portsmouth  to  fill  their  harbors 
Avith  ships  while  she  lies  here  in  the  gateAvay. 

As  usual  when  a  set  of  people  are  foiled,  the 
officer  in  command  gets  heaps  of  censure.  It 
Documents — 9 


is  so  in  this  case.  Gen.  Taliaferro,  who  was 
putin  command  at  Norfolk  by  Gov.  Letcher,  is 
riddled  by  sarcasm  and  ridicule.  He  is  charged 
Avith  being  imbecile  and  a  drunkard.  It  is  said 
that  he  Avas  dead  asleep  (or  dead  drunk)  at  6 
o’clock  on  Sunday  morning,  and  with  difficulty 
was  aroused  at  that  hour  to  be  told  that  the 
Navy-yard  Avas  sacked  and  on  fire !  Gen.  Tali¬ 
aferro  will  bo  superseded  immediately,  or  the 
Virginians  here  Avill  revolt. 

I  Avill  send  you,  in  this  letter,  as  there  is  no 
mail  leaving  here  this  evening,  such  accounts 
•as  the  Norfolk  papers  of  the  morning  may  con¬ 
tain  of  this  burning.  It  only  remains  to  say 
that  by  8  o’clock  Sunday  morning  the  Pawneo 
lay  off'  comfortably  near  Fort  Monroe,  where 
towards  night  she  was  joined  by  the  Cumber¬ 
land,  Avho  took  more  time  to  get  out.  Your 
correspondent  waited  to  see  the  dying  embers 
of  Gosport  Navy -yard. 

Much  excitement  has  prevailed  in  Norfolk 
and  Portsmouth  all  day  for  the  folloAving  cause : 
Two  officers  from  the  Pawnee — one  a  son  of 
Com.  Rodgers  and  the  other  a  Capt.  "Wright  of 
the  Massachusetts  Volunteers — Avere  left  in  the 
Navy-yard,  and  were  to  como  to  the  ship  in  a 
small  boat.  From  the  quickness  and  fierceness 
of  the  fire  they  were  cut  off'  and  bcAvildered, 
and  made  to  the  Norfolk  shore.  It  Avas  broad 
daylight  Avhen  they  landed,  and  being  in  uni¬ 
form  they  were  instantly  arrested  as  prisoners. 
It  Avas  Avith  difficulty  their  lives  were  saved 
from  the  populace.  It  was  stated  during  the 
day  that  Com.  Paulding  had  sent  up  word  if 
they  were  not  released  ho  Avould  come  up  and 
bloAV  the  toAvns  to  pieces.  This  appalled  the 
timid,  and  many  fled  to  the  Avoods;  but  the 
mass  remained  and  Avent  bravely  to  Avorlc  plant¬ 
ing  cannon  beloAv  the  towns  to  oppose  the  ships. 
The  prisoners  are  not  surrendered. 

— W.  Y.  Times ,  April  2G. 


Doc.  78.— WHERE  GEN.  SCOTT  STANDS. 

Ix  the  course  of  a  speech  delivered  in  Ohio 
Senator  Douglas  said : 

“  Gentlemen,  I  have  been  requested  by  so 
many  different  ones  to  make  a  statement  in  re¬ 
sponse  to  the  inquiries  that  are  propounded  to 
me,  that  I  do  so  as  a  matter  of  justice  to  an 
eminent  patriot. 

“  I  have  been  asked  whether  there  is  any  truth 
in  the  rumor  that  Gen.  Scott  Avas  about  to  re¬ 
tire  from  the  American  army.  It  is  almost 
profanity  to  ask  that  question.  (“  Good,  good,” 
and  three  cheers  for  Gen.  Scott.)  I  saw  him 
only  last  Saturday.  Ho  was  at  his  desk,  pen  in 
hand,  writing  his  orders  for  the  defence  and 
safety  of  the  American  Capital.  (Cheers.) 
Walking  down  the  street,  I  met  a  distinguished 
gentleman,  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Conven¬ 
tion,  whom  I  knew  personally,  and  had  a  few 
minutes’  conversation  Avith  him.  no  told  me 
that  ho  had  just  had  an  interview  with  Lieut.- 
Gen.  Scott ;  that  ho  Avas  chairman  of  the  com- 


122 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


mittee  appointed  by  the  Virginia  Convention 
to  wait  upon  Gen.  Scott,  and  tender  him  the 
command  of  the  forces  of  Virginia  in  this 
struggle. 

“  Gen  Scott  received  him  kindly,  listened  to 
him  patiently,  and  said  to  him  :  ‘I  have  served 
my  country  under  the  flag  of  the  Union  for 
more  than  fifty  years,  and  as  long  as  God  per¬ 
mits  me  to  live,  I  will  defend  that  flag  with  my 
sword ;  even  if  my  own  native  State  assails  it.’ 
(Tremendous  applause  and  three  more  cheers 
for  Gen.  Scott.)  I  do  not  pretend  that  I  am 
precisely  accurate  in  the  language  used,  but  I 
know  I  am  in  the  idea,  and  I  have  given  the 
language  as  nearly  as  I  could  repeat  it.  I  have 
felt  it  due  to  him  and  to  the  country  to  make 
this  statement,  in  view  of  the  reports  that  have 
been  circulated,  and  the  repeated  inquiries 
mado  of  me  since  my  arrival  here  to-day.” 

— N.  Y.  Times. 

GENERAL  SCOTT’S  VIEWS. 

Some  allusions  having  been  made  to  the  an¬ 
nexed  paper,  both  in  the  public  prints  and  in 
public  speeches,  and  some  misapprehensions  of 
its  character  having  thereby  got  abroad,  we 
have  obtained  a  copy  of  it  for  publication,  in 
order  that  our  readers  may  see  what  it  is. 
They  will  find  in  it  a  fresh  evidence  of  the  vet¬ 
eran  general’s  devotion  to  his  country  as  a  citi¬ 
zen,  and  of  his  forecast  as  a  soldier. 

Views  suggested  by  the  imminent  danger  ( Octo¬ 
ber  29,  1860)  of  a  disruption  of  the  Union 
by  the  secession  of  one  or  more  of  the  Southern 
States. 

To  save  time  the  right  of  secession  may  be 
conceded,  and  instantly  balanced  by  the  correl¬ 
ative  right,  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment,  against  an  interior  State  or  States,  to  re¬ 
establish  by  force,  if  necessary,  its  former  con¬ 
tinuity  of  territory. — [Paley’s  Moral  and  Politi¬ 
cal  Philosophy,  last  chapter.] 

But  break  this  glorious  Union  by  whatever 
line  or  lines  that  political  madness  may  con¬ 
trive,  and  there  would  be  no  hopo  of  reuniting 
the  fragments  except  by  the  laceration  and  des¬ 
potism  of  the  sword.  To  effect  such  result  the 
intestine  wars  of  our  Mexican  neighbors  would, 
in  comparison  with  ours,  sink  into  mere  child’s 
play. 

A  smaller  evil  would  bo  to  allow  the  frag¬ 
ments  of  the  great  Republic  to  form  themselves 
into  new  Confederacies,  probably  four. 

All  the  lines  of  demarcation  between  the  new 
Unions  cannot  be  accurately  drawn  in  advance, 
but  many  of  them  approximately  may.  Thus, 
looking  to  natural  boundaries  and  commercial 
affinities,  some  of  the  following  frontiers,  after 
many  waverings  and  conflicts,  might  perhaps 
become  acknowledged  and  fixed  : 

1.  The  Potomac  river  and  the  Chesapeake 
Bay  to  the  Atlantic.  2.  From  Maryland,  along 
the  crest  of  the  Alleghany  (perhaps  the  Blue 
Ridge)  range  of  mountains,  to  some  point  in 
the  coast  of  Florida.  3.  The  lino  from  say  the 


head  of  the  Potomac  to  the  west  or  northwest, 
which  it  will  be  most  difficult  to  settle.  4.  The 
crest  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

The  Southeast  Confederacy  would,  in  all  hu¬ 
man  probability,  in  less  than  five  years  after 
the  rupture,  find  itself  bounded  by  the  first  and 
second  lines  indicated  above,  the  Atlantic  and 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  with  its  capital  at  say  Co¬ 
lumbia,  South  Carolina.  The  country  between 
the  second,  third,  and  fourth  of  those  lines 
would,  beyond  a  doubt,  in  about  the  same  time, 
constitute  another  Confederacy,  with  its  capital 
at  probably  Alton  or  Quincy,  Illinois.  The 
boundaries  of  the  Pacific  Union  are  the  most 
definite  of  all,  and  the  remaining  States  would 
constitute  the  Northeast  Confederacy,  with  its 
capital  at  Albany. 

It,  at  the  first  thought,  will  be  considered 
strange  that  seven  Slaveholding  States  and 
parts  of  Virginia  and  Florida  should  be  placed 
(above)  in  a  new  Confederacy  with  Ohio,  Indi¬ 
ana,  Illinois,  &c ;  but  when  the  overwhelming 
weight  of  the  great  Northwest  is  taken  in  con¬ 
nection  with  the  laws  of  trade,  contiguity  of 
territory,  and  the  comparative  indifference  to 
freesoil  doctrines  on  the  part  of  Western  Vir¬ 
ginia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Missouri,  it  is 
evident  that  but  little  if  any  coercion,  beyond 
moral  force,  would  be  needed  to  embrace  them ; 
and  I  have  omitted  the  temptation  of  the  un¬ 
wasted  public  lands  which  would  fall  entire  to 
this  Confederacy — an  appanage  (well  husband¬ 
ed)  sufficient  for  many  generations.  As  to 
Missouri,  Arkansas,  and  Mississippi,  they  would 
not  stand  out  a  month.  Louisiana  would  coa¬ 
lesce  without  much  solicitation,  and  Alabama, 
with  West  Florida,  would  be  conquered  the 
first  winter  from  the  absolute  need  of  Pensa¬ 
cola  for  a  naval  depot. 

If  I  might  presume  to  address  the  South,  and 
particularly  dear  Virginia — being  “  native  here 
and  to  the  manor  born  ” — I  would  affectionate¬ 
ly  ask,  will  not  your  slaves  be  less  secure,  and 
their  labor  less  profitable  under  the  new  order 
of  things  than  under  the  old  ?  Could  you  em¬ 
ploy  profitably  two  hundred  slaves  in  all  Ne¬ 
braska,  or  five  hundred  in  all  New  Mexico? 
The  right,  then,  to  take  them  thither  would  be 
a  barren  right.  And  is  it  not  wiso  to 

11  Rather  hear  the  ills  we  have 
Than  fly  to  others  that  wc  know  not  of  ”  ? 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  proclaims 
and  consecrates  the  same  maxim  :  “  Prudence, 
indeed,  will  dictate  that  Governments  long  es¬ 
tablished  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and 
transient  causes.”  And  Paley,  too,  lays  down 
as  a  fundamental  maxim  of  statesmanship, 
“never  to  pursuo  national  honor  as  distinct 
from  national  interest ;  ”  but  adds  :  “  This  rule 
acknowledges  that  it  is  often  necessary  to  as¬ 
sert  the  honor  of  a  nation  for  the  sake  of  its  in¬ 
terests.” 

The  excitement  that  threatens  secession  is 
caused  by  the  near  prospect  of  a  Republican’s 
election  to  the  Presidency.  From  a  sense  of 


DOCUMENTS. 


123 


propriety  as  a  soldier,  I  have  taken  no  part  in 
the  pending  canvass,  and,  as  always  heretofore, 
mean  to  stay  away  from  the  polls.  My  sympa¬ 
thies,  however,  are  with  the  Bell  and  Everett 
ticket.  "With  Mr.  Lincoln  I  have  had  no  com¬ 
munication  whatever,  direct  or  indirect,  and 
have  no  recollection  of  ever  having  seen  his 
person  ;  but  cannot  believe  any  unconstitution¬ 
al  violence,  or  breach  of  law,  is  to  be  appre¬ 
hended  from  his  administration  of  the  Federal 
Government. 

From  a  knowledge  of  our  Southern  popula¬ 
tion  it  is  my  solemn  conviction  that  there  is 
some  danger  of  an  early  act  of  rashness  prelim¬ 
inary  to  secession,  viz.,  the  seizure  of  some  or 
all  of  the  following  posts  :  Forts  Jackson  and 
St.  Philip  in  the  Mississippi,  below  New  Or¬ 
leans,  both  without  garrisons ;  Fort  Morgan, 
below  Mobile,  without  a  garrison  ;  Forts  Pick¬ 
ens  and  McRea,  Pensacola  harbor,  with  an  in¬ 
sufficient  garrison  for  one  ;  Fort  Pulaski,  below 
Savannah,  without  a  garrison ;  Forts  Moultrie 
and  Sumter,  Charleston  harbor,  the  former 
with  an  insufficient  garrison,  and  the  latter 
without  any ;  and  Fort  Monroe,  Hampton  roads, 
without  a  sufficient  garrison.  In  my  opinion 
all  these  works  should  be  immediately  so  garri¬ 
soned  as  to  make  any  attempt  to  take  any  one 
of  them,  by  surprise  or  coup  da  main ,  ridicu¬ 
lous. 

"With  the  army  faithful  to  its  allegiance,  and 
the  navy  probably  equally  so,  and  with  a  Fed¬ 
eral  Executive,  for  the  next  twelve  months,  of 
firmness  and  moderation,  which  the  country  has 
a  right  to  expect — moderation  being  an  clement 
of  power  not  less  than  firmness — there  is  good 
reason  to  hope  that  the  danger  of  secession 
may  be  made  to  pass  away  without  one  conflict 
of  arms,  one  execution,  or  one  arrest  for  treason. 

In  the  mean  time  it  is  suggested  that  exports 
should  remain  as  free  as  at  present ;  all  duties, 
however,  on  imports,  collected,  (outside  of  the 
cities,*)  as  such  receipts  would  be  needed  for 
the  national  debt,  invalid  pensions,  &c.,  and 
only  articles  contraband  of  war  be  refused  ad¬ 
mittance.  But  even  this  refusal  would  be  un¬ 
necessary,  as  the  foregoing  views  eschew  the 
idea  of  invading  a  seceded  State. 

-New  \  ork,  October  29j  1860.  "W I^sTFIELD  SOOTT 

Lieut. -General  Scott’s  respects  to  the  Secre¬ 
tary  of  War  to  say — 

That  a  copy  of  his  “  Views,  &c,”  was  de¬ 
spatched  to  the  President  yesterday,  in  great 
haste ;  but  the  copy  intended  for  the  Secretary, 
better  transcribed,  (herewith,)  was  not  in  time 
for  the  mail.  General  S.  would  be  happy  if 
the  latter  could  be  substituted  for  the  former. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  “  Views  ”  only  apply 
to  a  case  of  secession  that  makes  a  gap  in  the 
present  Union.  The  falling  off  say  of  Texas, 

*  In  forts  or  on  hoard  Bhips  of  war.  The  great  aim  and 
object  of  tills  plan  was  to  gain  time — say  eight  or  ten 
months — to  await  expected  measures  of  conciliation  on  the 
part  of  the  North,  and  the  subsidence  of  angry  feelings  in 
the  opposite  quarter. 


or  of  all  the  Atlantic  States,  from  the  Potomac 
south,  was  not  within  the  scope  of  General  S.’s 
provisional  remedies. 

It  is  his  opinion  that  instructions  should  bo 
given,  at  once,  to  the  commanders  of  the  Bar¬ 
rancas,  Forts  Moultrie  and  Monroe,  to  be  on 
their  guard  agains  surprises  and  coups  da  main. 
As  to  regular  approaches  nothing  can  be  said 
or  done,  at  this  time,  wflthout  volunteers. 

There  is  one  (regular)  company  at  Boston, 
one  here,  (at  the  Narrows,)  one  at  Pittsburg, 
one  at  Augusta,  Ga.,  and  one  at  Baton  Rouge — 
in  all  five  companies  only,  within  reach,  to  gar¬ 
rison  or  reinforce  the  forts  mentioned  in  the 
“  Views.” 

General  Scott  is  all  solicitude  for  the  safety 
of  the  Union.  lie  is,  however,  not  without 
hope  that  all  dangers  and  difficulties  will  pass 
away  without  leaving  a  scar  or  painful  recol¬ 
lection  behind. 

The  Secretary’s  most  obedient  servant, 

October  30, 1SG0.  \  g. 

—National  Intelligencer ,  January  IS,  1SG1. 


Doc.  79.— STATEMENT  OF  MAYOR  BROWN. 

Baltimore,  April  21. 

Mayor  Brown  received  a  despatch  from  the 
President  of  the  United  States  at  3  o’clock 
A.  M.,  (this  morning,)  directed  to  himself  and 
Governor  Hicks,  requesting  them  to  go  to 
Washington  by  special  train,  in  order  to  con¬ 
sult  with  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the  preservation  of 
the  peace  of  Maryland.  The  Mayor  replied 
that  Governor  Hicks  was  not  in  the  city,  and 
inquired  if  he  should  go  alone.  Receiving  an 
answer  by  telegraph  in  the  affirmative,  his 
Honor,  accompanied  by  George  W.  Dobbin, 
John  C.  Brune,  and  S.  T.  Wallis,  Esqs.,  whom 
he  had  summoned  to  attend  him,  proceeded  at 
once  to  the  station.  After  a  series  of  delays, 
they  were  enabled  to  procure  a  special  train 
about  half-past  seven  o’clock,  in  which  they 
arrived  at  Washington  about  ten. 

They  repaired  at  once  to  the  President’s 
house,  where  they  were  admitted  to  an  imme¬ 
diate  interview,  to  which  the  Cabinet  and  Gen. 
Scott  were  summoned.  A  long  conversation 
and  discussion  ensued.  The  President,  upon 
his  part,  recognized  the  good  faith  of  the  City 
and  State  authorities,  and  insisted  upon  his 
own.  He  admitted  the  excited  state  of  feeling 
in  Baltimore,  and  his  desire  and  duty  to  avoid 
the  fatal  consequences  of  a  collision  with  the 
people.  He  urged,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
absolute,  irresistible  necessity  of  having  a  tran¬ 
sit  through  the  State  for  such  troops  as  might 
be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  Federal 
Capital.  The  protection  of  Washington,  he  as¬ 
severated  with  great  earnestness ,  was  the  sole 
object  of  concentrating  troops  there ,  and  he  pro¬ 
tested  that  none  of  the  troops  brought  through 
Maryland  were  intended  for  any  purposes  hos¬ 
tile  to  the  State ,  or  aggressive  as  against  the 
Southern  States.  Being  now  unable  to  bring 


124 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


them  up  the  Potomac  in  security,  the  Govern¬ 
ment  must  either  bring  them  through  Maryland 
or  abandon  the  capital. 

He  called  on  Gen.  Scott  for  his  opinion, 
which  the  General  gave  at  length,  to  the  effect 
that  troops  might  be  brought  through  Mary¬ 
land,  without  going  through  Baltimore,  by 
either  carrying  them  from  Perryville  to  Anna¬ 
polis,  and  thence  by  rail  to  Washington,  or  by 
bringing  them  to  the  Relay  House  on  the 
Northern  Central  Railroad,  and  marching  them 
to  the  Relay  House  on  the  Washington  Rail¬ 
road,  and  thence  by  rail  to  the  Capital.  If  the 
people  would  permit  them  to  go  by  either  of 
these  routes  uninterruptedly,  the  necessity  of 
their  passing  through  Baltimore  would  be 
avoided.  If  the  people  would  not  permit  them 
a  transit  thus  remote  from  the  city,  they  must 
select  their  own  best  route,  and,  if  need  be, 
light  their  way  through  Baltimore,  a  result 
which  the  General  earnestly  deprecated. 

The  President  expressed  his  hearty  concur¬ 
rence  in  the  desire  to  avoid  a  collision,  and  said 
that  no  more  Hoops  should  be  ordered  through 
Baltimore  if  they  were  permitted  to  go  unin¬ 
terrupted  by  either  of  the  other  routes  sug¬ 
gested.  In  this  disposition  the  Secretary  of 
War  expressed  his  participation. 

Mayor  Brown  assured  the  President  that  the 
city  authorities  would  use  all  lawful  means  to 
prevent  their  citizens  from  leaving  Baltimore 
to  attack  the  troops  in  passing  at  a  distance ; 
but  he  urged,  at  the  same  time,  the  impossi¬ 
bility  of  their  being  able  to  promise  any  thing 
more  than  their  best  efforts  in  that  direction. 
The  excitement  was  great,  he  told  the  Presi¬ 
dent  ;  the  people  of  all  classes  were  fully 
aroused,  and  it  was  impossible  for  any  one  to 
answer  for  the  consequences  of  the  presence  of 
Northern  troops  anywhere  within  our  borders. 
He  reminded  the  President  also  that  the  juris¬ 
diction  of  the  city  authorities  was  confined  to 
their  own  population,  and  that  he  could  give  no 
promises  for  the  people  elsewhere,  because  he 
would  be  unable  to  keep  them  if  given.  The 
President  frankly  acknowledged  this  difficulty, 
and  said  that  the  Government  would  only  ask 
the  city  authorities  to  use  their  best  efforts 
with  respect  to  those  under  their  jurisdiction. 

The  interview  terminated  with  the  distinct 
assurance  on  the  part  of  the  President  that  no 
more  troops  would  be  sent  through  Baltimore 
unless  obstructed  in  their  transit  in  other  direc¬ 
tions,  and  with  the  understanding  that  the  city 
authorities  should  do  their  best  to  restrain  their 
own  people. 

The  Mayor  and  his  companions  availed  them¬ 
selves  ol  the  President’s  full  discussion  of  the 
day  to  urge  upon  him  respectfully,  but  in  the 
most  earnest  manner,  a  course  of  policy  which 
would  give  peace  to  the  country,  and  especially 
the  withdrawal  of  all  orders  contemplating  the 
passage  of  troops  through  any  part  of  Mary¬ 
land. 

On  returning  to  the  cars,  and  when  just  about 
to  leave,  about  2  P.  M.,  the  Mayor  received  a 


despatch  from  Mr.  Garrett,  announcing  the 
approach  of  troops  to  Oockeysville,  and  the 
excitement  consequent  upon  it  in  the  city. 
Mr.  Brown  and  his  companions  returned  at 
once  to  the  President,  and  asked  an  immediate 
audience,  which  was  promptly  given.  The 
Mayor  exhibited  Mr.  Garrett’s  despatch,  which 
gave  the  President  great  surprise.  He  imme¬ 
diately  summoned  the  Secretary  of  War  and 
Gen.  Scott,  who  soon  appeared,  with  other 
members  of  the  Cabinet.  The  despatch  was 
submitted.  The  President  at  once,  in  the  most 
decided  way,  urged  the  recall  of  the  troops, 
saying  that  ho  had  no  idea  they  would  be  there 
to-day,  lest  there  should  be  the  slightest  suspi¬ 
cion  of  bad  faith  on  his  part  in  summoning  the 
Mayor  to  Washington,  and  allowing  troops  to 
march  on  the  city  during  his  absence ;  he  de¬ 
sired  that  the  troops  should,  if  it  were  practi¬ 
cable,  be  sent  back  at  once  to  York  or  Harris¬ 
burg.  Gen.  Scott  adopted  the  President’s 
views  warmly,  and  an  order  was  accordingly 
prepared  by  the  Lieutenant-General  to  that 
effect,  and  forwarded  by  Major  Belger,  of  the 
army,  who  accompanied  the  Mayor  to  this  city. 
The  troops  at  Oockeysville,  the  Mayor  was 
assured,  were  not  brought  there  for  transit 
through  the  city,  but  were  intended  to  be 
marched  to  the  Relay  House,  on  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railroad.  They  will  proceed  to  Har¬ 
risburg,  from  there  to  Philadelphia,  and  thence 
by  the  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  Canal,  or  by 
Perrysville,  as  Major  General  Patterson  may 
direct. 

Tins  statement  is  made  by  authority  of  the 
Mayor,  and  Messrs.  George  W.  Dobbin,  John 
C.  Brune,  and  S.  T.  Wrallis,  ■who  accompanied 
Mr.  Brown,  and  who  concurred  with  him  in  all 
particulars  in  the  course  adopted  by  him  in  the 
two  interviews  with  Mr.  Lincoln. 

George  Wm.  Brown,  Mayor. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  April  23. 


Doc.  80.— GOV.  SPRAGUE’S  PJIODE 
ISLANDERS. 

This  Regiment  consists  of  10  Companies,  of 
102  rank  and  file  each,  commanded  by  the  fol¬ 
lowing  officers :  Colonel,  A.  E.  Burnside;  Lieu¬ 
tenant-Colonel,  Joseph  Story  Pitman  ;  Major, 
J.  S.  Slocum  ;  Adjutant,  Charles  II.  Merriman; 
Quartermaster,  Cyrus  G.  Dyer ;  Quartermaster- 
Sergeant,  E.  M.  Jencks;  Paymaster,  Henry  T. 
Sissen;  Sergeant-Major,  John  P.  Shaw.  The 
Company  officers  are  as  follows: 

Company  A — Captain,  Arthur  E.  Dexter  ; 
First  Lieutenant,  Addison  II.  White;  Second 
Lieutenant,  G.  Frank  Low  ;  Ensign,  Charles  F. 
Topliff. 

Company  B — Captain,  Nicholas  Van  Slyck  ; 
First  Lieutenant,  Nelson  Vaill ;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  James  E.  Hidden;  Ensign,  James  E. 
Bailey. 

Company  C — Captain,  William  W.  Brown; 
First  Lieutenant,  Luther  C.  Warner;  Second 


DOCUMENTS. 


125 


Lieutenant,  Zephaniali  Brown;  Ensign,  Albert 
C.  Eddy. 

Company  D — Captain,  Nathaniel  W.  Brown ; 
First  Lieutenant,  Sylvester  E.  Knight ;  Second 
Lieutenant,  Charles  E.  Dennis ;  Ensign,  Henry 
A.  Prescott. 

Company  E — Captain,  Stephen  E.  Bucklin  ; 
First  Lieutenant,  William  E.  Walker;  Second 
Lieutenant,  Lucian  B.  Stone ;  Ensign,  Levi 
Tower. 

Company  F — Captain,  Geo.  W.  Tew;  First 
Lieutenant,  W m.  A.  Stedman  ;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Benj.  L.  Slocum ;  Ensign,  James  II.  Chap¬ 
pell. 

Company  G — Captain,  David  A.  Pelouhet; 
First  Lieutenant,  Albert  G.  Bates;  Second 
Lieutenant,  Edward  Luther,  jr. ;  Ensign,  John 
L.  Bushee. 

Company  H — Captain,  Charles  W.  II.  Day ; 
First  Lieutenant,  Joseph  Brooks,  jr.  ;  Second 
Lieutenant,  Earl  C.  Harris;  Ensign,  Asa  A.  Ellis. 

Company  J — Captain,  Henry  C.  Card;  First 
Lieutenant,  Wm.  II.  Chapman;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  James  Babcock  ;  Ensign,  J.  Clark 
Barber. 

Company  Iv — Captain,  Peter  Simpson ;  First 
Lieutenant,  Thomas  Steere ;  Second  Lieutenant, 
John  A.  Allen ;  Ensign,  George  II.  Grant. 

Battery  of  Light  Artillery — Captain,  Charles 
II.  Tompkins  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Wm.  II. 
Eeynolds ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Benj.  F.  Eem- 
ington,  jr. ;  Third  Lieutenant,  Augustus  M. 
Tower;  Fourth  Lieutenant,  Henry  B.  Brastow; 
Surgeon,  Nathaniel  Miller.  (This  battery  is 
now  at  Easton,  Pa.) 

Medical  Staff- — Surgeon  Wheaton  and  Asst. 
Surgeons  Eivers  and  Carr. 

Chaplain — Augustus  Woodbury. 

The  Eegimental  Band  contains  22  musicians. 
The  uniform  of  the  Eegiment  consists  of  the 
regulation  hat,  a  loose  blue  blouse,  and  gray 
pantaloons.  A  plain  leather  belt  around  the 
waist  sustains  the  cartridge-box,  the  bayonet, 
and  six-barrelled  revolver,  with  which  each 
man  is  armed.  The  oflicers  are  distinguished 
by  a  small  gold  strap  on  the  shoulders ;  they 
wear  a  sash  and  a  long  sabre,  and  a  revolver 
supported  by  a  plain  belt.  Seven  companies 
are  armed  with  long-range  rifle  muskets  and 
bayonets,  and  three  with  United  States  rifles 
and  sword-bayonets.  Six  men  in  each  com¬ 
pany  are  armed  with  the  Burnside’s  breech-load¬ 
ing  rifle  for  sharp  shooting.  Each  man  carries 
strapped  diagonally  across  his  back  a  largo  red 
blanket,  which  has  a  striking  effect.  The  men 
are  from  20  to  30  years  of  age,  are  in  robust 
health  and  finest  spirits,  and  filled  with  the 
most  ardent  devotion  to  their  officers.  The 
regiment  was  enrolled,  uniformed,  drilled,  and 
ready  for  service  in  three  days. 

Col.  Burnside  and  many  of  the  officers  of  the 
regiment,  and  of  Gov.  Sprague’s  staff,  have 
served  with  distinction  in  Mexico. 

Moses  Jenkins,  a  private  in  this  regiment,  is 
a  gentleman  worth  one  million  dollars.  When 
the  regiment  was  organized  ho  destroyed  his 


ticket  for  a  passage  to  Europe  that  he  might 
remain  to  fight  in  defence  of  the  flag  of  his 
country. 

The  Eev.  Augustus  Woodbury  resigned  his 
charge  unconditionally ;  the  trustees  refused  at 
first  to  accept  his  resignation.  The  Eev.  gen¬ 
tleman  was  so  determined,  however,  that  they 
decided  to  receive  his  resignation,  to  supply  his 
place,  and  to  continue  his  salary,  and  presented 
him  $100. 

Many  of  the  officers  and  men  are  wealthy, 
members  of  rich  houses  in  Newport  and  Prov¬ 
idence,  and  all  are  of  .the  best  blood  of  Ehodo 
Island. 

The  Eegimental  Band  is  the  celebrated  Amer¬ 
ican  Band  of  Providence,  and  contains  some  of 
the  first  musicians  of  that  city. 

One  of  the  men,  in  conversation  with  our 
reporter,  stated  that,  “All  Eliode  Island  is  after 
us,  as  fast  as  they  can  be  organized  and  equip¬ 
ped.” 

The  Providence  Journal  of  Saturday  says: 
“Those  who  have  been  disappointed  in  getting 
places  in  the  Ehode  Island  Eegiment  need  not 
feel  discouraged.  Another  and  still  another 
will  doubtless  be  called  for.  There  will  be 
room  for  3,000  men  from  Ehodo  Island.” 

— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  22. 


Doc.  81.— DISCOUESE  OF  WENDELL 
PHILLIPS. 

“ Therefore,  thus  saith  the  Lord:  To  havo  not  heark¬ 
ened  unto  me  in  proclaiming  liberty  every  one  to  his 
brother,  and  every  man  to  his  neighbor  ;  behold,  I  proclaim 
a  liberty  for  yoii,  saith  the  Lord,  to  the  sword,  to  the  pes¬ 
tilence,  and  to  the  famine.”— Jer.  xxxiv.  17. 

Many  times  this  winter,  here  and  elsewhere, 
I  have  counselled  peace — urged,  as  well  as  I 
knew  how,  the  expediency  of  acknowledging  a 
Southern  Confederacy,  and  the  peaceful  separa¬ 
tion  of  these  thirty-four  States.  One  of  the 
journals  announces  to  you  that  I  come  here 
this  morning  to  retract  these  opinions.  No,  not 
one  of  them !  [Applause.]  I  need  them  all — 
every  wTord  I  have  spoken  this  winter — every 
act  of  twenty-five  years  of  my  life,  to  make 
the  welcome  I  give  this  war  hearty  and  hot. 
Civil  war  is  a  momentous  evil.  It  needs  tho 
soundest,  most  solemn  justification.  I  rejoice 
before  God  to-day  for  every  word  that  I  have 
spoken  counselling  peace;  and  I  rejoice  with  an 
especially  profound  gratitude,  that  for  the  first 
time  in  my  anti-slavery  life,  I  speak  under  the 
Stars  and  Stripes,  and  welcome  the  tread  of 
Massachusetts  men  marshalled  for  war.  [En¬ 
thusiastic  cheering.]  No  matter  what  the  past 
lias  been  or  said ;  to-day  the  slave  asks  God  for 
a  sight  of  this  banner,  and  counts  it  the  pledge 
of  his  redemption.  [Applause.]  Hitherto  it 
may  have  meant  what  you  thought,  or  wffiat  I 
did  ;  to-day,  it  represents  Sovereignty  and  Jus¬ 
tice.  [Eenewed  applause.]  Tho  only  mistako 
that  I  made,  was  in  supposing  Massachusetts 
wholly  choked  with  cotton  dust  and  cankered 
with  gold.  [Loud  cheering.]  The  South  thought 
her  patience  and  generous  willingness  for  peace 


126 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


were  cowardice ;  to-day  shows  the  mistake. 
She  has  been  sleeping  on  her  arms  since  ’76, 
and  the  first  cannon  shot  brings  her  to  her  feet 
with  the  war-cry  of  the  Revolution  on  her  lips. 
[Loud  cheers.]  Any  man  who  loves  either  lib¬ 
erty  or  manhood,  must  rejoice  at  such  an  hour. 
[Applause.] 

Let  me  tell  you  the  path  by  which  I,  at  least, 
have  trod  my  Avay  up  to  this  conclusion.  I  do 
not  acknowledge  the  motto,  in  its  full  signifi¬ 
cance,  “  Our  country,  right  or  wrong.”  If  you 
let  it  trespass  on  the  domain  of  morals,  it  is 
knavish  and  atheistic.  But  there  is  a  full, 
broad  sphere  for  loyalty  ;  and  no  war-cry  ever 
stirred  a  generous  people  that  had  not  in  it 
much  of  truth  and  right.  It  is  sublime,  this 
rally  of  a  great  people  to  the  defence  of  what 
they  think  their  national  honor!  A  “noble 
and  puissant  nation  rousing  herself  like  a 
strong  man  from  sleep,  and  shaking  her  invin¬ 
cible  locks.”  Just  now,  we  saw  her  “repos¬ 
ing,  peaceful  and  motionless ;  but  at  the  call  of 
patriotism,  she  rutiles,  as  it  were,  her  swelling 
plumage,  collects  her  scattered  elements  of 
strength,  and  awakens  her  dormant  thunders.” 

But  how  do  we  justify  this  last  appeal  to 
the  God  of  Battles  ?  Let  me  tell  you  how  I  do. 
I  have  always  believed  in  the  sincerity  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  You  have  heard  me  ex¬ 
press  my  confidence  in  it  every  time  I  have 
spoken  from  this  desk.  I  only  doubted  some¬ 
times  whether  he  were  really  the  head  of  the 
Government.  To-day  he  is  at  any  rate  Com¬ 
mander-in-chief. 

The  delay  in  the  action  of  Government  has 
doubtless  been  necessity,  but  policy  also.  Trai¬ 
tors  within  and  without  made  it  hesitate  to 
move  till  it  had  tried  the  machine  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  just  given  it.  But  delay  was  wise,  as 
it  matured  a  public  opinion  definite,  decisive, 
and  ready  to  keep  step  to  the  music  of  the 
Government  march.  The  very  postponement 
of  another  session  of  Congress  till  July  4, 
plainly  invites  discussion — evidently  contem¬ 
plates  the  ripening  of  public  opinion  in  the  in¬ 
terval.  Fairly  to  examine  public  affairs,  and 
prepare  a  community  wise  to  cooperate  with 
the  Government,  is  the  duty  of  every  pulpit 
and  every  press. 

<  Plain  words,  therefore,  now,  before  the  na¬ 
tion  goes  mad  with  excitement,  is  every  man’s 
duty.  Every  public  meeting  in  Athens  was 
opened  with  a  curse  on  any  one  who  should 
not  speak  what  ho  really  thought.  “I  have 
never  defiled  my  conscience  from  fear  or  favor 
to  my  superiors,”  was  part  of  the  oath  every 
Egyptian  soul  was  supposed  to  utter  in  the 
Judgment  Hall  of  Osiris,  before  admission  to 
Heaven.  Let  us  show,  to-day,  a  Christian 
spirit  as  sincere  and  fearless.  No  mobs  in  this 
hour  of  victory,  to  silence  those  whom  events 
have  not  converted,  lie  are  strong  enough  to 
tolerate  dissent.  That  flag  which  floats  over 
press  or  mansion  at  the  bidding  of  a  mob,  dis¬ 
graces  both  victor  and  victim. 

All  winter  long  I  have  acted  with  that  party 


which  cried  for  peace.  The  anti-slavery  enter¬ 
prise  to  which  I  belong,  started  with  peaco 
written  on  its  banner.  JVe  imagined  that 
the  age  of  bullets  was  over;  that  the  age  of 
ideas  had  come ;  that  thirty  millions  of  people 
were  able  to  take  a  great  question,  and  decide 
it  by  the  conflict  of  opinions ;  and,  without  let¬ 
ting  the  ship  of  State  founder,  lift  four  millions 
of  men  into  Liberty  and  Justice.  We  thought 
that  if  your  statesmen  would  throw  away  per¬ 
sonal  ambition  and  party  watch-words,  and  de¬ 
vote  themselves  to  the  great  issue,  this  might 
be  accomplished.  To  a  certain  extent,  it  has 
been.  The  North  has  answered  to  the  call.  Year 
after  year,  event  by  event,  has  indicated  the 
rising  education  of  the  people, — the  readiness 
for  a  higher  moral  life,  the  patience  that  waits 
a  neighbor’s  conversion.  The  North  has  re¬ 
sponded  to  the  call  of  that  peaceful,  moral,  in¬ 
tellectual  agitation  which  the  anti-slavery  idea 
has  initiated.  Our  mistake,  if  any,  has  been 
that  we  counted  too  much  on  the  intelligence 
of  the  masses,  on  the  honesty  and  wisdom  of 
statesmen  as  a  class.  Perhaps  we  did  not  give 
weight  enough  to  the  fact  we  saw,  that  this  na¬ 
tion  is  made  up  of  different  ages ;  not  homoge¬ 
neous,  but  a  mixed  mass  of  different  centuries. 
.The  North  thinks — can  appreciate  argument — it 
is  the  Nineteenth  Century — hardly  any  struggle 
left  in  it  but  that  between  the  working  class 
and  the  money  kings.  The  South  dreams — it 
is  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  century — baron 
and  serf — noble  and  slave.  Jack  Cade  and  Wat 
Tyler  loom  over  the  horizon,  and  the  serf  rising 
calls  for  another  Thierry  to  record  his  struggle. 
There  the  fagot  still  burns  which  the  Doctors 
of  the  Sorbonne  called,  ages  ago,  “the  best 
light  to  guide  the  erring.”  There  men  are  tor¬ 
tured  for  opinions,  the  only  punishment  the 
Jesuits  were  willing  their  pupils  should  look  on. 
This  is,  perhaps,  too  flattering  a  picture  of  the 
South.  Better  call  her,  as  Sumner  does,  “the 
Barbarous  States.”  Our  struggle,  therefore,  is 
no  struggle  between  different  ideas,  but  be¬ 
tween  barbarism  and  civilization.  Such  can 
only  be  settled  by  arms.  [Prolonged  cheering.] 
The  Government  has  waited  until  its  best 
friends  almost  suspected  its  courage  or  its  in¬ 
tegrity  ;  but  the  cannon  shot  against  Fort 
Sumter  has  opened  the  only  door  out  of  this 
hour.  There  were  but  two.  One  was  Com¬ 
promise  ;  the  other  was  Battle.  The  integrity 
of  the  North  closed  the  first;  the  generous  for¬ 
bearance  of  nineteen  States  closed  the  other. 
The  South  opened  tins  with  cannon  shot,  and 
Lincoln  shows  himself  at  the  door.  [Prolonged 
and  enthusiastic  cheering.]  Tho  Avar,  then,  is 
not  aggressive,  but  in  self-defence,  and  Wash¬ 
ington  has  become  tho  Thermopylae  of  Liberty 
and  Justice.  [Applause.]  Bather  than  surren¬ 
der  it,  cover  every  square  foot  of  it  with  a  living 
body,  [loud  cheers;]  crowd  it  with  a  million  of 
men,  and  empty  every  lank  vault  at  the  North 
to  pay  the  cost.  [Renewed  cheering.]  Teach 
tho  world  once  for  all,  that  North  America  be¬ 
longs  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  under  them 


DOCUMENTS. 


127 


no  man  shall  wear  a  chain.  [Enthusiastic  cheer¬ 
ing.]  In  the  whole  of  this  conflict,  I  have 
looked  only  at  Liberty — only  at  the  slave. 
Perry  entered  the  battle  of  the  Lakes  with 
“  Don’t  give  tip  the  ship,”  floating  from  the 
masthead  of  the  Lawrence.  When  with  his 
fighting  flag  he  left  her  crippled,  heading  north, 
and  mounting  the  deck  of  the  Niagara,  turned 
her  hows  due  west,  he  did  all  for  one  purpose 
— to  rake  the  decks  of  the  foe.  Acknowledge 
secession,  or  cannonade  it,  I  care  not  which ; 
hut  “  proclaim  Liberty  throughout  all  the  land 
unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof.”  [Loud  cheers.] 
I  said,  civil  war  needs  momentous  and  sol¬ 
emn  justification.  Europe,  the  world,  may 
claim  of  us,  that  before  we  blot  the  nineteenth 
century  by  an  appeal  to  arms,  we  shall  exhamst 
every  means  to  keep  the  peace ;  otherwise,  an 
appeal  to  the  God  of  Battles  is  an  insult  to  the 
civilization  of  our  age ;  it  is  a  confession  that 
our  culture  and  our  religion  are  superficial,  if 
not  a  failure.  I  think  that  the  history  of  the 
nation  and  of  the  Government  both,  is  an  am¬ 
ple  justification  to  our  own  times  and  to  history 
for  this  appeal  to  arms.  I  think  the  South  is 
all  wrong,  and  the  Administration  is  all  right. 
(Prolonged  cheering.)  Let  me  tell  you  why. 
For  thirty  years,  the  North  has  exhausted  con¬ 
ciliation  and  compromise.  They  have  tried 
every  expedient,  they  have  relinquished  every 
right,  they  have  sacrificed  every  interest,  they 
have  smothered  keen  sensibility  to  national 
honor,  and  Northern  weight  and  supremacy  in 
the  Union ;  have  forgotten  they  were  the 
majority  in  numbers  and  in  wealth,  in  educa¬ 
tion  and  strength ;  have  left  the  helm  of  the 
Government  and  the  dictation  of  policy  to  the 
Southern  States.  For  all  this,  the  conflict 
waxed  closer  and  hotter.  The  Administration 
that  preceded  this  was  full  of  traitors  and 
thieves.  It  allowed  the  arms,  ships,  money, 
military  stores  of  the  North  to  be  stolen  with 
impunity.  Mr.  Lincoln  took  office  robbed  of 
all  the  means  to  defend  the  constitutional  rights 
of  the  Government.  He  offered  to  withdraw 
from  the  walls  of  Sumter  every  thing  but  the 
flag.  He  allowed  secession  to  surround  it  with 
the  strongest  forts  which  military  science  could 
build.  The  North  offered  to  meet  in  conven¬ 
tion  her  sister  States,  and  arrange  the  terms  of 
peaceful  separation.  Strength  and  right  yielded 
every  thing — they  folded  their  hands — waited 
the  returning  reason  of  the  mad  insurgents. 
Week  after  week  elapsed,  month  after  month 
went  by,  waiting  for  the  sober  second-thought 
of  two  millions  and  a  half  of  people.  The 
world  saw  the  sublime  sight  of  nineteen  mil¬ 
lions  of  wealthy,  powerful,  united  citizens  al¬ 
lowing  their  flag  to  be  insulted,  their  rights 
assailed,  their  sovereignty  defied  and  broken 
in  pieces,  and  yet  waiting  with  patient,  broth¬ 
erly,  magnanimous  kindness,  until  insurrection, 
having  spent  its  fury,  should  reach  out  its  hand 
for  a  peaceful  arrangement.  Men  began  to  call 
it  cowardice,  on  the  one  hand ;  and  wo,  who 
watched  closely  the  crisis,  feared  that  this 


effort  to  be  magnanimous  would  demoralize  the 
conscience  and  the  courage  of  the  North.  We 
were  afraid  that,  as  the  hour  went  by,  tlfe  vir¬ 
tue  of  the  people,  white-heat  as  it  stood  on  the 
4tli  day  of  March,  would  be  cooled  by  the 
temptations,  by  the  suspense,  by  the  want  and 
suffering,  that  were  stalking  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi.  We  were 
afraid  the  Government  would  wait  too  long, 
and  find,  at  last,  that  instead  of  a  united  peo¬ 
ple,  they  ere  deserted,  and  left  alone  to  meet 
the  foe. 

At  this  time,  the  South  knew,  recognized, 
by  her  own  knowledge  of  constitutional  ques¬ 
tions,  that  the  Government  could  not  advance 
one  inch  towards  acknowledging  secession ;  that 
when  Abraham  Lincoln  swore  to  support  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  lie 
was  bound  to  die  under  the  flag  of  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter,  if  necessary.  (Loud  applause.)  They  knew 
therefore,  that  the  call  on  the  Administration 
to  acknowledge  the  Commissioners  of  the  Con¬ 
federacy  was  a  delusion  and  a  swindle.  I 
know  the  whole  argument  for  secession.  Up 
to  a  certain  extent,  I  accede  to  it.  But  no  Ad¬ 
ministration  that  is  not  a  traitor,  can  ever 
acknowledge  secession.  (Cheers.)  The  right 
of  a  State  to  secede,  under  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States — it  is  an  absurdity ;  and 
Abraham  Lincoln  knows  nothing,  has  a  right 
to  know  notkmg,  but  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  (Loud  cheers.)  The  right  of  a 
State  to  secede,  as  a  revolutionary  right,  is  un¬ 
deniable  ;  but  it  is  the  nation  that  is  to  recog¬ 
nize  that ;  and  the  nation  offered,  in  broad 
convention,  at  the  suggestion  of  Kentucky,  to 
meet  the  question.  The  offer  was  declined. 
The  Government  and  the  nation,  therefore,  are 
all  right.  (Applause.)  They  are  right  on  Con¬ 
stitutional  law  ;  they  are  right  on  the  principles 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  (Cheers.) 

Let  me  explain  this  more  fully,  for  thi3  rea¬ 
son  :  because — and  I  thank  God  for  it,  every 
American  should  be  proud  of  it — you  cannot 
maintain  a  war  in  the  United  States  of  America 
against  a  constitutional  or  a  revolutionary  right. 
The  people  of  these  States  have  too  large  brains 
and  too  many  ideas  to  fight  blindly — to  lock 
horns  like  a  couple  of  beasts,  in  the  sight  of  the 
world.  (Applause.)  Cannon  think  in  this 
Nineteenth  Century ;  and  you  must  put  the 
North  in  the  right — wholly,  undeniably,  inside 
of  the  Constitution  and  out  of  it — before  you 
can  justify  her  in  the  face  of  the  world;  before 
yon  can  pour  Massachusetts  like  an  avalanche 
through  the  streets  of  Baltimore,  (great  cheer¬ 
ing,)  and  carry  Lexington  and  the  19th  of 
April  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon’s  Line.  (Re¬ 
newed  cheering.)  Let  us  take  an  honest  pride 
in  the  fact  that  our  Sixth  Regiment  made  a 
way  for  itself  through  Baltimore,  and  were  the 
first  to  reach  the  threatened  capital.  In  the 
war  of  opinions,  Massachusetts  has  a  right  to 
be  the  first  in  the  field. 

I  said  I  knew  the  whole  argument  for  seces¬ 
sion.  Very  briefly  let  mo  state  the  points.  No 


128 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Government  provides  for  its  own  death ;  there¬ 
fore  there  can  be  no  constitutional  right  to 
secede.  But  there  is  a  revolutionary  right. 
The  Declaration  of  Independence  establishes 
what  the  heart  of  every  American  acknowl¬ 
edges,  that  the  people — mark  you !  the  peo- 
ple  !  have  always  an  inherent,  paramount, 
inalienable  right  to  change  their  Governments, 
whenever  they. think— whenever  they  think— 
that  it  will  minister  to  their  happiness.  That 
is  a  revolutionary  right.  Now,  how  did  South 
Carolina  and  Massachusetts  come  into  the 
Union  ?  They  came  into  it  by  a  Convention 
representing  the  people.  South  Carolina  alleges 
that  she  has  gone  out  by  Convention.  So  far, 
right.  She  says  that  when  the  'people  take  the 
State  rightfully  out  of  the  Union,  the  right  to 
forts  and  national  property  goes  with  it. 
Granted.  She  says,  also,  that  it  is  no  matter 
that  we  bought  Louisiana  of  France,  and  Flor¬ 
ida  of  Spain.  No  bargain  made,  no  money 
paid  between  us  and  France  or  Spain,  could 
rob  Florida  or  Louisiana  of  her  right  to  re¬ 
model  her  Government  whenever  the  people 
found  it  would  be  for  their  happiness.  So  far, 
right.  The  People— mark  you  !  South  Caro¬ 
lina  presents  herself  to  the  Administration  at 
Washington,  and  says,  “  There  is  a  vote  of  my 
Convention,  that  I  go  out  of  the  Union.”  “I 
cannot  see  you,  ’  says  Abraham  Lincoln. 
(Loud  cheers.)  “  As  President,  I  have  no  eyes 
but  constitutional  eyes;  I  cannot  see  you.” 
(Renewed  cheers.)  Tie  was  right.  But  Madi¬ 
son  said,  Hamilton  said,  the  Fathers  said,  in 
1/89,  No  man  but  an  enemy  of  liberty  will 
ever  stand  on  technicalities  and  forms,  when 
the  essence  is  in  question.”  Abraiiam  Lincoln 
could  not  see  the  Commissioners  of  South  Car¬ 
olina,  but  the  North  could  ;  the  nation  could  ; 
and  the  nation  responded,  “If  you  want  a  Con¬ 
stitutional  Secession,  such  as  you  claim,  but 
which  I  repudiate,  I  will  waive  forms— let  us 
meet  in  convention,  and  we  will  arrange  it.” 
(Applause.)  Surely,  while  one  claims  a  right 
within  the  Constitution,  it  may  without  dis¬ 
honor  or  inconsistency  meet  in  convention _ 

even  if  finally  refusing  to  be  bound  by  it.  To 
decline  doing  so  is  only  evidence  of  intention 
to  provoke  war.  Every  thing  under  that  instru¬ 
ment  is  peace.  Every  thing  under  that  instru¬ 
ment  may  be  changed  by  a  National  Conven¬ 
tion.  The  South  says,  “  No  !  ”  She  says,  “  If 
you  don’t  allow  mo  the  constitutional  right,  I 
claim  the  revolutionary  right.”  The  North 
responds  “  When  you  have  torn  the  Consti¬ 
tution  into  fragments,  I  recognize  the  right  of 
the  people  of  South  Carolina  to  model  their 
Government.  Tes,  I  recognize  the  right  of 
the  three  hundred  and  eighty-four  thousand 
white  men,  and  four  hundred  and  eighty-four 
thousand  black  men,  to  model  their  Constitu- 
tmn  Show  me  one  that  they  have  adopted, 
and  I  will  recognize  the  revolution.  (Cheers  ) 
But  the  moment  you  tread  outside  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  the  black  man  is  not  three-fifths  of 
a  man— he  is  a  whole  one.”  (Loud  cheering.) 


T  es,  the  South  has  a  right  to  secede ;  the  South 
has  a  right  to  model  her  Government ;  and  the 
moment  she  will  show  us  four  millions  of  black 
votes  thrown  even  against  it,  I  will  acknowl¬ 
edge  the  Declaration  of  Independence  is  com¬ 
plied  with  (Loud  applause)— that  the  people, 
south  of  Mason  and  Dixon’s  line,  have  re¬ 
modeled  their  government  to  suit  themselves : 
and  our  function  is  only  to  recognize  it. 

I  say,  the  North  had  a  right  to  assume  this 
position.  She  did  not.  She  had  a  right  to  ig¬ 
nore  revolution  until  this  condition  was  com¬ 
plied  with ;  and  she  did  not.  She  waived  it. 
In  obedience  to  the  advice  of  Madison,  to  the 
long  history  of  her  country’s  forbearance,  to 
the  magnanimity  of  nineteen  States,  she  waited ; 
shg  advised  the  Government  to  wait.  Mr.  Lin¬ 
coln,  in  his  inaugural,  indicated  that  this  would 
be  the  wise  course.  Mr.  Seward  hinted  it  in 
his  speech,  in  New  York.  The  London  Times 
bade  us  remember  the  useless  war  of  1776,  and 
take  warning  against  resisting  the  principles  of 
Popular  Sovereignty.  The  Tribune ,  whose  un¬ 
flinching  fidelity  and  matchless  ability,  make  it, 
in  this  tight,  “  the  white  plume  of  Navarre,” 
has  again  and  again  avowed  its  readiness  to 
waive  forms  and  go  into  convention.  We  have 
waited.  “  We  said,  any  thing  for  peace.”  We 
obeyed  the  magnanimous  statesmanship  of  John 
Quincy  Adams.  Let  me  read  you  his  advice 
given  at  the  “Jubilee  of  the  Constitution,”  to 
the  New  York  Historical  Society,  in  the  year 
1889,  he  says:  Recognizing  this  right  of  the 
people  of  a  State — mark  you,  not  a  State,  the 
Constitution  knows  no  States;  the  right  of 
revolution  knows  no  States ;  it  knows  only 
the  people.  Mr.  Adams  says :  “  The  people 
of  each  State  in  the  Union  have  a  right  to  se¬ 
cede  from  the  Confederated  Union  itself. 

“  Thus  stands  the  eight.  But  the  indissoluble 
link  of  union  between  the  people  of  the  several 
States  of  this  Confederated  Nation  is,  after  all 
not  in  the  right ,  but  in  the  heart. 

“  If  the  day  should  ever  come  (may  Heaven 
avert  it)  when  the  affections  of  the  people  of 
these  States  shall  be  alienated  from  each  other 
■ — when  the  fraternal  spirit  shall  give  way  to 
cold  indifference,  or  collisions  of  interest  shall 
fester  into  hatred,  the  bands  of  political  associ¬ 
ation  will  not  long  hold  together  parties  no 
longer  attracted  by  the  magnetism  of  concili¬ 
ated  interests  and  kindly  sympathies ;  and  far 
better  will  it  be  for  the  people  of  the  disunited 
States  to  part  in  friendship  from  each  other, 
than  to  be  held  together  by  constraint.  Then 
will  be  the  time  for  reverting  to  the  precedents 
which  occurred  at  the  formation  and  adoption 
of  the  Constitution,  to  form  again  a  more  per¬ 
fect  Union,  by  dissolving  that  which  could  no 
longer  bind,  and  to  leave  the  separated  parts  to 
bo  reunited  by  the  law  of  political  gravitation 
to  the  centre.” 

The  North  said  “  Amen,”  to  every  word  of  it. 
They  waited.  They  begged  the  States  to  meet 
them.  They  were  silent  when  the  cannon-shot 
pierced  the  flag  of  the  Star  of  the  West.  They 


DOCUMENTS. 


129 


said  “Amen,”  when  the  Government  offered  to 
let  nothing  hut  the  bunting  cover  Fort  Sumter. 
They  said  “Amen,”  when  Lincoln  stood  alone, 
without  arms,  in  a  defenceless  Capital,  and 
trusted  himself  to  the  loyalty  and  forbearance 
of  thirty-four  States. 

The  South,  if  the  truth  be  told,  cannot  wait. 
Like  all  usurpers,  they  dare  not  give  time  for 
the  people  to  criticize  their  title  to  power. 
War  and  tumult  must  conceal  the  irregularity 
of  their  civil  course,  and  smother  discontent 
and  criticism  at  the  same  time.  Besides,  bank¬ 
ruptcy  at  home  can  live  out  its  short  term  of 
possible  existence  only  by  conquest  on  land 
and  piracy  at  sea.  And,  further,  only  by  war, 
by  appeal  to  popular  frenzy,  can  they  hope  to 
delude  the  Border  States  to  join  them.  War  is 
the  breath  of  their  life. 

To-day,  therefore,  the  question  is,  by  the 
voice  of  the  South,  “Shall  Washington  or 
Montgomery  own  the  continent?”  And  the 
North  says,  “  From  the  Gulf  to  the  Pole,  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  shall  atone  to  four  mil¬ 
lions  of  negroes  whom  we  have  forgotten  for 
seventy  years ;  and  before  you  break  the 
Union,  we  will  see  that  justice  is  done  to  the 
slave.”  (Enthusiastic  and  long  continued 
cheers.) 

There  is  only  one  thing  that  those  cannon 
shot  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston  settled,  and 
that  is,  that  there  never  can  be  a  compromise. 
(Loud  applause.)  We  Abolitionists  have  doubt¬ 
ed  whether  this  Union  really  meant  Justice 
and  Liberty.  We  have  doubted  the  honest  in¬ 
tention  of  nineteen  millions  of  people.  They 
have  said,  in  answer  to  our  criticism, — “We 
believe  that  the  Fathers  meant  to  establish  jus¬ 
tice.  We  believe  that  there  are  hidden  in  the 
armory  of  the  Constitution  weapons  strong 
enough  to  secure  it.  We  are  willing  yet  to  try 
the  experiment,  “  Grant  us  time.”  We  have 
doubted,  derided  the  pretence,  as  we  supposed. 
During  these  long  and  weary  weeks,  we  have 
waited  to  hear  the  Northern  conscience  assert 
its  purpose.  It  comes  at  last.  (An  impressive 
pause.)  Massachusetts  blood  has  consecrated 
the  pavements  of  Baltimore,  and  those  stones 
are  now  too  sacred  to  be  trodden  by  slaves. 
(Loud  cheers.) 

You  aud  I  owe  it  to  those  young  martyrs, 
you  and  I  owe  it,  that  their  blood  shall  be  the 
seed  of  no  mere  empty  triumph,  but  that  the 
negro  shall  teach  his  children  to  bless  them  for 
centuries  to  come.  (Applause.)  When  Mas¬ 
sachusetts  goes  down  to  that  Carolina  fort  to 
put  the  Stars  and  Stripes  again  over  its  black¬ 
ened  walls,  (enthusiasm,)  she  will  sweep  from 
its  neighborhood  every  institution  that  hazards 
their  ever  bowing  again  to  the  Palmetto. 
(Loud  cheers.)  All  of  you  may  not  mean  it 
now.  Our  fathers  did  not  think  in  1775  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  The  Long  Parlia¬ 
ment  never  thought  of  the  scaffold  of  Charles 
the  First,  when  they  entered  on  the  struggle ; 
but  having  begun,  they  made  thorough  work. 
(Cheers.)  It  is  an  attribute  of  the  Yankee 


blood — Slow  to  fight,  and  fight  once.  (Renew¬ 
ed  cheers.)  It  was  a  holy  war,  that  for  Inde¬ 
pendence  :  this  is  a  holier  and  the  last — that 
for  Liberty.  (Loud  applause.) 

I  hear  a  great  deal  about  Constitutional  Lib¬ 
erty.  The  mouths  of  the  Concord  and  Lexing¬ 
ton  guns  have  room  for  only  one  word,  and 
that  is  Liberty.  You  might  as  well  ask  Niag¬ 
ara  to  chant  the  Chicago  Platform,  as  to  ask 
how  far  war  shall  go.  War  and  Niagara 
thunder  to  a  music  of  their  own.  God  alone 
can  launch  the  lightnings,  that  they  may  go 
and  say,  Here  we  are.  The  thunder-holts  of 
His  throne  abase  the  proud,  lift  up  the  lowly, 
and  execute  justice  between  man  and  man. 

Now,  let  we  turn  one  moment  to  another 
consideration.  What  should  the  Government 
do  ?  I  said  “  thorough  ”  should  be  its  maxim. 
When  we  fight,  we  are  fighting  for  Justice  and 
an  Idea.  A  short  war  and  a  rigid  one,  is  the 
maxim.  Ten  thousand  men  in  Washington !  it 
is  only  a  bloody  fight.  Five  hundred  thou¬ 
sand  men  in  Washington,  and  none  dare  come 
there  but  from  the  North.  (Loud  cheers.) 
Occupy  St.  Louis,  with  the  millions  of  the 
West,  and  say  to  Missouri,  “You  cannot  go 
out !  ”  (Applause.)  Cover  Maryland  with  a 
million  of  the  friends  of  the  Administration, 
and  say,  “  We  must  have  our  Capital  within 
reach.  (Cheers.)  If  you  need  compensation 
for  slaves  taken  from  you  in  the  convulsion  of 
battle,  here  it  is.  (Cheers.)  Government  is 
engaged  in  the  fearful  struggle  to  show  that 
’89  meant  Justice,  and  there  is  something  bet¬ 
ter  than  life  in  such  an  hour  as  this.”  And, 
again,  we  must  remember  another  thing — the 
complication  of  such  a  struggle  as  this.  Bear 
with  me  a  moment.  We  put  five  hundred 
thousand  men  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac. 
Virginia  is  held  by  two  races,  white  and  black. 
Suppose  those  black  men  fiare  in  our  faces  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  What  are  we  to 
say?  Are  we  to  send  Northern  bayonets  to 
keep  slaves  under  the  feet  of  Jefferson  Davis? 
(Many  voices — “No,”  “never.”)  In  1842, 
Gov.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  the  symbol  of  the 
South,  entered  into  argument  with  Quincy 
Adams,  who  carried  Plymouth  Rock  to  Wash¬ 
ington.  (Applause.)  It  was  when  Joshua 
Giddings  offered  his  resolution  stating  his  Con¬ 
stitutional  doctrine  that  Congress  had.  no  right 
to  interfere,  in  any  event,  in  any  way,  with  the 
Slavery  of  the  Southern  States.  Plymouth 
Rock  refused  to  vote  for  it.  Mr.  Adams  said 
(substantially,)  “  If  foreign  war  comes,  if  civil 
war  comes,  if  insurrection  comes,  is  this  be¬ 
leaguered  capital,  is  this  besieged  Government 
to  see  millions  of  its  subjects  in  arms,  and  have 
no  right  to  break  the  fetters  which  they  are. 
forging  into  swords?  No;  the  war  power  of 
the  Government  can  sweep  this  institution  into 
the  Gulf.”  (Cheers.)  Ever  since  1842,  that 
statesmanlike  claim  and  warning  of  the  North 
has  been  on  record,  spoken  by  the  lips  of  her 
most  moderate,  wisest,  coolest,  most  patriotic 
son.  (Applause.) 


130 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


When  the  South  cannonaded  Fort  Sumter, 
the  bones  of  Adams  stirred  in  his  coffin. 
CCheers.)  And  you  might  have  heard  him, 
from  that  granite  grave,  at  Quincy,  proclaim  to 
the  nation,  u  The  hour  has  struck !  Seize  the 
thunderbolt  God  has  forged  for  you,  and  anni¬ 
hilate  the  system  which  has  troubled  peace  for 
seventy  years !  ”  (Cheers.)  Do  not  say  that 
it  is  a  cold-blooded  suggestion.  I  hardly  ever 
knew  Slavery  to  go  down  in  any  other  circum¬ 
stances.  Only  once,  in  the  broad  sweep  of  the 
world’s  history,  was  any  nation  lifted  so  high 
that  she  could  stretch  her  imperial  hand  across 
the  Atlantic,  and  lift,  by  one  peaceful  word,  a 
million  of  slaves  into  Liberty.  God  granted  that 
glory  only  to  our  mother-land. 

How  did  French  Slavery  go  down?  How 
did  the  French  slave  trade  go  down  ?  When 
Napoleon  came  back  from  Elba,  when  his  fate 
hung  trembling  in  the  balance,  and  he  wished 
to  gather  around  him  the  sympathies  of  the 
liberals  of  Europe,  he  no  sooner  set  foot  in  the 
Tuileries  than  he  signed  the  edict  abolishing 
the  slave  trade  against  which  the  Abolition¬ 
ists  of  England  and  France  had  protested  for 
many  years  in  vain.  And  the  trade  went 
down,  because  Napoleon  felt  that  he  must  do 
something  to  gild  the  darkening  hour  of  his 
second  attempt  to  clutch  the  sceptre  of  France. 
How  did  the  slave  system  go  down?  When,  in 
1848,  the  Provisional  Government  found  itself 
in  the  Hotel  de  Yille,  obliged  to  do  something 
to  draw  to  itself  the  sympathy  and  liberal  feel¬ 
ing  of  the  French  nation,  they  signed  an  edict 
— it  was  the  first  from  the  rising  republic — 
abolishing  the  death  penalty  and  Slavery.  The 
storm  which  rocked  the  vessel  of  State" almost 
to  foundering,  snapped  forever  the  chain  of  the 
French  slave.  Look,  too,  at  the  history  of  Mex¬ 
ican  and  South  American  emancipation ;  you 
will  find  that  it  was,  in  every  instance,  I  think, 
the  child  of  convulsion. 

That  hour  has  come  to  us.  So  stand  wo  to¬ 
day.  The  Abolitionist  who  will  not  now  cry, 
when  the  moment  serves,  “Up  boys,  and  at 
them,”  is  false  to  liberty.  (Great  cheering.) 
(A  voice — “  So  is  every  other  man.”)  Say  not 
it  is  a  hard  lesson.  Let  him  who  fully  knows 
his  own  heart  and  strength,  and  feels,  as  he 
looks  down  into  his  child’s  cradle,  that  he  could 
stand  and  see  that  little  nestling  borne  to  Slav¬ 
ery  and  submit — let  him  cast  the  first  stone. 
But  all  you,  whose  blood  is  wont  to  stir  over 
Naseby  and  Bunker  Hill,  will  hold  your  peace, 
unless  you  are  ready  to  cry  with  me — Sic  Sem¬ 
per  Tyrannis!  So  may  it  ever  be  with  ty¬ 
rants.  (Loud  applause.) 

Why,  Americans,  I  believe  in  tho  might  of 
nineteen  millions  of  people.  Yes,  I  know  that 
what  sowing-machines,  and  reaping-machines, 
and  ideas,  and  types,  and  school-houses  cannot 
do,  the  muskets  of  Illinois  and  Massachusetts 
can  finish  up.  (Cheers.)  Blame  me  not  that  I 
make  every  thing  turn  on  Liberty  and  the  slave. 

I  believe  in  Massachusetts.  I  know  that  free 
speech,  free  toil,  school-houses  and  ballot-boxes 


are  a  pyramid  on  its  broadest  base.  Nothing 
that  does  not  sunder  the  solid  globe  can  disturb 
it.  We  defy  the  world  to  disturb  us.  (Cheers.) 
The  little  errors  that  dwell  upon  our  surface, 
we  have  medicine  in  our  institutions  to  cure 
them  all.  (Applause.) 

Therefore  there  is  nothing  left  for  a  New- 
England  man,  nothiug  but  that  he  shall  Avipe 
away  the  stain  that  hangs  about  the  toleration 
of  human  bondage.  As  Webster  said  at  Roch- 
ester,  years  and  years  ago,  “  If  I  thought  that 
there  was  a  stain  upon  the  remotest  hem  of  the 
garment  of  my  country,  I  would  devote  my 
utmost  labor  to  wipe  it  off.”  (Cheers.)  To- 
day  that  call  is  made  upon  Massachusetts. 
That  is  the  reason  why  I  dwell  so  much  on  the 
slavery  question.  I  said  I  believed  in  the 
power  of  tho  North  to  conquer;  but  where 
does  she  get  it  ?  I  do  not  believe  in  the  power 
of  the  North  to  subdue  two  million  and  a  half 
of  Southern  men,  unless  she  summons  justice, 
God,  and  the  negro  to  her  side ;  (cheers,)  and 
in  that  battle  we  are  sure  of  this — we  are  sure 
to  rebuild  the  Union  down  to  the  Gulf.  (Re¬ 
newed  cheering.)  In  that  battle,  with  that 
watchword,  with  those  allies,  the  thirteen 
States  and  their  children  will  survive — in  the 
light  of  the  world,  a  nation  which  has  vindi¬ 
cated  the  sincerity  of  the  Fathers  of  ’87,  that 
they  bore  children,  and  not  peddlers,  to  repre¬ 
sent  them  in  the  nineteenth  century.  (Re¬ 
peated  cheers.)  But  without  that — without 
that,  I  know  also,  we  shall  conquer.  Sumter 
annihilated  compromise.  Nothing  bat  victory 
will  blot  from  history  that  sight  of  the  Stars 
and  Stripes  giving  place  to  the  Palmetto.  But 
without  justice  for  inspiration,  without  God  for 
our  ally,  we  shall  break  the  Union  asunder;  we 
shall  bo  a  Confederacy,  and  so  will  they.  This 
war  means  one  of  two  things — emancipation 
or  disunion.  (Cheers.)  Out  of  the  smoke  of 
the  conflict  there  comes  that — nothing  else. 
It  is  impossible  there  should  come  any  thing 
else.  Now,  I  believe  in  the  future  and  perma¬ 
nent  union  of  the  races  that  cover  this  Conti¬ 
nent  from  the  Pole  down  to  the  Gulf.  One  in 
race,  one  in  history,  one  in  religion,  one  in 
industry,  one  in  thought,  we  never  can  be  per¬ 
manently  separated.  Your  path,  if  you  forget 
the  black  race,  will  be  over  the  gulf  of  dis¬ 
union,— years  of  unsettled,  turbulent,  Mexican 
and  South  American  civilization  back  through 
that  desert  of  forty  years  to  the  Union  which  is 
sure  to  come. 

But  I  believe  in  a  deeper  conscience,  I  be¬ 
lieve  in  a  North  more  educated  than  that.  I 
divide  you  into  four  sections.  The  first  is  the 
ordinary  mass,  rushing  from  mere  enthusiasm  to 

“  A  Battle  whoso  great  aim  and  scope 
They  little  care  to  know, 

Content  like  men  at  arms  to  cope, 

Each  with  his  fronting  foe." 

Behind  that  class  stands  another,  whose  only 
idea  in  this  controversy  is  sovereignty  and  the 
flag.  The  seaboard,  the  wealth,  the  just-con¬ 
verted  hunkerism  of  the  country,  fill  that  class. 


DOCUMENTS. 


131 


Next  to  it  stands  the  third  element,  the  peo¬ 
ple  ;  the  cordwainers  of  Lynn,  the  fanner  of 
Worcester,  the  dwellers  on  the  prairie — Iowa 
and  Wisconsin,  Ohio  and  Maine — the  broad 
surface  of  the  people  who  have  no  leisure  for 
technicalities,  who  never  studied  law,  who 
never  had  time  to  read  any  further  into  the 
Constitution  than  the  first  two  lines — “  Estab¬ 
lish  Justice  and  secure  Liberty.''"'  They  have 
waited  long  enough ;  they  have  eaten  dirt 
enough ;  they  have  apologized  for  bankrupt 
statesmen  enough ;  they  have  quieted  their 
consciences  enough  ;  they  have  split  logic  with 
their  abolition  neighbors  long  enough ;  they 
are  tired  of  trying  to  find  a  place  between  the 
forty-ninth  and  forty-eighth  corner  of  a  consti¬ 
tutional  hair,  (laughter ;)  and  now  that  they 
have  got  their  hand  on  the  neck  of  a  rebel¬ 
lious  aristocracy,  in  the  name  of  the  people 
they  mean  to  strangle  it.  That,  I  believe,  is 
the  body  of  the  people  itself.  Side  by  side 
with  them  stands  a  fourth  class — small,  but  ac¬ 
tive — the  Abolitionists,  who  thank  God  that  he 
has  let  them  see  His  salvation  before  they  die. 
(Cheers.) 

The  noise  and  dust  of  the  conflict  may  hide 
the  real  question  at  issue.  Europe  may  think — 
some  of  us  may — that  we  are  fighting  for  forms 
and  parchments,  for  sovereignty  and  a  flag.  But 
really,  the  war  is  one  of  opinion  ;  it  is  Civiliza¬ 
tion  against  Barbarism — it  is  Freedom  against 
Slavery.  The  cannon  shots  against  Fort  Sumter 
was  the  yell  of  pirates  against  the  DECLARA¬ 
TION  OF  INDEPENDENCE:  the  war-cry  of 
the  North  is  its  echo.  The  South,  defying  Chris¬ 
tianity,  clutches  its  victim.  The  North  offers  its 
wealth  and  blood  in  glad  atonement  for  the  self¬ 
ishness  of  seventy  years.  The  result  is  as  sure 
as  the  Throne  of  God.  I  believe  in  the  possi¬ 
bility  of  Justice,  in  the  certainty  of  Union.  Years 
hence,  when  the  smoke  of  this  conflict  clears 
away,  the  world  will  see  under  our  banner  all 
tongues,  all  creeds,  all  races — one  brotherhood  ; 
and  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  the  Genius 
of  Liberty,  robed  in  light,  four  and  thirty  stars 
for  her  diadem,  broken  chains  under  her  feet, 
and  an  olive  branch  in  her  right  hand.  (Great 
applause.) 

— K.  T.  Timex,  April  2S. 


Doc.  82.— MEETING  OF  CALIFORNIANS. 

Tnc  Californians  assembled  in  the  large  room 
of  the  Metropolitan  Hotel.  The  meeting  was 
organized  by  the  call  of  J.  C.  Birdseye,  Esq., 
to  the  Chair.  The  following  gentlemen  were 
nominated  Vice-Presidents  :  William  T.  Cole¬ 
man,  C.  K.  Garrison,  J.  Y.  Hallett,  D.  L.  Ross, 
Capt.  Folger,  E.  Leonard,  Eugene  Kelly,  J.  P. 
Wentworth,  S.  W.  Bryant,  Minor  Frink,  W.  S. 
Denio,  Col.  E.  D.  Baker,  Charles  Watrous,  D. 
W.  Cheeseman,  Samuel  Gamege,  Col.  Keutzer, 
Capt.  F.  Martin,  Ira  P.  Rankin,  S.  P.  Parker, 
lion.  James  Satterlee.  These  gentlemen  are  all 
resident  Californians  on  a  temporary  visit  to  this 


City.  The  Secretaries  appointed  were  Millard 
B.  Farroll,  J.  J.  Arrington,  and  Rose  Fisn, 
Esqs. 

The  President,  Mr.  Birdseye,  stated  that  the 
object  of  the  meeting  was  to  enable  Californians 
to  do  their  duty,  equally  with  the  men  of  other 
States,  in  response  to  the  call  of  the  Chief  of 
the  Nation.  It  was  the  duty  of  Californians  to 
show  what  the  popular  response  of  California 
would  be  when,  as  a  State,  she  answers  the 
appeal  of  the  country  in  its  hour  of  danger. 
The  proposition  now  was  to  raise  here  in  New 
York  a  Californian  regiment  to  aid  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  There  were  a  number  of  Californians  in 
New  York,  who  would  contribute  large  sums 
of  money  for  that  purpose.  What  Californians 
would  do  in  their  own  State  was  one  thing, 
what  they  should  do  here  was  another.  But 
California  would  ever  be  true  to  the  Union. 

Col.  Baker  was  called  upon  to  address  the 
meeting.  He  said  he  had  had  the  honor  to 
address  an  enthusiastic  meeting  on  Saturday  at 
Union  Square,  that  he  was  quite  hoarse  and 
could  not  do  much  talking.  It  was  the  time 
for  action,  and  not  for  talking.  The  country 
demanded  fighting  men.  The  question  alone 
was,  how  many  men  and  how  much  money 
could  be  provided.  For  his  part,  he  (the 
speaker)  would  do  his  duty.  It  had  been  rep¬ 
resented  that  California  was  not  true  to  the 
Union.  If  she  is  not,  we  (said  the  Colonel)  will 
make  her  so.  What  are  wanted  are  fighting 
men — men  who  can  handle  a  knapsack  and  dig 
an  intrenchment,  and  defend  it  when  it  is  dug. 
He  (the  speaker)  thought  that  800  men  might 
be  raised  in  this  City  to  forma  California  Regi¬ 
ment.  Old  as  he  was,  there  were  some  red 
drops  in  his  heart  which  would  not,  if  neces¬ 
sary,  be  spared  on  such  an  occasion. 

Dr.  Gilpin,  Ex-Governor  of  Nevada  Terri¬ 
tory,  followed.  The  present  war,  he  said,  Avas 
a  war  for  human  rights,  and  for  posterity  in  all 
time.  It  Avas  to  establish  the  great  principle 
that  labor  shall  be  free.  Never  in  the  history 
of  the  human  race  had  a  more  sacred  opportu¬ 
nity  offered  itself  to  draw  the  sword  in  behalf 
of  human  freedom.  He  was  about  to  depart 
beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains,  but  he  Avould 
delay  his  departure  Avhile  the  Capital  of  his 
country  Avas  in  danger,  hoping  to  find  a  place, 
even  as  a  private,  in  the  ranks  of  those  Avho 
were  prepared  to  defend  the  American  flag. 

Mr.  Parkes,  the  recently  appointed  Post¬ 
master  of  San  Francisco,  Avas  the  next  speaker. 
The  Administration,  he  said,  had  given  him  an 
office,  but  he  was  willing  to  stay  here  to  sustain 
the  Administration.  If  danger  threatened 
steamers  from  California,  as  "it  undoubtedly 
did — steamers  coming  here  with  specie,  and  with 
the  Avives  and  children  of  Californians — they 
must  be  protected.  He  knew  that  the  captains 
of  those  vessels,  rather  than  let  that  specie 
fall  into  the  hands  of  enemies,  Avould  cast  it 
overboard.  He  thought,  in  the  present  crisis, 
that  all  California  steamers  ought  to  be  armed. 

A  committee  of  five  was  appointed  to  draft 


132 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


resolutions.  An  Executive  Committee  of  five 
was  also  appointed  to  raise  a  California  Begi- 
ment. 

Mr.  Boss  Fish,  of  Maryland,  made  a  most 
patriotic  speech.  Col.  Bakek  was  appointed 
commander  of  the  regiment ;  after  which  the 
following  resolutions  were  read  and  unani¬ 
mously  adopted  : 

Whereas ,  The  integrity  and  perpetuity  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  has  been 
and  is  seriously  threatened  and  assailed  hy  the 
open  revolt  of  a  large  portion  of  the  people  of 
several  States  of  the  Union,  and 

Whereas ,  There  has  been  no  just  cause  for 
this  action  either  on  the  part  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment  itself  or  tho  people,  and 

Whereas,  Tho  Government  and  the  people 
have  borne  and  forborne,  until  such  a  period 
has  been  reached  that  longer  forbearance  will 
assuredly  result  in  the  total  disruption  and  de¬ 
struction  of  our  Bepublican  form  of  government, 
and  now  tho  Government,  sustained  by  the  peo¬ 
ple,  proposes  to  quell  the  unjust  and  unholy 
rebellion,  and  restore  peace  and  prosperity  to 
the  country  once  more ;  therefore, 

Resolved ,  That  we,  as  residents  of  the  Ameri¬ 
can  States  and  Territories  of  the  Pacific  coast, 
have  a  common  interest  with  the  people  of  the 
other  sections  of  our  country  in  the  defence  and 
preservation  of  the  Government  of  our  Fathers. 

Resolved ,  That  we  pledge  our  lives,  our  for¬ 
tunes,  and  our  sacred  honor  to  do  all  that  in  us 
lies,  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  the  Government 
and  uphold  the  flag  of  our  country  all  over  this 
broad  land,  and  all  over  the  world,  wherever  it 
may  be  legitimately  unfurled. 

Resolved ,  That  we  will  use  our  best  efforts 
to  raise  a  regiment,  or  as  largo  a  body  of  troops 
as  can  bo  called  together  in  New  York,  to  be 
composed  of  men  from  tho  Pacific  coast,  and 
others  who  choose  to  join  them,  whoso  services 
shall  be  offered  to  the  Government  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  majesty  and  supremacy  of 
tho  Constitution  and  tho  laws,  and  the  suppres¬ 
sion  of  rebellion  wherever  it  may  exist. 

Resolved ,  That  the  Californians  on  the  At¬ 
lantic  coast  form  themselves  into  a  regiment  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  Constitution  and  Union, 
and  with  reference  to  carrying  out  the  objects 
of  this  meeting,  and  maintaining  tho  inviolabil¬ 
ity  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 

Tho  meeting  then  adjourned,  after  giving 
three  enthusiastic  cheers and  a  tiger  ”  for  the 
Union. 

— A  Y,  Times,  April  22. 


Doc.  83.— OPINION  OF  TIIE  LIVEBPOOL 
TIMES. 

The  latest  accounts  from  America  are  omi¬ 
nous  in  the  extreme,  and  it  is  greatly  to  bo  feared 
that  the  North  and  the  South  will,  after  all 
come  to  blows.  We  had  hoped  a  different  re¬ 
sult,  and  we  hope  so  still,  but  it  is  useless  to 
disguise  the  feeling  which  prevails  not  less  in 
New  lork  than  in  Charleston,  that  a  deadly 


collision  is  impending — a  fratricidal  war  im¬ 
minent.  For  this  melancholy  state  of  things 
people  in  Europe  were  not  prepared.  Tho 
tone  of  the  new  President's  inaugural  address 
pointed  to  war;  but  his  subsequent  conduct  has 
been  at  variance  with  this  belief,  and  hopes 
were  entertained  that,  as  the  South  could  not 
be  again  seduced  into  the  Union,  she  would  not 
be  coerced.  Wo  may  receive,  at  any  hour  or 
any  day,  intelligence  that  the  deadly  conflict 
lias  begun ;  and  once  commenced,  there  is  no 
telling  how  long  it  may  continue,  or  where  it 
may  end. 

America,  in  this  hour  of  her  fate,  can  be  said 
to  owe  little  to  tho  judgment  of  her  Presidents 

tho  last  or  the  present.  Mr.  Buchanan’s  ill- 
omened  message  to.  Congress,  at  the  end  of  his 
term,  was  a  direct  incentive  to  the  breaking  up 
of  the  Federal  compact;  and  now  we  have  the 
pacific  policy  which  followed  Mr.  Lincoln’s  ac¬ 
cession  to  office  cast  aside,  and  a  policy  of  force 
substituted  which  may  end  in  destruction  of 
thousands  of  lives  and  the  flowing  of  rivers  of 
blood.  Matters  had  proceeded  to  such  a  pass 
that  a  pacific  solution  of  the  difficulty  was  the 
only  reasonable  and  proper  one.  It  may  be 
that  the  accounts  which  have  reached  us  are 
exaggerated  and  unreliable ;  but  when  the  busi¬ 
ness  men  of  New  York  look  on  civil  war  as 
imminent,  and  when  the  capital  of  the  South 
is  moved  by  a  similar  belief,  we,  in  England, 
have  no  alternative  but  to  accept  the  probabil¬ 
ity,  however  much  we  may  deplore  it. 

As  war,  then,  between  the  two  Bepublics 
seems  to  be  regarded  as  certain,  the  question 
that  remains  to  be  asked  is,  what  will  the  prin¬ 
cipals  gain  by  it?  It  is  evident  that  President 
Lincoln  has  neither  an  army  nor  a  navy  at 
hand  to  make  the  South  submit;  and  it  is 
equally  certain  that  the  South  is  even  more 
anxious  than  tho  North  to  test  it  by  a  trial  of 
strength.  The  old  Government  has  certainly 
one  alternative  to  which  it  may  resort ;  but  it 
is  so  terrible  in  conception,  and  would  prove 
so  malignant,  in  practice,  that  we  will  do  Mr. 
Lincoln  the  justice  of  expressing  our  disbelief 
in  his  ever  having  recourse  to  it.  The  South 
is  so  strong  on  its  own  ground  that  no  amount 
of  Federal  force  which  can  he  brought  into  the 
field,  within  any  reasonable  'period,  would  stand 
a  chance  of  success  ;  but  the  Washington  Gov¬ 
ernment  might  readily  make  the  slaves  the  instru¬ 
ments  of  vengeance,  by  putting  arms  into  their 
hands  to  be  turned  against  their  masters.  A 
servile  war,  thus  inaugurated,  would  probably 
be  one  of  the  bloodiest  and  fiercest  in  the 
whole  records  of  mankind,  and,  while  the  men 
of  the  South  were  engaged  in  putting  it  down, 
their  seaboard  might  be  scoured,  their  cities 
ravaged,  their  property  confiscated  or  de¬ 
stroyed,  by  the  Unionist  party.  An  extreme 
and  desperate  alternative  like  this  would  test 
the  strength  of  the  South  ;  hut  the  probability 
is  that,  even  against  such  accumulated  difficul¬ 
ties  and  odds,  the  South  would  ultimately  tri¬ 
umph.  But  what  would  be  the  feeling  that 


DOCUMENTS. 


133 


such  an  act  would  leave  behind?  The  con¬ 
tempt  with  which  the  white  planter  regards  hia 
black  slave  would  be  substituted  for  the  most 
malignant  hatred  towards  his  own  color  and 
his  own  countrymen  in  the  other  sections  of  the 
Republic — an  animosity  would  be  engendered 
that  time  could  not  soften  nor  circumstances 
mollify,  and  the  foundation  would  be  laid  for 
internecine  wars  more  furious  and  destructive 
than  any  which  the  Republicans  ever  waged 
against  the  Red  Indians  of  the  prairies.  We 
cannot,  as  we  have  said,  suppose  that  Mr.  Lin¬ 
coln  and  his  supporters,  after  their  recent  dec¬ 
larations,  would  have  recourse  to  this  diaboli¬ 
cal  policy  ;  and  yet,  short  of  it,  we  can  see  no 
reasonable  prospects  of  success  in  soliciting  an 
encounter  with  the  South.  Three  or  four  mil¬ 
lions  of  black  auxiliaries,  pressed  into  the  ser¬ 
vice  of  the  Washington  Cabinet,  might  turn 
the  scale — but  at  what  a  price ! 

If  civil  war  has  really  commenced  between 
the  North  and  the  South,  we  hope  that  the  rep¬ 
resentatives  of  England  and  France  at  Washing¬ 
ton  have  been  instructed  by  their  respective  gov¬ 
ernments  to  tender  their  aid  as  mediators  before 
the  struggle  has  roused  all  the  fierce  passions 
which  if  continued  for  any  length  of  time ,  are 
certain  to  be  called  into  play.  Both  nations 
wish  well  to  the  American  people :  both  are 
alike  interested  in  the  general  prosperity  of  the 
country  in  every  latitude ;  and  both  are  impelled 
towards  it  by  the  strongest  sympathy  that  can 
animate  friendly  nations.  This  seems  to  us  the 
last  resource  before  the  sword  is  drawn  and  the 
scabbard  thrown  away,  and  probably  the  sug¬ 
gestion  would  meet  the  approval  of  that  large 
class  in  both  extremes  of  the  country  which 
must  look  with  horror  and  dismay  at  the  pros¬ 
pect  of  men  and  brothers  cutting  each  other’s 
throats  under  circumstances  so  fearfully  pro¬ 
vocative  of  vengeance. 

—Liverpool  Times,  April  20. 

Doc.  84.— LETTER  FROM  SECRETARY 
SEWARD  TO  GOY.  IIICIvS. 

Department  of  State,  April  22,  1S61. 

His  Excellency  Thos.  H.  Hides ,  Governor  of 
Maryland. 

Sik  :  I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your 
communication  of  this  morning,  in  which  you 
inform  me  that  you  have  felt  it  to  be  your 
duty  to  advise  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  order  elsewhere  the  troops  then  off 
Annapolis,  and  also  that  no  more  may  be  sent 
through  Maryland ;  and  that  you  have  further 
suggested  that  Lord  Lyons  be  requested  to  act 
as  mediator  between  the  contending  parties  in 
our  country,  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood. 

The  President  directs  me  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  that  communication,  and  to  assure 
you  that  he  has  weighed  the  counsels  which  it 
contains  with  the  respect  which  he  habitually 
cherishes  for  the  Chief  Magistrates  of  the  sev¬ 
eral  States,  and  especially  for  yourself.  lie 


regrets,  as  deeply  as  any  magistrate  or  citizen 
of  the  country  can,  that  demonstrations  against 
the  safety  of  the  United  States,  with  very  ex¬ 
tensive  preparations  for  the  effusion  of  blood, 
have  made  it  his  duty  to  call  out  the  force  to 
which  you  allude. 

The  force  now  sought  to  be  brought  through 
Maryland  is  intended  for  nothing  but  the  de¬ 
fence  of  this  Capital.  The  President  has  neces¬ 
sarily  confided  the  choice  of  the  national  high¬ 
way  which  that  force  shall  take  in  coming  to 
this  city,  to  the  Lieutenant-General  command¬ 
ing  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  who,  like 
his  only  predecessor,  is  not  less  distinguished 
for  his  humanity,  than  for  his  loyalty,  patriot¬ 
ism,  and  distinguished  public  service. 

The  President  instructs  me  to  add  that  the 
national  highway  thus  selected  by  the  Lieuten¬ 
ant-General  has  been  chosen  by  him,  upon  con¬ 
sultation  with  prominent  magistrates  and  citi¬ 
zens  of  Maryland,  as  the  one  which,  while  a 
route  is  absolutely  necessary,  is  furthest  re¬ 
moved  from  the  populous  cities  of  the  State, 
and  with  the  expectation  that  it  would,  there¬ 
fore,  be  the  least  objectionable  one. 

The  President  cannot  but  remember  that 
there  has  been  a  time  in  the  history  of  our 
country  when  a  General  of  the  American 
Union,  with  foi’ces  designed  for  the  defence  of 
its  Capital,  was  not  unwelcome  anywhere  in 
the  State  of  Maryland,  and  certainly  not  at 
Annapolis,  then,  as  now,  the  Capital  of  that 
patriotic  State,  and  then,  also,  one  of  the  Capi¬ 
tals  of  the  Union. 

If  eighty  years  could  have  obliterated  all  the 
other  noble  sentiments  of  that  age  in  Mary¬ 
land,  the  President  would  be  hopeful,  never¬ 
theless,  that  there  is  one  that  would  forever 
remain  there  and  everywhere.  That  sentiment 
is  that  no  domestic  contention  whatever,  that 
may  arise  among  the  parties  of  this  Republic, 
ought  in  any  case  to  be  referred  to  any  foreign 
arbitrament,  least  of  all  to  the  arbitrament  of 
an  European  monarchy. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  distinguished 
consideration,  your  Excellency’s  most  obedient 
servant,  William  H.  Seward. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  April  23. 


Doo.  85.— THE  BALTIMORE  RIOT. 

TnE  following  is  a  recapitulation  of  the  killed 
and  wounded  during  the  collision,  April  19th  : 

Citizens  Killed. — Robert  W.  Davis,  Philip  S. 
Miles,  John  McCann,  John  McMahon,  Win.  R. 
Clark,  James  Carr,  Sebastian  Gies,  Wm.  Mal- 
loney,  Michael  Murphy. 

Citizens  Wounded. — James  Myers,  mortally 

- Coney,  Wm.  Ree,  boy  unknown. 

Soldiers  Killed. — Two,  unknown. 

Soldiers  Wounded. — S.  H.  Needham,  Michael 
Green,  D.  B.  Tyler,  Edward  Colwin,  H.  W. 
Danfortli,  Wm.  Patch  ;  three  unknown. 

The  total  killed  is  nine  citizens  and  two 
soldiers ;  wounded,  three  citizens  and  eight 
Soldiers.  — Baltimore  American ,  April  22. 


134 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


The  'Washington  Star  says :  The  wounded 
of  the  Massachusetts  soldiers  in  tho  fight  at 
Baltimore  on  Friday,  are  as  follows :  Com¬ 
pany  C,  Stoneham  Light  Infantry — Capt.  J.  II. 
Dyke,  hall  wound  in  the  head ;  left  in  Balti¬ 
more,  and  supposed  to  have  died  since  ;  Ilenry 
Dyke,  ball  wound  in  the  leg ;  W.  II.  Young,  hit 
with  a  brickbat  on  tho  arm ;  Stephen  Flanders, 
bad  wound  with  a  brickbat  on  the  head ;  II. 
Perry,  brickbat  wound  on  the  knee ;  John  For¬ 
tier,  wounded  on  the  head  with  a  stone  ;  C.  L. 
Gill,  a  bad  wound  on  the  knee  from  the  breech 
of  a  gun ;  John  W.  Pennall,  knocked  on  the 
head  with  a  brickbat;  John  Kempton,  several 
bad  bruises  on  the  legs  and  arms  from  paving- 
stones  ;  Morris  Meade,  wounded  on  the  leg  by 
a  brickbat;  Lieut.  James  Wroe,  two  side  cuts 
on  the  head  from  brickbats;  Daniel  Brown, 
tho  third  finger  of  the  left  hand  shot  off. 
Company  D,  Lowell— C.  II.  Chandler,  wound¬ 
ed  on  the  head  by  a  brick.  Company  I,  Law¬ 
rence — V.  G.  Gingrass,  ball  through  the  arm ; 
Alonzo  Joy,  two  fingers  shot  off;  Sergeant  G. 
J.  Dor  all,  cut  on  the  head  with  a  brickbat ;  of 
this  company  five  or  six  are  left  in  Baltimore, 
and  tho  nature  of  their  wounds  is  not  known. 
Company  D — W.  II.  Lamson,  struck  on  the  eye 
and  back  of  the  head  with  paving  stones,  and 
other  severe  bruises  on  the  body.  Charles 
Stinson,  Company  C,  nose  broken  with  a  brick. 
Company  D — Ira  W.  Moore,  badly  wounded  on 
tho  left  arm  with  brickbats;  George  Alexan¬ 
der,  back  of  the  head  and  neck  badly  cut  with 
a  brick. 

The  Star  adds :  “  All  the  above,  except  Capt. 
Dyke,  are  at  the  Washington  Infirmary,  under 
the  charge  of  Surgeon  Smith,  of  their  own  reg¬ 
iment,  and  Dr.  J.  S.  Smith,  Surgeon  to  the  1). 
C.  Volunteers,  who  has  kindly  volunteered  his 
services  as  assistant.  A  considerable  number 
of  citizens  of  Massachusetts  temporarily  resid¬ 
ing  here,  have  formed  themselves  into  an  asso¬ 
ciation  to  aid  by  money  and  other  means  in 
relieving  troops  sent  here  from  that  State, 
whenever  assistance  may  be  required.” 


Doc.  SO.— AM  EMBARGO  AT  BALTIMORE. 

The  following  order  appears  in  the  Baltimore 
papers  of  April  23  : 

Baltimore,  April  22, 1861. 

It  is  ordered  by  the  Mayor  and  the  Board  of 
Police  that  no  provisions  of  any  kind  he  trans¬ 
ferred  from  the  City  of  Baltimore  to  any  point 
or  place,  from  this  time,  until  further  orders, 
without  special  permission. 

The  execution  of  this  order  is  intrusted  to 
Col.  I.  B.  Trimble. 

The  following  order  has  been  issued  : 

It  being  deemed  necessary  for  the  safety  and 
protection  of  the  city,  that  no  steamboat  be 
permitted  to  leave  our  harbor  without  the  sanc¬ 
tion  of  the  city  authorities,  I  hereby,  by  au¬ 
thority  of  the  Mayor  and  Board  of  Police, 


direct  that  no  steamboat  shall  leave  the  harbor 
without  my  permit. 

I.  R.  Trimble,  Commanding. 

A.  31  Times ,  April  25. 


Doc.  87.— SPEECH  OF  A.  II.  STEPHEN'S 
AT  RICHMOND,  VA.,  April  22. 

Tiie  distinguished  gentleman  was  introduced 
to  the  throng  by  Mayor  Mayo,  and  received 
with  hearty  cheers.  In  response,  Mr.  Stephens 
returned  his  acknowledgments  for  the  warmth 
of  the  personal  greeting,  and  his  most  profound 
thanks  for  it  as  the  representative  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States.  He  spoke  of  the  rejoicing  the 
secession  of  Virginia  had  caused  among  her 
Southern  sisters.  Her  people  would  feel  justi¬ 
fied  if  they  could  hear  it  as  he  had.  Tie  would 
not  speak  of  the  States  that  were  out,  but  those 
who  were  in.  North  Carolina  was  out,  and  did 
not  know  exactly  how  she  got  out.  The  fires 
that  were  blazing  here  he  had  seen  all  along, 
his  track  from  Montgomery  to  Richmond.  At 
Wilmington,  N.  C.,  he  had  counted  on  one 
street  twenty  flags  of  the  Confederate  States. 

The  news  from  lennesseewas  equally  cheer¬ 
ing— there  the  mountains  were  on  fire.  Some 
ot  the  States  still  hesitated,  but  soon  all  would 
be  in.  Tennessee  was  no  longer  in  the  late 
Union.  She  was  out  by  resolutions  of  her 
popular  assemblies  in  Memphis  and  other  cities. 
Kentucky  would  soon  be  out ;  her  people  were 
moving.  Missouri— who  could  doubt  the  stand 
she  would  take  ? — when  her  Governor,  in  reply 

to  Lincoln’s  insolent  proclamation,  had  said  : _ 

“You  shall  have  no  troops  for  the  further¬ 
ance  of  your  illegal,  unchristian,  and  diabolical 
schemes !  ”  Missouri  will  soon  add  another 
star  to  the  Southern  galaxy.  Where  Maryland 
is  you  all  know.  The  first  Southern  blood  has 
been  shed  on  her  soil,  and  Virginia  would 
never  stand  by  and  see  her  citizens  shot  down. 
The  cause  of  Baltimore  is  the  cause  of  the 
whole  South. 

He  said  the  cause  we  were  engaged  in  was 
that  which  attached  people  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  late  United  States — it  was  the  cause  of 
civil,  religious,  and  constitutional  liberty.  Many 
of  us  looked  at  the  Constitution  as  the  anchor 
of  safety.  In  Georgia  the  people  had  been  at¬ 
tached  to  the  previous  Union,  but  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  which  governed  it  was  framed  by  Southern 
talent  and  understanding.  Assaults  had  been 
made  on  it  ever  since  it  was  established. 

Lately  a  latitudinous  construction  had  been 
made  by  the  North,  while  we  of  the  South 
soiight  to  interpret  it  as  it  was — advocating 
strict  construction,  State  rights,  the  right  of 
the  people  to  rule,  &c.  He  spoke  of  all  the 
fifteen  Southern  States  as  advocating  this  con¬ 
struction.  To  violate  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution  was  to  initiate  revolution ;  and 
the  Northern  States  had  done  this. 

The  constitution  framed  at  Montgomery  dis¬ 
carded  the  obsolete  ideas  of  the  old  Constitu- 


DOCUMENTS. 


135 


tion,  bat  bad  preserved  its  better  portion,  with 
some  modifications,  suggested  by  the  experi¬ 
ence  of  the  past;  and  it  had  been  adopted  by 
the  Confederate  States,  who  would  stand  by  it. 
The  old  Constitution  had  been  made  an  engine 
of  power  to  crush  out  liberty ;  that  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States  to  preserve  it.  The  old  Con¬ 
stitution  was  improved  in  our  hands,  and  those 
living  under  it  had,  like  the  phoenix,  risen  from 
their  ashes. 

The  revolution  lately  begun  did  not  affect 
alone  property,  but  libei’ty.  lie  alluded  to 
Lincoln’s  call  for  75,000  volunteers,  and  said 
he  could  find  no  authority  in  the  old  Constitu¬ 
tion  for  such  a  flagrant  abuse  of  power.  His 
second  proclamation  had  stigmatized  as  pirates 
all  who  sailed  in  letters  of  marque ;  this  was 
also  in  violation  of  the  Constitution,  which 
alone  gave  Congress  that  power. 

What  had  the  friends  of  liberty  to  hope  for  ? 
Beginning  in  usurpation,  where  would  he  end  ? 
You  are,  however,  said  he,  no  longer  under  the 
rule  of  this  tyrant.  With  strong  arms  and 
stout  hearts  you  have  now  resolved  to  stand  in 
defence  of  liberty.  The  Confederate  States 
have  but  asserted  their  rights.  They  believed 
that  their  rulei*3  derived  their  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed.  Ho  one  had 
the  right  to  deny  the  existence  of  the  sovereign 
right  of  secession.  Our  people  did  not  want  to 
meddle  with  the  Northern  States — only  wanted 
the  latter  to  leave  them  alone.  When  did  Vir¬ 
ginia  ever  ask  the  assistance  of  the  General 
Government  ? 

If  there  is  sin  in  our  institutions,  we  bear  the 
blame,  and  will  stand  acquitted  by  natural  law, 
and  the  higher  law  of  the  Creator.  We  stand 
upon  the  law  of  God  and  Nature.  The  South¬ 
ern  States  did  not  wish  a  resort  to  arms  after 
secession.  Mr.  Stephens  alluded  to  the  negoti¬ 
ations  between  Major  Anderson  and  the  au¬ 
thorities  of  the  Confederate  States,  to  demon¬ 
strate  the  proposition.  History,  he  said,  if 
rightly  written,  will  acquit  us  of  a  desire  to 
shed  our  brother’s  blood. 

The  law  of  necessity  and  of  right  compelled 
us  to  act  as  we  did.  He  had  reason  to  believe 
that  the  Creator  smiled  on  it.  The  Federal 
flag  was  taken  down  without  the  loss  of  a  sin¬ 
gle  life.  He  believed  that  Providence  would 
be  with  us  and  bless  us  to  the  end.  We  had 
appealed  to  the  God  of  Battles  for  the  justness 
of  our  cause.  Madness  and  folly  ruled  at  Wash¬ 
ington.  Had  it  not  have  been  so,  several  of  the 
States  would  have  been  in  the  old  Union  for  a 
year  to  come.  Maryland  would  join  us,  and 
may  be,  ere  long,  the  principles  that  Washing¬ 
ton  fought  for  might  be  again  administered  in 
the  city  that  bore  his  name. 

Every  son  of  the  South,  from  the  Potomac  to 
the  Rio  Grande,  should  rally  to  the  support  of 
Maryland.  If  Lincoln  quits  Washington  as 
ignominously  as  he  entered  it,  God’s  will  will 
have  been  accomplished.  The  argument  was 
now  exhausted.  Be  prepared ;  stand  to  your 
arms — defend  your  wives  and  firesides.  He 


alluded  to  the  momentous  consequences  of  the 
issue  involved.  Rather  than  be  conquered,  let 
every  second  man  rally  to  drive  back  the  in¬ 
vader.  The  conflict  may  be  terrible,  but  the 
victory  will  be  ours.  Virginians,  said  he,  you 
fight  for  the  preservation  of  your  sacred  rights 
— the  land  of  Patrick  IIenry — to  keep  from 
desecration  the  tomb  of  Washington,  the  graves 
of  Madison,  Jefferson,  and  all  you  hold  most 
dear. 

— Richmond  Dispatch ,  April  23. 


Doc.  88.— MEETING  OF  THE  NEW  YORK 
BAR,  April  22. 

Judge  Edvionds  called  the  meeting  to  order, 
and  nominated  for  presiding  officer  the  Hon. 
Daniel  P.  Ingraham,  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
The  motion  was  acceded  to  amid  loud  cheers. 

Mr.  Charles  E.  Whitehead  put  in  nomination 
the  following  list  of  Vice-Presidents: 

Hon.  Samuel  R.  Bette,  lion.  Tkos.  W.  Clcrke, 

Hon.  J.  J.  Roosevelt,  lion.  C.  P.  Daly, 

Hon.  John  T.  Hoffman,  Hon.  Greene  C.  Bronson, 
Hon.  Daniel  Lord. 

William  Allen  Butler  put  in  nomination  the 
following  list  of  Secretaries : 

Gilbert  Dean,  E.  W.  Stoughton, 

Hon.  Clias.  A.  Peabody,  Richard  O’Gorman. 

These  nominations  were  acceded  to  unani¬ 
mously. 

Three  cheers  were  called  for  the  American 
flag,  and  responded  to  enthusiastically. 

Judge  Edmonds  said :  In  behalf  of  the  Com¬ 
mittee  of  Arrangements  I  offer  the  following 
resolutions  for  the  consideration  of  the  meet¬ 
ing.  I  am  admonished  by  the  Committee  that 
I  must  make  no  speech.  The  time  for  speeches 
has  gone  by.  The  time  for  action  has  arrived, 
[loud  cheers,]  and  I  am,  therefore,  instructed  to 
call  upon  this  meeting  of  intelligent  and  patri¬ 
otic  men  to  act,  and  not  to  talk.  I  read  the 
resolutions : 

In  all  periods  of  the  history  of  our  people, 
the  lawyer  has  been  preeminently  true  to  the 
cause  of  civil  liberty,  the  supremacy  of  the  law. 
and  the  integrity  of  constitutions;  and  it  be¬ 
comes  the  members  of  the  profession,  whether 
members  of  the  Bench,  practitioners  at  the  Bar, 
or  our  students  and  clerks,  to  rally  in  the  de¬ 
fense  of  our  dearly  cherished  institutions, 
against  the  felonious  assaults  now  made  upon 
them.  And  the  members  of  the  profession  in 
the  City  of  New  York,  and  those  connected 
with  them  in  the  administration  of  justice,  ac¬ 
knowledging  the  high  obligations  of  fidelity  to 
the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  in  every  emer¬ 
gency  and  against  every  assault,  and  feeling  the 
imperative  call  upon  them  in  the  impending 
crisis  to  take  immediate  and  effective  action  as 
a  profession,  it  is  by  them 

Resolved ,  That  an  executive  committee  of 
fifteen  be  appointed  to  collect  and  receive  sub¬ 
scriptions  from  the  members  of  the  profession 
and  all  connected  with  them,  to  be  applied  by 
them  for  the  purposes  of  national  defence  and 


136 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


in  aid  of  those  of  our  brethren  who  are  or  may 
be  called  into  active  service,  or  the  families  of 
those  who  fall  or  may  bo  disabled  in  the  serv¬ 
ice,  and  generally  to  do  every  act  in  behalf  of 
the  Bar  that  may  be  necessary  to  carry  into 
effect  the  general  purposes  of  this  meeting. 

Resolved ,  That  we  hold  ourselves  in  readi¬ 
ness  whenever  requested,  in  behalf  of  any 
member  of  this  Bar,  who  may  be  in  service  in 
the  Army  or  Navy  of  the  United  States,  to  as¬ 
sume  and  perform  for  his  benefit  any  professional 
business  he  may  have  in  charge,  and  without 
expense  to  him. 

Resolved ,  That  the  members  of  the  profes¬ 
sion  in  the  City  of  New  York  will  stand  by  the 
Union,  the  Constitution,  and  the  supremacy  of 
the  laws,  in  every  and  any  emergency ;  and  to 
that  they  pledge  their  means  and  personal  ef¬ 
forts,  as  well  against  aggression  from  abroad  as 
against  efforts  at  home ;  and  they  hold  it  to  be 
their  solemn  duty  in  this  emergency  to  cooper¬ 
ate  with  the  public  authorities,  State  and  Na¬ 
tional,  civil  and  military,  in  preserving  peace 
and  good  order,  in  maintaining  good  govern¬ 
ment,  in  sustaining  the  Constitution  and  the 
legal  authorities  of  the  land,  in  protecting  the 
homes  and  firesides  of  our  people. 

Resolved ,  That  wo  recognize  in  the  contest 
in  which  wo  are  engaged  no  parallel  in  the  his¬ 
tory  of  the  world.  Aiming  at  no  acquisition 
of  territory,  prompted  by  no  ambition  for  dis¬ 
tinction  or  power,  and  impelled  by  no  angry 
passions,  the  people  of  the  United  States  are 
warring  for  freedom  only  against  wanton  ag¬ 
gressions  upon  all  the  institutions  which  have 
secured  that  freedom  to  us.  In  such  a  contest, 
where  the  wisdom  of  the  past  can  afford  us  no 
adequate  guide,  it  becomes  the  lawyer,  regard¬ 
less  of  the  obscurity  which  so  often  settles  upon 
moral  courage  amid  the  blaze  of  martial  re¬ 
nown,  to  be  firm,  true,  calm,  and  active  in 
every  emergency,  and  by  a  generous  self-sacri¬ 
fice  evince  at  once  the  ardor  and  purity  of  his 
patriotism.  To  such  a  line  of  conduct  we  dedi¬ 
cate  ourselves,  and  invite  our  brethren  through¬ 
out  the  State  to  associate  and  cooperate  with  us. 

David  Dudley  Field  moved  the  adoption  of 
the  resolutions. 

The  lion.  Charles  P.  Kirkland  said :  Before 
these  resolutions  are  adopted  I  desire  to  say,  six 
months  since  I  lost  my  very  dear  eldest  son.  I 
have  but  two  left,  and  the  youngest  19  years 
of  age.  Both  started  yesterday  for  Washing¬ 
ton  in  the  Tlst  Regiment.  [Loud  cheers]. 

The  resolutious  were  adopted  amid  loud 
cheers. 

Subscription  papers  were  at  once  circulated 
in  the  audience,  during  which  the  President 
announced  the  following  gentlemen  as  the  Ex¬ 
ecutive  Committee : 

Hon.  John  XV.  Edmonds,  Hon.  "Wm.  H.  Leonard, 

Hon.  Joseph  S.  Bosworth,  Hon.  Henry  Hilton, 
lion.  Edwards  Pierrepont,  Daniel  Lord, 

Henry  Nicoll,  Dorman  P.  Eaton, 

Wm.  P'ullerton,  Eich’d  O’Gorman, 

Luther  R.  Marsh,  Alex.  Hamilton,  Jr., 

Wm.  Alien  Butler,  Gilbert  Dean, 

John  T.  C.  Smidt. 


The  work  of  receiving  subscriptions  then 
commenced  in  good  earnest — the  first  sums 
subscribed  being  $500,  and  even  these  were  in¬ 
creased  in  the  latter  part  of  the  meeting,  when 
the  eftort  was  made  to  bring  the  aggregate  up 
to  a  stated  amount. 

The  sums  subscribed  made  an  aggregate  of 
over  $25,000. 

Throughout,  the  proceedings  were  character¬ 
ized  by  the  most  noble  feelings  of  patriotism ; 
and  many  pleasant  episodes  occurred,  a  few  of 
which  are  as  follows : 

The  Hon.  E.  P.  Cowles  stated  that  he  had 
equipped  a  son  in  the  First  Regiment,  but  he 
desired  to  contribute  in  addition  $100. 

Mr.  E.  H.  Owen  had  sent  a  son  to  the  war, 
and  he  desired  to  subscribe  $100. 

The  lion.  John  Slosson  said  he  had  equipped 
his  only  son  and  sent  him  on  to  the  field.  The 
firm  of  Schell,  Slosson,  &  Hutchins  had  con¬ 
tributed  $500,  to  which  he  would  add  $100  for 
himself.  He  had  also  three  nephews  in  the 
service. 

Richard  Busteed  had  equipped  a  nephew  and 
an  adopted  son,  who  were  now  on  their  way 
to  the  scene  of  conflict.  In  addition,  he  sub¬ 
scribed  $350. 

E.  W.  Chester  said  he  had  not  $500  to  con¬ 
tribute,  but  his  partner  had  gone  with  the  7lst 
Regiment,  leaving  his  wife  and  family  to  his 
care.  That  should  be  his  contribution.  [Ap¬ 
plause.] 

The  Hon.  J.  H.  McCunn,  City  Judge,  in  ad¬ 
dition  to  contributing  $500  to  help  equip  his 
own  regiment,  subscribed  $100  to  the  fund  of 
this  meeting. 

Judge  Pierrepont  said  that  an  Englishman 
desired  to  contribute  his  share,  $100.  He  was 
Mr.  Charles  Edwards.  [Applause.] 

A. gentleman  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
a  military  company  was  now  being  organized 
among  the  members  of  the  Bar. 

Judge  Edmonds  said  he  would  revive  the  rec¬ 
ollection  that  he  was  once  Colonel  of  a  Regi¬ 
ment.  [Three  cheers  for  Col.  Edmonds  were 
called  for  and  responded  to  amid  loud  cheers 
and  laughter.]  He  would  only  say  that  he  was 
about  to  organize  a  regiment  again,  and  those 
who  were  willing  to  join  in  such  an  organiza¬ 
tion  for  home  consumption  he  would  like  to 
have  remain  when  the  meeting  should  adjourn. 
[Applause.]  He  was  60  and  odd  years  old,  but 
in  his  ashes  were  glowing  youthful  fires. 
[Cheers.] 

Mr.  Tom  Bennett  said  he  was  an  English¬ 
man  ;  that  he  had  been  endeavoring  to  get  his 
countrymen  together,  but  had  not  succeeded. 
He  was  now  ready  to  join  any  other  regiment 
and  fight.  [Cheers  for  Bennett.] 

Mr.  Ilaynor  said  he  had  no  means  to  con¬ 
tribute,  but  he  was  ready  to  shoulder  his  mus¬ 
ket  and  go  wherever  he  was  required.  He  had 
a  large  family,  but  he  knew  they  would  be 
taken  care  of.  [Applause.]  Ho  had  an  only 
son,  and  he,  too,  was  ready  to  unite  with  a  regi¬ 
ment,  t-o  do  his  duty  to  his  country.  [Cheers.] 


DOCUMENTS. 


137 


Ex-Judge  Birdsall  said  he  had  but  limited 
means,  but  he  gave  §25  to  the  fund,  and  within 
a  week  should  be  in  the  field  himself.  (Applause.) 

Nat.  Waring  said  that  he  had  already  fitted 
out  three  young  men  in  Brooklyn,  would  now 
contribute  $25,  and  if  it  were  necessary  he 
would  go  himself.  (Applause.) 

The  Hon.  Stephen  B.  Cushing,  late  Attorney- 
General,  said  that  a  son  and  clerk  he  had  al¬ 
ready  sent  to  the  war,  and  his  partner  was 
about  to  leave  as  colonel  of  an  entire  regiment. 

Mr.  Choate  stated  that  Mr.  Fullerton  had  ap¬ 
propriated  $500  for  the  support  of  the  New¬ 
burgh  Company,  which  his  nephew  command¬ 
ed,  and  he  now  added  to  this  fund  $100.  (Loud 
cheers.) 

Henry  Freeman  Lay,  a  law  clerk,  contributed 
$5,  and  announced  that  he  had  joined  the  Zou¬ 
aves  as  a  drummer. 

Malcom  Campbell  subscribed  $100.  He  wrote 
on  a  slip  of  paper,  which  was  read  to  the  meet¬ 
ing,  that  his  feelings  were  too  intense  to  permit 
him  to  speak;  but  before  the  end  of  the  week 
he  should  be  in  Washington  ready  to  do  what¬ 
ever  duty  was  assigned  him. 

John  Chetwood  said  that  a  boy  of  15  years, 
James  Riley,  had  enlisted  as  a  drummer.  He 
subscribed  $100  in  his  name. 

Mr.  Russell  said  that  on  Saturday  morning, 
to  his  great  surprise,  his  partner,  Mr.  Mileham 
Hoffman,  son  of  Judge  Hoffman,  walked  out  of 
their  office  to  enlist  for  Washington.  (Cheers.) 

Mr.  Chauncey  Schaffer,  who  had  been  attend¬ 
ing  an  impromptu  meeting  in  the  adjoining 
Court-room,  said :  We  have  imposed  fines  for 
the  cause  to  the  amount  of  $1,000,  and  the 
work  is  going  on.  It  affords  me  pleasure  to 
say  that  more  than  a  dozen  names  have  been 
enrolled  for  active  service  among  the  young 
members  of  the  profession,  who,  while  dis¬ 
claiming  to  be  masters  of  the  science,  were 
positive  that  they  had  learned  how  to  charge. 
(Laughter.) 

At  this  point,  the  contributions  were  an¬ 
nounced  to  have  reached  $17,000. 

A  gentleman  stated  that  intelligence  had 
been  received  from  Philadelphia  to  the  effect 
that  the  bar  of  that  city  had  a  meeting  to-day, 
with  the  purpose  of  raising  $20,000  on  the  spot. 
(Applause.) 

It  was  determined  at  once  that  however 
astute  “  Philadelphia  lawyers”  might  be,  New 
York  lawyers  would  have  to  exceed  their  figure. 

W.  R.  &  S.  H.  Stafford,  it  was  announced,  had 
sent  two  of  their  clerks  to  the  field,  and  now 
added  their  contribution  of  $100. 

Two  young  practitioners,  both  grandsons  of 
Noah  Webster,  Charles  C.  and  W.  W.  Fowler, 
contributed  $25  each. 

The  subscription  having  reached  near  $20,000, 
it  was  suggested  that  the  amount  must  be  made 
to  equal  that  of  the  merchants,  and  a  new  en¬ 
thusiasm  was  aroused,  and  soon  the  amount 
reached  over  $25,000. 

Mr.  Busteed  said  that  so  far  as  the  action  of 
the  merchants  was  concerned,  he  had  been 
Documents — 10 


informed  by  Mr.  Wm.  G.  Lambert  that  the 
honored  merchants  of  New  York,  as  the  result 
of  the  meeting  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
had  written  to  the  President  that  they  would 
furnish  him  with  a  hundred  millions  of  dollars 
if  it  was  necessary  (loud  cheers,)  and  that  to 
sustain  the  Government,  they  had  pledged  them¬ 
selves  as  sacredly  as  had  the  Fathers  of  the  Rev¬ 
olution. 

It  was  announced,  also,  that  Mi-.  Birnev,  of 
the  firm  of  Birney  &  Prentice,  was  also  raising 
a  regiment,  and  had  been  commissioned. 

Mr.  Evarts  made  a  similar  statement  in  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  Hon.  Daniel  E.  Sickles. 

— iV!  Y.  Tribune,  April  23. 


Doo.  89.— JNO.  BELL  AND  EDWIN  H. 
EWING. 

Hox.  John  Bell  spoke  for  about  three-quar¬ 
ters  of  an  hour,  stating  in  effect  that  so  far  as 
present  duties  and  responsibilities  are  concern¬ 
ed,  the  past  is  a  sealed  book.  The  time  for 
action  and  unity  of  action  in  the  South  had 
arrived,  and  he  was  for  standing  by  the  South, 
and  defending  the  South,  all  the  South,  against 
the  unnecessary,  aggressive,  cruel,  unjust,  and 
wanton  war  which  is  being  forced  upon  us. 
He  recounted  at  some  length  the  efforts  which 
he  had  made  in  the  past,  and  especially  with 
the  present  Administration,  to  avert  this  war, 
and  the  hopes  he  had  cherished  for  the  preser¬ 
vation  of  peace ;  hut  those  hopes  had  now 
vanished,  and  our  duty  was  to  defend  ourselves 
and  to  make  common  cause  with  all  our  sister 
slaveholding  States  against  a  common  invading 
foe.  He  advocated  a  strong  and  effective  mili¬ 
tary  league  or  union  among  all  slaveholding 
States  for  the  successful  prosecution  of  the 
war.  He  declared  that  Tennessee  had,  in 
effect,  dissolved  her  relations  with  the  Federal 
Union,  and  though  he  had  hoped  and  labored 
to  the  last  to  preserve  the  Union  first,  and 
second,  if  separation  was  inevitable,  to  make 
it  peaceable,  he  now  abandoned  all  such  hope, 
and  his  voice  was  clear  and  loud  to  every  Ten¬ 
nesseean — to  arms !  to  arms  !  He  counselled 
the  most  effective  and  energetic  public  meas¬ 
ures  to  secure  the  best  organization  possible  of 
the  military  strength  of  the  State. 

Mr.  Bell  was  followed  by  Hon.  Edwin  H. 
Ewing,  who  declared  that  in  his  opinion  the 
Union  between  the  North  and  the  South  was 
at  an  end  forever,  and  he  had  no  hope  of  its 
restoration.  He  regarded  this  as  a  war  of  sub¬ 
jugation,  and  he  would  never  consent  to  such  a 
domination  as  was  attempted  to  be  established 
over  us.  He  was  for  a  most  vigorous  prosecu¬ 
tion  of  the  war.  He  denied  that  the  Federal 
Administration  is  the  United  States  of  America, 
or  that  Washington  was  the  rightful  seat  of 
Government.  The  District  of  Columbia  was 
carved  out  of  Southern  territory,  and  they 
ought  not  to  be  permitted  to  hold  an  island  in 
our  own  country.  He  was  therefore  for  taking 
it.  He  was  for  unity  of  action  among  all  the 


138 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


States  of  the  South  under  any  military  leader 
who  was  best  qualified  to  lead  them.  He  said 
that  though  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis  had  not  been 
a  favorite  with  him  as  a  politician,  he  believed 
him  to  be  as  able  and  competent  a  military 
commander  as  there  is  in  the  South,  and  he 
was  for  marching  under  him,  or  any  other  man, 
against  the  invaders  of  Southern  soil.  His  cry 
was,  “  To  arms !  to  arms !  ”  not  only  to  resist 
the  invasion  of  our  own  soil,  but  that  of  any  of 
the  Southern  States.  He  had  no  thought  of 
accepting  the  poor  privilege  of  being  swallowed 
up  at  last. 

Hon.  Andrew  Ewing  followed,  declaring,  in 
the  strongest  and  most  emphatic  terms,  for 
resistance  to  the  attempted  subjugation  of  the 
South.  He  was  for  the  whole  South  standing 
as  a  unit. 

— Nashville  Banner ,  April  24. 


Doo.  90.— OPINIONS  OF  THE  NEW  OR¬ 
LEANS  PRESS. 

The  sectional  prejudice  among  thousands 
which,  until  recent  events,  had  laid  dormant 
and  inert,  has  been  roused  to  active  demonstra¬ 
tion  by  the  fiendish  tactics  of  Black  Republican 
journals.  These  have  so  mingled  the  most 
violent  denunciation  of  the  South  and  its  insti¬ 
tutions  with  frantic  appeals  in  behalf  of  the 
Union  and  the  American  flag,  as  to  stir  up  the 
ignorant  masses  to  a  pitch  of  uncontrollable  ex¬ 
citement,  and  to  fill  them  with  vindictive  and 
malignant  hostility.  If  these  fomenters  of 
strife  were  permitted  to  direct  the  policy  of  the 
United  States  Government,  a  war  of  extermi¬ 
nation  against  the  South  should  be  waged.  All 
their  counsels  tend  to  this  object ;  and,  as  they 
appear  to  he  gradually  obtaining  the  ascend¬ 
ency  with  the  Lincoln  Administration,  it  may 
be  that  before  the  lapse  of  many  months  the 
conflict  will  really  assume  the  hideous  charac¬ 
ter  they  desire  to  impart  to  it. 

— N.  O.  Bee,  April  27. 

Public  sentiment  in  the  South  has  become  a 
unit.  Never  before  was  there  such  unanimity 
on  any  question  as  now  exists  in  the  Confeder¬ 
ate  States ;  and  in  those  slave  States  that  are 
not  yet  technically  within  them,  almost  the 
6ame  unanimity  is  manifested.  The  coercive 
policy  of  the  Black  Republican  Government 
lias  produced  what  nothing  else  could  have 
done.  It  has  obliterated  all  mere  party  differ¬ 
ences  in  the  Southern  States,  and  brought  all 
men  upon  the  same  platform  of  resistance  to 
such  coercion.  The  conservative  sentiments 
of  the  border  slave  States  are  rapidly  giving 
way  before  the  crazy  efforts  at  subjugation  of 
the  usurping  despotism  at  Washington  City. 
That  power  seems  to  have  entirely  forgotten 
that  there  is  a  legislative  body  known  as  Con¬ 
gress,  for  it  is  arrogating  to  itself  as  much  au¬ 
thority  as  Louis  Napoleon  or  the  Emperor 
of  Russia  ever  exercised.  The  Republican 
Cabinet  has  been  converted  into  an  oligarchy, 
wielding  unlimited  authority.  Genuine  Repub¬ 


lican  theory  and  practice  appear  to  be  com¬ 
pletely  lost  sight  of.  The  Lincoln  Cabinet,  in¬ 
stead  of  merely  carrying  into  effect  the  laws 
that  Congress  passes,  makes  laws  of  its  own, 
or  rather  proceeds  to  make  war  upon  the  Con¬ 
federate  States  without  any  law.  Why  don’t 
Mr.  Lincoln  fulminate  a  decree  declaring  Con¬ 
gress  abolished,  and  himself  and  his  friends  in 
perpetual  authority,  with  power  to  do  just 
what  they  like,  law  or  no  law  ?  He  might  as 
well  do  this,  as  to  do  what  he  is  doing. 

— N.  O.  Bulletin,  April  27. 

The  Bulletin  also  says  that  while  the  South 
is  a  unit,  public  opinion  in  the  North  appears 
to  be  settling  down  into  a  determination  to 
support  the  war  measui’es  of  the  Lincoln  Ad¬ 
ministration.  Among  the  journals  which  still 
resist  the  tremendous  pressure  of  fanaticism, 
and  denounce  the  insane  policy  of  the  coer- 
cionists,  the  Bulletin  mentions  the  Bangor 
Union,  and  the  Argus,  Maine;  the  New  York 
Daily  News  and  New  York  Day  Book,  and  the 
Greensburg  (Pa.)  Democrat.  We  believe  the 
Boston  Courier  might  be  added  to  the  list,  and 
perhaps  Medary’s  paper,  the  Crisis,  in  Ohio. 
Of  course  the  opposition  of  these  journals  is 
utterly  iuchpable  of  checking  or  modifying  the 
war  current  in  the  North.  Nothing  can  do 
that  but  some  terrible  reverse  to  the  Northern 
arms.  Nothing  but  downright  force  and  physi¬ 
cal  terror  can  achieve  a  moral  triumph  over  the 
brutal  instincts  of  fanaticism. 

The  W.  0.  Crescent ,  referring  to  an  article  in 
the  Toronto  (Canada)  Leader,  observes : 

The  Leader  says  it  is  “  too  late  now  for  the 
North  to  adopt  the  only  statesmanlike  policy — 
to  recognize  secession  as  a  fact,  and  act  accord¬ 
ingly.”  We  think  not.  We  think  the  North 
may  save  itself  much  of  disaster,  much  of  na¬ 
tional  disgrace  and  dishonor,  millions  of  money 
and  seas  of  blood,  by  promptly  recognizing  at 
this  time,  the  independence  of  the  Confederate 
States.  It  is  all  that  we  have  ever  asked.  We 
have  asked  only  that  we  be  recognized  as  a 
separate  nationality,  and  all  questions  connected 
with  our  future  relations  and  our  former  joint 
possession  of  national  property  to  be  settled  by 
peaceable  negotiation.  What  we  demanded  at 
first  we  will  eventually  have,  just  so  sure  as 
fate — except  that,  since  this  inhuman  and  un¬ 
natural  war  has  been  precipitated  upon  us,  the 
North  will  lose  much  that  it  might  otherwise 
have  preserved. 

The  Picayune  speaks  of  the  utter  contempt 
and  disregard  of  laws  and  Constitutional  forms 
manifested  in  the  recent  proceedings  of  the 
Lincoln  Administration.  With  the  cry  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  enforcement  of  the  law 
on  its  lying  lips,  it  violates  both,  and  proceeds 
to  inaugurate  a  bitter  and  bloody  war  with  the 
preposterous  avowal  that  it  is  not  making  war, 
but  only  taking  measures  to  “  disperse  ”  a  mob 
and  put  down  a  riot. 

—N.  O.  Delta,  April  27. 


DOCUMENTS. 


139 


Doo.  91.— THE  FIRST  SOUTH  CAROLINA 
REGIMENT. 

TnE  following  are  the  officers  of  the  South 
Carolina  troops : 

M.  L.  Bonham,  Brigadier-General ;  Col.  W. 
C.  Moragne,  Deputy  Adjutant-General ;  Col. 
W.  D.  Simpson,  Division  Inspector-General ; 
Col.  A.  P.  Aldrich,  Quartermaster ;  Col.  R.  B. 
Boyleston,  Commissary ;  Col.  J.  N.  Lipscomb, 
Paymaster ;  Col.  J.  McF.  Gaston,  Brigade  Sur¬ 
geon  ;  Major  S.  W.  Nelson  ;  Major  E.  S.  Ham¬ 
mond  ;  Major  S.  W.  Melton. 

FIRST  REGIMENT  SOUTII  CAROLINA  VOLUNTEERS. 

Maxcy  Gregg,  Colonel ;  D.  II.  Hamilton, 
Lieutenant-Colonel ;  Augustus  M.  Smith,  Major. 

The  regiment  is  composed  of  the  Richland 
Rifles,  of  Columbia,  Capt.  Miller ;  Darlington 
Guards,  Capt.  McIntosh ;  Edgefield  Rifles,  Capt. 
Dean ;  Union  District  Volunteers,  Capt.  Gad- 
berry ;  Edgefield  Guards,  Capt.  Merri weather ; 
Monticello  Guards,  Capt.  Davis;  Rhett  Guards, 
of  Newberry,  Capt.  Walker;  and  Richardson 
Guards,  of  Charleston,  Capt.  Axson. 

All  of  these  troops  were  on  service  in  Charles¬ 
ton  harbor  during  the  late  bombardment,  but 
freely  and  enthusiastically  accepted  service  in 
the  campaign  opening  on  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac,  without  visiting  their  homes.  Be¬ 
fore  leaving,  the  ladies  of  Charleston  presented 
them  a  new  flag,  which  the  Courier  describes 
as  follows: 

It  is  made  of  blue  silk,  with  silk  tassels,  the 
staff  surmounted  by  a  golden  cross.  On  one 
side  is  the  Palmetto  tree,  elegantly  worked 
with  white  floss  silk.  An  oak  vine,  of  the 
same  beautiful  texture,  surrounds  the  Palmetto, 
intertwined  with  laurel  leaves.  The  trimming 
is  also  white  silk.  Two  elegant  standards,  of 
white  silk,  with  golden  fringe,  accompany  the 
flag.  They  bear  on  them  the  inscription,  “  First 
Regiment  South  Carolina  Volunteers,  1861.” 

— N.  O.  Picayune,  April  28. 


Doo.  92.— SPEECH  OF  IION.  ROBERT  J. 

WALKER,  April  23. 

This  is  a  sublime  spectacle  upon  which  our 
country  and  the  world  are  now  gazing.  De¬ 
plorable  as  is  this  rebellion,  it  has  solved  the 
disputed  question,  that  the  people  of  this  Re¬ 
public  are  competent  for  self-government ;  that 
we  can  not  only  administer  our  affairs  in  peace, 
and  bring  foreign  wars  to  a  successful  conclu¬ 
sion,  but  that  we  are  able  also  to  perform  the 
far  more  difficult  task  of  suppressing  rebellion 
within  our  limits.  (Loud  cheers.)  On  this 
question  we  are  a  united  people,  from  the 
southern  boundary  of  my  native  State  of  Penn¬ 
sylvania,  to  the  lakes  of  the  North,  and  within 
these  latitudes  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific. 

There  are  no  two  parties  here  to-day.  There 
is  but  one  party — the  party  for  the  Union, 
which  proclaims  with  one  voice  its  stern  deter¬ 
mination  to  sustain  the  flag  of  our  country,  to 
replace  it  upon  every  fort  within  our  limits,  to 


carry  it  back  into  every  harbor,  and  compel  it 
to  float  by  the  arms  of  freemen  in  each  and 
every  one  of  our  thirty-four  States.  (Loud  and 
long-continued  applause.)  Mr.  Walker  said  this 
was  the  third  campaign  in  which  he  had  been 
engaged  in  fighting  the  hydra  of  secession  and 
disunion,  and  contended  for  the  maintenance 
and  perpetuation  of  the  Union.  The  first  was 
when  South  Carolina  proceeded  to  nullify  the 
laws  of  Congress  in  1832,  and  secede  from  the 
Union.  A  native  of  Pennsylvania,  he  had  emi¬ 
grated  to  the  State  of  Mississippi,  and  during 
three  years  he  fought  in  that  contest  against 
nullification  and  secession,  until  (on  the  8tli 
of  January,  1836)  he  was  elected  by  the  Union 
Jackson  Democratic  Party  of  Mississippi  to  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States.  In  that  contest, 
which  continued  during  three  years  with  ex¬ 
treme  violence,  he  addressed  more  than  one 
hundred  meetings  with  the  flag  of  the  Union 
unfolded  over  him,  and  wearing  another  similar 
flag  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes  around  him  as  a 
sash,  presented  to  him  by  the  Union  ladies  of 
Mississippi.  (Great  cheering.)  To  show  that 
the  principles  of  that  contest  were  the  same  as 
those  now  involved,  he  would  read  a  few  short 
extracts  from  his  first  speech  at  the  opening  of 
this  campaign,  delivered  at  Natchez,  Mississip¬ 
pi,  on  the  first  Monday  of  January,  1833,  as 
printed  in  the  Mississippi  Journal  of  that  date. 

Here  Mr.  Walker  read  the  following  extracts 
from  an  old  and  tattered  and  torn  news¬ 
paper  : 

“  Never,  fellow-citizens,  did  I  rise  to  address 
you  with  such  deep  and  abiding  impressions  of 
the  awful  character  of  that  crisis  which  in¬ 
volves  the  existence  of  the  American  Union. 
No  mortal  eye  can  pierce  the  veil  which  covers 
the  events  of  the  next  few  months,  but  we  do 
know  that  the  scales  are  now  balancing  in  fear¬ 
ful  equipoise — Liberty  and  Union  in  the  one 
hand,  Anarchy  and  Despotism  in  the  other. 
Which  shall  preponderate  is  the  startling  ques¬ 
tion,  to  which  we  must  all  now  answer.  Al¬ 
ready  one  bright,  one  kindred  star  is  sinking 
from  the  banner  of  the  American  Union— the 
very  fabric  of  our  Government  is  rocking  on 
its  foundations ;  one  of  its  proudest  pillars  is 
now  moving  from  beneath  the  glorious  arch, 
and  soon  may  we  all  stand  amid  the  broken 
columns  and  upon  the  scattered  fragments  of 
the  Constitution  of  our  once  united  and  happy 
country. 

“  Whilst,  then,  we  may  yet  recede  from  the 
brink  of  that  precipice  on  which  we  now  stand, 
whilst  we  are  once  more  convened  as  citizens 
of  the  American  Union,  and  have  still  a  com¬ 
mon  country  ;  whilst  we  are  yet  fondly  gazing, 
perhaps  for  the  last  time,  upon  that  banner 
which  floated  over  the  army  of  Washington, 
and  living  beneath  that  Constitution  which 
bears  his  sacred  name,  let  us  at  least  endeavor 
to  transmit  to  posterity,  unimpaired,  that  Union 
cemented  by  the  blood  of  our  forefathers. 

“  Gov.  Hayne,  of  Carolina,  in  his  late  procla¬ 
mation,  inquires  if  that  State  was  linked  to  the 


140 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1800-61. 


Union,  ‘  in  the  iron  bonds  of  a  perpetual 
Union.’ 

“  These  bonds  were  not  of  iron,  or  Carolina 
would  never  have  worn  them,  but  they  are  the 
enduring  chains  of  peace  and  union.  One  link 
could  not  bo  severed  from  this  chain,  united  in 
all  its  parts,  without  an  entire  dissolution  of  all 
the  bonds  of  Union  ;  and  one  State  cannot  dis¬ 
solve  the  Union  among  all  the  States.  Yet 
Carolina  admits  this  to  be  the  inevitable  conse¬ 
quence  of  the  separation  of  that  State,  for  in 
the  address  of  her  Convention  she  declares  that 
‘  the  separation  of  South  Carolina  would  inev¬ 
itably  produce  a  general  dissolution  of  the 
Union.’  Has  the  Government  of  the  Union  no 
power  to  preserve  itself  from  destruction,  or 
must  we  submit  to  ‘  a  general  dissolution  of 
the  Union,’  whenever  any  one  State  thinks 
proper  to  issue  the  despotic  mandate  ?  It  was 
the  declared  object  of  our  ancestors,  the  hope 
of  their  children,  that  they  had  formed  ‘  a  per¬ 
petual  Union.”  The  original  compact  of  Caro¬ 
lina  with  her  sister  States,  by  which  the  Con¬ 
federacy  was  erected,  is  called  ‘  Articles  of 
Confederation  and  perpetual  Union.'1 

“In  the  13th  article  of  this  Confederacy  it  is 
expressly  declared  that  ‘the  Union  shall  be 
perpetual,’  and  in  the  ratification  of  this  com¬ 
pact,  South  Carolina  united  with  her  sister 
States  in  declaring,  ‘  and  we  do  further  sol¬ 
emnly  plight  and  engage  the  faith  of  our  re¬ 
spective  constituents  ’  ‘  that  the  Union  shall 
be  perpetual and  may  she  now  withdraw  the 
pledge,  without  a  violation  of  the  compact? 
By  the  old  Confederacy,  then,  the  Union  was 
perpetual,  and  the  declared  object  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution  was,  ‘  to  form  a  more  perfect  union  ’ 
than  that  existing  under  the  former  Confeder¬ 
acy.  Now,  would  this  union  be  more  perfect 
under  the  new  than  the  old  Confederacy,  if,  by 
the  latter,  the  union  was  perpetual,  but  under 
the  former  limited  in  its  duration  at  the  will  of 
a  single  State. 

“  My  hope  is  in  the  people ;  I  believe  they 
are  not  ‘  tyrants  ’  by  choice  or  ‘  necessity,’  and 
that  in  every  State  they  would  sustain  their 
representatives  in  preserving  the  Union ;  from 
the  poor  man’s  cottage  they  would  come  for¬ 
ward  and  say,  you  did  well  to  prefer  Union 
and  liberty  to  dollars  and  cents — they  are  the 
only  inheritance  we  received  from  our  fathers, 
the  only  legacy  we  can  bequeath  to  our  chil¬ 
dren,  and  you  have  saved  the  priceless  heritage 
- — and  if  any  by  their  vote  should  say,  dissolve 
the  Union  rather  than  reduce  the  revenue,  and 
this  last,  fairest  fabric  of  human  liberty  should 
crumble  in  the  dust,  the  withering  curses  of 
unnumbered  millions  would  blast  his  peace  and 
blacken  his  memory,  and  his  only  epitaph 
would  be,  here  lies  a  destroyer  of  the  American 
Lnion.  Let  not  Carolina’s  ordinance  delay  your 
action.  The  Union  party  in  Carolina,  cheered 
by  the  voice  of  the  nation,  may  become  the 
majority,  and  sweep  that  ordinance  from  the 
records  of  the  State.  Repealed  or  not,  it  must 
not  repeal  the  Union,  or  prevent  the  execution 


of  its  laws.  Let  Congress,  let  every  State  Le¬ 
gislature,  and  the  people  of  every  county,  fix  the 
seal  of  reprobation  upon  the  doctrines  of  nulli¬ 
fication  and  secession,  and  doom  them  never 
more  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  the  people,  and 
shake  the  pillars  of  the  American  Union.  Let 
the  present  Congress  adjust  the  tariff,  and  they 
will  stand  next  in  the  grateful  recollection  of 
the  American  people  to  the  Congress  of  ’76, 
that  gave  us  Liberty  and  Union,  and  this  pre¬ 
served  them.  They  will  return  in  triumph  to 
their  constituents ;  not  the  triumph  of  party, 
but  of  the  Union.  The  day  this  act  of  peace 
and  concord  shall  be  passed,  should  be  cele¬ 
brated  as  a  national  jubilee.  Tyrants  will  cease 
to  predict  the  downfall  of  the  American  Union, 
for  it  will  stand  firm  and  unbroken,  a  rock  of 
adamant,  imperishable  though  faction’s  storms 
have  beat  upon  its  brow,  though  mad  ambition’s 
volcanic  fires  have  burnt  around  it,  yet  no 
human  power  could  move  it  from  the  ever- 
during  basis  of  the  affections  of  a  free,  united, 
and  a  happy  people.” 

Mr.  Walkek  said  so  important  was  it  to  sus¬ 
tain  these  great  principles,  that  he  begged  leave 
to  quote  much  higher  authority  than  his  own 
in  favor  of  these  great  doctrines.  On  the  2d 
of  May,  1836,  Hon.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll, 
member  of  Congress  from  Philadelphia,  visited 
the  venerable  James  Madison,  then  Ex-Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  United  States.  On  his  return  to 
the  Federal  city,  Mr.  Ingersoll  published  the 
result  of  this  interview  in  the  Daily  Washing¬ 
ton  Globe.  On  reference  to  that  publication,  it 
will  be  found  that  Mr.  Madison  fully  indorsed 
this  speech  of  mine  against  nullification  and 
secession ;  and  further  declared  that  it  contained 
the  only  true  representation,  not  only  of  his 
own  opinions,  but  those  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  on 
these  great  questions.  (Enthusiastic  applause.) 
Mr.  Walker  said,  this  is  a  death  struggle 
in  which  we  are  engaged.  If  the  doctrine  of 
secession  prevails,  we  never  can  have  any  Gov¬ 
ernment,  any  Union,  any  flag,  or  any  country, 
but  anarchy  will  be  inaugurated,  to  be  succeed¬ 
ed  by  despotism.  If,  however,  as  he  (Mr. 
Walker)  said  he  fully  believed,  this  doctrine 
of  secession  shall  be  forever  suppressed  by  our 
success  in  this  contest,  we  will  emerge  stronger 
than  ever  from  the  trial,  and  our  Government 
more  respected  than  ever,  at  home  or  abroad, 
and  retaining  every  State  and  Territory  intact. 
(Loud  applause.) 

Mr.  Walker  said  his  second  campaign  in  the 
defence  of  the  Union  was  in  Kansas,  as  the 
Governor  of  that  Territory.  He  said  that  he 
went  there  upon  the  urgent  and  oft-repeated 
solicitation  of  the  President,  upon  the  express 
condition  that  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  so 
called,  should  he  submitted  to  the  prior  vote  of 
the  people  for  ratification  or  rejection.  But  for 
that  pledge  which  he  (Mr.  Walker)  gave  to 
the  people  of  Kansas,  civil  war  would  have 
been  inaugurated  in  Kansas  early  in  June, 
1857.  This  principle  was  right  in  itself  in  all 
cases ;  but  it  was  indispensably  necessary  in 


DOCUMENTS. 


141 


Kansas,  because  a  large  majority  of  the  counties 
of  the  Territory  had  been  actually  disfranchised 
in  electing  delegates  to  the  Convention  assem¬ 
bled  to  frame  the  Constitution,  not  one  of  which 
counties  had  given  or  could  give  a  single  ballot 
in  the  election  of  delegates.  This  vital  defect 
in  the  organization  of  the  Convention,  could  be 
secured  only  by  submitting  their  action  to  the 
ratification  or  rejection  of  the  people  of  Kansas 
in  every  county  of  the  Territory.  And  it  was 
the  rejection  of  that  principle,  the  great  princi¬ 
ple  of  popular  liberty,  that  has  caused  our 
present  disasters.  (Loud  cheers.) 

Mr.  Walker  said  that  all  previous  elections 
in  Kansas  before  his  arrival  there  had  been 
wretched  mockeries.  Large  armies  from  an 
adjacent  State  had  marched  into  the  Territory, 
and  seized  the  polls  and  the  ballot  boxes,  dis¬ 
placed  the  regular  judges,  placed  their  ser¬ 
geants  and  corporals  in  their  stead,  and  elected 
their  satellites  to  the  Legislature.  They  intend¬ 
ed  to  accomplish  the  same  result  in  the  election 
in  October,  1857,  by  military  force.  But  he, 
(Mr.  Walker,)  as  Governor  of  the  Territory, 
had  then  assembled  a  large  army  composed  of 
the  forces  of  the  United  States  in  Kansas.  He 
(Mr.  Walker)  had  accompanied  this  army  to 
the  frontiers.  He  posted  it  at  all  important 
points  on  the  line  dividing  Kansas  from  Mis¬ 
souri,  and  announced  his  determination  to  de¬ 
fend  the  ballot  boxes  of  Kansas  from  external 
aggression  by  the  whole  force  of  the  army  of 
the  United  States.  This  movement  was  suc¬ 
cessful.  The  ballot  box  was  thus  defended  from 
aggression,  and  the  first  peaceable  election  was 
held  in  Kansas.  But  those  who  had  thus  been 
defeated  by  the  voice  of  the  people,  were  not 
satisfied  with  the  result.  Having  failed  to 
seize  the  polls  again  by  force,  they  resorted  to 
frauds  and  forgeries  unparalleled  in  the  history 
of  the  world.  You  have  seen,  fellow-citizens, 
the  substituted  Cincinnati  Directory  for  the 
returns  of  the  vote  of  the  people.  You  have 
seen  the  pretended  returns  at  Oxford,  where 
the  names  of  the  clerks  and  judges  were  forged, 
substituting  1,900  votes,  where  nineteen  only 
were  given.  You  have  seen  the  pretended  re¬ 
turns  from  McGee  County,  a  vile  forgery  upon 
their  face,  where  no  election  was  holden,  and 
not  a  vote  given ;  and  yet  where  more  than 
1,200  fictitious  ballots  were  returned  to  me. 
These  forgeries  were  all  transparent.  They 
were  clear  upon  their  face.  They  were  not 
returned ;  they  were  not  sworn  to  by  the 
judges  and  clerks  of  the  election,  as  required  by 
law.  They  were  as  perfect  a  nullity  as  if  a 
mere  newspaper  had  been  thrown  at  me  for 
my  adoption.  These  forgeries  were  rejected 
by  me ;  and  the  result  was  that  the  party  op¬ 
posed  to  Slavery  in  Kansas,  constituting  nine- 
tenths  of  the  people,  succeeded,  and  elected 
their  Territorial  legislature — the  first  which 
ever  represented  the  voice  of  the  people  of 
Kansas.  (Loud  cheers.) 

For  thus  insisting  that  the  Lecompton  Con¬ 
stitution,  so  called,  should  be  submitted  to  the  1 


prior  vote  of  the  people,  and  for  thus  rejecting 
those  forged  and  simulated,  so  called,  returns,  I 
was  bitterly  denounced  in  the  South  by  the 
very  men  who  have  organized  the  present 
rebellion.  But,  fellow-citizens,  though  the 
President  and  Cabinet  fell  from  their  positions, 
and  deserted  the  pledges  which  they  had  given 
— though  the  South  was  apparently  united  to 
a  unit  against  me,  and  recreant  cravens  from 
the  North  were  united  with  them,  I  main¬ 
tained  my  position  to  the  last,  and  never  ceased 
to  denounce  this  unparalleled  outrage  upon  the 
rights  of  a  free  people.  I  felt,  gentlemen,  and 
so  declared,  that  the  promulgation  of  such  doc¬ 
trines  was  calculated  to  destroy  the  Union,  and 
opposed  them  at  all  times  to  the  utmost  extent 
of  my  humble  abilities.  If  the  course  then 
adopted  by  me  in  Kansas  had  been  pursued, 
this  disunion  project  could  never  have  been 
successfully  inaugurated.  (Loud  cheers.)  Thus 
ended  my  second  campaign  in  defence  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union. 

And,  now,  gentlemen,  I  have  entered  upon 
the  third  campaign  in  defence  of  the  same  great 
principles.  This  campaign,  gentlemen,  I  feel, 
will  be  the  last,  for  the  people  are  united  as 
one  man,  and  are  all  prepared  to  pour  out  their 
life-blood  as  freely  as  water  from  a  goblet  in 
defence  of  the  flag  of  our  country.  This  con¬ 
test,  I  believe,  will  be  of  short  duration ;  but, 
whether  of  long  continuance  or  not,  it  will 
never  terminate  until  the  flag  of  the  Union 
waves  in  triumph  over  Fort  Sumter,  and  all 
our  other  fortifications  and  harbors,  and  over 
every  other  acre  of  our  soil  and  every  drop  of 
all  our  waters  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific, 
from  the  lakes  of  the  North  and  the  St.  Law¬ 
rence  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  throughout  every 
Stato  and  Territory  of  the  Union. 

— iV.  Y.  Times. 


Doo.  93. — DEPARTURE  OF  THE  8th,  13th, 
AND  69tii  N.  Y.  REGIMENTS. 

EIGHTH  REGIMENT. 

Tnn  members  of  the  8th  Regiment,  Col.  Geo. 
Lyons,  and  the  recruits  belonging  thereto,  took 
position  in  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  streets. 

The  regiment  did  not  move  before  4  o’clock. 
The  delay  was  said  to  have  been  occasioned  by 
some  misunderstanding  in  reference  to  the 
change  in  the  order  regarding  the  guns.  It  ap¬ 
pears  that  an  order  had  been  received  to  the 
effect  that  the  Grey  Troup  should  leave  the 
howitzers  and  take  six  6 -pounders.  The  Govern¬ 
or  had  been  telegraphed  for  permission  to  take 
horses  and  harness,  and  they  had  to  wait  for  a 
reply.  At  length  the  order  for  the  horses  and 
harness  was  received,  and  immediately  opera¬ 
tions  were  set  on  foot  for  starting. 

A  large  body  of  friends  of  the  regiment 
walked  ahead  of  the  procession.  These  inclu¬ 
ded  about  one  hundred  of  the  G.  L.  Fox  Guard. 
All  along  the  line,  on  Broadway,  down  to  Canal 
street,  the  windows  of  the  various  stores,  and 
the  sidewalks,  were  crowded  with  ladies  and 


142 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


children,  all  desirous  of  seeing  the  departure  of 
the  Washington  Greys  for  the  field  of  battle ; 
many  of  them  with  well-tried  hearts  were 
comforting  each  other  with  an  indefinite  vari¬ 
ety  of  patriotic  sentiments.  The  regiment  was 
greeted  with  the  most  vociferous  cheering  all 
the  way  down  to  Pier  No.  36  North  River, 
where  they  embarked,  being  1,000  in  number, 
on  board  the  steamship  Alabama. 

The  crowd  on  the  dock,  and  also  on  Pier  No. 
35,  was  immense.  The  members  of  the  regi¬ 
ment,  including  the  recruits,  were  in  most  ex¬ 
cellent  spirits,  and  as  the  ship  moved  away  from 
the  wharf,  at  about  7  o’clock,  and  the  immense 
assemblage  on  the  wharf  sent  forth  their 
cheers  and  “tigers,”  the  soldiers  fired  their  re¬ 
volvers  in  the  air. 

In  Hudson  street,  the  Grey  troop,  numbering 
100  men,  with  a  battery  of  six  6-pounders  and 
thirty-six  horses,  turned  down  and  proceeded 
to  Pier  No.  13,  where  they  embarked  on  board 
the  steamship  Montgomery.  The  preparation 
for  the  embarkation  of  the  horses  had  to  be 
made,  the  ship’s  water  had  to  bo  taken  in,  and 
other  work  had  to  bo  done ;  but  all  hands  were 
put  to  work,  and  it  Avas  completed  in  good  time. 
The  Montgomery  sailed  from  her  wharf  about 
10  o’clock. 

OFFICERS  OF  THE  EIGHTH  REGIMENT. 

Regimental  Officers. — George  Lyons,  Colo¬ 
nel;  Chas.  G.  Waterbury,  Lieutenant  Colonel; 
Obadiah  Wintworth,  Major;  I).  B.  Euler,  jr., 
Adjutant;  Alderman  Charles  G.  Cornell,  Quar¬ 
termaster;  A.  C.  Smith,  jr.,  Commissary;  M. 
II.  Cushman,  Paymaster ;  Foster  Swift,  M.  I)., 
Surgeon;  Tlios.  Rutter,  Chaplain. 

Company  A. — James  O.  Johnston,  Captain  ; 
Arthur  Woods,  1st  Lieutenant;  Geo.  W.  Day, 
2d  Lieutenant. 

Company  B. — Thomas  Sweeney,  Captain  ; 
Chas.  A.  Enos,  1st  Lieutenant;  M.  Wall,  2d 
Lieutenant. 

Company  C. — Burgur,  Captain ;  John  Apple- 
ton,  1st  Lieutenant;  Richard  Dunphy,  2d 
Lieutenant. 

Company  D. — E.  D.  Lawrence,  Captain  ; 
Isaac  Cohen,  1st  Lieutenant ;  Vacant,  2d  Lieu¬ 
tenant. 

Company  E. — M.  Griffin,  Captain ;  Alonzo 
Dutch,  1st  Lieutenant ;  Chas.  T.  Hurlburt,  2d 
Lieutenant;  G.  L.  Fox,  3d  Lieutenant. 

Company  F. — Leander  Buck,  Captain;  D.  A. 
Allen,  1st  Lieutenant;  James  Dimond,  2d 
Lieutenant. 

Company  G.-Wm.  T.  Carr,  Captain;  J.  G. 
Schiele,  1st  Lieutenant ;  Henry  S.  Decker,  2d 
Lieutenant. 

Company  II. — Samuel  N.  Gregory,  Captain  ; 
Samuel  N.  Burrill,  1st  Lieutenant;  Wm.  G. 
Halsey,  2d  Lieutenant. 

Troop  I— Artillery,  six  guns;  J.  M.  Varian, 

Captain;  Robert  Brown,  1st  Lieutenant ; - 

Burns,  2d  Lieutenant;  -  Carpenter,  3d 

Lieutenant. 

Engineers. — Wm.  Walton,  Captain. 


THE  SIXTY-NINTH  REGIMENT. 

The  69tli  Regiment  is  composed  entirely  of 
Irishmen.  Col.  Corcoran,  avIio  is  in  command, 
is  exceedingly  popular  with  his  countrymen, 
and  this  popularity  Avas  enhanced  at  least  50 
per  cent,  by  the  triumphant  manner  in  which 
he  emerged  from  the  troubles  which  surround¬ 
ed  him.  When  the  69th  ottered  its  services 
to  the  Government,  the  Court-Martial  which 
had  been  summoned  to  try  the  Colonel  for  dis¬ 
obedience  of  orders  was  dismissed,  and  he  Avas 
restored  to  his  command.  This  victory  touched 
the  Irish  heart,  and  no  sooner  did  he  issue  a 
call  for  volunteers  than  his  recruiting  office  was 
besieged  by  applicants  Avho  were  anxious  to 
serve  their  country  under  his  orders.  Had  the 
Colonel  been  called  upon  for  an  entire  brigade 
he  could  have  supplied  them  in  the  same  time 
and  with  less  trouble  than  he  has  furnished 
1,000  men.  Up  to  Monday  night,  6,500  names 
had  been  enrolled  in  his  regiment.  On  Tues¬ 
day  morning  the  69th  was  ordered  to  assemble 
at  their  armory,  No.  42  Prince  street,  to  re¬ 
ceive  their  equipments  previous  to  their  depar¬ 
ture. 

At  an  early  hour  the  entire  street  was  taken 
possession  of  by  the  regiment  and  its  friends, 
and  the  distribution  of  muskets,  blankets,  etc., 
commenced.  In  front  of  Col.  Corcoran’s  dwell¬ 
ing,  No  5  Prince  street,  a  large  truck,  loaded 
Avith  blankets,  was  stationed,  and  the  recruits 
Avere  required  to  file  by  this  truck  one  by  one. 
The  rush  at  this  point  was  perfectly  tremen¬ 
dous,  so  eager  Avere  the  men  to  obtain  their 
equipments.  The  Captain  of  each  company 
Avas  stationed  on  the  vehicle ;  and  here  the  ac¬ 
ceptance  or  rejection  of  the  recruits  occurred. 

Passing  the  blanket  Avagon,  Avhere  a  blanket 
was  thrown  at  the  accepted  ones,  they  were 
passed  to  another  man,  wdio  seized  their  head 
covering  and  crowned  them  with  the  regimental 
cap.  Still  another  individual  placed  a  musket 
in  their  hands,  while  others  furnished  them 
with  a  tin  plate,  knife,  fork,  and  tin  cup.  It 
Avas  not  until  2  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  that  all 
the  men  were  equipped,  after  which  the  com¬ 
panies  were  formed,  and  accompanied  by  the 
enthusiastic  croAvd,  marched  to  Great  Jones 
street,  from  which  point  the  regiment  were  to 
start.  For  several  hours  there  had  been  an 
assemblage  of  men,  women,  and  children  in 
Broadway,  mostly  Irish,  which  had  effectually 
driven  every  vehicle  from  that  thoroughfare. 
Housetops  and  Avindows  were  crowded  with 
enthusiastic  women,  who  waved  their  handker¬ 
chiefs  incessantly  to  the  croAvd  beneath.  Sev¬ 
eral  Irish  civic  societies,  comprising  about  2,000 
persons,  with  waving  banners — the  harp  of 
Erin  kissing  the  Stars  and  Stripes — had  formed 
in  procession  in  Broadway,  as  an  escort,  and 
patiently  Avaited  for  the  regiment  to  move. 

About  3  o’clock  the  order  to  march  was  re¬ 
ceived,  and  the  entire  procession,  civic  and 
military,  moved  down  Broadway.  The  march 
was  a  perfect  triumph  for  the  Irish  citizens, 


DOCUMENTS. 


143 


vindicating  their  loyalty  and  patriotism  in  a 
most  substantial  manner.  Col.  Corcoran,  who 
arose  from  a  bed  of  sickness  to  accompany  his 
regiment,  was  nearly  killed  by  kindness.  lie 
occupied  a  carriage  with  one  or  two  friends, 
and  it  became  necessary  for  the  polico  to  pro¬ 
tect  him  from  the  crowd  which  pressed  upon 
him  from  all  sides. 

When  the  procession  arrived  at  Pier  No.  4 
North  River,  where  the  James  Adger  was 
waiting  to  receive  them,  an  attempt  was  made 
to  shut  off  the  crowd  and  prevent  their  passing 
the  gates,  but  the  efforts  of  the  police  were  un¬ 
availing.  The  throng  pressed  in,  and  soon  the 
pier  was  a  scene  of  the  utmost  confusion.  The 
soldiers  were  forced  from  the  ranks,  and  speed¬ 
ily  becoming  identified  with  the  crowd  had  to 
fight  their  way  to  the  steamer’s  gang-plank. 
For  at  least  an  hour  the  rush  of  soldiers  and 
citizens  towards  the  steamer,  was  terrific.  Pa¬ 
triotic  Irishmen  were  determined  to  bid  their 
friends  good-bye,  and  in  their  efforts  to  do  so 
were  knocked  down  and  trampled  under  foot, 
kicked,  bayoneted,  and  otherwise  maltreated; 
but  they  heeded  it  not.  Regaining  their  feet 
with  a  “hurrah  for  the  69th”  they  again  en¬ 
tered  the  contest.  Several  soldiers  were  served 
in  the  same  manner,  others  lost  their  muskets 
or  caps  in  the  scramble ;  but  all  eventually  got 
on  board  alive. 

At  6£  o’clock  the  Adger  steamed  away  from 
the  dock  amid  the  most  uproarious  cheering. 
If  the  friends  of  the  Jeff  Davis  Government  ever 
reckoned  upon  any  assistance  from  the  Irish 
population  of  the  North,  the  display  of  yester¬ 
day  must  convince  them  that  they  were  mis¬ 
taken.  The  harp  of  Erin  floats  beside  the  Stars 
and  Stripes  in  perfect  union,  and  will  do  so 
throughout  the  present  struggle.  If  more 
troops  are  needed  by  the  Government  the  Irish 
of  this  city  will  furnish  five  times  the  number 
they  already  have  done.  The  following  are  the 
officers  of  the  69  th  regiment : 

Colonel,  Michael  Corcoran ;  Lieutenant-Colo¬ 
nel,  Robert  Nugent;  Major,  James  Bagley  ; 
Surgeon,  Robert  Johnson;  Assistant-Surgeon, 

-  Kiernan  ;  Assistant-Surgeon,  Patrick 

Nolan;  Engineer,  J.  B.  Kirker ;  Chaplains,  D. 
Sullivan  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Mooney;  Captains, 
James  Haggerty,  Thomas  Lynch,  Jas.  Kavan- 
agh,  Thomas  Clark,  Patrick  Kelly,  J  Bresslen, 
F.  Duffy,  James  Kelly,  and  Coonan. 

Mrs.  Judge  Daly  presented  the  gallant  fellows 
with  a  beautiful  silken  standard  of  the  National 
colors. 

THIRTEENTH  REGIMENT. 

The  13th  Regiment  embarked  amid  the  most 
intense  enthusiasm  of  the  citizens  of  Brooklyn, 
who  congregated  by  thousands,  lining  the 
streets  from  the  City  Hall  to  the  Armory,  in 
Cranberry-street,  near  Henry-street,  to  see  them 
off.  It  was  announced  that  the  regiment  would 
take  up  the  line  of  march  at  8  o’clock,  A.  M. 
Long  before  that  hour  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Armory  was  filled  with  an  almost  impenetrable 


mass  of  human  beings,  nearly  every  one  of 
whom  had  friends  or  near  relatives  in  the  regi¬ 
ment.  Many  ladies  were  there — the  wivds, 
sisters,  and  daughters  of  the  soldiers.  These 
were  permitted  to  enter  the  Armory  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  day. 

The  old  members  of  tho  regiment  had  all 
been  provided  with  arms  and  equipments,  but 
the  new  recruits,  comprising  by  far  the  largest 
portion  of  the  force,  were  devoid  of  nearly  every 
thing  excepting  shoes  and  other  articles  of  cloth¬ 
ing;  the  great  requisites,  muskets,  knapsacks, 
blankets,  &c.,  were  missing.  All  was  bustle  and 
confusion.  Carts  were  sent  to  New  York  for 
muskets,  and  about  noon  they  arrived.  The 
other  equipments  came  along  by  degrees,  and 
were  furnished  to  the  men.  It  was  then  dis¬ 
covered  that  there  were  not  enough  of  equip¬ 
ments  for  the  number  of  men  enrolled.  The 
officer  in  command  had  only  one  course  to  pur¬ 
sue  in  this  exigency,  and  that  was  to  send  those 
recruits  who  could  not  be  provided  to  the  ar¬ 
senal,  there  to  await  further  orders.  The  total 
number  equipped  was  about  450,  including  of¬ 
ficers  and  musicians.  About  200  were  com¬ 
pelled  to  remain  behind.  It  is  understood  that 
they  will  be  equipped  and  sent  on. 

After  all  necessary  details  had  been  arranged, 
the  companies  marched  out  and  formed  in  line 
on  Cranberry-street.  It  was  then  three  o’clock, 
P.  M.  The  street  was  kept  clear  by  the  police, 
under  direction  of  Inspector  Folk,  and  after  the 
inspection  of  the  command  by  Acting  Brigade 
Inspector  S.  A.  Dodge,  the  drums  beat,  tho 
band  struck  up  a  patriotic  strain,  and  the  regi¬ 
ment  marched  to  Fulton-street,  and  thence  to 
the  Fulton  ferry.  The  crowd  of  spectators  was 
immense.  Every  available  space  was  occupied, 
every  door-step  and  every  window  was  filled. 
The  enthusiasm  was  unbounded.  Cheer  after 
cheer  rent  the  air  as  the  noble  fellows  marched 
along. 

The  head  of  the  regiment  reached  the  ferry 
at  4  o’clock,  and  in  a  few  minutes  thereafter  the 
men  had  all  embarked  on  board  the  ferry-boat 
Atlantic,  which  had  been  especially  provided 
for  the  purpose  by  the  ferry  company. 

As  the  regiment  was  marching  on  board,  tho 
band  struck  up  “  The  Girl  I  Left  Behind  Me ;” 
and  when  the  boat  had  moved  out  of  the  slip, 
they  played  “  Auld  Lang  Syne.” 

The  Napper  Tandy  Light  Artillery,  Capt. 
Smith,  was  stationed  on  the  city  wharf,  and 
fired  a  salute  of  34  guns.  A  vast  concourse 
had  assembled  at  the  foot  of  the  street,  and  as 
the  boat  came  in  view  the  most  tremendous 
cheers  rent  the  air. 

The  troops  were  taken  on  board  the  Marion, 
lying  in  the  North  River. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers: 

Colonel,  Abel  Smith ;  Lieutenant-Colonel,  R. 
B.  Clarke ;  Major,  (vacant) ;  Quartermaster,  A 
Garrison;  Paymaster,  Boyd ;  Surgeon,  Chase; 
Chaplain,  The  Rev.  Mr.  Lee  ;  Commissary, 
Street ;  Sergeant-Major,  J.  II.  Rosenquest ; 
Quartermaster’s  Sergeant,  Vail;  Sergeant-of- 


144 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


the-Guard,  Cheshire;  Commissary  Sergeant, 
Wetmore  ;  Ordinance  Sergeant,  Carpenter  ; 
Right  General  Guide,  Sherman ;  Left  General 
Guide,  Nash ;  Assistant  Surgeon,  Allingham  ; 
Colonel’s  Secretary,  Brockway.  Company  Of¬ 
ficers— A,  Capt.  Sullivan,  Lieut.  Mead  ;  B, 
Capt.  Sprague,  Lieuts.  Hay  and  McKee;  c’ 
Capt.  Morgan,  Lieut.  Dodge;  D,  Capt.  Balsden, 
Lieuts.  Strong  and  Bennett;  E,  Capt.  Jones, 
Lieut.  Richards ;  F,  Capt.  Betts,  Lieuts.  Morton 
and  Betts;  G,  Capt.  1  home,  Lieuts.  Johnson 
and  Woodward.  Engineer  Corps,  Sergeant 
Briggs. 

Company  F,  is  composed  exclusively  of  fire¬ 
men,  attached  to  A/  ictory  Engine  Company 
No.  13,  and  a  very  hardy  set  of  men  they  are. 
Their  uniforms  consist  of  felt  hats,  black  lire 
coats,  drab  pants  and  red  shirts.  Their  mus¬ 
kets  aie  most  formidable-looking  weapons, 
lhe  dress  of  the  main  portion  of  the  regiment 
is  gray  throughout. 

It  was  expected  that  the  regiment  would 
march  to  the  City  Hall  to  be  inspected ;  and 
thousands  ot  persons  gathered  in  the  vicinity  ; 
but  they  were  greatly  disappointed,  when  after 
waiting  all  day  they  ascertained  that  the  regi¬ 
ment  had  marched  direct  to  the  boat  by  the 
shortest  route,  d  he  colors  of  the  regiment  are 
borne  by  Ensign  Bromell  of  Companv  E. 

— W.  Y.  Tribune,  April  24. 


Doo.  931.— GOY.  HICKS  AND  GEN.  BUT¬ 
LER. 

Tiie  correspondence  between  the  Governor 
of  Maryland  and  the  commander  of  the  Massa¬ 
chusetts  troops : 

Executive  Chamber,  Annapolis,  ) 
Friday,  April  23,  1S61.  f 

To  Brig.  Gen.  B.  F.  Butler : 

Sir  :  Having,  by  virtue  of  the  powers  vested 
in  me  by  the  Constitution  of  Maryland,  sum¬ 
moned  the  Legislature  of  the  State  to  assemble 
on  Friday,  the  26th  instant,  and  Annapolis  be¬ 
ing  the  place,  in  which,  according  to  law,  it 
must  assemble ;  and  having  been  credibly  in¬ 
formed  that  you  have  taken  military  possession 
of  the  Annapolis  and  Elk  Ridge  Railroad,  I  deem 
it  my  duty  to  protest  against  this  step ;  because, 
without  at  present  assigning  any  other  reason, 
I  am  informed  that  such  ocupation  of  said  road 
will  prevent  the  members  of  the  Legislature 
from  reaching  this  city. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

, .  ,  Thomas  H.  Hicks. 

lo  which  Gen.  Butler  replied  as  follows  : 

Head-quarters  U.  S.  Militia,  ) 
Annapolis,  Md.,  April  23, 1S61.  J 

To  Sis  Excellency  Thomas  S.  Sicks ,  Governor 
of  Maryland: 

You  are  credibly  informed  that  I  have  taken 
possession  of  the  Annapolis  and  Elk  Ridge 
Railroad.  It  might  have  escaped  your  notice 
but  at  the  official  meeting  which  was  had  be¬ 
tween  your  Excellency  and  the  Mayor  of ’An¬ 
napolis,  and  the  Committee  of  the  Government 


and  myself,  as  to  the  landing  of  my  troops,  it 
was  expressly  stated  as  the  reason  why  I 
should  not  land,  that  my  troops  could  not 
pass  the  railroad  because  the  company  had 
taken  up  the  rails,  and  they  were  private  prop¬ 
erty.  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  it  can  be,  that 
it  my  troops  could  not  pass  over  the  railroad 
one  way,  the  members  of  the  Legislature  could 
pass  the  other  way.  I  have  taken  possession 
for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  execution 
of  the  threats  of  the  mob,  as  officiallv  repre¬ 
sented  to  me  by  the  Master  of  Transportation 
of  the  railroad  in  this  city,  “  that  if  my  troops 
passed  over  the  railroad,  the  railroad  should  be 
destroyed.” 

If  the  Government  of  the  State  had  taken 
possession  of  the  road  in  any  emergency,  I 
should  have  long  hesitated  before  entering 
upon  it;  but  as  I  had  the  honor  to  inform  your 
Excellency  in  regard  to  another  insurrection 
against  the  laws  of  Maryland,  I  am  here  armed 
to  maintain  those  laws,  if  your  Excellency  de¬ 
sires,  and  the  peace  of  the  United  States, 
against  all  disorderly  persons  whatsoever.  I 
am  endeavoring  to  save  and  not  to  destroy  ;  to 
obtain  means  of  transportation,  so  that  I  can 
vacate  the  Capital  prior  to  the  sitting  of  the 
Legislature,  and  not  be  under  the  painful  neces¬ 
sity  of  incumbering  your  beautiful  city  while 
the  Legislature  is  in  session. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully, 
Your  Excellency’s  obedient  servant, 

B.  F.  Butler,  Brig. -Gen. 


Doo.  94.— PROCLAMATION  OF  GOY  MA¬ 
GOFFIN,  April  24. 

Recent  events  are  of  so  startling  a  charac¬ 
ter  as  to  render  it  imperatively  necessary  that 
the  Legislature  of  Kentucky  be  again  convened 
in  extraordinary  session.  It  is  now  apparent 
that  the  most  energetic  measures  are  being 
resorted  to  by  the  Government  at  Washington 
to  prosecute  a  war  upon  an  extended  scale  with 
the  seceded  States.  Already  large  sums  of 
money  and  supplies  of  men  are  being  raised  in 
the  Northern  States  for  that  purpose.  The 
tread  of  armies  is  the  response  which  is  being 
made  to  the  measures  of  pacification  which  are 
being  discussed  before  our  people;  whilst  up  to 
this  moment  we  are  comparatively  in  a  defence¬ 
less  attitude. 

Whatever  else  should  be  done,  it  is,  in  my 
judgment,  the  duty  of  Kentucky,  without  de¬ 
lay,  to  place  herself  in  a  complete  position  for 
defence.  The  causes  for  apprehension  are  now 
certainly  grave  enough  to  impel  every  Ken¬ 
tuckian  to  demand  that  this  be  done,  and  to  re¬ 
quire  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  such  addi¬ 
tional  action  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  gene¬ 
ral  welfare.  To  this  end,  I  now  call  upon  the 
members  of  the  General  Assembly  to  convene 
at  the  Capitol  in  Frankfort,  on  the  6th  day  of 
May,  1861. 

In  testimony  whereof  I,  Beriah  Magoffin 
Governor  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Kentucky’ 


DOCUMENTS. 


145 


have  hereunto  subscribed  my  name  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  Commonwealth  to  be  affixed. 
Done  at  the  city  of  Frankfort,  the  24th  day  of 
April,  1861,  and  in  the  sixty-ninth  year  of  the 
Commonwealth.  B.  Magoffin. 

By  the  Governor. 

Tnos.  B.  Monroe,  Secretary  of  State. 

By  Jas.  W.  Tate,  Assistant  Secretary. 

— A".  O.  Picayune ,  April  28. 


Doo.  95.— SPEECH  OF  GENERAL  CASS  AT 
DETROIT,  April  24,  1861. 

Fellow-Citizens  : — I  am  sorry  you  have  not 
selected  a  chairman  to  preside  over  your  assem¬ 
blage  more  accustomed  to  such  a  task  andmore 
competent  to  fulfil  it  than  I  am.  But  while 
feeling  my  incompetency,  I  am  encouraged  by 
the  hope  that  I  shall  find  in  your  kind  regard 
an  excuse  for  any  errors  I  may  commit — believ¬ 
ing  it  is  my  duty,  while  I  can  do  but  little,  to 
do  all  I  can  to  manifest  the  deep  interest  I  feel 
in  the  restoration  to  peace  and  good  order  and 
submission  to  the  law  of  every  portion  of  this 
glorious  Republic. 

I  cannot  take  this  seat  without  contrasting 
the  situation  in  which  I  now  find  myself  with 
that  in  which  I  was  placed  on  this  very  spot 
almost  fifty  years  ago. 

Then,  in  the  days  of  our  weakness,  we  Avere 
subjected  to  dishonorable  capitulation  brought 
about  by  the  imbecility  of  the  leader;  while 
now,  in  the  days  of  our  strength,  neither  treason 
nor  weakness  can  permanently  affect  the  holy 
cause  to  which  all  hands  and  hearts  are  pledged. 
(Applause.)  Then  our  contest  was  a  legitimate 
war  waged  with  a  foreign  foe;  our  war  to-day 
is  a  domestic  one,  commenced  by  and  bringing 
in  its  train  acts  which  no  right  feeling  man  can 
contemplate  without  most  painful  regret.  But 
a  few  short  months  since,  and  we  were  the  first 
and  happiest  nation  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  In 
the  midst  of  this  prosperity,  without  a  single 
foe  to  assail  us,  without  a  single  injury  at  home 
caused  by  the  operations  of  the  Government  to 
affect  us,  this  glorious  Union,  acquired  by  the 
blood  and  sacrifices  of  our  fathers,  has  been  dis¬ 
owned  and  rejected  by  a  portion  of  the  States 
composing  it, — Union  which  has  given  us  more 
blessings  than  any  previous  Government  ever 
conferred  upon  man. 

Here,  thank  God — its  ensign  floats  proudly 
and  safely — (applause) — and  no  American  can 
see  its  folds  spread  out  to  the  breeze  without 
feeling  a  thrill  of  pride  at  his  heart,  and  without 
recalling  the  splendid  deeds  it  has  witnessed  in 
many  a  bloody  contest,  from  the  day  of  Bunker’s 
Hill  to  our  time.  (Applause.)  And  that  flag, 
your  worthy  Mayor  has,  by  the  direction  of  the 
municipal  authority,  hung  out  upon  the  dome 
above  us.  The  loyal  American  people  can  de¬ 
fend  it,  and  the  deafening  cheers  which  meet  us 
to-day  are  a  sure  pledge  that  they  will  defend 
it.  (Applause.)  A  stern  determination  to  do 
so  is  evinced  by  the  preparations  and  patriotic 
devotion  which  are  witnessed  around  us,  and 


in  the  echoes  which  are  brought  here  by  every 
wind  that  blows. 

You  need  no  one  to  tell  you  what  are  the 
dangers  of  your  country,  nor  what  are  your 
duties  to  meet  and  avert  them.  There  is  but 
one  path  for  every  true  man  to  travel,  and  that 
is  broad  and  plain.  It  will  conduct  us,  not  in¬ 
deed  without  trials  and  sufferings,  to  peace  and 
to  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  He  who  is 
not  for  his  country  is  against  her.  (Applause.) 
There  is  no  neutral  position  to  be  occupied.  It 
is  the  duty  of  all  zealously  to  support  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  in  its  efforts  to  bring  this  unhappy 
civil  war  to  a  speedy  and  satisfactory  conclu¬ 
sion,  by  the  restoration,  in  its  integrity,  of  that 
great  charter  of  freedom  bequeathed  to  us  by 
W ashington  and  his  compatriots.  His  ashes, 
I  humbly  trust,  will  ever  continue  to  repose 
in  the  lowly  tomb  at  Mt.  Vernon,  and  in  the 
United  States  of  America,  (applause,)  which  he 
loved  so  well,  and  did  so  much  to  found  and 
build  up.  Manifest  your  regard  for  his  memory 
by  following,  each  with  the  compass  of  his 
power,  his  noble  example  and  restore  his  work 
as  he  left  it,  by  devoting  heart,  mind,  and  deed 
to  the  cause.  (Loud-continued  cheering.) 

— At  1'.  Times ,  April  29. 


Doo.  96.— SPEECH  OF  CALEB  CUSHING. 

April  24,  1861. 

General  CrrsniNG  said  that  he  cordially 
participated  in  the  present  patriotic  manifesta¬ 
tions.  Long  may  this  glorious  flag  wave  above 
our  heads,  the  banner  of  victory  and  the  symbol 
of  our  national  honor!  Our  dear  country  now 
indeed  demands  the  devotion  of  all  people ;  for 
the  dire  calamity  of  civil  Avar  is  upon  us.  He 
had  labored  hitherto  for  many  years  earnestly 
and  in  good  faith  at  least,  first  for  the  conserva¬ 
tion  of  the  Union,  and  then  to  avert  the  evils 
of  fratricidal  war ;  and  of  what  he  might  have 
said  in  that  relation  he  had  nothing  now  to  re¬ 
tract.  But  the  day  of  discussion  had  passed, 
and  that  of  action  had  arrived.  He  had  before 
him  the  question,  which  had  occurred  to  public 
men  in  other  countries,  Avhere  political  convul¬ 
sions  divided  friend  from  friend,  and  brother 
from  brother,  and  sometimes  arrayed  them 
against  one  another  in  hostile  camps  and  in 
deadly  strife.  What  in  such  a  case  is  the  dictate 
of  duty  ?  Should  Ave  retire  into  safe  seclusion 
in  a  foreign  country,  to  return  in  better  times, 
to  wear  the  honor  of  freedom,  like  Hyde  ?  Or 
should  wo  remain  to  confront  the  perils  of  our 
lot,  like  Falkland  or  Vane?  The  latter  course, 
if  not  the  safer  one,  is  at  any  rate  the  most 
courageous  one.  He  (Mr.  0.)  chose  so  to  act. 
He  was  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  owing 
allegiance  to  the  Constitution,  and  bound  by 
constitutional  duty  to  support  its  Government. 
And  he  should  do  so.  He  was  a  son  of  Mas¬ 
sachusetts,  attached  to  her  by  ties  of  birth  and 
affection,  and  from  which  neither  friend  nor 
foe  should  sever  him.  He  Avould  yield  to  no 
man  in  faithfulness  to  the  Union,  'or  in  zeal  for 


146 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


the  maintenance  of  the  laws  and  the  constitu¬ 
tional  authorities  of  the  Union  ;  and  to  that  end 
he  stood  prepared,  if  occasion  should  call  for  it, 
to  testify  his  sense  of  public  duty  by  entering 
the  field  again  at  the  command  of  the  Common¬ 
wealth  or  of  the  Union.” 

Abstract  of  Newbury  port  Herald:  in  Nat.  Intelligencer, 

April  30 ’ 

Doo.  97.— GOY.  LETCHER’S  PROCLAMA¬ 
TION. 

Whereas,  in  the  emergency  which  was  sup¬ 
posed  to  exist  during  the  past  week,  arising 
from  information  that  an  invasion  of  the  rivers 
of  the  State  was  about  to  be  made,  and  the 
movements  of  the  vessels  of  the  United  States 
v>  ith  troops  into  the  waters  of  this  Common¬ 
wealth  and  the  unusual  destruction  of  public 
property  by  the  agents  of  that  Government, 
both  at  Harper’s  Ferry  and  at  the  Gosport 
Navy  Yard,  gave  ample  reason  for  such  belief; 
and  whereas,  under  such  circumstances,  sundry 
vessels  in  the  waters  of  the  James  River,  the 
Rappahannock,  York,  and  Potomac  Rivers,  and 
their  tributaries,  have  been  seized  and  detained 
by  the  authorities  ot  the  State,  or  officers  act¬ 
ing  under  patriotic  motives  without  authority, 
and  it  is  proper  that  such  vessels  and  property 
should  bo  promptly  restored  to  the  masters  in 
command  or  to  the  owners  thereof,  therefore 
I,  JOHN  LETCHER,  Governor  of  the  Common¬ 
wealth,  do  hereby  proclaim  that  all  private 
vessels  and  property  so  seized  or  detained 
with  the  exception  ot  the  steamers  Jamestown 
and  Yoiktown,  shall  be  released  and  delivered 
up  to  the  said  masters  or  owners.  Proper  Navy 
officers  have  been  assigned  to  each  of  the  rivers 
of  the  State  herein  mentioned,  with  orders  to 
release  such  vessels  and  property,  and  give  cer¬ 
tificates  for  damages  incurred  by  the  seizure 
and  detention. 

I  leel  it  my  duty,  furthermore,  to  advise  the 
people  of  the  Commonwealth  (not  in  the  Mili¬ 
tary  service  of  the  State)  to  return  to  their 
usual  avocations,  in  connection  with  the  trade 
and  commerce  of  the  country,  assuring  them 
protection  and  defence.  If  war  is  to  be  inaug¬ 
urated  by  an  attempt  to  invade  this  Common¬ 
wealth,  or  to  use  coercion  against  the  Southern 
Confederate  States,  a  contingency  dependent  on 
the  action  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  it  shall  be  met  and  conducted  by  this 
Commonwealth  upon  principles  worthy  of  civ¬ 
ilized  nations  and  of  this  enlightened  a^e.  I 
appeal  to  all  our  people  not  to  interfere  with 
peaceable,  unoffending  citizens  or  others  who 
preserve  the  peace  and  conform  to  our  laws 
and  I  do  hereby  especially  discountenance  all 
acts  of  seizure  of  private  property  without  au¬ 
thority  of  law,  and  require  that  order  shall  bo 
lestoied,  and  that  all  the  laws  be  administered 
and  executed  by  the  tribunals  especially  assign¬ 
ed  for  the  purpose.  & 

Given  under  my  hand  as  Govern- 


April,  1861,  and  in  the  85th  year  of  the  Com¬ 
monwealth. 

_  JOHN  LETCHER. 

By  the  Governor. 

George  W.  Muneord, 

rp,  „  .  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth. 

The  following  officers  of  the  State  Navy  are 
assigned  to  the  duties  required  by  this  procla¬ 
mation  :  1 

For  James  River— Captain  Cooke  and  Com¬ 
mander  Tucker. 

For  Potomac  River — Captain  Forrest,  Lieu¬ 
tenant  Semmes. 

For  Rappahannock  River— Lieutenant  Davis. 

Tor  York  River— Commander  J.  L.  Hender¬ 
son  and  Lieut.  S.  S.  Maury. 

— Richmond  Inquirer. 

Doo.  98.— CAPTURE  OF  U.  S.  TROOPS  BY 
COL.  VAN  DORN,  AT  SALURIA. 


( )  <Jlv®n  under  my  hand  as  Govern 
\  s-  \  °U  and  under  the  seal  of  the  Com- 
"  monwealth  at  Richmond,  24th  of 


Con.  Yah  Dorn  arrived  at  Indianola  with 
about  800  Texas  volunteers,  on  Wednesday 
afternoon,  24th  April,  and  having  taken  posses¬ 
sion  of  the  U.  S.  steamers  Fashion  and  United 
States,  and  the  propeller  Ylobile,  without  delay 
placed  his  forces  on  them,  and  about  nine  o’clock 
at  night,  came  down  to  Saluria  and  anchored 
v  ithin  about  half  a  mile  of  the  schooners  hav¬ 
ing  on  board  the  U.  S.  troops,  numbering  450 
under  the  command  of  Major  C.  C.  Sibley,  3d 
Infantry;  Adjutant-Lieutenant  Phillips,  1st  In¬ 
fantry;  Ass’t  Surgeons  Lynde  and  Byrne,  Capts 
Granger  and  Wallace,  1st  Infantry  ;  Capt.  Bow¬ 
man,  3d  Infantry ;  Capt.  Jordan,  8th  Infantry  • 
Lieut.  Green,  1st  Infantry,  and  Limits.  Hopkins 
and  Lay,  3d  Infantry.  The  troops  consisted  of 
the  band  of  the  1st  Infantry,  and  Companies  G 

to. it  that  KeS'hnent,  Companies  A,  F,  and 
1,  od  Infantry,  and  Companies  A  and  D  of  the 
8th  Infantry.  Capt.  Wallace  had  his  lady  and 
child,  and  Dr.  Lynde  his  two  children,  onboard 
the  vessels.  Notwithstanding  some  thirty-five 
soldiers  and  their  wives  had  been  left  on  shore, 
there  were  some  ten  or  twelve  women  and 
children  on  board. 

About  three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  a  severe 
norther  sprang  up,  and  a  heavy  sea  raged  from 
that  time  till  the  afternoon  of  Thursday.  Nev- 
eitheless,  at  about  six  o’clock  on  that  morning, 
Col.  Van  Dorn  sent  a  message  to  Major  Sibley 
icquesting  an  interview  at  such  point  as  might 
be  convenient.  Accordingly,  the  parlor  "of 
Judge  Hawes,  on  Saluria  Island,  was  selected, 
and  at  ten  o’clock  the  parties  met. — The  com- 
nmsion  on  the  part  of  the  U.  S.  Army  consisted 
ot  Major  Sibley  and  his  two  senior  officers, 
Capts.  Wallace  and  Granger ;  and  on  the  part 
of  the  Confederate  States,  Col.  Van  Dorn.  At 
about  12  o’clock  M.,  tho  conference  ended  in 
the  surrender  of  the  entire  command  as  prison¬ 
ers  of  war — the  officers  to  be  released  on  parole, 
and  the  men  on  their  oaths  that  they  would 
not  take  up  arms  against  the  Southern  Confed¬ 
eracy, — surrendering  their  arms  and  all  compa¬ 
ny  property ;  such  of  the  men  and  officers  to  be 


DOCUMENTS. 


147 


received  into  the  Confederate  army  as  may 
desire  it ;  private  property  not  to  be  molested ; 
the  soldiers  not  to  be  permitted  to  leave  the 
State  except  by  way  of  Galveston  and  the  Mis¬ 
sissippi  River. 

At  one  o’clock,  p.  m.,  the  steamer  Gen.  Rusk, 
Capt.  Leon  Smith,  having  on  board  Gen.  E.  13. 
Nichols  with  150  volunteers  from  Galveston, 
appeared  off  the  bar.  She  came  to  near  the 
pilot  house,  and  upon  the  pilot  coming  on  board 
learned  the  good  news  of  the  surrender  which 
was  then  being  carried  into  execution  without 
a  resort  to  the  use  of  arms.  Before  the  Rusk 
crossed  the  bar  the  officers  on  board,  with  their 
glasses,  could  distinctly  see  the  troops  on  the 
two  schooners,  as  also  the  three  steamers  with 
steam  up  having  on  board  soldiers,  (the  Texas 
volunteers,)  and  as  they  could  not  suppose  Col. 
Van  Dorn  had  had  time  to  concentrate  his 
forces  there,  the  conclusion  with  them  was  that 
the  IT.  S.  troops  had  been  reinforced  from  the 
west  by  companies  known  to  be  coming  down, 
and,  consequently,  that  the  men  on  the  Rusk 
had  a  pretty  fair  prospect  of  a  fight. 

The  Rusk  remained  at  anchor  until  10  o’clock, 
p.  m.,  when  she  went  up  to  Indianola,  put  out 
her  mails,  and  went  down  to  Saluria  at  sun-up 
yesterday  morning,  when,  after  taking  on  board 
Capt.  W.  R.  Bradfute,  bearer  of  dispatches  from 
Major  Van  Dorn  to  Montgomery,  as  well  as  a 
considerable  number  of  passengers,  crossed  the 
bar  at  10  o’clock,  and  came  into  this  port  at  12 
o’clock  last  night. 

The  450  United  States  troops  who  had  sur¬ 
rendered  were  on  the  schooners  Horace  and 
Urbana  in  charge  of  Col.  Van  Dorn  when  the 
Rusk  left  last  night.  They  had  gone  down  the 
bay  on  these  schooners  with  a  view  of  being 
embarked  ou  the  Fashion,  but  this  steamer  was 
deemed  unseawortliy,  and  the  United  States 
was  not  in  a  much  better  condition,  while  the 
propeller  Mobile  was  too  small  for  their  accom¬ 
modation.  It  is  expected  that  they  will  go  on 
shore  again  to-day,  and  that  most  of  them  will 
enlist  in  the  army  of  the  Confederate  States. 

We  see  from  Gen.  Nichols’  report  to  Gen. 
Sherman,  that  in  less  than  an  hour  after  the 
Rusk  took  position  so  as  to  command  the 
schooners  with  the  U.  S.  troops  on  board,  he 
reported  himself  to  Col.  Yan  Dorn,  and  receiv¬ 
ed  in  reply,  that  the  surrender  had  just  been 
agreed  on. 

Major  Larkin  Smith,  who,  we  believe,  was 
second  in  command  at  Indianola,  resigned  im¬ 
mediately  on  hearing  of  the  secession  of  Vir¬ 
ginia  ;  and  we  learn  his  example  was  followed 
by  some  six  or  eight  other  United  States  offi¬ 
cers. 

— Galveston  (Texas)  News,  April  27. 


Doo.  99.— GEORGE  LAW’S  LETTER. 

New- York,  April  25, 1861. 

To  TnE  PRESIDENT  OF  TOE  UNITED  Sl’ATES — 
Sir :  The  people  of  the  Freo  States  have  now 
been  for  some  time  cut  off  from  communication 


with  the  capital  of  their  country,  by  a  mob  in 
the  city  of  Baltimore.  The  troops  of  the 
General  Government  have  been  attacked  and 
shot  down  by  the  mob,  in  their  passage  through 
that  city  in  pursuance  to  the  orders  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment.  The  lines  of  communication  have 
been  destroyed,  and  the  authority  of  the  Gene¬ 
ral  Government  has  been  set  at  defiance.  This 
state  of  things  has  been  permitted  to  continue 
for  nearly  a  week,  and  our  troops  going  to  the 
capital  have  been  delayed,  and  have  had  to  find 
their  way  by  irregular  and  circuitous  routes, 
very  much  to  their  inconvenience.  Citizens 
of  the  Free  States  have  either  been  prevented 
altogether  from  visiting  the  capital  or  from 
returning  thence  to  their  homes,  or  have  been 
compelled  to  run  the  gauntlet,  been  subjected 
to  all  sorts  of  insult  and  danger,  and  have  had 
to  resort  to  the  most  circuitous  routes  by  pri¬ 
vate  conveyance,  and  at  exorbitant  expense. 
All  facilities  by  mail  and  telegraph  have  been 
cut  off  by  the  same  unlawful  assemblage  in  Bal¬ 
timore  and  other  parts  of  Maryland,  at  a  time 
when  free  communication  is  so  much  required 
between  the  Free  States  and  Washington. 

The  public  mind  is  already  excited  to  tho 
highest  point  that  this  state  of  things  has  been 
so  long  tolerated ;  and  the  people  are  deter¬ 
mined  that  free  and  uninterrupted  communica¬ 
tion  with  the  seat  of  Government  shall  be  im¬ 
mediately  established,  not  by  circuitous  routes, 
but  by  the  direct  lines  of  communication  that 
they  have  heretofore  travelled  over.  And  it 
is  demanded  of  Government  that  they  at  once 
take  measures  to  open  and  establish  those  lines 
of  communication,  and  that  they  protect  and 
preserve  them  from  any  further  interruption. 
Unless  this  is  done ,  the  people  will  be  compelled 
to  take  it  into  their  own  hands ,  let  the  conse¬ 
quences  be  what  they  may ,  and  let  them  fall 
where  they  will.  It  is  certainly  most  desirable 
that  this  be  done  through  the  regularly  consti¬ 
tuted  authorities  at  Washington;  and  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  is  earnestly  desired  to  act  without 
delay. 

There  is  entire  unanimity  of  feeling  on  the 
part  of  the  people  of  the  Free  States  to  sustain 
the  Government  and  maintain  the  Union. 

I  trust,  Mr.  President,  that  this  letter  will 
not  be  received  unkindly,  as,  in  writing  it,  I 
simply  do  what  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  as  a 
citizen  to  do  in  this  extraordinary  state  of 
things. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obe¬ 
dient  servant,  George  Law. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune,  April  26. 


Do o.  100.— HOW  THE  ARMS  WERE  TA¬ 
KEN  FROM  THE  ST.  LOUIS  ARSENAL. 

Captain  -James  H.  Stokes,  of  Chicago,  late 
of  the  regular  army,  volunteered  to  undertake 
the  perilous  mission,  and  Governor  Yates  placed 
in  his  hands  the  requisition  of  the  Secretary  of 
war  for  10,000  muskets.  Captain  Stokes  went 
to  St.  Louis,  and  made  his  way  as  rapidly  as 


148 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


possible  to  the  arsenal.  He  found  it  surround¬ 
ed  by  an  immense  mob,  and  the  postern  gates 
all  closed.  His  utmost  efforts  to  penetrate  the 
crowd  were  for  a  long  time  unavailing.  The 
requisition  was  shown.  Captain  Lyon  doubted 
the  possibility  of  executing  it.  lie  said  the 
arsenal  was  surrounded  by  a  thousand  spies, 
and  every  movement  was  watched  and  reported 
to  the  headquarters  of  the  Secessionists,  who 
could  throw  an  overpowering  force  upon  them 
at  any  moment.  Captain  Stokes  represented 
that  every  hour’s  delay  was  rendering  the  cap¬ 
ture  ot  the  arsenal  more  certain,  and  the  arms 
must  be  moved  to  Illinois  now  or  never. 
Major  Callender  agreed  with  him,  and  told  him 
to  take  them  at  his  own  time  and  in  his  own 
way.  This  was  Wednesday  night,  24th  April. 

Capt.  Stokes  had  a  spy  in  the  camp,  whom 
he  met  at  intervals  in  a  certain  place  in  the 
city.  On  Thursday  lie  received  information 
that  Gov.  Jackson  had  ordered  two  thousand 
armed  men  down  from  Jefferson  city,  whose 
movements  could  only  contemplate  a  seizure  of 
the  arsenal,  by  occupying  the  heights  around 
it,  and  planting  batteries  thereon.  The  job 
would  have  been  an  easy  one.  They  had  al¬ 
ready  planted  one  battery  on  the  St.  Louis 
levee,  and  another  at  Powder  Point,  a  short 
distance  below  the  arsenal.  Capt.  Stokes  im¬ 
mediately  telegraphed  to  Alton  to  have  the 
steamer  City  of  Alton  drop  down  to  the  arsenal 
landing  about  midnight.  He  then  returned  to 
the  arsenal,  and  commenced  moving  the  boxes 
of  guns,  weighing  some  three  hundred  pounds 
each,  down  to  the  lower  floor. 

About  700  men  were  employed  in  the  work. 
He  then  took  500  Kentucky  flint-lock  muskets, 
which  had  been  sent  there  to  be  altered,  and 
sent  them  to  be  placed  on  a  steamer  as  a  blind 
to  cover  his  real  movements.  The  Secession¬ 
ists  nabbed  them  at  once,  and  raised  a  perfect 
Bedlam  over  the  capture.  A  large  portion  of 
the  outside  crowd  left  the  arsenal  when  this 
movement  was  executed;  and  Capt.  Lyon  took 
the  remainder,  who  were  lying  around  as  spies, 
and  locked  them  up  in  the  guard-house.  About 
11  o’clock  the  steamer  City  of  Alton  came 
alongside,  planks  were  shoved  out  from  the 
v  inflows  to  the  main  deck,  and  the  boxes  slid 
down.  When  the  10,000  were  safely  on  board, 
Capt.  Stokes  went  to  Capt.  Lyon  and  Major 
Callender,  and  urged  them,  by  the  most  press- 
mg  appeals,  to  let  him  empty  the  arsenal. 
They  told  him  to  go  ahead  and  take  what¬ 
ever  ho  wanted.  Accordingly,  ho  took  10,000 
more  muskets,  500  new  rifle  carbines,  500  re- 
volvers,  110,000  musket  cartridges,  to  say  noth- 
ing  of  the  cannon  and  a  large  quantity  of  mis¬ 
cellaneous  accoutrements,  leaving  only  7  000 
muskets  in  the  arsenal  to  arm  the  St.  Louis 
volunteers. 

,  ^  ^ien  ^e  whole  were  on  board,  about  2 
o  clock  on  Friday  morning  the  order  was  given 
by  the  captain  of  the  steamer  to  cast  off.  Jud-m 
of  the  consternation  of  all  hands  when  it  was 
found  that  sho  would  not  move.  The  arms  had 


been  piled  in  great  quantities  around  the  en¬ 
gines  to  protect  them  against  the  battery  on 
the  levee,  and  the  great  weight  had  fastened 
the  bow s  ot  the  boat  firmly  on  a  rock,  which 
was  tearing  a  hole  through  the  bottom  at  every 
turn  ot  the  wheels.  A  man  of  less  nerve  than 
Capt.  Stokes  would  have  gone  crazy  on  the 
spot.  He  called  the  arsenal  men  on  board 
and  commenced  moving  the  boxes  to  the  stern. 

Fot  tunately ,  when  about  two  hundred  boxes 
had  been  shifted,  the  boat  fell  away  from  the 
shore,  and  floated  in  deep  water.  “  Which 
way?”  said  Captain  Mitchell,  of  the  steamer. 
u  Straight  to  Alton,  in  the  regular  channel,”  re¬ 
plied  Captain  Stokes.  “  What  if  we  are  attack¬ 
ed  ?  ”  said  Captain  Mitchell.  “  Then  we  will 
fight,”  said  Captain  Stokes.  “  What  if  we  are 
overpowered  ?  ”  said  Captain  Mitchell.  “  Run 
her  to  the  deepest  part  of  the  river,  and  sink 
her,”  replied  Captain  Stokes.  “  I’ll  do  it,”  was 
the  heroic  answer  ot  Capt.  Mitchell;  and  awTay 
they  went  past  the  secession  battery,  past  the 
entire  St.  Louis  levee,  and  on  to  Alton,  in  the 
regular  _  channel,  where  they  arrived  at  five 
o’clock  in  the  morning. 

When  the  boat  touched  the  landing,  Capt. 
Stokes,  fearing  pursuit  by  some  two  or  three  of 
the  Secession  military  companies  by  which  the 
city  of  St.  Louis  is  disgraced,  ran  to  the  market- 
house  and  rang  the  fire-bell.  The  citizens  came 
flocking  pell-mell  to  the  river,  in  all  sorts  of 
habiliments.  Capt.  Stokes  informed  them  of 
the  situation  of  things,  and  pointed  out  the 
freight  cars.  Instantly,  men,  women,  and  chil¬ 
dren  boarded  the  steamer,  seized  the  freight, 
and  clambered  up  the  levees  to  the  cars.  Rich 
and  poor  tugged  together  with  might  and  main 
for  two  hours,  when  the  cargo  was  all  deposited 
in  the  cars,  and  the  train  moved  off',  amid  their 
enthusiastic  cheers,  for  Springfield. 

—  Chicago  Tribune,  April  29. 


Doc.  101.— THE  SEVENTH  REGIMENT.— 

now  IT  GOT  FROM  SEW  YORK  TO  WASHINGTON'. 

The  Capitol,  "Wapiungton,  } 
Saturday,  April  27,  1861.  } 

We  are  here.  Those  three  words  sum  up  as 
much  as  Napier’s  “Peccavi,”  when  he  took 
Scinde,  and  we  all  feel  somewhat  as  Mr.  Caesar 
Augustus  must  have  felt  when  he  had  crossed 
the  Rubicon. 

It  is  almost  unnecessary  for  me  to  detail  to 
you  the  events  of  the  day  on  which  we  left 
New  York.  The  indefatigable  efforts  of  that 
ubiquitous  and  persevering  individual,  the  re¬ 
porter,  has  left  me  little  to  do.  Nevertheless, 
the  scene  at  the  armory  on  Friday  was  one  to 
be  commemorated.  For  the  first  time  since  its 
formation,  the  Seventh  Regiment  left  its  native 
city  on  active  service.  All  day  long,  from  an 
early  hour  in  the  morning,  young  men  in  uni¬ 
forms  or  civilian’s  dress,  might  have  been  seen 
hurrying  up  and  down  Broadway,  with  anoma¬ 
lous-looking  bundles  under  their  arms.  Dan- 


DOCUMENTS. 


149 


dies,  who  were  the  pride  of  club  windows,  wrere 
not  above  brown  paper  parcels ;  military  tai¬ 
lors  were  stormed  and  taken  with  considerable 
loss — to  the  pocket.  Delmonico,  calm  and 
serene,  superintended  sandwiches  which  were 
destined  for  the  canteen.  People  in  the  streets 
looked  with  a  sort  of  regretful  admiration  at 
the  gray  uniforms  hurrying  by.  Hardware 
stores  were  ransacked  of  revolvers.  A  feverish 
excitement  throbbed  through  the  city — the 
beating  of  that  big  Northern  pulse,  so  slow,  so 
sure,  and  so  steady. 

At  3  o’clock,  p.  m.,  we  mustered  at  the 
Armory,  against  which  there  beat  a  surge  of 
human  beings  like  waves  against  a  rock.  With¬ 
in,  all  was  commotion.  Fitting  of  belts,  wild 
lamentations  over  uniforms  expected  but  not 
arrived.  Hearty  exchanges  of  comradeships  be¬ 
tween  members  of  different  companies,  who  felt 
that  they  were  about  to  depart  on  a  mission 
which  might  end  in  death.  Here  and  there 
flickered  Spring  bonnets,  which  inclosed  charm¬ 
ing  faces,  as  the  calyx  enfolds  the  flower ;  and, 
let  me  tell  yon,  that  on  the  faces  of  many  of 
those  dear  blossoms  there  hung  drops  of  mourn¬ 
ful  dew.  At  last  the  regiment  was  formed  in 
companies,  and  we  marched.  Was  there  ever 
such  an  ovation  ?  When  Trajan  returned  con¬ 
queror,  dragging  barbaric  kings  at  his  chariot- 
wheels,  Rome  vomited  its  people  into  the 
streets,  and  that  glorious  column,  that  will  be 
ever  immortal,  was  raised.  But  what  greeted 
the  Emperor  at  his  outset  ?  The  marble  walls 
of  Broadway  were  never  before  rent  with  such 
cheers  as  greeted  us  when  we  passed.  The 
faces  of  the  buildings  were  so  thick  with  peo¬ 
ple,  that  it  seemed  as  if  an  army  of  black  ants 
were  marching,  after  their  resistless  fashion, 
through  the  city,  and  had  scaled  the  houses. 
Handkerchiefs  fluttered  in  the  air  like  myriads 
of  white  butterflies.  An  avenue  of  brave,  hon¬ 
est  faces  smiled  upon  us  as  we  passed,  and  sent 
a  sunshine  into  our  hearts  that  lives  there  still. 
In  a  prominent  position  stood  Major  Ander¬ 
son,  who  saluted  us,  and  was  welcomed  as  such 
a  man  should  be  welcomed.  And  so  on  to  the 
ferry. 

Swift  through  New  Jersey — against  which 
no  sneer  be  uttered  evermore.  All  along  the 
track  shouting  crowds,  hoarse  and  valorous,  sent 
to  us,  as  we  passed,  their  hopes  and  Avishes. 
When  we  stopped  at  the  different  stations, 
rough  hands  came  in  through  the  windows, 
apparently  unconnected  with  any  one  in  par¬ 
ticular  until  you  shook  them,  and  then  the 
subtle  magnetic  thrill  told  that  there  were  bold 
hearts  beating  at  the  end.  This  continued 
until  night  closed,  and,  indeed,  until  after  mid¬ 
night. 

Within  the  cars  the  sight  was  strange.  A 
thousand  young  men,  the  flower  of  the  North, 
in  whose  welfare  a  million  of  friends  and  rela¬ 
tives  were  interested,  were  rushing  along  to 
conjectured  hostilities  with  the  same  smiling 
faces  that  they  would  wear  going  to  a  “  Ger¬ 
man  ”  party  in  Fifth-avenue.  It  was  more 


like  a  festivity  than  a  march.  Those  fine  old 
songs,  the  cliorusses  of  which  were  familiar  to 
all,  were  sung  with  sweet  voice.  We  were 
assured  many  times,  in  melodious  accents,  that 
“  the  whiskey  bottle  was  empty  on  the  shelf,” 
and  several  individuals  of  that  prominent,  but 
not  respectable  class  known  as  “  bummers,” 
were  invited  to  “  meet  us  on  Canaan’s  happy 
shore.”  The  brave  old  Harvard  song  of  “Upi 
dee  ”  was  started,  and,  shameful  to  say,  Mr. 
Longfellow’s  “Excelsior”  seemed  naturally 
to  adapt  itself  to  the  tune.  I  do  not  think 
that  “the  pious  monks  of  St.  Bernard”  would 
have  been  edified,  had  they  heard  themselves 
alluded  to  in  that  profane  nmsic. 

Our  arrival  at  Philadelphia  took  place  at  4 
o’clock.  We  slept  in  the  cars,  awaiting  orders 
from  our  Colonel,  but  at  daylight  hunger — and 
it  may  be  thirst — becoming  imperious,  we  sal¬ 
lied  out,  and  roamed  about  that  cheerless  neigh¬ 
borhood  that  surrounds  the  depot.  Close  by 
there  was  a  small  wooden  shanty — let  us  say  an 
Irish  palace — which  wrjs  presently  filled  by 
arid  soldiers.  The  prog  in  the  larder  of  this 
sumptuous  residence  was,  I  regret  to  say,  lim¬ 
ited.  I  did  not  even  see  the  traditional  pig 
about,  although  heaven  knows  he  would  have 
been  appropriate  enough.  Finding  that  we 
were  likely  to  remain  for  some  time  in  the  city 
—although  under  the  impression  that  we  were 
to  go  straight  through  to  Baltimore — we  wTan- 
dered  away  from  the  Desert  of  the  Depot  and 
descended  on  civilized  quarters.  The  superin¬ 
tendent  of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  Asylum  was  a 
man  for  the  emergency.  He  provided  a  hand¬ 
some  breakfast  for  all  such  members  of  the 
Seventh  as  chose  to  partake  of  it,  and  we  com¬ 
manded  beefsteak  on  our  fingers,  and  ordered 
tea  by  sign-manual.  Great  numbers  of  our 
regiment,  being  luxurious  dogs,  went  down  to 
the  Continental  and  Girard  hotels,  where  they 
campaigned  on  marble  floors,  and  bivouacked 
on  velvet  couches.  They  are  such  delicate  fel¬ 
lows,  the  Seventh  Regiment !  Further  on  you 
will  see  what  those  delicate  hands  have  done. 

We,  of  course,  were  entirely  ignorant  of  our 
route,  or  how  we  were  going.  The  general  feel¬ 
ing  of  the  regiment  was  in  favor  of  pushing 
our  way  coute  qui  coute  straight  through  Balti¬ 
more.  Rumors  came  along  that  the  city  was 
in  arms.  The  Massachusetts  troops  had  to 
fight  their  way  through,  killing  eighteen  and 
losing  two  men.  This  seemed  only  to  stimu¬ 
late  our  boys,  and  the  universal  word  was  Bal¬ 
timore.  But  as  it  turned  out  afterwards,  we 
were  under  a  wise  direction,  and  the  policy  of 
our  Colonel,  to  whom  we  perhaps  are  alto¬ 
gether  indebted  for  bringing  us  safe  here,  was, 
I  presume,  to  avoid  all  unnecessary  collision, 
and  bring  his  regiment  intact  into  Washing¬ 
ton.  The  rails  were  reported  to  have  been  torn 
up  for  forty  miles  about  Baltimore,  and  as  we 
were  summoned  for  the  defence  of  the  Capital, 
it  follows,  according  to  reason,  that  if  we  could 
get  there  without  loss  we  would  better  fulfil 
our  duty.  As  it  happened  afterwards,  we  had 


150 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


to  run  through  more  peril  than  Baltimore  could 
have  offered. 

There  seemed  but  little  enthusiasm  in  Phil¬ 
adelphia.  A  city  that  washes  every  morning 
with  soap  and  water  is  not  easily  roused  into 
excitement.  The  Quaker  placidity  still  pre¬ 
vails,  and  when  you  add  to  this  the  majestic 
stolidity  on  the  German  element,  it  is  not  won¬ 
derful  that  the  Capital  of  the  Iveystone  State 
should  not  be  uproarious.  Still  let  me  do 
Philadelphia  justice.  I  understand  that  the 
people  were  out  in  large  numbers  to  see  us  en¬ 
ter,  but  our  delay  disappointed  them,  and  they 
went  home.  .  During  our  stay  a  lethargic  de¬ 
corum  prevailed.  The  prim  beavers  of  the  citi¬ 
zens  were  glossy  and  self-possessed.  We  came 
and  went  without  a  reception  or  demonstra¬ 
tion. 

There  was  one  peculiar  difference  that  I  no¬ 
ticed  existing  between  the  Massachusetts  regi¬ 
ments  that  we  met  in  Philadelphia  and  our 
men.  The  Massachusetts  men — to  whom  all 
honor  be  given  for  the  splendid  manner  in 
which  they  afterwards  acted  in  a  most  trying 
situation — presented  a  singular  moral  contrast 
to  the  members  of  the  Seventh.  They  were 
earnest,  grim,  determined.  Badly  equipped, 
haggard,  unshorn,  they  yet  had  a  manhood  in 
their  look  that  hardships  could  not  kill.  They 
were  evidently  thinking  all  the  time  of  the 
contest  into  which  they  were  about  to  enter. 
Their  gray,  eager  eyes  seemed  to  bo  looking  for 
the  heights  of  Virginia.  With  us,  it  was  some¬ 
what  different.  Our  men  were  gay  and  care¬ 
less,  confident  of  being  at  any  moment  capable 
of  performing,  and  more  than  performing,  their 
duty.  I  hey  looked  battle  in  the  face  with  a 
smile,  and  were  ready  to  hob-nob  with  an  en¬ 
emy  and  kill  him  afterwards.  The  one  was 
courage  in  the  rough ;  the  other  was  courage 
burnished.  The  steel  was  the  same  in  both, 
but  the  last  was  a  little  more  polished. 

On  April  20,  at  4.20,  p.  m.,  we  left  the  Phil¬ 
adelphia  dock,  on  board  the  steamer  Boston. 
The.  regiment  was  in  entire  ignorance  of  its 
destination.  Some  said  we  were  going  back  to 
New  York,  at  which  suggestion  there  was  a 
howl  of  indignation.  Others  presumed  that 
we  were  going  to  steam  up  the  Potomac — a 
course  which  was  not  much  approved  of,  inas¬ 
much  that  we  were  cooped  up  in  a  kind  of 
river  steamer  that  a  shot  from  the  fort  at  Alex¬ 
andria  might  sink  at  any  moment.  We,  how¬ 
ever  to  make  use  of  a  familiar  expression — 

“  went  it  blind,”  and  the  faces  did  not  smile 
the  less  because  our  object  was  unknown. 

It  was  on  board  of  this  steamer  that  “Joe  ” 
came  out.  You,  of  course,  don’t  know  who 
“Joe”  is.  .  Well,  you  may  rest  contented,  be¬ 
cause  ho  will  always  remain  “Joe”  to  you.  I 
may,  without  transgression,  however,  give  you 
his  typograph.  I  will  put  him  in  position, 
level  the  lens,  and — here  he  is.  Imagine  a 
well-built  young  fellow  of  about  21,  with  mer¬ 
cury  instead  of  blood  in  his  veins,  ever  on  the 
move,  with  a  sort  of  quaint,  joyous  humor 


seething  from  him,  as  if  he  was  always  at  boil¬ 
ing  point.  Joe’s  two  specialties,  like  a  win¬ 
nowing  machine  that  I  once  saw,  are  work  and 
chaff.  .During  the  evening  on  board  the  steam¬ 
er  he  distributed  himself  generally  about,  with 
a  merry  word  and  a  joke  for  every  one.  What 
number  of  bad  puns  he  made,  or  what  horrible 
conundrums  he  made,  my  exhausted  and  horri¬ 
fied  memory  refuses  to  recall  ;  suffice  it  to  say, 
that  laughter*  and  good-humor  followed  in  his 
wake,  as  the  white  foam  smiles  astern  of  some 
sharp  little  cutter  going  before  the  wind. 

The  first  evening,  April  20,  on  board  the 
Boston,  passed  delightfully.  We  were  all  in 
first-rate  spirits,  and  the  calm,  sweet  evenings 
that  stole  on  us  as  we  approached  the  South, 
diffused  a  soft  and  gentle  influence  over  us. 
The  scene  on  board  the  ship  was  exceedingly 
picturesque.  Fellows  fumbling  in  haversacks 
for  rations,  or  extracting  sandwiches  from  re¬ 
luctant  canteens ;  guards  pacing  up  and  down 
with  drawn  bayonets ;  knapsacks  piled  in  cor¬ 
ners,  bristling  heaps  of  muskets,  with  sharp, 
shining  teeth,  crowded  into  every  available 
nook;  picturesque  groups  of  men  lolling  on 
deck,  pipe  or  cigar  in  mouth,  indulged  in  the 
dolce  far  niente,  as  if  they  were  on  the  blue 
shores  of  Capri  rather  than  on  their  way  to 
battle  ;  unbuttoned  jackets,  crossed  legs,  heads 
leaning  on  knapsacks,  blue  uniforms  every¬ 
where,  with  here  and  there  a  glint  of  officers’ 
red  lighting  up  the  foreground — all  formed  a 
scene  that  such  painters  as  the  English  Warren 
would  have  revelled  in. 

I  regret  to  say  that  all  was  not  rose-colored. 
The  steamer  that  the  Colonel  chartered  had  to 
get  ready  at  three  or  four  hours’  notice,  he 
having  changed  his  plans,  in  consequence  of  the 
tearing  up  of  the  rails  around  Baltimore.  The 
result  was  that  she  was  imperfectly  provisioned. 
As  the  appetites  of  the  men  began  to  develop, 
the  resources  of  the  vessel  began  to  appear. 
In  the  first  place,  she  was  far  too  small  to  ac¬ 
commodate  a  thousand  men,  and  we  were  obliged 
to  sleep  in  all  sorts  of  impossible  attitudes. 
There  is  an  ingenious  device  known  to  carpen¬ 
ters  as  “  dove-tailing,”  and  we  were  so  thick 
that  we  had  positively  to  dove-tail,  only  that 
there  was  very  little  of  the  dove  about  it ;  for 
when  perambulating  soldiers  stepped  on  the 
faces  and  stomachs  of  the  sleepers,  as  they  lay  on 
deck,  the  greeting  that  they  received  had  but 
little  flavor  of  the  olive  branch. 

Notwithstanding  that  we  found  very  soon 
that  the  commissariat  was  in  a  bad  way,  the 
men  were  as  jolly  as  sandboys.  I  never  saw  a 
more  good-humored  set  of  men  in  my  life. 
Fellows  who  would  at  Delmonico’s  have  sent 
back  a  turban  de  volatile  aux  trvffes  because 
the  truffles  were  tough,  here  cheerfully  took 
their  places  in  file  between  decks,  tin  plates 
and  tin  cups  in  hand,  in  order  to  get  an  insuffi¬ 
cient  piece  of  beef  and  a  vision  of  coffee.  But 
it  was  all  merrily  done.  The  scant  fare  was 
seasoned  with  hilarity ;  and  here  I  say  to  those 
people  in  New  York  who  have  sneered  at  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


151 


Seventh  Regiment  as  being  dandies,  and  guilty 
of  the  unpardonable  crimes  of  cleanliness  and 
kid  gloves,  that  they  would  cease  to  scoff  and 
remain  to  bless,  had  they  beheld  the  square, 
honest,  genial  way  in  which  these  military 
Brummells  roughed  it.  Farther  on  you  will 
see  what  they  did  in  the  way  of  endurance  and 
activity. 

April  21  was  Sunday.  A  glorious,  cloudless 
day.  We  had  steamed  all  night,  and  about  10 
o’clock  were  in  the  vicinity  of  Chesapeake  Bay. 
At  11  o’clock,  a.  m.,  we  had  service  read  by 
our  chaplain,  and  at  1,  p.  M.,  we  were  seven 
miles  from  the  coast.  The  day  was  calm  and 
delicious.  In  spite  of  our  troubles  with  regard 
to  food — troubles,  be  it  understood,  entirely 
unavoidable — we  drank  in  with  delight  the  se¬ 
renity  of  the  scene.  A  hazy  tent  of  blue  hung 
over  our  heads.  On  one  side  the  dim  thread 
of  shore  hemmed  in  the  sea.  Flights  of  loons 
and  ducks  skimmed  along  the  ocean,  rising 
lazily,  and  spattering  the  waves  with  their 
wings  as  they  flew  against  the  wind,  until  they 
rose  into  air,  and,  wheeling,  swept  into  calmer 
feeding  grounds.  Now  and  then  the  calm  of 
the  hour  was  broken  with  the  heavy  tramp  of 
men,  and  the  metallic  voice  of  the  corporal  of 
the  guard  relieving  his  comrades.  At  5  o’clock, 
p.  m.,  we  passed  a  liglit-ship  and  hailed  her, 
our  object  being  to  discover  whether  any  Unit¬ 
ed  States  vessels  were  in  the  neighborhood 
waiting  to  convoy  us  up  the  Potomac  River. 
We  had  heard  that  the  forts  at  Alexandria 
were  ready  to  open  upon  us  if  we  attempted  to 
pass  up,  and  our  steamer  was  of  such  a  build 
that,  had  a  shell  or  shot  struck  it,  we  would 
have  been  burned  or  drowned.  It  therefore 
behooved  us  to  be  cautious.  The  answers  we 
got  from  the  light-ship  and  other  vessels  that 
we  hailed  in  this  spot  were  unsatisfactory,  and 
although  the  feelings  of  the  men  were  unani¬ 
mous  in  wishing  to  force  the  Potomac,  wiser 
counsels,  as  it  proved,  Avere  behind  us,  and  we 
kept  on.  About  this  time  a  curious  phenome¬ 
non  occurred.  Some  men  in  the  regiment  who 
have  fine  voices — and  their  name  is  legion — 
had  been  singing,  with  all  that  delicious  effect 
that  music  at  sea  produces,  several  of  the  finest 
psalms  in  our  liturgy.  The  ocean  softens  and 
delicately  repeats  sound,  and  those  airs,  trem¬ 
bling  and  sliding  along  the  almost  unrippled  sur¬ 
face  of  the  sea,  Avere  so  melodious,  that  if  the 
Southern  Cerberi  had  heard  them,  they  would 
have  slumbered  at  the  gates  of  their  OAvn  hell. 
While  we  Avere  singing,  the  moon  swung  clear 
into  air,  and  round  her  white  disk  was  seen 
three  circles,  clear  and  distinct — red,  white ,  and 
blue  !  The  omen  Avas  caught  by  common  in¬ 
stinct,  and  a  thousand  cheers  went  up  to  that 
heaven  that  seemed  in  its  visible  signs  to  mani¬ 
fest  its  approval  of  the  cause  in  which  avo  were 
about  to  fight.  All  this  time  we  were  entirely 
ignorant  of  where  Ave  were  going.  The  offi¬ 
cers  kept  all  secret,  and  our  conjectures  drifted 
like  a  drifting  boat.  On  the  morning  of  the 
22d  avc  Avere  in  sight  of  Annapolis,  off  Avhich 


the  Constitution  was  lying,  and  there  found  the 
Eighth  Regiment  of  Massachusetts  volunteers, 
on  board  the  Maryland.  They  Avere  aground, 
owing,  it  is  supposed,  to  the  treachery  of  the 
captain,  whom  they  put  in  irons,  and  wanted 
to  hang.  I  regret  to  say  that  they  did  not  do 
it.  During  the  greater  portion  of  that  fore¬ 
noon  we  were  occupied  in  trying  to  get  the 
Maryland  off  the  sandbar  on  which  she  Avas 
grounded.  From  our  decks  Ave  could  see  the 
men  in  file  trying  to  rock  her,  so  as  to  facilitate 
our  tugging.  These  men  were  without  Avater 
and  Avithout  food,  were  well  conducted  aud 
uncomplaining,  and  behaved,  in  all  respects, 
like  heroes.  They  were  under  the  command 
of  Col.  Butler,  and  1  regret  that  that  gentleman 
did  not  care  more  for  the  comforts  of  men 
Avhose  subsequent  pluck  proved  that  nothing 
was  too  good  for  them.  During  the  endeavors 
to  get  the  Maryland  afloat,  we  had  some  idle 
time  on  our  hands,  and  your  humble  servant 
employed  some  of  it  in  “  composing  ”  a  Seventh 
Regiment  song,  which  is  now  in  rehearsal  by 
the  vocalists  of  the  corps.* 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  22d  we  landed  at 
the  Annapolis  dock,  after  having  spent  hours  in 
trying  to  relieve  the  Maryland.  For  the  first 
time  in  his  life  your  correspondent  Avas  put  to 
Avork  to  roll  flour-barrels.  lie  was  entrusted 
Avith  the  honorable  and  onerous  duty  of  trans¬ 
porting  stores  from  the  steamer  to  the  dock. 
Later  still  he  descended  to  the  position  of  mess 
servant,  when,  in  company  Avith  gentlemen 
Avell  known  in  Broadway  for  immaculate  kids, 
he  had  the  honor  of  attending  on  his  company 
Avith  buckets  of  cooked  meat  and  crackers. 
The  only  difference  betAveen  him  and  Co.  and 
the  ordinary  waiter  being,  that  the  former 
Avere  civil. 

After  this  I  had  the  pleasing  duty  of  per¬ 
forming  three  hours  of  guard  duty  on  the  dock 
Avith  a  view  to  protect  the  baggage  and  stores. 
It  Avas  monotonous — being  my  first  guard — but 
not  unpleasant.  The  moon  rose  calm  and 
Avhite.  A  long  dock  next  to  the  one  on  which 
I  Avas  stationed  stretched  aAvay  into  the  bay, 
resting  on  its  numerous  piles,  until  it  looked  in 
the  clear  moonlight  like  a  centipede.  All  was 
still  and  calm,  until  at  certain  periods  the  guard 
challenged  persons  attempting  to  pass.  There 
was  a  holy  influence  in  the  hour,  and  somehoAV 
the  hot  fever  of  anxiety  that  had  been  OArer  us 
for  days  seemed  to  pass  away  under  the  touch 
of  the  magnetic  fingers  of  the  night. 

Wo  were  quartered  in  the  buildings  belong¬ 
ing  to  the  Naval  School  at  Annapolis.  I  had  a 
bunking-place  in  what  is  there  called  a  fort, 
which  is  a  rickety  structure,  that  a  lucifer 
match  would  set  on  fire,  but  furnished  Avith  im¬ 
posing  guns.  I  suppose  it  was  merely  built  to 
practice  the  cadets,  because  as  a  defence  it  is 
worthless.  The  same  evening  boats  were  sent 
off  from  the  yard,  and  toAvards  nightfall  the 
Massachusetts  men  landed,  fagged,  hungry, 

*  See  Bong  entitled  “  The  Seventh,”  at  page  17,  Poetry 
and  Incidents. 


152 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


thirsty,  but  indomitable.  At  an  early  hour 
there  was  a  universal  snore  through  the  Naval 
School  of  Annapolis. 

The  two  days  that  we  remained  at  Annapo¬ 
lis  were  welcome.  We  had  been  without  a  fair 
night’s  sleep  since  we  left  New  York,  and  even 
the  hard  quarters  we  had  there  were  a  luxury 
compared  to  the  dirty  decks  of  the  Boston. 
Besides,  there  were  natural  attractions.  The 
grounds  are  very  prettily  laid  out,  and  in  the 
course  of  my  experience  I  never  saw  a  hand¬ 
somer  or  better  bred  set  of  young  men  than  the 

cadets.  They  number  about - ,  only  twenty 

having  left  the  school  owing  to  political  con¬ 
viction.  The  remainder  are  sound  Union  fel¬ 
lows,  eager  to  prove  their  devotion  to  the  flag. 
After  spending  a  delightful  time  in  the  Navy 
School,  resting  and  amusing  ourselves,  our  re¬ 
pose  was  disturbed,  at  9,  p.  m.,  April  23,  by 
rockets  being  thrown  up  in  the  bay.  The  men 
were  scattered  all  over  the  grounds;  some  in 
bed,  others  walking  or  smoking,  all  more  or 
less  undressed.  The  rockets  being  of  a  sus¬ 
picious  character,  it  was  conjectured  that  a 
Southern  fleet  was  outside,  and.  our  drummer 
beat  the  roll-call  to  arms.  From  the  stroke  of 
the  drum,  until  the  time  that  every  man,  fully 
equipped  and  in  fighting  order,  was  in  the 
ranks,  was  exactly,  by  watch,  seven  minutes. 
It  is  needless  to  say  any  thing  about  such  celer¬ 
ity  it  speaks  for  itselt.  The  alarm,  however, 
proved  to  be  false,  the  vessels  in  the  offing 
proving  to  be  laden  with  the  Seventy-first  and 
other  New  York  regiments;  so  that,  after  an 
unpremeditated  trial  of  our  readiness  for  ac¬ 
tion,  wo  were  permitted  to  retire  to  our  virtu¬ 
ous  couches,  which  means,  permit  me  to  say,  a 
blanket  on  the  floor,  with  a  military  overcoat 
over  you,  and  a  nasal  concert  all  around  you, 
that,  in  noise  and  number,  outvies  Musard’s 
celebrated  concerts  monstres. 

On  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  April  we 
started  on  what  afterwards  proved  to  be  one 
of  the  hardest  marches  on  record.  The  Seces¬ 
sionists  of  Annapolis  and  the  surrounding  dis¬ 
trict  had  threatened  to  cut  us  oif  in  our  march, 
and  even  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  they  would 
attack  our  quarters.  This,  of  course,  was  the 
drunken  Southern  ebullition.  A  civilian  told 
me  that  lie  met  in  the  streets  of  Annapolis  two 
cavalry  soldiers  who  came  to  cut  our  throats 
without  delay,  but  as  each  brave  warrior  was 
endeavoring  to  hold  the  other  up,  my  friend 
did  not  apprehend  much  danger. 

A  cur ious  revulsion  of  feeling  took  place  at 
Annapolis,  and  indeed  all  through  Maryland 
after  our  arrival. 

Ihe  admirable  good  conduct  which  charac¬ 
terizes  the  regiment,  the  open  liberality  which 
it  displays  in  all  pecuniary  transactions,  and 
the  courteous  demeanor  which  it  exhibits  to  all 
classes,  took  the  narrow-minded  population  of 
tins  excessively  wretched  town  by  surprise 
Ihey  were  prepared  for  pillage.  They  thought 
we  were  going  to  sack  the  place.  They  found 
instead,  that  wo  were  prepared  and  willine  to 


pay  liberal  prices  for  every  thing,  and  that  even 
patriotic  presentations  were  steadily  refused. 
While  we  were  in  the  Navy  School,  of  course 
all  sorts  of  rumors  as  to  our  operations  were 
floating  about.  It  surprised  me  that  no  one 
suggested  that  we  were  to  go  off  in  a  balloon ; 
however,  all  surmises  were  put  to  an  end  by 
our  receiving  orders,  the  evening  of  the  23d,  to 
assemble  in  marching  order  next  morning. 
Ihe  dawn  saw  us  up.  Knapsacks,  with  our 
blankets  and  overcoats  strapped  on  them,  were 
piled  on  the  green.  A  brief  and  insufficient 
breakfast  was  taken,  our  canteens  filled  with 
vinegar  and  water,  cartridges  distributed  to 
each  man,  and  after  mustering  and  loading,  we 
started  on  our  first  march  through  a  hostile 
country. 

Gen.  Scott  has  stated,  as  I  have  been  in¬ 
formed,  that  the  march  that  we  performed  from 
Annapolis  to  the  Junction  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  on  record.  I  know  that  I  felt  it 
the  most  fatiguing,  and  some  of  our  officers 
have  told  me  that  it  was  the  most  perilous. 
We  marched  the  first  eight  miles  under  a  burn¬ 
ing  sun,  in  heavy  marching  order,  in  less  than 
three  hours;  and  it  is  well  known  that, placing 
all  elementary  considerations  out  of  the  way, 
marching  on  a  railroad  track  is  the  most  harass¬ 
ing.  We  started  at  about  8  o’clock,  a.  m.,  and 
for  the  first  time  saw  the  town  of  Annapolis, 
which,  without  any  disrespect  to  that  place,  I 
may  say,  looked  very  much  as  if  some  celestial 
schoolboy,  with  a  box  of  toys  under  his  arm, 
had  dropped  a  few  houses  and  men  as  he  was 
going  home  from  school,  and  that  the  accidental 
settlement  was  called  Annapolis.  Through  the 
town  we  marched,  the  people  unsympathizing, 
but  afraid.  They  saw  the  Seventh  for  the  first 
time,  and  for  the  first  time  they  realized  the 
men  that  they  had  threatened. 

The  tracks  had  been  torn  up  between  Annap¬ 
olis  and  the  Junction,  and  here  it  was  that  the 
wonderful  qualities  of  the  Massachusetts  Eighth 
Regiment  came  out.  The  locomotives  had  been 
taken  to  pieces  by  the  inhabitants,  in  order  to 
prevent  our  travel.  In  steps  a  Massachusetts 
volunteer,  looks  at  the  piece-meal  engine,  takes 
up  a  flange,  and  says  coolly,  “I  made  this  en¬ 
gine,  and  I  can  put  it  together  again.”  Engi¬ 
neers  were  wanted  when  the  engine  was  ready. 
Nineteen  stepped  out  of  the  ranks.  The  rails 
were  torn  up.  Practical  railroad  makers  out 
of  the  regiment  laid  them  again,  and  all  this, 
mind  you,  without  care  or  food.  These  brave 
boys,  I  say,  were  starving  while  they  were  do¬ 
ing  this  good  work.  What  their  Colonel  was 
doing,  I  can’t  say.  As  we  marched  along  the 
track  that  they  had  laid,  they  greeted  us  with 
ranks  of  smiling  but  hungry  faces.  One  boy 
told  me,  with  a  laugh  on  his  young  lips,  that  he 
had  not  eaten  any  thing  for  thirty  hours.  There 
was  not,  thank  God,  a  haversack  in  our  regi¬ 
ment  that  was  not  emjRied  into  the  hands  of 
these  ill-treated  heroes,  nor  a  flask  that  was 
not  at  their  disposal.  I  am  glad  to  pay  them 
tribute  here,  and  mentally  doff  my  cap.  * 


DOCUMENTS. 


153 


Our  march  lay  through  an  arid,  sandy,  to¬ 
bacco-growing  country.  The  sun  poured  on 
our  heads  like  hot  lava.  The  Sixth  and  Second 
companies  were  sent  on  for  skirmishing  duty, 
under  the  command  of  Captains  Clarke  and 
Nevers,  the  latter  commanding  as  senior  officer. 
A  car,  on  which  was  placed  a  howitzer,  loaded 
with  grape  and  canister,  headed  the  column, 
manned  by  the  engineer  and  artillery  corps, 
commanded  by  Lieut.  Bunting.  This  was  the 
rallying  point  of  the  skirmishing  party,  on 
which,  in  case  of  difficulty,  they  could  fall  back. 
In  the  centre  of  the  column  came  the  cars  laden 
with  medical  stores,  and  bearing  our  sick  and 
wounded,  while  the  extreme  rear  wras  brought 
up  with  a  second  howitzer,  loaded  also  with 
grape  and  canister.  The  engineer  corps,  of 
course,  had  to  do  the  forwarding  work.  New 
York  dandies,  sir — but  they  built  bridges, 
laid  rails,  and  headed  the  regiment  through 
that  terrible  march.  After  marching  about 
eight  miles,  during  which  time  several  men 
caved  in  from  exhaustion,  and  one  young  gen¬ 
tleman  was  sunstruck  and  sent  back  to  New 
York,  we  halted,  and  instantly,  with  the  Di¬ 
vine  instinct  which  characterizes  the  hungry 
soldier,  proceeded  to  forage.  The  worst  of  it 
was  there  was  no  foraging  to  be  done.  The 
only  house  within  reach  was  inhabited  by  a  le¬ 
thargic  person,  who,  like  most  Southern  men, 
had  no  idea  of  gaining  money  by  labor.  We 
offered  him  extravagant  prices  to  get  us  fresh 
water,  and  it  was  with  the  utmost  reluctance 
we  could  get  him  to  obtain  us  a  few  pailfuls. 
Over  the  mantel-piece  of  his  miserable  shanty 
I  saw — a  curious  coincidence — the  portrait  of 
Ool.  Duryea,  of  our  regiment. 

After  a  brief  rest  of  about  an  hour,  we  again 
commenced  our  march  ;  a  march  which  lasted 
until  the  next  morning — a  march  than  which 
in  history,  nothing  but  those  marches  in  which 
defeated  troops  have  fled  from  the  enemy,  can 
equal.  Our  Colonel,  it  seems,  determined  to 
march  by  railroad,  in  preference  to  the  common 
road,  inasmuch  as  he  had  obtained  such  secret 
information  as  led  him  to  suppose  that  we  were 
waited  for  on  the  latter  route.  Events  justified 
his  judgment.  There  were  cavalry  troops  post¬ 
ed  in  defiles  to  cut  us  off.  They  could  not  have 
done  it,  of  course,  but  they  could  have  harassed 
us  severely.  As  we  went  along  the  railroad  we 
threw  out  skirmishing  parties  from  the  Second 
and  Sixth  companies,  to  keep  the  road  clear. 
I  know  not  if  I  can  describe  that  night’s  march. 
I  have  dim  recollections  of  deep  cuts  through 
which  we  passed,  gloomy  and  treacherous-look¬ 
ing,  with  the  moon  shining  full  on  our  mus¬ 
kets,  while  the  banks  were  wrapped  in  shade, 
and  each  moment  expecting  to  see  the  flash  and 
hear  the  crack  of  the  rifle  of  the  Southern  gue¬ 
rilla.  The  tree  frogs  and  lizards  made  a  mourn¬ 
ful  music  as  we  passed.  The  soil  on  which  we 
travelled  was  soft  and  heavy.  The  sleepers 
lying  at  intervals  across  the  track  made  the 
march  terribly  fatiguing.  On  all  sides  dark, 
lonely  pine  wroods  stretched  away,  and  high 
Documents — 11 


over  the  hooting  of  owls  or  the  plaintive  peti¬ 
tion  of  the  whip-poor-will  rose  the  bass  com¬ 
mands  of  Halt !  Forward,  march  ! — and  when 
we  came  to  any  ticklish  spot,  the  word  would 
run  from  the  head  of  the  column  along  the  line, 
“  Holes,”  “  Bridge,  pass  it  along,”  &c. 

As  the  night  wore  on  the  monotony  of  the 
march  became  oppressive.  Owing  to  our  hav¬ 
ing  to  explore  every  inch  of  the  way,  wre  did 
not  make  more  than  a  mile  or  a  mile  and  a 
half  an  hour.  We  ran  out  of  stimulants,  and 
almost  out  of  water.  Most  of  us  had  not  slept 
for  four  nights,  and  as  the  night  advanced  our 
march  was  almost  a  stagger.  This  was  not  so 
much  fatigue  as  want  of  excitement.  Our  fel¬ 
lows  were  spoiling  for  a  fight,  and  when  a 
dropping  shot  was  heard  in  the  distance,  it  was 
wonderful  to  see  how  the  languid  legs  straight¬ 
ened,  and  the  column  braced  itself  for  action. 
If  we  had  had  even  the  smallest  kind  of  a  skir¬ 
mish  the  men  would  have  been  able  to  walk  to 
Washington.  As  it  was,  we  went  sleepily  on. 
I  myself  fell  asleep  walking  in  the  ranks. 
Numbers,  I  find,  followed  my  example ;  but 
never  before  was  there  shown  such  indomitable 
pluck  and  perseverance  as  the  Seventh  showed  in 
that  march  of  twenty  miles.  The  country  that 
we  passed  through  seemed  to  have  been  entirely 
deserted.  The  inhabitants,  who  were  going  to 
kill  us  when  they  thought  we  daren’t  come 
through,  now  vamosed  their  respective  ranches, 
and  we  saw  them  not.  Houses  were  empty. 
The  population  retired  into  the  interior,  burying 
their  money,  and  carrying  their  families  along 
with  them.  They,  it  seems,  were  under  the 
impression  that  we  came  to  ravage  and  pillage, 
and  they  fled  as  the  Gauls  must  have  fled  when 
Attila  and  his  Huns  came  down  on  them  from 
the  North.  As  we  did  at  Annapolis,  we  did  in 
Maryland  State.  We  left  an  impression  that 
cannot  be  forgotten.  Every  thing  was  paid  for. 
No  discourtesy  was  offered  to  any  inhabitant, 
and  the  sobriety  of  the  regiment  should  be  an 
example  to  others.  I  have  now  to  finish  with¬ 
out  bringing  our  journey  up  to  here.  But  let 
that  rest  for  my  next  letter.  I  wish,  however, 
before  I  conclude,  to  state  that  nothing  could 
have  been  more  effective  or  energetic  than  the 
movements  of  the  Engineer  Corps,  to  wThotn  we 
were  indebted  for  the  rebuilding  of  a  bridge  in 
an  incredibly  short  space  of  time. 

The  secret  of  this  forced  march,  as  well  as 
our  unexpected  descent  on  Annapolis,  was  the 
result  of  Col.  Lefferts’  judgment,  which  has 
since  been  sustained  by  events.  Finding  that 
the  lino  along  the  Potomac  was  closed,  and  the 
route  to  Washington  by  Baltimore  equally  im¬ 
practicable,  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  An¬ 
napolis,  commanding,  as  it  did,  the  route  to  the 
Capital,  must  of  necessity  be  made  the  basis  of 
military  operations.  It  was  important  to  the 
Government  to  have  a  free  channel  through 
which  to  transport  troops,  and  this  post  pre¬ 
sented  the  readiest  means.  The  fact  that  since 
then  all  the  Northern  troops  have  passed 
through  the  line  that  we  thus  opened,  is  a 


154 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


sufficient  comment  on  the  admirable  judgment 
that  decided  on  the  movement.  It  secured  the 
integrity  of  the  regiment,  and  saved  lives,  the 
loss  of  which  would  have  plunged  New  York 
into  mourning.  Too  much  importance  cannot 
be  attached  to  this  strategy.  To  it  the  Seventh 
Regiment  is  indebted  for  being  here  at  present 
intact  and  sound.  For  the  present,  adieu. 

F.  J.  O’B. 

— »V.  Y.  Times. 


Doo.  102.— GOV.  LETCHER’S  PROCLA¬ 
MATION. 

By  the  Governor  of  Virginia. — A  Proclamation. 

Whereas  the  Convention  of  this  Common¬ 
wealth  has,  on  this  the  25th  day  of  April,  1861, 
adopted  an  ordinance  “for  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  Provisional  Government  of 
the  Confederate  States  of  America;”  and  has 
agreed  to  a  “  Convention  between  the  Common¬ 
wealth  of  Virginia  and  the  Confederate  States 
of  America,”  which  it  is  proper  should  be  made 
known  to  the  people  of  this  Commonwealth  and 
to  the  world  : 

Therefore,  I,  John  Letcher,  Governor  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  do  hereby  publish 
and.  proclaim  that  the  following  are  authentic 
copies  of  the  ordinance  and  convention  aforesaid. 
Given  under  my  hand  as  Governor,  and 
under  the  seal  of  the  Commonwealth 
rL  s  I  at  Richmond,  this  twenty-fifth  of  April, 
L  ’  “  'J  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
one,  and  in  the  eighty-fifth  year  of  the 
Commonwealth.  John  Letcher. 

'  By  the  Governor. 

George  W.  Munford, 
Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth. 

An  ordinance  for  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  the 
Confederate  States  of  America. 

We,  the  delegates  of  the  people  of  Virginia 
in  Convention  assembled,  solemnly  impressed 
by  the  perils  which  surround  the  Common¬ 
wealth,  and  appealing  to  the  Searcher  of  hearts 
for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions  in  assuming 
the  grave  responsibility  of  this  act,  do  by  this 
ordinance,  adopt  and  ratify  the  Constitution  of 
the  Provisional  Government  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America,  ordained  and  established  at 
Montgomery,  Alabama,  on  the  eighth  day  of 
February,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-one; 
provided  that  this  ordinance  shall  cease  to  have 
any  legal  operation  or  effect  if  the  people  of 
this  Commonwealth,  upon  the  vote  directed  to 
be  taken  on  the  ordinance  of  secession  passed 
by  this  Convention,  on  the  seventeenth  day  of 
April,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-one,  shall 
reject  the  same. 

A  true  copy.  Jno.  L.  Eubank,  Secretary. 

Convention  between  the  Commonwealth  of  Vir¬ 
ginia  and  the  Confederate  States  of  America. 
The  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  looking  to  a 


speedy  union  of  said  Commonwealth  and  the 
other  Slave  States  with  the  Confederate  States 
ot  America,  according  to  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution  tor  the  Provisional  Government 
of  said  States,  enters  into  the  following  tempo¬ 
rary  convention  and  agreement  with  said  States, 
for  the  purpose  of  meeting  pressing  exigencies 
affecting  the  common  rights,  interests,  and  safe¬ 
ty  of  said  Commonwealth  and  said  Confederacy. 

1st.  Until  the  union  of  said  Commonwealth 
with  said  Confederacy  shall  be  perfected,  and 
said  Commonwealth  shall  become  a  member  of 
said  Confederacy,  according  to  the  Constitu¬ 
tions  of  both  Powers,  the  whole  military  force 
and  military  operations,  offensive  and  defensive, 
of  said  Commonwealth,  in  the  impending  con¬ 
flict  with  the  United  States,  shall  be  under  the 
chief  control  and  direction  of  the  President  of 
said  Confederate  States,  upon  the  same  princi¬ 
ples,  basis,  and  footing  as  if  said  Commonwealth 
were  now,  and  during  the  interval,  a  member 
of  said  Confederacy. 

2d.  The  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  will,  af¬ 
ter  the  consummation  of  the  union  contemplated 
in  this  Convention,  and  her  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  for  a  Permanent  Government  of 
said  Confederate  States,  and  she  shall  become  a 
member  of  said  Confederacy  under  said  Perma¬ 
nent  Constitution,  if  the  same  occur,  turn  over 
to  said  Confederate  States  all  the  public  proper¬ 
ty,  naval  stores,  and  munitions  of  war,  etc.,  she 
may  then  be  in  possession  of,  acquired  from  the 
United  States,  on  the  same  terms  and  in  like 
manner  as  the  other  States  of  said  Confederacy 
have  done  in  like  cases. 


3d.  Whatever  expenditures  of  money,  if  any, 
said  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  shall  make  be¬ 
fore  the  Union  under  the  Provisional  Govern¬ 
ment,  as  above  contemplated,  shall  be  consum¬ 
mated,  shall  be  met  and  provided  for  by  said 
Confederate  States. 

Ibis  Convention,  entered  into  and  agreed  to 
in  the  city  of  Richmond,  Virginia,  on  the  twen- 
ty-fourth  day  of  April,  1861,  by  Alexander  H. 
Stephens,  the  duly  authorized  Commissioner  to 
act  in  the  matter  for  the  said  Confederate  States, 
and  John  Tyler,  William  Ballard  Preston,  Sam¬ 
uel  McD.  Moore,  James  P.  Holcombe,  James  C. 
Bruce,  and  Lewis  E.  Harvie,  parties  duly  au¬ 
thorized  to  act  in  like  manner  for  said  Com¬ 
monwealth  of  \irginia;  the  whole  subject  to 
the  approval  and  ratification  of  the  proper  au¬ 
thorities  of  both  Governments  respectively. 

In  testimony  whereof,  the  parties  aforesaid 
have  hereto  set  their  hands  and  seals  the  day 
and  year  aforesaid  and  at  the  place  aforesaid, 
in  duplicate  originals. 

Alexander  H.  Stephens,  [Seal,] 
Commissioner  for  Confederate  States. 


JonN  Tyler, 

Wm.  Ballard  Preston, 
S.  McD.  Moore, 

James  P.  Holcombe, 
James  C.  Bruce, 

Lewis  E.  IIarvie, 

Commissioners 


[Seal,] 

[Seal,] 

[Seal,] 

[Seal,] 

[Seal,] 

[Seal,] 

for  Virginia. 


DOCUMENTS. 


155 


Approved  and  ratified  by  the  Convention  of 
Virginia,  on  the  25th  day  of  April,  1801. 

John  Janney,  President. 

Jno.  L.  Eubank,  Secretary. 

— National  Intelligencer. 


Doo.  103. — PROCLAMATION  OF  GOV. 

ELLIS,  April,  1801. 

Whereas,  by  proclamation  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  fol¬ 
lowed  by  a  requisition  of  Simon  Cameron,  Sec¬ 
retary  of  War,  I  am  informed  that  the  said 
Abraham  Lincoln  has  made  a  call  for  seventy- 
five  thousand  men,  to  be  employed  for  the  in¬ 
vasion  of  the  peaceful  homes  of  the  South,  and 
for  the  violent  subversion  of  the  liberties  of  a 
free  people,  constituting  a  large  part  of  the 
whole  population  of  the  late  United  States  ;  and, 
whereas ,  this  high-handed  act  of  tyrannical  out¬ 
rage  is  not  only  in  violation  of  all  Constitu¬ 
tional  law,  utter  disregard  of  every  sentiment 
of  humanity  and  Christian  civilization,  and 
conceived  in  a  spirit  of  aggression  unparalleled 
by  any  act  of  recorded  history,  but  is  a  direct 
step  toward  the  subjugation  of  the  whole  South, 
and  the  conversion  of  a  free  republic,  inher¬ 
ited  from  our  fathers,  into  a  military  des¬ 
potism,  to  be  established  by  worse  than  foreign 
enemies  on  the  ruins  of  our  once  glorious  Con¬ 
stitution  of  equal  rights : 

Now,  therefore,  I,  John  W.  Ellis,  Governor 
of  the  State  of  North  Carolina,  for  these  extra¬ 
ordinary  causes,  do  hereby  issue  this,  my  Pro¬ 
clamation,  notifying  and  requesting  the  Sena¬ 
tors  and  members  of  the  House  of  Commons 
of  the  General  Assembly  of  North  Carolina,  to 
meet  in  special  session  at  the  Capitol,  in  the 
City  of  Raleigh,  on  Wednesday,  the  1st  day  of 
May  next.  And  I  furthermore  exhort  all  good 
citizens  throughout  the  State  to  be  mindful 
that  their  first  allegiance  is  duo  to  the  sove¬ 
reignty  which  protects  their  homes  and  dearest 
interests,  as  their  first  service  is  due  for  the  sa¬ 
cred  defence  of  their  hearts,  and  of  the  soil 
which  holds  the  graves  of  our  glorious  dead. 

United  action  in  defence  of  the  sovereignty 
of  North  Carolina,  and  of  the  rights  of  the 
South,  becomes  now  the  duty  of  all. 

— N.  Y  Tribune ,  April  26. 


Doo.  104.— PROCLAMATION  OF  THE  GOV¬ 
ERNOR  OF  DELAWARE,  April  26,  1801. 

Whereas,  a  requisition  has  been  made  upon 
the  undersigned,  as  Executive  of  the  said  State 
of  Delaware,  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  for  one 
regiment,  consisting  of  seven  hundred  and 
eighty  men,  to  be  immediately  detached  from 
the  militia  of  this  State,  “to  serve  as  infantry 
or  riflemen  for  the  period  of  three  months,  un¬ 
less  sooner  discharged;”  and,  whereas,  the  laws 
of  this  State  do  not  confer  upon  the  Executive 
any  authority  enabling  him  to  comply  with 


such  requisition,  there  being  no  organized  mili¬ 
tia  nor  any  law  requiring  such  organization ; 
and  whereas,  it  is  the  duty  of  all  good  and  law- 
abiding  citizens  to  preserve  the  peace  and  sustain 
the  laws  and  government  under  which  we  live, 
and  by  which  our  citizens  are  protected  : 

Therefore  I,  William  Burton,  Governor  of 
the  said  State  of  Delaware,  recommend  the 
formation  of  volunteer  companies  for  the  pro¬ 
tection  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  people 
of  this  State  against  violence  of  any  sort  to 
which  they  may  be  exposed.  For  these  purpo¬ 
ses  such  companies,  when  formed,  will  be  under 
the  control  of  the  State  authorities,  though  not 
subject  to  be  ordered  by  the  Executive  into  the 
United  States  service — the  law  not  vesting  in 
him  such  authority.  They  will,  however,  have 
the  option  of  offering  their  services  to  the  gen¬ 
eral  government  for  the  defence  of  its  capital 
and  the  support  of  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  the  country. 

William  Burton. 

—N.  Y.  Herald ,  April  2S. 


Doo.  105.— NEW  MILITARY  DEPART¬ 
MENTS. 

War  Department,  J 

Adjutant-General's  Office,  y 
Washington,  April  27,  1861.  J 

1.  The  Military  Department  of  Washington 
will  include  the  District  of  Columbia,  accord¬ 
ing  to  its  original  boundary,  Fort  Washington 
and  the  country  adjacent,  and  the  State  of  Mary¬ 
land  as  far  as  Bladensburgli,  inclusive.  Colonel 
J.  K.  F.  Mansfield,  Inspector-General,  is  as¬ 
signed  to  the  command ;  head-quarters  at  Wash¬ 
ington  City. 

2.  A  new  Military  Department,  to  be  called 
the  Department  of  Annapolis,  head-quarters  at 
that  city,  will  include  the  country  for  twenty 
miles  on  each  side  of  the  railroad  from  Annap¬ 
olis  to  the  City  of  Washington,  as  far  as  Bla- 
densburgh,  Maryland.  Brigadier-General  B.  F. 
Butler,  Massachusetts  Volunteers,  is  assigned 
to  the  command. 

3.  A  third  department,  called  the  Depart¬ 
ment  of  Pennsylvania,  will  include  that  State, 
the  State  of  Delaware,  and  all  of  Maryland  not 
embraced  in  the  forgoing  departments.  Major- 
General  Patterson  to  command  ;  head-quarters 
at  Philadelphia,  or  any  other  point  lie  may 
temporarily  occupy. 

4.  Brevet-Colonel  C.  F.  Smith  having  been 
relieved  by  Colonel  Mansfield,  will  repair  to 
Fort  Columbus,  N.  Y.,  and  assume  the  duties 
of  Superintendent  of  the  Recruiting  Service, 
to  which  be  was  assigned  in  Special  Orders  No. 
80,  of  March  15.  Major  Ileintzelman,  on  being 
relieved  at  Fort  Columbus,  will  repair  to  this 
city,  and  report  for  duty  to  the  Department 
Commander. 

5.  Fort  Adams,  Rhode  Island,  is  hereby 
placed  temporarily  under  the  control  of  the  Sec¬ 
retary  of  the  Navy,  for  the  purpose  of  the  Na¬ 
val  Academy  now  at  Annapolis,  Md. 


156 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


The  necessary  transfer  of  property  will  be 
made  by  the  departments  interested.  By  order. 

L.  Thomas,  Adjutant- General. 

— National  Intelligencer,  May  1. 


Doc.  106.— LETTERS  FROM  THE  N.  Y. 

SEVENTY-FIRST  REGIMENT. 

■Washington,  April  27. 

"We  have  just  arrived  at  Washington  after  a 
week  of  very  hard  work  and  quite  a  scarcity 
of  provisions  on  the  way.  I  am  writing  in  our 
quarters  in  the  building  erected  for  the  Inaugu¬ 
ration  ball.  On  Sunday,  the  day  of  our  depart¬ 
ure,  we  stood  in  Bond  street  with  our  knap¬ 
sacks  about  five  hours ;  the  march  down  Broad¬ 
way  was  therefore  excessively  tiresome. 

Our  ship,  R.  R.  Cuyler,  was  a  sight  to  be¬ 
hold  ;  she  was  very  filthy,  redolent  of  decayed 
meat,  bilge-water,  &c.  The  men  in  two  or  three 
hours  became  clamorous  for  their  rations,  which, 
when  furnished,  were  found  to  consist  of  two 
sea-biscuits  and  a  chunk  of  salt  pork,  and  the 
rations  continued  so  for  the  remainder  of  the 
voyage.  Our  beds  were  wooden  bunks  in  the 
back  part  of  the  ship.  I  patronized  my  bunk 
the  first  night,  but  on  Monday  and  Tuesday 
nights  I  took  to  the  deck.  On  Wednesday 
morning  we  disembarked  at  Annapolis,  and  re¬ 
mained  there  till  about  half-past  four  o’clock 
on  Thursday  morning,  (having  been  roused  at 
three,)  when  we  started  on  our  march  for  the 
junction,  without  any  breakfast,  and  marched 
till  eleven  o’clock,  making  eight  or  nine  miles. 

We  then  had  our  dinner ,  consisting  of  two 
sea-biscuits  and  as  much  water  as  one  could  get. 
We  started  again  in  two  hours,  marching  all  the 
time  with  our  muskets  and  knapsacks,  and 
went  nine  or  ten  miles,  and  stopped  in  a  large 
open  lot,  the  whole  regiment,  about  one  thou¬ 
sand  men.  At  one  end  of  the  lot  was  a  large 
woody  marsh.  Just  as  we  were  about  to  re¬ 
sume  our  march  at  7  o’clock  in  the  evening,  we 
heard  two  or  three  Indian  whoops  coming  from 
different  parts  of  this  march.  It  had  before 
been  reported  that  we  were  to  be  attacked  if 
we  continued  our  march  that  (Thursday)  even¬ 
ing,  and  this  of  course  strengthened  our  suspi¬ 
cions.  It  was  now  beginning  to  grow  dark,  and 
we  were  formed  in  hollow  square  to  resist  any 
attack  that  might  be  made. 

About  nine  o’clock  skirmishers  were  sent 
forward,  and  a  short  time  afterwards  the  main 
body  again  started.  We  had  eight  or  nine 
miles  to  go  before  reaching  the  railroad  for 
Washington.  I  forgot  to  say  that  the  reason 
we  were  obliged  to  walk  was,  that  the  railroad 
track  had  been  torn  up.  (It  is  now  clear  all 
the  way  through,  and  in  possession  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment.)  My  feelings  were  none  of  the  pleas¬ 
antest  as  we  defiled  past  the  thick  bushes  and 
trees  on  each  side  of  the  road,  and  in  the  dark  ; 
the  men  were  silent,  all  expecting  at  any  mo¬ 
ment  to  hear  the  muskets  of  lurking  enemies 
on  either  side  of  us,  but  there  was  no  flinching. 
In  this  way  we  marched  three  or  four  miles, 


stopping  every  few  minutes  to  listen  for  the 
bugle  of  our  skirmishers;  it  took  about  four 
hours  for  those  miles.  We  then  came  upon  the 
camp  of  the  Rhode  Island  regiment,  under  the 
lead  of  Gov.  Sprague,  and  a  fine  noble  set  of 
men  they  are,  generous  as  possible. 

On  hearing  from  us  that  we  were  lacking  in 
rations,  every  man  of  them  opened  his  ration- 
bag  and  gave  us  as  much  as  we  could  carry. 
We  left  their  encampment  and  kept  on  our  way 
on  the  railroad  track,  and  arrived  at  the  Junc¬ 
tion  at  four  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  Friday, 
after  having  marched  continually  for  twenty- 
four  hours,  and  walked  twenty-eight  miles. 
That’s  what  I  call  a  forced  march  for  one  thou¬ 
sand  men.  When  we  left  the  camp  of  the 
Rhode  Islanders,  where  they  begged  us  to  stay 
all  night,  and  furnished  us  coffee  and  bread,  we 
were  induced  to  march  on  the  rest  of  the  way 
to  the  Junction  by  the  expectation  that  we 
should  there  receive  coffee  and  biscuit,  and 
have  a  nice  shelter  for  the  night.  When  we 
reached  there  nothing  of  the  kind  was  to  be 
found ;  there  was  not  a  particle  of  any  thing  to 
be  had  in  the  place  until  about  nine  o’clock  in 
the  morning,  and  then  it  was  as  much  as  a 
man’s  life  was  worth  to  attempt  to  get  what 
there  was.  Imagine  a  thousand  men  in  such 
a  place,  with  no  certainty  when  they  could  get 
off,  there  being  only  one  engine  on  the  road — 
you  can  conceive  the  state  of  things!  We 
were  all  indignant  that  no  better  provision  had 
been  made  for  us  by  the  Government,  but  there 
are  many  apologies  for  the  neglect,  and  those 
who  come  after  us  will  have  no  such  suffering. 

About  seven  o’clock  Friday  evening  the  cars 
from  Washington  came  for  us;  the  whole  regi¬ 
ment  had  entered  them,  and  were  patiently 
waiting  to  be  off,  when  we  were  all  ordered  out 
again  and  marched  back  to  the  field  we  came 
from,  an  eighth  of  a  mile  from  the  cars.  There 
we  were  drawn  up  in  martial  order  with  two 
other  regiments  that  had  arrived,  and  we  ex¬ 
pected  to  camp  in  the  field  all  night,  but  at 
about  half-past  ten  we  were  ordered  back  to 
the  cars,  and  there  waited  until  early  this 
morning,  (Saturday,)  when  we  finally  started, 
and  arrived  at  Washington  without  accident. 
An  expected  attack  from  five  thousand  men 
from  Baltimore,  reported  to  be  coming  down 
with  four  field-pieces,  was  the  cause  of  our  being 
ordered  out  of  the  cars  at  the  Junction. 

I  should  have  said  that  on  the  Cuyler  the 
eating  was  perfectly  disgusting — the  junk  was 
served  out  to  the  men  from  the  hands  of  the 
cook.  I  could  not  touch  it  for  two  days;  the 
third  day  I  became  reconciled  to  it,  and  now  I 
believe  myself  capable  of  eating  any  thing.  The 
scramble  for  water  was  of  course  terrific,  after 
the  salt  junk;  the  water  was  of  the  dirtiest 
kind  imaginable,  filled  with  all  sorts  of  specks 
— but  I  became  accustomed  to  this  also.  I  do 
not  think  that  hereafter  I  shall  complain  about 
dirty  water,  molasses,  or  any  thing  else,  that 
may  have  a  few  hairs ,  croton  bugs,  or  any  such 
thing  in  it. 


DOCUMENTS. 


157 


At  the  Junction,  where  there  was  so  little  to 
eat,  I  determined  to  find  something ;  accord¬ 
ingly  I  walked  a  mile  to  a  little  cottage,  where 
I  found  a  negro  and  his  wife  supplying  some 
other  members  of  my  regiment  with  bacon, 
milk,  hoecake,  &c.  I  took  my  seat  at  the  table 
with  the  rest,  and  took  a  dirty  plate,  a  quarter 
full  of  fragments,  left  by  one  who  had  just 
eaten  from  it.  I  asked  the  negro  to  clean  it ;  he 
evidently  not  understanding  the  meaning  of  the 
word  “  clean,”  filled  up  the  plate  just  as  it  was, 
and  I,  though  not  liking  to  eat  what  had  been 
left  by  my  predecessor,  was  too  hungry  to  hes¬ 
itate  long  about  it. 

I  am  going  this  afternoon  to  get  cleaned  up, 
having  brushed  my  hair  but  once  and  washed 
my  face  but  three  times,  and  not  having  had 
my  boots  off  night  or  day,  since  I  left  New 
York  last  Sunday. 

Navy-Yard,  Sunday,  April  2S— 10$  A.  M. 

At  half-past  three  o’clock  yesterday  after¬ 
noon  we  were  ordered  to  the  Navy-Yard.  It 
is  considered  here  a  post  of  honor,  and  it  is 
said  Gen.  Scott  sent  us  here  because  he  consid¬ 
ered  us  a  very  hardy  regiment.  Our  company 
is  now  quartered  on  a  steamboat  lying  off  the 
yard,  till  our  barracks  are  cleaned  and  fixed ; 
we  shall  probably  get  into  them  to-morrow. 

On  all  our  march  from  Annapolis  we  saw 
only  forty  or  fifty  houses,  and  those  most  mis¬ 
erable.  We  met  with  one  Secessionist,  who  we 
asked  for  a  pail  of  water  for  the  thirsting  sol¬ 
diers;  he  replied,  “  1  won’t  give  you  any  water, 
if  I  die  for  it.”  We  saw  no  more  of  that  kind ; 
all  others  whom  we  saw  on  that  route  seemed  to 
be  very  friendly,  waved  their  handkerchiefs, 
and  did  what  they  could  for  us ;  they  were  all 
destitute  of  provisions,  the  Seventh  Regiment 
having  preceded  us  the  day  before. 

I  have  just  received  the  most  interesting  in¬ 
telligence — we  are  to  have  roast  beef  for  dinner . 

If  my  letter  is  perfectly  wandering  and  dis¬ 
connected,  excuse  it,  as  I  am  writing  in  a  very 
inconvenient  place,  in  the  midst  of  such  a  noise 
that  I  can  scarcely  hear  myself  speak ;  small 
darkies  crying  out  “  Shine  your  boots  for  half 
a  dime  with  the  Union  polish  and  soon  oth¬ 
ers,  “  Here’s  the  latest  news  from  New  York 
— New  York  Herald,  twenty-five  cents. 

But  we  are  all  well,  notwithstanding  our 
sufferings,  and  we  are  sustained  by  the  convic¬ 
tion  that  we  are  actuated  by  the  spirit  of  a  pure 
and  a  holy  patriotism,  and  that  our  course  is 
approved  by  all  the  good  on  earth,  and  by  our 
Father  in  Heaven.  0.  P.  Kirkland,  Jr. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  a  sergeant  in  the 
Seventy-first  New  York  regiment  to  his  wife. 

“Washington  Navy-Yard,  ) 
Sunday,  April  28th.  \ 

“  We  arrived  here  yesterday,  after  a  week 
of  terrible  labor  and  privation,  but,  I  am  happy 
to  say,  in  the  enjoyment  of  good  health.  Not 
a  single  case  of  sickness  has  yet  come  to  my 
knowledge.  We  embarked  on  the  R.  R.  Cuyler, 
Documents — 12 


with  over  nine  hundred  men ;  and,  after  a 
voyage  of  three  days,  without  rest,  without 
food — except  in  small  quantity  and  poor  quality 
— without  good  water,  and  with  seven  hundred 
and  fifty  men  afflicted  with  the  most  distress¬ 
ing  sea-sickness — we  arrived  at  Annapolis  on 
Wednesday,  about  noon. 

“  Here  I  partook  of  the  first  real  food  I  had 
tasted,  consisting  of  oysters  and  crackers.  WTe 
stayed  at  Annapolis,  getting  what  rest  we  could, 
(I  did  not  get  any,  as  I  was  sergeant  of  the 
guard,  and  had  to  march  on  the  relief  every 
hour  all  night,)  until  two  o’clock  Thursday 
morning,  when  we  were  ordered  to  march  for 
Annapolis  Junction,  about  thirty  miles  distant. 
WTe  got  off  about  4,  a.  m.,  and  marched  for 
eight  hours,  when  we  halted  for  two  hours  and 
were  served  with  rations,  consisting  of  two 
hard  crackers  only.  We  started  again  about 
2,  p.  m.,  and  marched  six  hours  more  till  about 
8,  p.  m.,  when  we  again  halted  and  partook  of 
corned  beef,  very  little  of  it,  and  that  little  very 
tough,  and  a  hard  cracker. 

“  The  entire  march  was  made  with  our  mus¬ 
kets  and  heavily-laden  knapsacks,  through  sand 
six  or  eight  inches  deep,  and  the  thermometer 
from  75  to  80.  At  this  spot  we  had  an  alarm, 
and  were  drawn  up  in  hollow  square  with  mus¬ 
kets  loaded ;  but  the  alarm  proved  false.  We 
started  again  at  10,  p.  m.,  and  arrived  at  the 
Junction  at  3,  a.  m.,  of  Friday,  the  26th,  having 
marched  thirty  miles  in  about  twenty-four 
hours,  our  only  food  being  three  hard  crackers 
and  a  piece  of  tough  meat.  Here  we  were 
stowed  away  like  sardines  in  a  miserable,  rick¬ 
ety  old  wooden  building,  which  had  evidently 
been  used  as  a  bowling-alley.  We  remained 
here  (and  without  any  food,  except  one  pig, 
which  was  bought  by  our  company  and  roasted 
in  the  woods  and  distributed,  as  far  as  it  would 
go,  among  the  men)  till  about  7,  p.  m.,  when 
we  got  on  board  the  cars  for  Washington. 

“  After  getting  comfortably  seated,  and,  as 
we  thought,  about  to  start,  dispatches  were 
received  that  five  thousand  Baltimoreans,  with 
a  corps  of  four  hundred  and  fifty  artillerymen, 
were  on  their  way  to  attack  us.  ‘  Attention, 
battalion — disembark,’  was  the  order  given, 
and  promptly  obeyed  by  the  regiment,  which 
was  drawn  up  in  a  line  of  battle  in  a  field  close 
by,  and  we  were  ordered  to  sleep  on  our  arms. 
We  remained  here  about  three  hours,  when  we 
again  took  the  cars,  (this  alarm  also  having 
proved  false,)  and  between  two  and  three 
o’clock  on  the  morning  of  Saturday,  the  27th, 
we  started  for  Washington,  where  we  arrived 
at  seven  o’clock.  We  were  marched  to  the 
City  Ilall,  and  took  up  our  quarters  in  the  large 
wooden  building  erected  for  the  Inauguration 
ball  last  month. 

“  Here  we  stayed  till  3,  p.  m.,  when  we  march¬ 
ed  to  the  Navy-Yard ;  we  are  quartered  till  to¬ 
morrow  on  a  steamboat  lying  near ;  we  then  go 
into  barracks  in  the  Navy- Yard,  and  remain 
during  our  stay.  Yesterday,  in  Washington, 
we  had  a  bath  and  a  good  dinner  of  beefsteak 


158 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


and  potatoes,  -which,  after  our  sufferings  from 
hunger,  you  will  suppose  was  very  acceptable. 
If  I  could  have  foreseen  what  I  had  to  endure, 
I  certainly  should  have  made  arrangements  to 
be  relieved  at  least  from  the  want  of  food  and 
from  the  knapsack.  Keep  up  your  spirits  and 
have  no  apprehensions  for  us.  "We  make  our 
sacrifices  cheerfully,  as  we  know  that  our  cause 
is  the  cause  of  our  country,  a  holy  cause  ;  and 
that  Providence  smiles  upon  it.” 

— JV.  Y.  Commercial ,  and  N.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  May  S. 


Doo.  107.— THE  WASHINGTON  OATII. 

The  following  is  the  oath  which  so  many  of 
the  United  States  clerks  refused  to  take  at 
Washington — 60  or  70  of  the  number  resigning 
in  consequence  of  the  demand  that  it  should  be 
administered.  Mr.  Chase,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  declined  to  administer  the  oath,  upon 
the  ground  that  an  oath  to  support  the  Consti¬ 
tution  of  the  United  States  was  all-sufficient  for 
a  loyal  citizen.  Those,  he  said,  who  would  not 
obey  that  would  break  any  other.  Ilis  purposo 
was  much  commended  by  another  Cabinet  offi¬ 
cer— the  Secretary  of  War,  we  believe — and 
prevented  a  large  number  of  resignations.  It 
was  particularly  obnoxious  to  certain  Union 
men  of  Maryland  and  Virginia,  who  regarded 
it  as  a  doubt  of  their  fidelity.  The  oath  reads 
thus : 

I,  A.  B.,  at  the  present  time  in  the  United 
States  service  as  a  Clerk,  do  solemnly  swear 
that  I  will  support,  protect,  and  defend  the 
Constitution  and  Government  of  the  United 
States  against  all  enemies,  whether  domestic 
or  foreign,  and  that  I  will  bear  true  faith  and 
loyalty  to  the  same  as  established  by  the  Con¬ 
stitution  and  laws ;  and  further,  that  I  do  this 
with  a  full  determination  and  pledge,  without 
any  mental  reservation  or  evasion,  to  perform 
in  good  faith  all  the  duties  which  may  be  legally 
required  of  me,  so  help  me  God. 

County  of  Washington,  )  T  ... 

District  of  Columbia.  \  0  W1  ‘ 

Sworn  to  and  subscribed  before  me,  this 
• - day  of  April,  1861.  C.  D.,  (J.  P.) 

— JV.  Y.  Express,  May  1. 


Doo.  108.— ADDRESS  TO  TOE  WOMEN  OF 
NEW  YORK,  Apkil  27,  1861. 

To  the  Women  of  New  York,  and  especially  to 
those  already  engaged  in  preparing  against 
the  time  of  Wounds  and,  Sickness  in  the 
Army : 

The  importance  of  systematizing  and  con¬ 
centrating  the  spontaneous  and  earnest  efforts 
now  making  by  the  women  of  New  York  for 
the  supply  of  extra  medical  aid  to  our  army 
through  its  present  campaign,  must  be  obvious 
to  all  reflecting  persons.  Numerous  societies, 
working  without  concert,  organization,  or  head 
— without  any  direct  understanding  with  the 
official  authorities — without  any  positive  in- 


I  structions  as  to  the  immediate  or  future  wants 
of  the  army — are  liable  to  waste  their  enthusi¬ 
asm  in  disproportionate  efforts,  to  overlook 
some  claims  and  overdo  others,  while  they  give 
unnecessary  trouble  in  official  quarters,  by  the 
variety  and  irregularity  of  their  proffers  of  help 
or  their  inquiries  for  guidance. 

As  no  existing  organization  has  a  right  to 
claim  precedence  over  any  other,  or  could 
properly  assume  to  lead  in  this  noble  cause, 
where  all  desire  to  be  first,  it  is  proposed  by 
the  undersigned,  members  of  the  various  circles 
now  actively  engaged  in  this  work,  that  the 
women  of  New  York  should  meet  in  the  Cooper 
Institute,  on  Monday  next,  at  11  o’clock,  a.  m., 
to  confer  together,  and  to  appoint  a  General 
Committee,  with  power  to  organize  the  benev¬ 
olent  purposes  of  all  into  a  common  movement. 

To  make  the  meeting  practical  and  effective, 
it  seems  proper  here  to  set  forth  briefly  the 
objects  that  should  be  kept  in  view.  The  form 
which  woman’s  benevolence  has  already  taken, 
and  is  likely  to  take,  in  the  present  crisis,  is, 
first,  the  contribution  of  labor,  skill,  and  money 
in  the  preparation  of  lint,  bandages,  and  other 
stores,  in  aid  of  the  wants  of  the  Medical  Staff; 
second,  the  offer  of  personal  service  as  nurses. 

In  regard  to  the  first,  it  is  important  to  ob¬ 
tain  and  disseminate  exact  official  information 
as  to  the  nature  and  variety  of  the  wants  of  the 
army;  to  give  proper  direction  and  proportion 
to  the  labor  expended,  so  as  to  avoid  superfluity 
in  some  things  and  deficiency  in  others;  and 
to  this  end,  to  come  to  a  careful  and  thorough 
understanding  with  the  official  head  of  the 
Medical  Staff,  through  a  Committee  having  this 
department  in  hand.  To  this  Committee  should 
be  assigned  the  duty  of  conferring  with  other 
associations  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  and, 
especially,  through  the  press,  to  keep  the  wo¬ 
men  of  the  loyal  States  everywhere  informed 
how  their  efforts  may  be  most  wisely  and 
economically  employed,  and  their  contributions 
of  all  kinds  most  directly  concentrated  at  New 
York,  and  put  at  the  service  of  the  Medical 
Staff.  A  central  depot  would,  of  course,  be  the 
first  thing  to  be  desired. 

In  regard  to  the  second  form  of  benevolence 
— the  offer  of  personal  service  as  nurses — it  is 
felt  that  the  public  mind  needs  much  enlighten¬ 
ment,  and  the  overflowing  zeal  and  sympathy 
of  the  women  of  the  nation  a  careful  channel, 
not  only  to  prevent  waste  of  time  and  effort, 
but  to  save  embarrassment  to  the  official  staff, 
and  to  secure  real  efficiency  in  the  service. 
Should  our  unhappy  war  bo  continued,  the 
army  is  certain  to  want  the  services  of  extra 
nurses,  not  merely  on  account  of  the  casualties 
of  the  field,  but  of  the  camp  diseases  originating 
in  the  exposure  of  the  soldiery  to  a  strange 
climate  and  to  unaccustomed  hardships.  The 
result  of  all  the  experience  of  the  Crimean  war 
has  been  to  prove  the  total  uselessness  of  any 
but  picked  and  skilled  women  in  this  depart¬ 
ment  of  duty.  The  ardor  and  zeal  of  all  other 
women  should  therefore  be  concentrated  on 


DOCUMENTS. 


159 


finding,  preparing,  and  sending  bands  of  wo¬ 
men,  of  suitable  age,  constitution,  training,  and 
temperament,  to  the  army,  at  such  points  and 
at  such  times  as  they  may  be  asked  for  by  the 
Medical  Staff. 

A  central  organization  is  wanted,  therefore, 
to  which  all  those  desiring  to  go  as  nurses  may 
be  referred,  where  a  Committee  of  Examiners, 
partly  medical  and  partly  otherwise,  may  at 
once  decide  upon  the  fitness  of  the  candidate. 
Those  accepted  should  then  at  once  be  put 
under  competent  instruction  and  discipline,  (for 
which  it  is  understood  a  thorough  school  will 
be  opened  at  once  by  the  Medical  Faculty  of 
the  city,)  and,  as  occasion  offers,  the  best  pre¬ 
pared,  in  successive  order,  be  sent,  under  pro¬ 
per  escort,  to  the  scene  of  war,  as  they  are 
wanted. 

It  is  felt  that  all  who  want  to  go,  and  arc 
fitted  to  go,  should  have  in  their  turn  a  fair 
chance  to  do  so,  and  are  not  unlikely  to  be 
wanted,  sooner  or  later.  Of  these  many  may 
be  rich  and  many  poor.  Some  may  wish  to  go 
at  their  own  charges,  and  others  will  require  to 
be  aided  as  to  their  expenses,  and  still  others 
for  the  loss  of  their  time.  But  the  best  nurses 
should  be  sent  irrespective  of  these  distinc¬ 
tions,  as  only  the  best  are  economical  on  any 
terms. 

It  will  at  once  appear  that,  without  a  cen¬ 
tral  organization,  with  proper  authority,  there 
can  be  no  efficiency,  system,  or  discipline  in 
this  important  matter  of  nurses ;  and  there  can 
be  no  organization,  to  which  a  cheerful  sub¬ 
mission  will  be  paid,  except  it  originates  in  the 
common  will,  and  becomes  the  genuine  repre¬ 
sentative  of  all  the  women  of  New  York,  and 
of  all  the  existing  associations  having  this  kind 
of  aid  in  view.  It  is  obvious  that  such  an  or¬ 
ganization  will  require  generous  contributions, 
and  that  all  the  women  of  New  York,  and  of 
the  country,  not  otherwise  lending  aid,  will 
have  a  direct  opportunity  of  giving  support  to 
the  object  so  near  their  hearts  through  the 
treasury  of  this  common  organization. 

To  consider  this  matter  deliberately,  and  to 
take  such  common  action  as  may  then  appear 
wise,  we  earnestly  invite  the  women  of  New 
York,  and  the  Pastors  of  the  Churches,  with 
such  medical  advisers  as  may  be  specially  in¬ 
vited,  to  assemble  for  counsel  and  action,  at  the 
Cooper  Institute,  on  Monday  morning  next,  at 
11  o’clock. 


Mrs.  Gen.  Dix, 
Mrs.  II.  Fish, 

Mrs.  L.  C.  Jones, 
Mrs.  E.  Robinson, 
Mrs.  W.  Kirkland, 
Mrs.  Wm.  H.  As- 
pinwail, 

Mrs.  R.  Minturn, 
Mrs.  J.  B.  Johnson, 
Mrs.  Judge  Roose¬ 
velt, 

Mrs.  A.  Binlnger, 
Mrs.  W.  C.  Bryant, 
Mrs.  R.  L.  Stuart, 
Mrs.  D.  D.  Field, 
Mrs.  "VV.  Astor,  jr., 
Mrs.  M.  Grinnell, 


Mrs.  H.  B.  Smith, 
Mrs.  R.  Hitchcock, 
Mrs.  F.  Marberrv, 
Mrs.  8.  F.  B. 
Morse, 

Mrs.  Judge  Daly, 
Mrs.  C.  Swords., 
Miss  Marquand, 
Mrs.  G.  Holbrooke, 
Mrs.  D.  Adams, 
Mrs.  II.  Bavlis, 
Mrs.  H.  W.  Bel¬ 
lows, 

Mrs.  Stuart  Brown, 
Mrs.  Ellis, 

Mrs.  J.  I).  Wolfe, 
Mrs.  A.  Potter, 


Mrs.  Walker, 

Mrs.  Elisha  Fish, 
Mrs.  0.  A.  Seward, 
Mrs.  Dr.  Osgood, 
Mrs.  Griffin, 

Mrs.  J.  Sherwood, 
Mrs.  S.  H.  Tyng, 
Mrs.  Capt.  Shum- 
way, 

Mrs.  Edw.  Bayard, 
Mrs.  James  Jones, 
Mrs.  Judge  Betts, 
Mrs.  Wm.  Ward, 
Mrs.  H.  E.  Eaton, 
Mrs.  W.  O.  Evarts, 
Mrs.  Judge  Bon- 
ney, 


Mrs.  G.  L.  Schuy¬ 
ler, 

Mrs.  Peter  Cooper, 
Mrs.  T.  Tileston, 
Mrs.  F.  8.  Wiley, 
Mrs.  II.  Webster, 
Mrs.  Moffat, 

Mrs.  S.  J.  Baker, 
Mrs.  R.  Grade, 
Mrs.  M.  Catlin, 
Mrs.  Chandler, 
Mrs.  B.  R.  Win- 
throp, 

Mrs.  G.  Stuyve- 
sant, 

Mrs.  Geo.  Curtis, 
Mrs.  A.  R.  Eno, 
Mrs.  W.  F.  Carey, 
Mrs.  A.  Hewitt, 
Mrs.  Dr.  Peaslee, 


Mrs.  R.  Campbell,  Miss  Minturn, 

Mrs.  H.  K.  Bogart,  Mrs.  M.  Trimble, 
Mrs.  Chas.  Butler,  Mrs.  S.  B.  Collins, 
Mrs.  C.  E.  Lane,  Mrs.  R.  H.  Bowne, 
Mrs.  M.  D.  Swett,  Mrs.  B.  R.  Mcll- 


Mrs.  R.  M.  Blatch- 
ford, 


vaine, 

Mrs.  N.  Lawrence, 


Mrs.  L.  W.  Prudg-  Mrs.  John  Reid, 


ham, 


Mrs.  0.  Newbold, 


Mrs.  A.  W.  Brad-  Mrs.  J.  B.  Collins, 


ford, 

Mrs.  W.  n.  Lee, 
Mrs.  Parke  God¬ 
win, 

Mrs.  II.  J.  Ray¬ 
mond, 


Mrs.  J.  C.  Smith, 
Mrs.  P.  Spofford, 
Mrs.  C.  W.  Field, 
Mrs.  P.  Town¬ 
send, 

Mrs.  L.  Baker, 


Mrs.  S.  L.  M.  Bar-  Mrs,  L.  M.  Ruther- 
low,  ford, 

Mrs.  J.  Auchin-  Mrs.  Charles  King, 
closs, 

— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  2.1th. 


Doc.  109.— MESSAGE  OF  GOVERNOR 
HICKS. 

Baltimore,  April  27,  1861. 

Gentlemen  of  tiie  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives: — The  extraordinary  condi¬ 
tion  of  affairs  in  Maryland  has  induced  me  to 
exercise  the  constitutional  prerogative  vested 
in  the  Governor,  to  summon  the  Legislature  in 
special  session,  in  the  hope  that  your  wisdom 
may  enable  you  to  devise  prompt  and  effective 
means  to  restore  peace  and  safety  to  our  State. 
I  shall  detail  briefly  the  startling  events  which 
have  induced  me  to  summon  you  together,  and 
which  have  so  suddenly  placed  us  in  the  state 
of  anarchy,  confusion,  and  danger,  from  which 
I  sincerely  trust  you  may  be  able  to  extricate 
us.  Believing  it  to  be  the  design  of  the  admin¬ 
istration  to  pass  over  our  soil  troops  for  tho 
defence  of  the  city  of  Washington,  and  fearing 
that  the  passage  of  such  troops  would  excite 
our  people  and  provoke  a  collision,  I  labored 
earnestly  to  induce  the  President  to  forego  his 
purpose.  I  waited  upon  him  in  person,  and 
urged  the  importance  of  my  request.  I  subse¬ 
quently  communicated  with  him  and  his  Cabi¬ 
net  by  special  dispatches,  entreating  an  aban¬ 
donment  of  his  designs.  To  all  my  requests  I 
could  get  but  the  reply  that  Washington  was 
threatened  with  attack ;  that  the  Government 
had  resolved  to  defend  it ;  that  there  was  no 
other  way  of  obtaining  troops  than  by  passing 
them  over  the  soil  of  Maryland,  and  that  the 
military  necessity  of  the  case  rendered  it  im¬ 
possible  for  the  Government  to  abandon  its 
plans,  much  as  it  desired  to  avoid  the  dangers 
of  a  collision.  My  correspondence  with  the 
authorities  at  Washington  is  therewith  sub¬ 
mitted.  The  consequences  are  known  to  you. 
On  Friday  last  a  detachment  of  troops  from 
Massachusetts  reached  Baltimore,  and  was  at¬ 
tacked  by  an  irresponsible  mob,  and  several  per¬ 
sons  on  both  sides  were  killed.  The  Mayor  and 
Police  Board  gave  to  the  Massachusetts  sol¬ 
diers  all  the  protection  they  could  afford,  acting 
with  the  utmost  promptness  and  bravery.  But 
they  were  powerless  to  restrain  the  mob. 
Being  in  Baltimore  at  the  time,  I  cooperated 
with  the  Mayor  to  the  fullest  extent  of  my 
power  in  his  efforts.  The  military  of  tho  city 


160 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


were  ordered  out  to  assist  in  the  preservation 
of  the  peace.  The  railroad  companies  were 
requested  by  the  Mayor  and  myself  to  transport 
no  more  troops  to  Baltimore  city,  and  they 
promptly  acceded  to  our  request.  Hearing  of 
the  attack  upon  the  soldiers,  the  War  Depart¬ 
ment  issued  orders  that  no  more  troops  would 
pass  through  Baltimore  city  provided  they 
were  allowed  to  pass  outside  its  limits.  Subse¬ 
quently  a  detachment  of  troops  were  ascer¬ 
tained  to  be  encamped  at  or  near  Cockeysville, 
in  Baltimore  county.  On  being  informed  of 
this,  the  War  Department  ordered  them  back. 
Before  leaving  Baltimore,  Colonel  Huger,  who 
was  in  command  of  the  United  States  arsenal 
at  Pikesville,  informed  me  that  he  had  re¬ 
signed  his  commission.  Being  advised  of  the 
probability  that  the  mob  might  attempt  the 
destruction  of  this  property,  and  thereby  com¬ 
plicate  our  difficulties  with  the  authorities  at 
Washington,  I  ordered  Colonel  Petherbridge 
to  proceed  with  sufficient  force  and  occupy  the 
premises  in  the  name  of  the  United  States  Gov¬ 
ernment,  of  which  proceeding  I  immediately 
notified  the  War  Department.  On  Sunday 
morning  last  I  discovered  that  a  detachment  of 
troops,  under  command  of  Brigadier-General 
Benjamin  F.  Butler,  had  reached  Annapolis  in 
a  steamer,  and  had  taken  possession  of  the  prac¬ 
tice-ship  Constitution,  which  during  that  day 
they  succeeded  in  getting  outside  of  the  harbor 
of  Annapolis,  where  she  now  lies.  After  get¬ 
ting  the  ship  off,  the  steamer  laid  outside  the 
harbor,  and  was  soon  joined  by  another  steamer 
having  on  board  the  Seventh  Regiment,  from 
Hew  York  city.  Brigadier-General  Butler  ad¬ 
dressed  me,  asking  for  permission  to  land  his 
forces.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  correspond¬ 
ence  herewith  submitted,  that  I  refused  my 
consent.  The  Mayor  of  Annapolis  also  pro¬ 
tested.  But  both  steamers  soon  afterward 
landed  and  put  off  with  the  troops.  Subse¬ 
quently  other  large  bodies  of  troops  reached 
here  in  transports,  and  were  landed.  I  was 
notified  that  the  troops  were  to  be  marched  to 
Washington.  They  desired  to  go  without  ob¬ 
struction  from  our  people,  but  they  had  orders 
to  go  to  Washington,  and  were  determined  to 
obey  those  orders.  In  furtherance  of  their 
designs  they  took  military  possession  of  the 
Annapolis  and  Elk  Ridge  Railroad,  in  regard  to 
which  act  I  forwarded  to  Brigadier-General 
Butler  the  protest,  and  see  the  reply  herewith 
submitted.  On  Wednesday  morning  the  two 
detachments  landed,  and  took  up  the  line  of 
march  for  Washington.  The  people  of  Annap¬ 
olis,  though  greatly  exasperated,  acting  under 
counsel  of  the  most  prudent  citizens,  refrained 
from  molesting  or  obstructing  the  passage  of 
it  loops  through  the  city.  Seriously  im¬ 
pressed  with  the  condition  of  affairs  and  anxious 
to  avoid  a  repetition  of  events  similar  to  those 
which  had  transpired  in  Baltimore,  I  deemed  it 
niy  duty  to  make  another  appeal  at  Washing¬ 
ton.  Accordingly  I  sent  a  special  messenger  to 


Washington,  with  a  dispatch  to  the  administra¬ 
tion,  advising  that  no  more  troops  be  sent 
through  Maryland  ;  that  the  troops  at  Annap¬ 
olis  be  sent  elsewhere,  and  urging  that  a  truce 
be  offered  with  a  view  of  a  peaceful  settlement 
of  existing  difficulties  by  mediation.  I  sug¬ 
gested  that  Lord  Lyons,  the  British  Minister, 
be  requested  to  act  as  mediator  between  the 
contending  parties.  The  result  of  the  mission 
will  be  seen  from  the  correspondence  herewith 
submitted.  These  events  have  satisfied  me 
that  the  War  Department  has  concluded  to 
make  Annapolis  the  point  for  landing  troops, 
and  has  resolved  to  open  and  maintain  com¬ 
munication  between  this  place  and  Washing¬ 
ton.  In  the  brief  time  allowed,  it  is  impossible 
for  me  to  go  more  into  detail.  The  documents 
accompanying  this  message  places  before  you 
all  the  information  possessed  by  me.  I  shall 
promptly  communicate  such  other  information 
as  may  reach  me.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
our  most  learned  and  intelligent  citizens  admit 
the  right  of  the  Government  to  transport  its 
troops  across  our  soil,  it  is  evident  that  a  por¬ 
tion  of  the  people  of  Maryland  are  opposed 
to  the  exercise  of  that  right.  I  have  done  all  in 
my  power  to  protect  the  citizens  of  Maryland, 
and  to  preserve  peace  within  our  borders! 
Lawless  occurrences  will  be  repeated,  I  fear,' 
unless  prompt  action  be  taken  by  you.  It  is  my 
duty  to  advise  you  of  my  own  convictions  of 
the  proper  course  to  be  pursued  by  Maryland 
in  the  emergency  which  is  upon  us.  It  is  of 
no  consequence  now  to  discuss  the  causes  which 
have  induced  our  troubles.  Let  us  look  to  our 
distressing  present  and  to  our  portentous  future. 
The  fate  of  Maryland,  and  perhaps  of  her  sis¬ 
ter  border  slave  States,  will  undoubtedly  be 
seriously  affected  by  the  action  of  your  honora¬ 
ble  body.  Therefore  should  every  good  citizen 
bend  all  his  energies  to  the  task  before  us,  and 
therefore  should  the  animosities  and  bickerings 
of  the  past  be  forgotten,  and  all  strike  hands  in 
the  bold  cause  of  restoring  peace  to  our  State 
and  to  our  country.  I  honestly  and  most  earn¬ 
estly  entertain  the  conviction  that  the  only 
safety  of  Maryland  lies  in  preserving  a  neutral 
position  between  our  brethren  of  the  North 
and  of  the  South.  We  have  violated  no  right 
ot  either  section.  We  have  been  loyal  to  the 
Union.  The  unhappy  contest  between  the 
two  sections  has  not  been  commenced  or  en¬ 
couraged  by  us,  although  we  have  suffered  from 
it  in  the  past.  The  impending  war  has  not 
come  by  any  act  or  any  wish  of  ours.  We 
have  done  all  we  could  to  avert  it.  We  have 
hoped  that  Maryland  and  other  border  slave 
States,  by  their  conservative  position  and  love 
for  the  Union,  might  have  acted  as  mediators 
between  the  extremes  of  both  sections,  and  thus 
have  prevented  the  terrible  evils  of  a  prolonged 
civil  wTar.  Entertaining  these  viewrs,  I  cannot 
counsel  Maryland  to  take  sides  against  the 
general  Government  until  it  shall  commit  out¬ 
rages  on  us  which  would  justify  us  in  resisting 


DOCUMENTS. 


161 


its  authority.  As  a  consequence,  I  can  give  no 
other  counsel  than  that  we  shall  array  our¬ 
selves  for  Union  and  peace,  and  thus  preserve 
our  soil  from  being  polluted  with  the  blood  of 
brethren.  Thus,  if  war  must  be  between  the 
North  and  South,  we  may  force  the  contending 
parties  to  transfer  the  held  of  battle  from  our 
soil,  so  that  our  lives  and  property  may  be 
secure. 

It  seems  to  me  that,  independently  of  all 
other  considerations,  our  geographical  posi¬ 
tion  forces  us  to  this,  unless  we  are  willing  to 
see  our  State  the  theatre  of  a  long  and  bloody 
civil  war,  and  the  consequent  utter  destruction 
of  every  material  interest  of  our  people,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  blood  of  brave  men  and  innocent 
women  and  children,  which  will  cry  out  from 
our  soil  for  vengeance  upon  us,  if  we  fail  to  do 
all  that  in  us  lies  to  avert  the  impending  ca¬ 
lamity. 

The  course  I  suggest  has  all  the  while  been 
the  sole  groundwork  of  my  policy  ;  and  but 
for  the  excitement  prevailing  among  our 
people  during  the  past  few  days,  I  believe  the 
object  I  have  kept  steadily  in  view  during  my 
administration  would  have  been  consummated. 
If  it  has  failed,  I  have  the  full  consciousness 
that,,  throughout  the  whole  of  my  harassing 
and  painful  incumbency  of  the  gubernatorial 
chair,  I  have  labored  honestly  and  faithfully  for 
the  peace,  the  safety,  and  the  interests  of  Mary¬ 
land,  and  of  our  common  country.  This  con¬ 
sciousness  has  fully  sustained  me  in  all  my 
troubles,  and  has  enabled  me  to  endure  patiently 
all  the  cruel,  unmerited,  and  heartless  attacks 
that  have  been  made  upon  my  integrity.  I 
have  also  comfort  in  the  conviction  that  my 
policy  has  been  sustained  by  a  large  majority 
of  the  people,  and  nothing  that  has  transpired 
since  the  recent  lamentable  occurrence  within 
our  State  has  shaken  that  conviction.  A  mo¬ 
mentary  frantic  excitement  took  the  place  of 
reason  and  good  judgment,  and  men  for  the 
time  threw  aside  all  prudent  thoughts  of  the 
future  in  the  burning  desire  to  avenge  what 
they  considered  wrongs.  I  submit  my  sugges¬ 
tions  to  your  wisdom,  and  I  appeal  to  you  not 
only  as  devoted  citizens  of  Maryland,  but  as 
husbands  and  fathers,  to  allow  that  prudence 
and  Christianlike  temper,  so  honorable  to  all 
men,  to  guide  your  counsels;  and!  implore  you 
not  to  be  swayed  by  the  passions  which  seem 
to  be  so  fully  aroused  in  our  midst  to  do  what 
the  generations  to  come  after  us  will  ever  de¬ 
plore.  In  conclusion,  gentlemen,  I  ask  your 
indulgence,  if  I  have  omitted  to  present  to  you 
any  other  matter  of  interest  in  connection  with 
the  important  subject  which  you  are  summoned 
to  consider.  The  short  time  I  have  had  in 
which  to  prepare  this  communication,  and  the 
turmoil  and  excitement  around  me,  may  have 
caused  omissions ;  but,  if  so,  they  will  be 
promptly  supplied  when  indicated  by  you. 

T.  IIalliday  Hicks. 

—N.  Y.  Herald,  April  28. 


Doc.  110.— BLOCKADE  OF  NORTH  CAR¬ 
OLINA  AND  VIRGINIA. 

By  tiie  President  of  the  United  States  of 

America. 

Whereas,  for  the  reasons  assigned  in  my 
proclamation  of  the  19th  instant,  a  blockade  of 
the  ports  of  the  States  of  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Missis¬ 
sippi  and  Texas,  was  ordered  to  be  established ; 
and  whereas,  since  that  date  public  property  of 
the  United  States  has  been  seized,  the  collection 
of  the  revenue  obstructed,  and  duly  com¬ 
missioned  officers  of  the  United  States,  while 
engaged  in  executing  the  orders  of  their  su¬ 
periors,  have  been  arrested  and  held  in  custody 
as  prisoners,  or  have  been  impeded  in  the  dis¬ 
charge  of  their  official  duties,  without  due  legal 
process,  by  persons  claiming  to  act  under 
authority  of  the  States  of  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina,  an  efficient  blockade  of  the  ports  of 
these  States  will  therefore  also  be  established. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my 
hand,  and  caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States 
to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  27tli  day 
of  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thou¬ 
sand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one,  and  of 
the  independence  of  the  United  States  the 
eighty-fifth. 

By  the  President,  Abraham  Lincoln. 

William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State. 

— JY.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  April  29. 


Doc.  111.— SPEECH  OF  EDWARD  EVER¬ 
ETT,  AT  CHESTER  SQUARE,  BOSTON, 
April  27,  1861. 

Fellow-Citizens  and  Friends:  The  great 
assemblage  that  I  see  around  me,  the  simple 
but  interesting  ceremonial  with  which  the  flag 
of  our  country  has  been  thrown  to  the  breeze, 
the  strains  of  inspiring  music,  the  sweet  concert 
of  these  youthful  voices,  the  solemn  supplica¬ 
tion  of  the  reverend  clergyman  which  still  fills 
our  ears — all  these  proclaim  the  deep,  patriotic 
sentiment,  of  which  that  flag  is  the  symbol  and 
expression.  Nay,  more,  it  speaks  for  itself.  Its 
mute  eloquence  needs  no  aid  from  my  lips  to 
interpret  its  significance.  Fidelity  to  the  Union 
blazes  from  its  stars ;  allegiance  to  the  Govern¬ 
ment,  beneath  which  we  live,  is  wrapped 
within  its  folds. 

We  set  up  this  standard,  my  friends,  not  as  a 
matter  of  idle  display ;  but  as  an  expressive  in¬ 
dication  that  in  the  mighty  struggle  which  has 
been  forced  upon  us,  we  are  of  one  heart  and 
one  mind,  that  the  government  of  the  country 
must  be  sustained.  We  are  a  law-abiding, 
quiet-loving  community.  Our  time,  our  thoughts, 
our  energies,  are  habitually  devoted  to  the 
peaceful  arts  by  which  states  grow  and  pros¬ 
per  ;  but  upon  an  issue  in  which  the  life  of  the 
country  is  involved,  we  rally  as  one  man  to  its 


162 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


defence.  All  former  differences  of  opinion  are 
swept  away ;  we  forget  that  we  have  ever  been 
partizans ;  we  remember  only  that  we  are 
Amei  icans,  and  that  our  country  is  in  peril 
And  what  is  it  that  has  kindled  this  quiet 
and  peace-loving  community  to  the  present  un¬ 
exampled  excitement— a  patriotic  unanimity 
not  witnessed  even  in  1776?  Why  is  it,  that 
the  flag  of  the  country— always  honored,  al¬ 
ways  beloved — is  now,  all  at  once,  worshipped 
1  may  say,  with  the  passionate  homage  of  this 
whole  people  ?  Why  does  it  float,  as  never  be¬ 
fore,  not  merely  from  arsenal  and  masthead 
but  from  tower  and  steeple,  from  the  public 
edifices,  the  temples  of  science,  the  private 
dwelling,  in  magnificent  display  of  miniature 
presentiment?  Let  Fort  Sumter  give  the  an¬ 
swer.  When  on  this  day  fortnight,  the  13th  of 
April,  (a  day  forever  to  be  held  in  inauspicious 
lemembrance,  like  the  dies  Alliensis  in  the  an¬ 
nals  of  Rome,)  the  tidings  spread  through  the 
land  that  the  standard  of  United  America,  the 
pledge  of  her  union,  and  the  symbol  of  her 
power  for  which  so  many  gallant  hearts  had 
poured  out  their  life-blood,  on  the  ocean  and 
the  land,  to  uphold,  had,  in  the  harbor  of 
Ghaileston,  been,  for  a  day  and  a  half,  the  tar¬ 
get  of  eleven  fratricidal  batteries,  one  deep 
unanimous,  spontaneous  feeling  shot  with  the 
tidings  through  the  bosom  of  twenty  millions 
of  fi  eernen,  that  its  outraged  honor  must  be 
vindicated. 

And  oh,  fellow-citizens,  if,  aloof  as  we  are 
from  the  immediate  danger  of  the  conflict, 
sheltered  in  our  comfortable  homes,  with  the 
objects  of  our  affection  around  us,  we  can  re¬ 
fuse  our  support  to  the  Constitution,  the  Laws, 
and  the  Government,  in  whose  defence  those 
seventy  brave  men,  for  thirty  frightful  hours, 
v  it  bout  sleep,  almost  without  food,  compelled 
to  draw  the  breath  of  Heaven  into  their  lungs 
through  moistened  handkerchiefs,  stood  faithful 
and  undaunted  beneath  the  iron  storm  bursting 
from  above,  and  the  raging  fires  around  them 
we  shall  deserve  ourselves,  on  some  disastrous 
day,  to  pass  through  a  like  fiery  ordeal. 

— Boston  Transcript ,  April  30. 


Doo.  112. — REINFORCEMENT  OF  FORT 
PICKENS. 

L.  S.  Steam  Sloop  Brooklyn,  at  anchor  off! 
Pensacola  Bar,  Sunday,  April  21, 1861  ( 

fachSfv  haV°  •  °ne  iL  We  have  satis- 
hMtolnJ£  l  Gd  °n°  lnT°rtant  question  that 

hati  l-Win  aS‘tatm-  tlie  Public  uiind,  and 
T  l- Y  r  wTeLVere  able  t0  reinforce  Fort 

assurin "  v T  i  • 1  have  the  ^at  pleasure  of 
assuimg  jou  this  was  accomplished  between 

the  hours  of  11  and  12  o’clock  on  the  night  of 

Friday,  the  12th  inst,  without  the  firing  of  a 

gun,  oi  the  spilling  of  one  drop  of  blood  S  The 

manner  in  which  it  was  successfully  done  is 

rivedY18  °YUf  •  A  be1arer  of  dispatches  ar¬ 
rived  from  Washington  during  the  day  brino-. 

mg  the  orders  we  had  so  long  anxiously  looked 


Y’,and.as  soon  as  ifc  heeame  dark  we  began 
ork  with  a  good  will,  and  in  earnest.  At  first 

Yennmarif s  troia  tb°  frigate  Sabine  and  the 

fn^SLr  +YU11  Cam,e  on  board  our  vessel,  and 
immediately  after  the  accomplishment  of  this 

the  anchor  was  hoisted  by  the  jolly  old  salts 
with  the  merry  chant  of—  • 

General  (Jackson  won  tiic  day 
Heave,  yea  ho  1 

At  New  Orleans,  the  people  say  ; 

V  eo,  heave  yeo  1  ’ 

We  ran  as  close  to  the  shore  as  possible  for 
us  to  do,  came  to  anchor,  and  without  a  mo¬ 
ment  s  delay,  lowered  the  boats  and  filled  them 
with  troops. 

At  II  o’clock,.  Lieut.  Albert  N.  Smith,  of 
Massachusetts,  being  in  command,  they  started 
on  their  mission,  not  knowing  whether  they 
v  ere  facing  eternity,  or  whether  they  would 
In  e  to  see.  the  light  of  another  day.  As  they 
left  the  side  of  the  vessel,  many  a  “  May  God 
cause  you  to  succeed,”  came  from  the  lips  of 
the  loyal  men  by  my  side.  If  I  live  a  thousand 
years,  I  shall  not  forget  the  feelings  I  had  when 
I  saw  those  brave  fellows  shake  hands  with  all 
their  old  comrades,  and,  as  a  tear  would  now 
and  then  glisten  in  the  gloom,  but  be  instantly 
wiped  away  by  a  clenched  hand,  I  felt  they  all 
knew  their  danger,  and,  knowing  it,  dared  to 
face  it  with  that  true  courage  eminently  worthy 
of  all  praise,  and  may  they  receive  it ! 

The  party  were  instructed  to  send  up  signals 
should  they  be  attacked,  and  I  do  assure  you 
never  were  there  keener  eyes  than  ours  on  that 
eventful  night,  as  we  peered  into  the  darkness 
momentarily  expecting  to  see  a  rocket  pierce 
the  midnight  gloom ;  but  none  appeared.  While 
we  were  thus  anxiously  awaiting  some  evi¬ 
dence  of  the  success  or  non-success  of  their 
mission,  a  boat  is  hailed — a  faint  answer  comes 
back, “  Lieut.  Smith  and  the  boats’  crews,”  and 
in  whispering  tones  we  hear  tbe  news,  “  they 
have  been  successful  ’’—brother  officers  shake 
hands,  and  give  Lieut.  Smith  that  praise  justly 
deserved  by  him.  They  went  around  inside  of 
the  harbor,  passed  under  the  guns  of  Forts  Mc¬ 
Rae  and  Barrancas  without  being  heard,  and 
safely  landed  all  the  troops  without  interrup¬ 
tion.  1 

This  being,  so  successfully  accomplished,  it 
was  almost  instantly  concluded  to  attempt  it 
again,  and  so  orders  were  given  that  all  the 
marines  in  the  squadron  should  take  to  their 
boats,  preparatory  to  being  put  into  the  fort; 
this  being  quickly  done,  the  steamer  Wvandotte 
took  them  in  tow,  and  towed  them  as  far  as  she 
could  go,  where,  they  left  her,  and  pulled  into 
the  harbor,  taking  the  same  course  the  first 
party  had,  and  in  good  time  reached  the  fort, 
and  safely  landed  all  that  w'ere  in  the  boats. 
Just  as  day  was  breaking,  we  saw  from  our 
deck  the  boats  shoving  off  from  the  beach,  and 
when  they  returned  to  us,  our  anchor  was  in¬ 
stantly  “up,”  and  we  steaming  to  our  old  an¬ 
chorage,  with  very  different  sensations  than  we 
had  when  we  started  for  the  work.  Thus  you 


DOCUMENTS. 


163 


see,  the  Brooklyn  lias  accomplished  what  she 
was  sent  here  for,  viz. :  the  reinforcement  of 
Fort  Pickens,  in  spite  of  their  General  Bragg, 
their  horde  of  murderous  traitors,  and  the 
threats  that  oceans  of  blood  would  be  spilled  if 
even  the  attempt  was  made.  We  have  done  it. 
It  also  proves  that  my  views  of  the  entire  prac¬ 
ticability  of  such  a  scheme  were  very  correct. 

On  Tuesday,  the  15th,  we  were  delighted  to 
see  the  splendid  steamer  Atlantic  sailing  into 
our  midst,  and  we  were  completely  overjoyed 
when  it  was  ascertained  that  she  was  laden 
with  troops,  horses,  batteries,  ammunition, 
stores,  &c.,  &c.,  for  tho  fort.  The  next  day  tho 
frigate  Powhattan  arrived,  and  yesterday  tho 
Illinois  came  among  us,  laden  the  same  as  the 
Atlantic  was;  all  the  forces  brought  by  these 
transports,  together  with  the  guns,  ammuni¬ 
tion,  stores,  &c.,  &c.,  have  been  safely  trans¬ 
ferred  to  the  fort,  giving  it  a  thousand  or  more 
troops,  and,  together  with  the  fleet  outside, 
making  it  impregnable  ;  in  fact,  with  our  pres¬ 
ent  force,  we  think  we  can  hold  it  against  tho 
entire  South.  The  number  of  rebels  in  this 
vicinity  is  about  6,000,  and  they  are  constantly 
at  work  erecting  batteries  along  the  beach,  and 
fortifying  their  positions  in  evei-y  way  they 
can.  We  expect  to  get  some  pretty  hard  knocks 
in  case  of  an  encounter,  but  may  God  protect 
them  when  our  dogs  of  war  are  let  loose,  and 
are  speeding  their  implements  of  death. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  25 — 29. 


Doc.  113. — OFFICERS  OF  THE  FIFTH  KY. 
EEGIMENT. 

Colonel,  Schwarzwaelder ;  Lieutenant-Col¬ 
onel,  L.  Burger;  Major,  Van  Ausburg:  Adju¬ 
tant,  Paul  Frank ;  Engineer,  J.  Dodge ;  Quar¬ 
termaster,  M.  Fearing ;  Assistant-Quartermas¬ 
ter,  - Corrlo ;  Paymaster, - Stenway ; 

Assistant-Paymaster, - Fielder ;  Surgeon, 

Dr.  Hasse;  Assistant-Surgeon,  Dr.  Rosa.  Com¬ 
pany  A — Captain,  Gerdes  ;  First-Lieutenant; 
Neander  ;  Second  do.,  Brettman.  Company  B 
— Captain,  Heitmann ;  First  Lieutenant,  Held  ; 
Second  do.,  Manver.  Company  C — Captain, 
Betgeman ;  First  Lieutenant,  Waldo ;  Second 
do.,  Brunjes.  Company  D — Captain,  Mayer ; 
First  Lieutenant,  Sackersdorff ;  Second  do., 

- .  Company  E — Captain,  Nickel ;  First 

Lieutenant,  Lensifer ;  Second  do.,  Maun.  Com¬ 
pany  F — Captain,  Happendeimer  ;  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Aberle ;  Second  do.,  Bungert.  Com¬ 
pany  G — Captain,  Luke  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Jau- 
er ;  Second  do.,  Keis.  Company  II — Captain, 
Bat-lock ;  First  Lieutenant,  Kaltenparr ;  Sec¬ 
ond  do.,  Leonpard.  Company  K — Engineer 
Corps — Captain,  Dodge  ;  First  Lieutenant, 
Schloemer ;  Orderly  Sergeant,  Kirmuel ;  Non- 
Commissioned  Staff — Calour,  Beaness,  Ernst, 
and  Acker;  Right  Guide,  Leonard;  Left  Guide, 
Michaelis  ;  Drum  Major,  Berchet. 

— N.  Y.  Times,  April  29. 


Doc.  114.— SPEECH  OF  VICE-PRESIDENT 
HAMLIN.  April  29,  1861. 

Mr.  President,  and  Women  of  New  York. 
— In  a  time  like  the  present,  which  is  one  of 
action  rather  than  words,  and  in  such  a  pres¬ 
ence,  there  is,  indeed,  an  embarrassment  in  the 
language  I  might  use  to  express  my  thoughts. 
The  cold  logic  of  the  head  would  hardly  seem 
to  do  justice  to  the  occasion,  while  the  warm 
and  generous  impulses  of  the  heart  might  bo 
obnoxious  on  the  charge  of  boasting,  which  is 
neither  an  evidence  of  patriotism  nor  courage. 
And  still,  if  I  can  say  a  single  word — for  which 
none  hut  myself  will  be  responsible — to  aid  or 
cheer  you  in  the  rugged  path  of  duty,  I  am 
willing  to  contribute  that  word.  (Applause.) 
We  present  to-day  such  a  spectacle  as  the 
world  has  never  witnessed  in  any  age  or  coun¬ 
try.  In  all  the  loyal  States  there  beats  in  men 
and  women’s  bosoms  but  one  single  heart. 
(Applause).  And  that  heart  beats  in  vindica¬ 
tion  of  our  common  country  and  the  liberty  we 
inherited  from  our  fathers.  (Applause.)  We 
have  differed  in  opinions  upon  the  passing 
questions  of  the  hour,  for  they  are  passed,  and 
they  are  a  sealed  book.  Let  the  dead  bury  the 
dead.  (Applause.)  Wo  are  to-day  forgetful  of 
the  past.  We  live  with  the  stirring  present 
around  us  only  in  bright  hopes  of  the  future, 
and  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  that  de¬ 
volve  upon  us  depends  that  future.  Why  is  it 
that  yon,  women,  in  such  vast  numbers  from 
this  Empire  City,  have  gathered  from  your 
humble  and  your  luxurious  homes  ?  Why  is 
it?  Why  is  it,  but  that  you  feel  as  men  feel, 
that  all  that  we  have  and  all  that  is  valuable  in 
life  is  at  stake  and  is  imperilled  ?  (Applause.) 
There  is  nothing,  from  the  stirring  mart  of  com¬ 
merce  up  to  all  the  endearments  that  cluster 
around  the  domestic  altar,  that  is  not  in  the 
issue.  Of  what  use  is  commerce  in  all  its  rami¬ 
fications — of  what  use  is  home  with  all  its  en¬ 
dearments,  without  it  is  guarded  and  protected 
by  the  law.  All  these  are  assailed  by  those  who 
are  attempting  to  subvert  the  government  under 
which  we  live.  The  Stars,  which  are  the  hopes, 
and  the  Stripes,  which  are  the  emblems  of  liberty, 
have  been  ignominiously  dishonored ;  our  public 
property  and  our  fortifications  have  been  as¬ 
sailed  and  taken  by  rebels  from  their  rightful 
owners  ;  and  the  government  under  which  we 
live  is  threatened  with  subversion.  These  are  the 
things  that  have  stirred  the  hearts  of  men  and 
women  until  all  are  united.  (Applause.)  These 
are  the  things  that  have  brought  you  together 
here — these  the  causes  which  have  united  us 
all  as  one.  And  let  mo  say,  there  is  no  other 
course  to  pursue  now  but  the  vindication  of  the 
integrity  of  the  government  under  which  wo 
live.  (Applause.)  It  is  a  false  philanthropy 
— it  is  a  false  humanity — that  shall  falter  now 
in  this  trying  hour  of  trouble.  (Applause.) 
The  safety  of  the  republic  consists  in  the 
energy  and  efficiency  of  the  government.  (Ap¬ 
plause.)  The  loyalty  of  the  people  is  unques- 


164 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


tioned.  Destruction  only  is  with  those  who 
falter.  These  are  stirring  times,  and  now  we 
must  test  the  question,  whether  we  have  or 
have  not  a  government?  To’  abandon  that 
great  question  now  is  to  abandon  all.  (Ap¬ 
plause.)  In  one  sense  of  the  word  there  is 
some  truth  in  the  allegation  that  the  contest  is 
a  sectional  one.  In  the  broader  and  more  com¬ 
prehensive  view  it  is  not  so.  It  is  a  question 
of  government  or  no  government.  That  is  the 
true  question  which  we  have  to  settle — whether 
we  have  a  government,  whether  we  received 
that  government  from  our  fathers,  and  shall 
perpetuate  it  to  those  who  come  after  us  ? 
(Applause.)  That  is  the  question,  however 
variously  sections  may  array  themselves  upon 
either  side.  How  we  are  cheered  along  the 
pathway  of  our  duty  by  the  kind  and  cordial 
aid  which  woman  gives!  You  have  met  here 
for  the  purpose  of  perfecting  more  thoroughly 
an  organization  which  shall  be  of  incalculable 
benefit  to  the  cause.  Your  sons,  your  hus¬ 
bands,  your  brothers,  who  have  gone  forth  to 
battle  tor  all  that  you  hold  dear  and  valuable  to 
you,  will  be  sustained  in  the  hour  of  conflict 
and  in  the  hour  of  pain,  when  they  know  that 
their  mothers  and  sisters  are  devoting  their  best 
energies  to  give  them  comfort,  whatever  their 
condition  or  wherever  they  may  be.  (Ap¬ 
plause.)  Our  grand  cause,  and  the  prayers  that 
will  go  up  to  heaven  for  them  and  for  their 
cause,  will  stimulate  them  in  the  hour  of  battle, 
and  after  it  shall  pass  away.  (Applause.)  God 
bless  you,  women  of  New  York!  Romo  in  the 
days  of  her  culminated  power  never  witnessed 
scenes  like  these.  The  world  has  never  seen 
it.  Here  palatial  parlors  are  devoted  to  the 
manufacture  of  useful  and  necessary  articles  for 
sons,  brothers  and  fathers,  who  have  gone  to 
the  war.  (Applause.)  You  have  met  here  to 
systematize  your  work  and  to  invite  the  co¬ 
operation  of  others  throughout  the  land.  Let 
me  tell  you  they  will  come  from  every  green 
hillside  and  every  valley  all  over  New  England, 
my  home,  and  from  every  loyal  State.  (Loud 
applause.)  They  will  cooperate  with  you  ; 
they  will  form  one  grand  central  point,  pour  in 
their  contributions,  and  send  to  you  those  who 
are  competent  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the 
sick  and  wounded.  (Applause.)  They  will  co¬ 
operate  with  you,  with  their  humble  hands  and 
their  means — will  join  with  you  in  their  pray¬ 
ers  to  Heaven,  to  aid  that  cause  which  all  know 
to.  bo  so  just.  And  with  your  cooperation — 
with  your  prayers  and  appealing  to  the  God  of 
Heaven.,  for  the  rectitude  of  our  purpose  and 
the  purity  of  our  cause,  we  know  liberty  shall 
be  perpetuated  in  our  land. 

— -N.  y.  Herald,  April  30. 


Doo.  115.— REVIEW  AT  NEW  ORLEANS. 

At  5  o  clock  in  the  morning,  in  every  quar¬ 
ter  of  the  city,  could  be  seen  artillery,  cavairy 
and  infantry  soldiers,  all  ready  for  some  active 
duty. 


At  10  o’clock  the  grand  review  took  place  on 
Canal  street.  The  line  of  the  review  was  nearly 
a  mile  in  length,  reaching  from  the  levee  to 
Rampart  street.  Some  three  or  four  thousand 
of  our  city  soldiers  made  up  the  long  and 
crowded  lines,  their  uniforinsof  varying  colors, 
and  their  burnished  bayonets  and  accoutre¬ 
ments,  their  flags,  giving  them  a  gay  and  most 
imposing  appearance.  Outside  of  the  space 
cleared  for  the  review  the  crowd  was  perfectly 
compact.  Through  the  courtesy  of  the  store¬ 
keepers,  ladies  had  admission  to  their  windows 
and  verandahs.  The  street  was  never,  on  any 
occasion,  more  greatly  crowded  or  more  splen¬ 
didly  embellished  by  the  presence  of  the  sol¬ 
diers  and  the  fair  sex. 

Gen.  James  Trudeau,  whose  staff  was  a  pro¬ 
minent  feature  before  the  multitude — this  be¬ 
ing  its  first  parade — was  composed  of  Brigade 
Inspector,  Maj.  Alex.  Trudeau;  First  Aid-de- 
Camp,  Capt.  Jns.  R.  Currell ;  Paymaster,  Capt. 
Geo.  Eustis ;  Quartermaster,  Capt.  Phil.  Bu¬ 
chanan  ;  Assistant  Aids,  Captains  Conrad,  Bur- 
the,  and  Forstall.  This  legion  consists  princi¬ 
pally  of  the  Orleans  battalion  of  Artillery,  the 
Chasseurs-a-Pied,  the  Orleans  Guard  battalion, 
the  Esplanade  Guards,  the  Louisiana  Cadets, 
the  Garibaldi  Rifles,  and  the  German  and 
other  companies. 

Gen.  Tracy  s  brigade,  the  right  resting  on 
Camp  street,  was  composed  of  a  squadron  (two 
companies)  of  cavalry,  a  battalion  of  artillery, 
and  two  regiments  of  infantry  ;  the  Plaque- 
mine  Rangers,  a  new  company,  and  fine  body 
of  men,  Capt.  Villere  commanding;  the  Jef¬ 
ferson  Light  Guards,  Capt.  Guy  Dreux;  the 
battalion  of  Washington  Artillery,  with  eight 
field-pieces  under  detachments  as  light  artillery, 
their  legitimate  service,  and  four  companies  as 
infantry.  The  artillery  detachments  of  the 
Washington  Artillery  were  under  the  command 
of  Capt.  Harry  Isaacson,  and  the  infantry  com¬ 
panies  under  Capt.  Voorhies — all  under  com¬ 
mand  of  Major  J.  B.  Walton. 

The  Continental  Guards,  Louisiana  Grays, 
Chalmette  Guards,  Calhoun  Guards,  Sarsfield 
Rifles,  D.e  Soto  Rifles,  Delta  Rifles,  Southern 
Cadets,  Second  Company  of  Orleans  Cadets, 
Bienville  Rifles,  and  other  companies,  constitu¬ 
ted  the  infantry  of  this  brigade. 

The  Bienville  Guards,  Bienville  Rifles,  and 
a  splendid  looking  body  of  men  from  Algiers, 
(whose  title  we  did  not  learn.)  appeared  in  citi¬ 
zen’s  dress,  their  uniforms  being  not  yet  ready, 
though  they  had  their  guns,  and  they  were 
none  the  less  admirable  for  want  of  their  uni¬ 
forms. 

The  Orleans  Artillery  battalion  had  eight 
brass  pieces,  each  piece  attended  by  a  detach¬ 
ment,  and  the  rest  of  the  battalion  marching 
as  infantry.  These  and  the  Orleans  Guard  bat- 
tallion,  were  the  largest  and  the  most  splendid 
feature  of  the  turn-out.  The  Orleans  Guard 
turned  out  no  less  than  527  muskets. 

These  troops,  together  with  numerous  others, 
whose  titles  we  did  not  obtain,  all  numbering 


DOCUMENTS. 


165 


about  4,000,  forming  into  line,  the  right  to  the 
river  and  the  left  on  Rampart  street,  the  review 
took  place.  His  Excellency,  Governor  Thomas 
O.  Moore,  attended  by  Major-General  John  L. 
Lewis  and  the  usual  full  cortege  of  staff  offi¬ 
cers,  rode  past  and  inspected  the  long  line,  the 
companies  presenting  arms,  the  bands  playing 
and  the  colors  unfurled,  as  they  passed  ;  many 
persons  amid  the  dense  throng  of  spectators 
cheering  the  Governor  as  he  passed,  he  appear¬ 
ing  in  his  simple  dress  of  a  planter. 

The  review  over,  the  brigades  formed  in  pro¬ 
cession  and  marched  around  Canal  street,  up 
town  to  Julia  street,  and  as  far  down  as  Es¬ 
planade  street.  The  immense  multitude  on 
Canal  street  dispersed,  and  divisions  of  the 
multitude  flocked  to  meet  the  procession  and 
get  a  nearer  view  of  it  as  it  wound  its  way 
through  the  city.  Between  2  and  3  o’clock  the 
march  ended,  and  the  companies  separated  and 
proceeded  to  their  respective  armories. 

A  more  glorious  day  was  seldom  seen  any¬ 
where,  the  enthusiastic  desire  being  so  great  to 
witness  and  participate  in  this  pageantry. 

— jV.  O.  Delta ,  April  30. 


Doo.  116.— DEPARTURE  OF  THE  N.  Y. 

FIREMEN  ZOUAYES,  April  29tu. 

It  was  generally  supposed  that  this  regiment 
would  have  left  on  Sunday,  but  owing  to  the 
non-arrival  of  rifles  for  this  corps,  the  departure 
was  indefinitely  postponed.  However,  the 
anxiously  looked-for  arms  came  to  hand  this 
morning,  and  orders  were  immediately  issued 
for  the  embarkation.  The  following  is  a  list 
of  officers  of  the  regiment:  Colonel,  E.  E. 
Ellsworth;  Lieutenant-Colonel,  Noah  L.  Farn- 
ham  ;  Major,  John  A.  Cregier.  Companies  and 
captains:  A,  John  Coyle;  B,  Edward  Burns; 
C,  Michael  C.  Murphy;  D,  John  Downing;  E, 
John  B.  Leverick;  F,  William  II.  Burns;  G, 
Michael  A.  Tagan ;  II,  William  Hackett ;  I, 
John  Wildey;  J,  Andrew  D.  Purtell. 

The  head  quarters,  Devlin’s  new  store,  Canal 
street,  previous  to  their  departure,  presented  a 
scene  of  extraordinary  activity  and  excitement. 
The  men  were  in  the  highest  animal  spirits, 
and  all  seemed  happy  at  the  prospect  of  soon 
having  a  set-to  with  the  Secessionists.  The 
men  were  marched  by  companies  into  the  base¬ 
ment.  Each  man  was  there  armed  with  a 
Sharpe’s  rifle.  When  on  board  the  Baltic  they 
were  presented  with  a  bowie-knife  about  six¬ 
teen  inches  long,  (which  can  be  fastened  to  the 
rifle,  and  used  as  a  bayonet,)  and  a  revolver. 

At  1  o’clock  the  men  formed  into  line  in 
Canal  street.  A  stand  of  colors  was  there  pre¬ 
sented  to  the  regiment  by  Mr.  W.  H.  Wickham, 
on  behalf  of  the  New  York  Fire  Department. 
Col.  Ellsworth  was  surrounded  by  his  staff; 
they  all  remained  uncovered  while  Mr.  Wick¬ 
ham  made  the  following  speech : 

Col.  Ellsworth  :  The  Board  of  Representa¬ 
tives  of  the  New  York  Fire  Department  of  this 
City  have  caused  to  be  prepared  this  stand  of 


colors  to  present  to  your  regiment,  composed 
of  the  firemen  of  New  York  and  our  associates. 
As  President  of  the  Fire  Department,  I  now 
perform  that  duty.  Take  them,  place  them  in 
the  midst  of  your  gallant  band,  and  wherever 
the  fight  is  the  thickest,  and  the  bullets  fly  the 
fastest,  let  these  banners  be  borne,  and  may 
you  and  your  comrades,  in  the  hour  of  trial  and 
battle,  remember  the  proud  motto  emblazoned 
upon  them : 

“  Tho  Star-spangled  Banner  in  triumph  shall  wave.” 

Let  this  be  your  war-cry  as  you  rush  to  the 
onset.  Let  it  nerve  your  arms  and  fire  your 
ranks.  Wave  it  in  triumph  only,  and  do  you 
bring  it  back,  Sir,  though  it  be  tattered  and 
torn  in  the  fight. 

Old  associates,  remember,  on  every  battle¬ 
field,  and  in  every  trial,  that  the  thousands 
here  around  you,  have  placed  in  your  hands  a 
mighty  charge.  Go  forth  from  this  hour,  and 
swear  by  that  flag  to  live,  for  that  flag  to  die. 

The  people  have  high  hopes  of  you.  You 
have  established  a  character  for  noble  daring, 
which  has  received  the  admiration  and  tribute 
of  the  people. 

When  the  fire-bell  rings  in  the  night  the 
citizen  rests  securely,  for  he  knows  that  the 
New  York  Firemen  are  omnipotent  to  arrest 
the  progress  of  destruction.  You  are  now  to 
exhibit  your  gallantry,  your  energies,  in  another 
field. 

You  are  called  to  quench  the  flames  of  rebel¬ 
lion,  and  we  know  that  whether  in  the  midst 
of  burning  cities,  or  in  the  tented  field,  you  will 
sustain  your  own  high  character,  and  these 
banners  will  ever  wave  in  triumph,  even  though 
it  be  in  the  midst  of  ruins. 

Our  hearts  are  with  you,  at  all  times  and  in 
every  place.  Spring  with  the  same  alacrity  to 
the  performance  of  your  duty,  at  the  call  of  the 
bugle,  as  though  the  old  familiar  note  of  the 
fire-trumpet  fell  upon  your  ear.  Do  this,  and 
you  will  succeed.  Let  no  man’s  heart  fail  him ; 
be  firm,  be  united,  be  true  to  each  other,  have 
confidence  in  your  commanders  and  yourselves, 
and  when  you  return,  we  will  rejoice  with  you 
over  the  glories  you  have  won,  and  weep  with 
you  over  those  that  may  have  fallen. 

Col.  Ellsworth  said  in  reply,  that  his  ac¬ 
quaintance  with  the  men  had  been  brief,  but  he 
thoroughly  understood  their  feelings,  and  he 
was  sure  that,  as  long  as  one  of  them  lived,  that 
flag  would  never  be  disgraced.  He  was  taking 
his  command  away  without  any  drill,  and  he 
might  almost  say  unformed ;  nevertheless,  they 
were  determined  to  do  their  duty,  and  he 
hoped  to  return  with  those  colors  as  pure  and 
unstained  as  they  are  now. 

Col.  Ellsworth  then  took  the  flags  from  the 
hands  of  Mr.  W.  H.  Wickham,  who  handed 
them  to  the  color-sergeant,  who  in  his  turn 
placed  them  in  the  charge  of  the  regiment. 

Mrs.  John  Jacob  Astor,  Jr.,  then  stepped 
from  a  carriage  and  took  up  a  position  in  front 
of  the  regiment.  She  was  accompanied  by 


166 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Gen.  Dix,  bearing'  the  colors,  who,  on  Mrs.  As- 
tor’s  behalf,  said :  “  Colonel  Ellsworth  :  I  have 
been  requested  by  the  donor  of  the  colors 
about  to  be  presented  to  you,  to  read  to  you 
her  letter  ot  presentation.  I  have  accepted  the 
service  with  the  greatest  of  pleasure,  and  I  re¬ 
gard  it  as  an  honor  second  only  to  that  of  com¬ 
manding  such  a  regiment  as  I  see  before  me, 
and  of  marshalling  it  under  a  flag  presented  by 
so  graceful  and  patriotic  a  donor.”  The  General 
then  read  the  following  letter  from  Mrs.  Astor: 

Col.  Ellsworth — Sir:  I  have  the  honor  of 
presenting  the  accompanying  colors  to  the 
First  Regiment  New  York  Zouaves.  In  de¬ 
livering  the  ensign  of  our  nation  into  the 
charge  of  the  brave  men  under  your  command, 
I  am  happy  in  the  confidence  that  I  intrust  it 
to  men  whose  heads  are  moved  by  a  generous 
patriotism  to  defend  it,  and  whose  hearts  feel 
now  more  deeply  than  they  have  ever  done 
that  the  honor  of  their  country’s  flag  is  sacred 
and  precious  to  them  as  their  own. 

Accustomed  as  we  are  to  think  of  them  in 
the  discharge  of  their  ordinary  duties  with 
grateful  sympathy  and  a  well-founded  pride, 
these  feelings  grow  stronger  the  solemn  mo¬ 
ment  when  they  are  going  from  us  to  engage 
in  a  new  and  still  more  perilous  service.  I 
pray,  Sir,  that  Heaven’s  gracious  protection 
may  be  over  you,  and  over  these,  to  preserve 
and  bring  you  back  in  safety  to  those  whose 
hearts,  will  follow  you  each  day  with  prayer, 
and  with  a  hopeful  expectation  of  being  glad¬ 
dened  through  your  success. 

Believe  me  yours,  with  much  respect  and 
true  regard,  Augusta  Astor. 

Col.  Ellsworth  made  a  suitable  reply. 

Three  cheers  were  then  given  for  the  presen¬ 
tations,  three  for  the  Commissioners  of  the 
New  York  Fire  Department,  and  three  more 
for  the  Chief  Engineer. 

Gen.  Wool,  who  is  staying  at  the  St.  Nicho¬ 
las,  reviewed  the  men  as  they  passed.  Each 
man.,  as  lie  went  by  the  veteran  general, 
cheered  him  most  lustily.  The  regiment  was 
escorted  to  the  boat  by  about  5,000  firemen, 
many  ot  whom  carried  banners.  Upon  the  one 
carried  by  Company  30  was  inscribed, 

“  If  our  Country  calls,  the  rest  are  ready.” 

The  regiment,  after  leaving  Canal  street, 
marched  up  Broadway  to  Bond  street,  then 
down  the  Bowery  to  the  Astor  House,  from 
thence  up  Broadway,  and  down  Canal,  at  the 
toot  of  which  street  the  steamer  Baltic  was 
lying. 

PRESENTATION  OF  COLORS  AT  TnE  ASTOR  IIOUSE. 

Calling  a  halt  at  the  Astor  House,  Col.  Ells- 
worth’s  regiment  had  another  stand  of  colors 
presented  to  them  from  the  ladies  of  the  Astor 
House.  Mr.  Charles  Stetson,  Jr.,  who  made 
the  presentation,  said  on  behalf  of  the  ladies: 

Col.  Ellsworth  and  officers  of  the  Fire 
Zouaves : — I  am  requested  by  the  ladies  of  this 


house  to  present  to  your  command,  the  Fire 
Zouaves  ot  New  York,  this  stand  of  colors, 
they  will  be  your  battle  flags ;  and  those  whose 
fair  hands  have  wrought  them  know,  from  the 
past  history  of  the  New  T  ork  Fire  Department, 
in  the  great  caused  liberty  and  integrity  of  the 
Government  these  emblems  will  be  manfully 
sustained.  On  behalt  of  the  ladies  I  bid  you 
and  your  command  God  speed,  their  eyes  will 
follow  you,  and  their  prayers  will  be  rendered 
up  for  you. 

In  reply,  Col.  Ellsworth  said:  Mr.  Stetson, 
I  beg  of  you  to  return  our  thanks  to  the  ladies 
of  the  Astor  House,  and  assure  them  for  us  that 
wre  would  rather  die  than  commit  any  act  that 
would  bring  disgrace  upon  this  flag.  They 
■would  remember  the  fair  donors  with  a  great 
deal  of  gratitude,  and  he  hoped  that  it  would 
not  be  long  before  his  regiment  paraded  again 
before  them  in  front  of  the  Astor  House. 

The  Baltic  was  lying  at  the  foot  of  Canal 
street.  I  he  friends  and  acquaintances  of  the 
men  who  were  going  otf  crowded  the  dock. 
The  regiment  marched  on  board  the  boat  to 
the  tune  of  “The  Red,  White  and  Blue.” 
Many  of  the  men  joined  in  the  chorus  as  they 
marched  along  the  gangway.  All  seemed 
elated  at  the  prospect  of  a  speedy  departure. 
At  last  the  order  was  given  for  all  those  who 
were  not  going  to  go  on  shore.  Hurried  adieus 
were  made;  women  were  weeping,  and  strong 
stern  men  were  embracing  one  another  with  an 
affection  absolutely  touching.  A  few  revolu¬ 
tions  of  the  paddle-wheels  brought  the  Baltic 
into  the  middle  of  the  stream,  and  amidst  the 
firing  of  salutes  from  the  various  steamers  in 
port,  and  the  cheers  of  an  immense  concourse  of 
persons,  she  steamed  quietly  away  seawards. 

When  the  regiment  was  in  front  of  the  Astor 
House,  an  order  was  handed  to  Col.  Ellsworth 
trom  Gen.  Sandford,  who  made  an  objection  to 
the  departure  of  the  regiment  on  account  of 
their  being  more  than  770  men.  It  appears 
that  there  are  about  101  men  in  every  company 
of  this  regiment ;  by  law  there  ought  only  to 
be  77,  so  Gen.  Sandford  put  his  veto  on  the  de¬ 
parture  of  this  regiment.  Messrs.  Kelly,  Stet¬ 
son  and  Delatour  formed  themselves  into  a  com¬ 
mittee,  and  waited  on  Gen.  Sandford,  to  get 
him  to  remove  his  veto.  He  could  do  nothing, 
but  referred  them  to  Gen.  Wool,  who,  upon  the 
case  being  represented  to  him,  immediately 
took  the  responsibility  on  his  own  shoulders, 
and  allowed  the  Firemen  Zouaves  to  start  for 
Annapolis. 

— Ar.  Y.  Times ,  April  30. 


Doo.  117.— MESSAGE  OF  JEFFERSON  DA¬ 
VIS,  April  29,  1861. 

Gentlemen  of  Congress: — It  is  my  pleasing 
duty  to  announce  to  you  that  the  Constitution 
framed  for  the  establishment  of  a  permanent 
government  of  the  Confederate  States  of 
America  has  been  ratified  by  the  several  con- 
I  ventions  of  each  of  those  States  which  were 


DOCUMENTS. 


167 


referred  to  to  inaugurate  the  said  Government 
in  its  full  proportions  and  upon  its  own  sub¬ 
stantial  basis  of  the  popular  will. 

It  only  remains  that  elections  should  be  held 
for  the  designation  of  the  officers  to  adminis¬ 
ter  it. 

There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  at  no 
distant  day  other  States,  identical  in  political 
principles  and  community  of  interests  with 
those  which  you  represent,  will  join  this  Con¬ 
federacy,  giving  to  its  typical  constellation 
increased  splendor — to  its  government  of  free, 
equal  and  sovereign  States,  a  wider  sphere  of 
usefulness,  and  to  the  friends  of  constitutional 
liberty  a  greater  security  for  its  harmonious  and 
perpetual  existence. 

It  was  not,  however,  for  the  purpose  of 
making  this  announcement  that  I  have  deemed 
it  my  duty  to  convoke  you  at  an  earlier  day 
than  that  fixed  by  yourselves  for  your  meeting. 

The  declaration  of  war  made  against  this 
Confederacy,  by  Abraham  Lincoln,  President 
of  the  United  States,  in  his  proclamation,  issued 
on  the  15th  day  of  the  present  month,  renders 
it  necessary,  in  my  judgment,  that  you  should 
convene  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment  to 
devise  the  measures  necessary  for  the  defence 
of  the  country. 

The  occasion  is,  indeed,  an  extraordinary  one. 
It  justifies  me  in  giving  a  brief  review  of  the 
relations  heretofore  existing  between  us  and 
the  States  which  now  unite  in  warfare  against 
us,  and  a  succinct  statement  of  the  events 
which  have  resulted  to  the  end,  that  mankind 
may  pass  intelligent  and  impartial  judgment  on 
our  motives  and  objects. 

During  the  war  waged  against  Great  Britain 
by  her  colonies  on  this  continent,  a  common 
danger  impelled  them  to  a  close  alliance,  and  to 
the  formation  of  a  Confederation  by  the  terms 
of  which  the  colonies,  styling  themselves  States, 
entered  severally  into  a  firm  league  of  friendship 
with  each  other  for  their  common  defence,  the 
security  of  their  liberties,  and  their  mutual  and 
general  welfare,  binding  themselves  to  assist 
each  other  against  all  force  offered  to,  or  at¬ 
tacks  made  upon  them,  or  any  of  them,  on  ac¬ 
count  of  religion,  sovereignty,  trade,  or  any 
other  pretence  whatever. 

In  order  to  guard  against  any  misconstruc¬ 
tion  of  their  compact,  the  several  States  made 
an  explicit  declaration  in  a  distinct  article — 
that  each  State  retain  its  sovereignty,  freedom 
and  independence,  and  every  power  of  jurisdic¬ 
tion  and  right  which  is  not  by  this  said  Confed¬ 
eration  expressly  delegated  to  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled  under  this  contract  of 
alliance. 

The  war  of  the  Revolution  was  successfully 
waged,  and  resulted  in  the  treaty  of  peace  with 
Great  Britain  in  1783,  by  the  terms  of  which 
the  several  States  were  each  by  name  recog¬ 
nized  to  be  independent. 

The  articles  of  confederation  contained  a 
clause  whereby  all  alterations  were  prohibited, 
unless  confirmed  by  the  Legislatures  of  every 


State  after  being  agreed  to  by  the  Congress ;  and 
in  obedience  to  this  provision,  under  the  reso¬ 
lution  of  Congress  of  the  21st  of  February, 
1787,  the  several  States  appointed  delegates  for 
the  purpose  of  revising  the  articles  of  confede¬ 
ration,  and  reporting  to  Congress  and  the  seve¬ 
ral  Legislatures  such  alterations  and  provisions 
therein  as  shall,  when  agreed  to  in  Congress, 
and  confirmed  by  the  States,  render  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Constitution  adequate  to  the  exigencies,  of 
the  Government,  and  the  preservation  of  the 
Union. 

It  was  by  the  delegates  chosen  by  the  several 
States  under  the  resolution  just  quoted,  that  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  formed 
in  1787,  and  submitted  to  the  several  States 
for  ratification,  as  shown  by  the  seventh  arti¬ 
cle,  which  is  in  these  words :  “  The  ratification 
of  the  conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be  suffi¬ 
cient  for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution 
between  the  States  so  ratifying  the  same.” 

I  have  italicised  certain  words  in  the  resolu¬ 
tions  just  made  for  the  purpose  of  attracting 
attention  to  the  singular  and  marked  caution 
with  which  the  States  endeavored  in  every 
possible  form  to  exclude  the  idea  that  the  sepa¬ 
rate  and  independent  sovereignty  of  each  State 
was  merged  into  one  common  government  or 
nation  ;  and  the  earnest  desire  they  evinced  to 
impress  on  the  Constitution  its  true  character 
— that  of  a  compact  between  independent 
States — the  Constitution  of  1787,  however,  ad¬ 
mitting  the  clause  already  recited  from  the 
articles  of  confederation,  which  provided  in  ex¬ 
plicit  terms  that  each  State  reclaimed  its  sov¬ 
ereignty  and  independence. 

Some  alarm  was  felt  in  the  States,  when 
invited  to  ratify  the  Constitution,  lest  this 
omission  should  be  construed  into  an  abandon¬ 
ment  of  their  cherished  principles,  and  they 
refused  to  be  satisfied  until  amendments  were 
added  to  the  Constitution,  placing  beyond  any 
pretence  of  doubt  the  reservation  by  the  States 
of  their  sovereign  rights  and  powers  not  ex¬ 
pressly  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the 
Constitution. 

Strange,  indeed,  must  it  appear  to  the  impar¬ 
tial  observer,  that  it  is  none  the  less  true  that 
all  these  carefully  worded  clauses  proved  una¬ 
vailing  to  prevent  the  rise  and  growth  in  the 
Northern  States  of  a  political  school  which  has 
persistently  claimed  that  the  Government  set 
above  and  over  the  States,  an  organization 
created  by  the  States,  to  secure  the  blessings  of 
liberty  and  independence  against  foreign  ag¬ 
gression,  has  been  gradually  perverted  into  a 
machine  for  their  control  in  their  domestic 
affairs. 

The  creature  has  been  exalted  above  its  Cre¬ 
ator — the  principals  have  been  made  subordi¬ 
nate  to  the  agent  appointed  by  themselves. 

The  people  of  the  Southern  States,  whose 
almost  exclusive  occupation  was  agriculture, 
early  perceived  a  tendency  in  the  Northern 
States  to  render  a  common  government  sub¬ 
servient  to  their  own  purposes  by  imposing 


168 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


burthens  on  commerce  as  protection  to  their 
manufacturing  and  shipping  interests. 

Long  and  angry  controversies  grew  out  of 
these  attempts,  often  successful,  to  benefit  one 
section  of  the  country  at  the  expense  of  the  other, 
and  the  danger  of  disruption  arising  from  this 
cause  was  enhanced  by  the  fact  that  the  North¬ 
ern  population  was  increasing,  by  emigration 
and  other  causes,  more  than  the  population  of 
the  South. 

By  degrees,  as  the  Northern  States  gained 
preponderance  in  the  National  Congress,  self- 
interest  taught  their  people  to  yield  ready 
assent  to  any  plausible  advocacy  of  their  right 
as  majority  to  govern  the  minority.  Without 
control,  they  learn  to  listen  with  impatience  to 
the  suggestion  of  any  constitutional  impediment 
to  the  exercise  of  their  will,  and  so  utterly  have 
the  principles  of  the  Constitution  been  cor¬ 
rupted  in  the  Northern  mind  that,  in  the  in¬ 
augural  address  delivered  by  President  Lincoln 
in  March  last,  he  asserts  a  maxim  which  he 
plainly  deems  to  bo  undeniable,  that  the  the¬ 
ory  of  the  Constitution  requires,  in  all  cases, 
that  the  majority  shall  govern.  And  in  another 
meinoi  able  instance  the  same  Chief  Magistrate 
did  not  hesitate  to  liken  the  relations  between 
States  and  the  United  States  to  those  which  ex¬ 
ist  between  the  county  and  the  State  in  which 
it  is  situated,  and  by  which  it  was  created. 

This  is  the  lamentable  and  fundamental  error 
in  which  rests  the  policy  that  has  culminated 
m  his  declaration  of  war  against  these  Confed¬ 
erate  States. 

In  addition  to  the  long-continued  and  deep- 
seated  resentment  felt  by  the  Southern  States 
at  the  persistent  abuse  of  the  powers  they  had 
delegated  to  the  Congress  for  the  purpose  of 
enriching  the  manufacturing  and  shipping 
classes  of  the  North  at  the  expense  of  the 
South,  there  has  existed  for  nearly  half  a  cen¬ 
tury  another  subject  of  discord,  involving  inter¬ 
ests  of  such  transcendent  magnitude  as  at  all 
times  to  create  the  apprehension  in  the  minds 
of  many  devoted  lovers  of  the  Union  that  its 
permanence  was  impossible. 

When  the  several  States  delegated  certain 
powers  to  the  United  States  Congress,  a  large 
portion  of  the  laboring  population  were  import¬ 
ed  into  the  colonies  by  the  mother  country.  In 
twelve  out  of  the  fifteen  States,  negro  slavery 
existed,  and  the  right  of  property  existing  in 
slaves  was  protected  by  law ;  this  property 
was  recognized  in  the  Constitution,  and  pro- 

ofthe  slavemad°  &Sainst  its  loss  tlie  escape 

.  ^b.e  ^crease  in  the  number  of  slaves  by  for¬ 
eign  importation  from  Africa  was  also  secured 
by  a  clause  forbidding  Congress  to  prohibit  the 
slave  trade  anterior  to  a  certain  date,  and  in  no 
clause  can  there  be  found  any  delegation  of  power 
to  the  Congress  to  authorize  it  in  any  manner 
to  legislate  to  the  prejudice,  detriment  or  dis¬ 
couragement  of  the  owners  of  that  species  of 
property,  or  excluding  it  from  the  protection  of 
the  Government. 


The  climate  and  soil  of  the  Northern  States 
soon  proved  unpropitious  to  the  continuance  of 
slave  labor,  while  the  reverse  being  the  case  at 
the  South,  made  unrestricted  free  intercourse 
between  the  two  sections  unfriendly. 

The  Is  01  them  States  consulted  their  own  in¬ 
terests^  selling  their  slaves  to  the  South  and 
prohibiting  slavery  between  their  limits.  The 
South  were  willing  purchasers  of  property  suit¬ 
able  to  their  wants,  and  paid  the  price  of  the 
acquisition,  without  harboring  a  suspicion  that 
their  quiet  possession  was  to  be  disturbed  by 
those  who  were  not  only  in  want  of  constitu¬ 
tional  authority,  but  by  good  faith  as  vendors, 
from  disquieting  a  title  emanating  from  them¬ 
selves. 

As  soon,  however,  as  the  Northern  States, 
that  prohibited  African  slavery  within  their 
limits,  had  reached  a  number  sufficient  to  give 
their  representation  a  controlling  vote  in  the 
Congress,  a  persistent  and  organized  system  of 
hostile  measures  against  the  rights  of  the  own¬ 
ers  ot  slaves  in  the  Southern  States  was  inau¬ 
gurated  and  gradually  extended.  A  series  of 
measures  was  devised  and  prosecuted  for  the 
purpose  of  rendering  insecure  the  tenure  of 
property  in  slaves. 

Fanatical  organizations,  supplied  with  money 
by  voluntary  subscriptions,  were  assiduously  en¬ 
gaged  in  exciting  amongst  the  slaves  a  spirit  of 
discontent  and  revolt.  Means  were  furnished 
for  their  escape  from  their  owners,  and  agents 
secretly  employed  to  entice  them  to  abscond. 

The  constitutional  provision  for  their  rendi¬ 
tion  to  their  owners  was  first  evaded,  then 
openly  denounced  as  a  violation  of  conscien¬ 
tious  obligation  and  religious  duty.  Men  were 
taught  that  it  was  a  merit  to  elude,  disobey, 
and  violently  oppose  the  execution  of  the  laws 
enacted  to  secure  the  performance  of  the 
promise  contained  in  the  constitutional  com¬ 
pact.  Often  owners  of  slaves  were  mobbed 
and  even  murdered  in  open  day  solely  for  ap¬ 
plying  to  a  magistrate  for  the  arrest  of  a  fugi¬ 
tive  slave. 

The  dogmas  of  the  voluntary  organization 
soon  obtained  control  of  the  Legislatures  of 
many  of  the  Northern  States,  and  laws  were 
passed  for  the  punishment,  by  ruinous  fines, 
and  long-continued  imprisonment  in  gaols  and 
penitentiaries,  of  citizens  of  the  Southern  States 
who  should  dare  ask  of  the  officers  of  the  law 
for  the  recovery  of  their  property.  Embolden¬ 
ed  by  success,  on  the  theatre  of  agitation  and 
aggression,  against  the  clearly  expressed  consti¬ 
tutional  rights  of  the  Congress,  Senators  and 
Representatives  were  sent  to  the  common 
councils  of  the  nation,  whose  chief  title  to  this 
distinction  consisted  in  the  display  of  a  spirit 
of  ultra  fanaticism,  and  whose  business  was  not 
to  promote  the  general  welfare,  or  ensure  do¬ 
mestic  tranquillity — but  to  awaken  the  bitterest 
hatred  against,  the  citizens  of  sister  States  by 
violent  denunciations  of  their  institutions. 

The  transactions  of  public  affairs  was  im¬ 
peded  by  repeated  efforts  to  usurp  powers  not 


I 


DOCUMENTS. 


169 


delegated  by  the  Constitution,  for  the  purpose 
of  impairing  the  security  of  property  in  slaves, 
and  reducing  those  States  which  held  slaves  to 
a  condition  of  inferiority. 

Finally,  a  great  party  was  organized  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  the  administration  of  the 
Government,  with  the  avowed  object  of  using 
its  power  for  the  total  exclusion  of  the  slave 
States  from  all  participation  in  the  benefits  of 
the  public  domain  acquired  by  all  the  States  in 
common,  whether  by  conquest  or  purchase, 
surrounded  them  entirely  by  States  in  which 
slavery  should  be  prohibited,  thus  rendering 
the  property  in  slaves  so  insecure  as  to  be 
comparatively  worthless,  and  thereby  annihi¬ 
lating  in  effect  property  worth  thousands  of 
millions  of  dollars. 

This  party,  thus  organized,  succeeded  in  the 
month  of  November  last  in  the  election  of  its 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States. 

In  the  meantime,  under  the  mild  and  genial 
climate  of  the  Southern  States,  and  the  increas¬ 
ing  care  for  the  well-being  and  comfort  of  the 
laboring  classes,  dictated  alike  by  interest  and 
humanity,  the  African  slaves  had  augmented 
in  number  from  about  six  hundred  thousand, 
at  the  date  of  the  adoption  of  the  consti¬ 
tutional  compact,  to  upwards  of  four  millions. 

In  a  moral  and  social  condition  they  had  been 
elevated  from  brutal  savages  into  docile,  intelli¬ 
gent,  and  civilized  agricultural  laborers,  and  sup¬ 
plied  not  only  with  bodily  comforts,  but  with 
careful  religious  instruction,  under  the  super¬ 
vision  of  a  superior  race.  Their  labor  had  been 
so  directed  as  not  only  to  allow  a  gradual  and 
marked  amelioration  of  their  own  condition,  but 
to  convert  hundreds  of  thousands  of  square  miles 
of  the  wilderness  into  cultivated  lands  covered 
with  a  prosperous  people.  Towns  and  cities 
had  sprung  into  existence,  and  it  rapidly  in¬ 
creased  in  wealth  and  population  under  the 
social  system  of  the  South. 

The  white  population  of  the  Southern  slave¬ 
holding  States  had  augmented  from  about 
1,250,000,  at  the  date  of  the  adoption  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  to  more  than  8,500,000  in  18G0,  and 
the  productions  of  the  South  in  cotton,  rice, 
sugar  and  tobacco,  for  the  full  development  and 
continuance  of  which  the  labor  of  African  slaves 
was  and  is  indispensable,  had  swollen  to  an 
amount  which  formed  nearly  three-fourths  of 
the  export  of  the  whole  United  States,  and  had 
become  absolutely  necessary  to  the  wants  of 
civilized  man. 

"With  interests  of  such  overwhelming  magni¬ 
tude  imperiled,  the  people  of  the  Southern 
States  were  driven  by  the  conduct  of  the  North 
to  the  adoption  of  some  course  of  action  to 
avoid  the  dangers  with  which  they  were  openly 
menaced.  With  this  view,  the  Legislatures  of 
the  several  States  invited  the  people  to  select 
delegates  to  conventions  to  be  held  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  determining  for  themselves  what  meas¬ 
ures  were  best  to  be  adopted  to  meet  so  alarm¬ 
ing  a  crisis  in  their  history. 


Here  it  may  be  proper  to  observe  that,  from 
a  period  as  early  as  1798,  there  had  existed  in 
all  of  the  States  of  the  Union  a  party  almost 
uninterruptedly  in  the  majority,  based  upon 
the  creed  that  each  State  was,  in  the  last  re¬ 
sort,  the  sole  judge  as  well  of  its  wrongs  as  of 
the  mode  and  measures  of  redress.  Indeed,  it 
is  obvious  that  under  the  law  of  nations  this 
principle  is  an  axiom  as  applied  to  the  rela¬ 
tions  of  independent  sovereign  States,  such  as 
those  which  had  united  themselves  under  the 
constitutional  compact. 

The  Democratic  party  of  the  United  States 
repeated,  in  its  successful  canvass  in  1836,  the 
deduction  made  in  numerous  previous  political 
contests,  that  it  would  faithfully  abide  by,  and 
uphold  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Ken¬ 
tucky  and  "Virginia  Legislatures  of  1799,  and 
that  it  adopts  those  principles  as  constituting 
one  of  the  main  foundations  of  its  political 
creed. 

The  principles  thus  emphatically  announced 
embrace  that  to  which  I  have  already  adverted 
— the  right  of  each  State  to  judge  of  and  re¬ 
dress  the  wrongs  of  which  it  complains.  Their 
principles  were  maintained  by  overwhelm¬ 
ing  majorities  of  the  people  of  all  the  States 
of  the  Union  at  different  elections,  especially 
in  the  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  1805,  Mr. 
Madison  in  1809,  and  Mr.  Pierce  in  1852. 
In  the  exercise  of  a  right  so  ancient,  so  well 
established,  and  so  necessary  for  self-preserva¬ 
tion,  the  people  of  the  Confederate  States  in 
their  conventions  determined  that  the  wrongs 
which  they  had  suffered,  and  the  evils  with 
which  they  were  menaced,  required  that  they 
should  revoke  the  delegation  of  powers  to  the 
Federal  Government  which  they  had  ratified  in 
their  several  conventions.  They  consequently 
passed  ordinances  resuming  all  their  rights  as 
sovereign  and  independent  States,  and  dissolved 
their  connection  with  the  other  States  of  tho 
Union.  Having  done  this,  they  proceeded  to 
form  a  new  compact  among  themselves  by 
new  articles  of  confederation,  which  have  been 
also  ratified  by  conventions  of  tho  several 
States,  with  an  approach  to  unanimity  far  ex¬ 
ceeding  that  of  tho  conventions  which  adopted 
the  Constitutions  of  1787.  They  have  organized 
their  new  government  in  all  its  departments. 
Tho  functions  of  the  executive,  legislative  and 
judicial  magistrates  are  performed  in  accord¬ 
ance  with  the  will  of  the  people,  as  displayed 
not  merely  in  a  cheerful  acquiescence,  but  in 
tho  enthusiastic  support  of  the  government 
thus  established  by  themselves ;  and  but  for  the 
interference  of  tho  Government  of  the  United 
States,  this  legitimate  exercise  of  a  people  to 
self-government  has  been  manifested  in  every 
possible  form. 

Scarce  had  you  assembled  in  February  last, 
when,  prior  even  to  the  inauguration  of  tho 
chief-magistrate  you  had  elected,  you  express¬ 
ed  your  desire  for  the  appointment  of  com¬ 
missioners,  and  for  tho  settlement  of  all 
questions  of  disagreement  between  tho  two 


170 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


governments  upon  principles  of  right,  justice, 
equity  and  good  faith. 

It  was  my  pleasure  as  well  as  my  duty  to  co¬ 
operate  with  you  in  this  work  of  peace.  In¬ 
deed,  in  my  address  to  you  on  taking  the  oath 
of  office,  and  before  receiving  from  you  the  com¬ 
munication  of  this  resolution,  I  had  said  that 
“  as  a  necessity,  not  as  a  choice,  we  have  re¬ 
sorted  to  the  remedy  of  separating,  and  hence¬ 
forth  our  energies  must  he  directed  to  the  con¬ 
duct  of  our  own  affairs,  and  the  perpetuity  of 
the  Confederacy  which  we  have  formed.  If  a 
just  perception  of  mutual  interest  shall  permit 
us  to  peaceably  pursue  our  separate  political 
career,  my  most  earnest  desire  will  then  have 
been  fulfilled.” 

It  was  in  furtherance  of  these  accordant 
views  of  the  congress  and  the  executive,  that 
I  made  choice  of  three  discreet,  able  and  distin¬ 
guished  citizens,  who  repaired  to  Washington. 
Aided  by  their  cordial  cooperation  and  that  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  every  effort  compatible 
with  self-respect  and  the  dignity  of  the  Con¬ 
federacy  was  exhausted  before  I  allowed  my¬ 
self  to  yield  to  the  conviction  that  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States  was  determined  to 
attempt  the  conquest  of  this  people,  and  that 
our  cherished  hopes  of  peace  were  unobtain¬ 
able. 

On  the  arrival  of  our  commissioners  in 
Washington  on  the  5th  of  March,  they  post¬ 
poned,  at  the  suggestion  of  a  friendly  interme¬ 
diator,  doing  more  than  giving  informal  notice 
of  their  arrival.  This  was  done  with  a  view  to 
afford  time  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  who  had  just  been  inaugurated,  for  the 
discharge,  of  other  pressing  official  duties  in  the 
organization  of  his  administration,  before  en¬ 
gaging  his  attention  in  the  object  of  their  mis¬ 
sion. 

It  was  not  until  the  12th  of  the  month  that 
they  officially  addressed  the  Secretary  of  State, 
informing  him  of  the  purpose  of  their  arrival, 
and  stating  in  the  language  of  their  instructions 
their  wish  to  make  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  overtures  for  the  opening  of  ne¬ 
gotiations,  assuring  the  Government  of  the 
L  nited  States  that  the  president,  congress,  and 
people  of  the  Confederate  States  desired  a 
peaceful  solution  of  these  great  questions — that 
it  was  neither  their  interest  nor  their  wish  to 
make  any  demand  which  is  not  founded  on  the 
strictest .  principles  of  justice,  nor  to  do  any 
act  to  injure  their  late  confederates. 

To  this  communication  no  formal  reply  was 
i  eceived  until  the  8th  of  April.  During  the  in¬ 
terval,  the  commissioners  had  consented  to 
waive  all  questions  of  form,  with  the  firm  re¬ 
solve  to  avoid  war  if  possible.  They  went  so 
iar  even  .as  to  hold,  during  that  long  period, 
unofficial  intercourse  through  an  intermediary 
whose  high  position  and  character  inspired  the 
hope  of  success,  and  through  whom  constant  as¬ 
surances  were  received  from  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  of  its  peaceful  intentions— of 
its  determination  to  evacuate  Fort  Sumter ;  and 


further,  that  no  measure  would  he  introduced 
changing  the  existing  status  prejudicial  to  the 
Confederate  States ;  that  in  the  event  of  any 
change  in  regard  to  Fort  Pickens,  notice  would 
be  given  to  the  commissioners. 

dhe  crooked  path  of  diplomacy  can  scarcely 
furnish  an  example  so  wanting  in  courtesy,  in 
candor  and  directness,  as  was  the  course  of  the 
United  States  Government  toward  our  com¬ 
missioners  in  Washington.  For  proof  of  this 
I  refer  to  the  annexed  documents  marked, 
taken  in  connection  with  further  facts  which  I 
now  proceed  to  relate. 

Early  in  April  the  attention  of  the  whole 
country  was  attracted  to  extraordinary  prepa¬ 
rations  for  an  extensive  military  and  naval  ex¬ 
pedition  in  New  York  and  other  Northern 
ports.  These  preparations  commenced  in  se¬ 
crecy,  for  an  expedition  whose  destination  was 
concealed,  and  only  became  known  when  nearly 
completed,  and  on  the  5th,  6th,  and  7th  of 
April,  transports  and  vessels  of  war  with  troops, 
munitions  and  military  supplies,  sailed  from 
northern  ports  bound  southward. 

Alarmed  by  so  extraordinary  a  demonstration, 
the  commissioners  requested  the  delivery  of  an 
answer  to  their  official  communication  of  the 
12th  of  March,  and  the  reply  dated  on  the  15th  of 
the  previous  month,  from  which  it  appears  that 
during  the  whole  interval,  whilst  the  commis¬ 
sioners  were  receiving  assurances  calculated  to 
inspire  hope  of  the  success  of  their  mission,  the 
Secretary  of  State  and  the  President  of  the  Uni¬ 
ted  States  had  already  determined  to  hold  no 
intercourse  with  them  whatever — to  refuse  even 
to  listen  to  any  proposals  they  had  to  make,  and 
had  profited. by  the  delay  created  by  their  own 
assurances,  in  order  to  prepare  secretly  the 
means  for  effective  hostile  operations. 

.  That  these  assurances  were  given,  has  been 
virtually  confessed  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  by  its  act  of  sending  a  messen¬ 
ger  to  Charleston  to  give  notice  of  its  purpose 
to  use  force  if  opposed  in  its  intention  of  sup¬ 
plying  Fort  Sumter. 

No  more  striking  proof  of  the  absence  of 
good  faith  in  the  confidence  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  United  States  toward  the  Con¬ 
federacy  can  be  required,  than  is  contained 
in  the  circumstances  which  accompanied  this 
notice. 

According  to  the  usual  course  of  navigation, 
the  vessels  composing  the  expedition,  and  de¬ 
signed  for  the  relief  of  Fort  Sumter,  might  be 
looked  for  in  Charleston  harbor  on  the  9th 
of  April.  Yet  our  commissioners  in  Washing¬ 
ton  were  detained  under  assurances  that  notice 
should  be  given  of  any  military  movement. 
The  notice  was  not  addressed  to  them,  but  a 
messenger  was  sent  to  Charleston  to  give  no¬ 
tice.  to  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina,  and  the 
notice  was  so  given  at  a  late  hour  on  the  8th 
of  April,  the  eve  of  the  very  day  on  which  the 
fleet  might  be  expected  to  arrive. 

That  this  manoeuvre  failed  in  its  purpose  was 
not  the  fault  of  those  who  controlled  it.  A 


/ 


DOCUMENTS. 


171 


heavy  tempest  delayed  the  arrival  of  the  expe¬ 
dition,  and  gave  time  to  the  commander  of  our 
forces  at  Charleston  to  ask  and  receive  instruc¬ 
tions  of  the  government.  Even  then,  under  all 
the  provocation  incident  to  the  contemptuous 
refusal  to  listen  to  our  commissioners,  and  the 
treacherous  course  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  I  was  sincerely  anxious  to  avoid 
the  effusion  of  blood,  and  directed  a  proposal 
to  be  made  to  the  commander  of  Fort  Sumter, 
who  had  avowed  himself  to  be  nearly  out  of 
provisions,  that  we  would  abstain  from  direct¬ 
ing  our  fire  on  Fort  Sumter  if  he  would  promise 
to  not  open  lire  on  our  forces  unless  first  at¬ 
tacked.  This  proposal  was  refused.  The  con¬ 
clusion  was,  that  the  design  of  the  United  States 
was  to  place  the  besieging  force  at  Charleston 
between  the  simultaneous  fire  of  the  fleet.  The 
fort  should,  of  course,  be  at  once  reduced. 
This  order  was  executed  by  Gen.  Beauregard 
with  skill  and  success,  which  were  naturally  to 
be  expected  from  the  well-known  character  of 
that  gallant  officer;  and,  although  the  bom¬ 
bardment  lasted  some  thirty-three  hours,  our 
flag  did  not  wave  over  the  battered  walls  until 
after  the  appearance  of  the  hostile  fleet  off 
Charleston. 

Fortunately  not  a  life  was  lost  on  our  side, 
and  we  were  gratified  in  being  prepared.  The 
necessity  of  an  useless  effusion  of  blood  by  the 
prudent  caution  of  the  officers  who  command¬ 
ed  the  fleet,  in  abstaining  from  the  evidently 
futile  effort  to  enter  the  harbor  for  the  relief  of 
Major  Anderson,  was  spared. 

I  refer  to  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War, 
and  the  papers  accompanying  it,  for  further 
particulars  of  this  brilliant  affair. 

In  this  connection  I  cannot  refrain  from  a 
well-deserved  tribute  to  the  noble  State,  the 
eminently  soldierly  qualities  of  wrhose  people 
were  conspicuously  displayed.  The  people  of 
Charleston  for  months  had  been  irritated  by 
the  spectacle  of  a  fortress  held  within  their 
principal  harbor  as  a  standing  menace  against 
their  peace  and  independence — built  in  part 
with  their  own  money — its  custody  confided 
with  their  long  consent  to  an  agent  who  held 
no  power  over  them  other  than  such  as  they 
had  themselves  delegated  for  their  own  benefit, 
intended  to  be  used  by  that  agent  for  their  own 
protection  against  foreign  attack.  How  it  was 
held  out  with  persistent  tenacity  as  a  means 
of  offence  against  them  by  the  very  Govern¬ 
ment  which  they  had  established  for  their  own 
protection,  is  well  known.  They  had  belea¬ 
guered  it  for  months,  and  felt  entire  confidence 
in  their  power  to  capture  it,  yet  yielded  to  the 
requirements  of  discipline,  curbed  their  im¬ 
patience,  submitted  without  complaint  to  the 
unaccustomed  hardships,  labors  and  privations 
of  a  protracted  siege,  and  when  at  length  their 
patience  was  relieved  by  the  signal  for  attack, 
and  success  had  crowned  their  steady  and  gal¬ 
lant  conduct,  even  in  the  very  moment  of  tri¬ 
umph  they  evinced  a  chivalrous  regard  for  the 


feelings  of  the  brave  but  unfortunate  officer 
who  had  been  compelled  to  lower  his  flag. 

All  manifestations  or  exultations  were  check¬ 
ed  in  his  presence.  Their  commanding  general, 
with  their  cordial  approval  and  the  consent  of 
his  government,  refrained  from  imposing  any 
terms  that  would  wound  the  sensibility  of  the 
commander  of  the  fort.  He  was  permitted  to 
retire  with  the  honors  of  war,  to  salute  his  dag, 
to  depart  freely  with  all  his  command,  and  was 
escorted  to  the  vessel  on  which  ho  embarked 
with  the  highest  marks  of  respect  from  those 
against  whom  his  guns  had  so  recently  been 
directed. 

Hot  only  does  every  event  connected  with 
the  siege  redect  the  highest  honor  on  South 
Carolina,  but  the  forbearance  of  her  people  and 
of  this  government  from  making  any  harangue 
of  a  victory  obtained  under  circumstances  of 
such  peculiar  provocation,  attest  to  the  fullest 
extent  the  absence  of  any  purpose  beyond  se¬ 
curing  their  own  tranquillity,  and  the  sincere 
desire  to  avoid  the  calamities  of  war. 

Scarcely  had  the  President  of  the  United 
States  received  intelligence  of  the  failure  of 
the  scheme  which  he  had  devised  for  the  rein¬ 
forcement  of  Fort  Sumter,  when  he  issued  the 
declaration  of  war  against  this  Confederacy, 
which  has  prompted  me  to  convoke  you.  In 
this  extraordinary  production,  that  high  func¬ 
tionary  affects  total  ignorance  of  the  existence 
of  an  independent  government,  which,  possess¬ 
ing  the  entire  and  enthusiastic  devotion  of  its 
people,  is  exercising  its  functions  without  ques¬ 
tion  over  seven  sovereign  States — over  more 
than  five  millions  of  people — and  over  a  terri¬ 
tory  whose  area  exceeds  five  hundred  thousand 
square  miles. 

He  terms  sovereign  States  “  combinations  too 
powerful  to  be  suppressed  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers 
vested  in  the  marshals  by  law.” 

He  calls  for  an  army  of  seventy-five  thousand 
men  to  act  as  the  posse  comitatus  in  aid  of  the 
process  of  the  courts  of  justice  in  States  where 
no  courts  exist,  whose  mandates  and  decrees 
are  not  cheerfully  obeyed  and  respected  by  a 
willing  people. 

He  avows  that  the  first  service  to  be  assigned 
to  the  forces  which  have  been  called  out  will 
not  be  to  execute  the  processes  of  courts,  but 
to  capture  forts  and  strongholds  situated  with¬ 
in  the  admitted  limits  of  this  Confederacy,  and 
garrisoned  by  its  troops,  and  declares  that  this 
effort  is  intended  to  maintain  the  perpetuity  of 
popular  government. 

He  concludes  by  commanding  the  persons 
composing  the  “combinations”  aforesaid,  to 
wit :  the  five  millions  of  inhabitants  of  these 
States,  to  retire  peaceably  to  their  respective 
abodes  within  twenty  days. 

Apparently  contradictory  as  are  the  terms  of 
this  singular  document,  one  point  was  unmis¬ 
takably  evident.  The  President  of  the  United 
States  calls  for  an  army  of  75,000  men,  whose 


172 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


first  service  was  to  be  to  capture  our  forts.  It 
was  a  plain  declaration  of  war  which  I  was  not 
at  liberty  to  disregard,  because  of  my  knowl¬ 
edge  that  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  the  President  was  usurping  a  power 
granted  exclusively  to  the  congress. 

He  is  the  sole  organ  of  communication  be¬ 
tween  that  country  and  foreign  powers.  The 
law  of  nations  did  not  permit  me  to  question 
the  authority  of  the  Executive  of  a  foreign  na¬ 
tion  to  declare  war  against  this  Confederacy. 
Although  I  might  have  refrained  from  taking 
active  measures  for  our  defence,  if  the  States 
of  the  Union  had  all  imitated  the  action  of  Vir¬ 
ginia,  North  Carolina,  Arkansas,  Kentucky, 
Tennessee  and  Missouri,  by  denouncing  it  as  an 
unconstitutional  usurpation  of  power  to  which 
they  refuse  to  respond,  I  was  not  at  liberty  to 
disregard  the  fact  that  many  of  the  States 
seemed  quite  content  to  submit  to  the  exercise 
of  the  powers  assumed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  were  actively  engaged  in 
levying  troops  for  the  purpose  indicated  in  the 
proclamation.  Deprived  of  the  aid  of  congress, 
at  the  moment  I  was  under  the  necessity  of 
confining  my  action  to  a  call  on  the  States  for 
volunteers  for  the  common  defence,  in  accord¬ 
ance  with  the  authority  you  had  confided  to  me 
before  your  adjournment. 

I  deemed  it  proper  further  to  issue  a  procla¬ 
mation,  inviting  applications  from  persons  dis¬ 
posed  to  aid  in  our  defence  in  private  armed 
vessels  on  the  high  seas,  to  the  end  that  prepa¬ 
rations  might  be  made  for  the  immediate  issuo 
of  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  which  you 
alone,  under  the  constitution,  have  the  power 
to  grant. 

I  entertain  no  doubt  that  you  will  concur 
with  me  in  the  opinion,  that  in  the  absence  of 
an  organized  navy,  it  will  be  eminently  expe¬ 
dient  to  supply  their  place  with  private  armed 
vessels,  so  happily  styled  by  the  publicists  of 
the  United  States  the  militia  of  the  sea,  and  so 
often  and  justly  relied  on  by  them  as  an  effi¬ 
cient  and  admirable  instrument  of  defensive 
warfare. 

I  earnestly  recommend  the  immediate  pas¬ 
sage  of  a  law  authorizing  me  to  accept  the  nu¬ 
merous  proposals  already  received. 

I  cannot  close  this  review  of  the  acts  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  without  re¬ 
ferring  to  a  proclamation  issued  by  their  Presi¬ 
dent  under  date  of  the  19th  inst.,  in  which, 
after  declaring  that  an  insurrection  has  broken 
out  in  this  Confederacy  against  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States,  ho  announces  a 
blockade  of  all  the  ports  of  these  States,  and 
threatens  to  punish  as  pirates  all  persons  who 
shall  molest  any  vessel  of  the  United  States 
under  letters  of  marque  issued  by  this  govern¬ 
ment.  Notwithtanding  the  authenticity  of  this 
proclamation,  you  will  concur  with  me  that  it 
is  hard  to  believe  that  it  could  have  emanated 
from  a  President  of  the  United  States. 

Its  announcement  of  a  mere  paper  blockade 
is  so  manifestly  a  violation  of  the  law  of  nations, 


that  it  would  seem  incredible  that  it  could  have 
been  issued  by  authority ;  but  conceding  this 
to  be  the  case,  so  far  as  the  Executive  is  con¬ 
cerned,  it  will  be  difficult  to  satisfy  the  people 
of  these  States  that  their  late  confederates  will 
sanction  its  declarations — will  determine  to  ig¬ 
nore  the  usages  of  civilized  nations,  and  will 
inaugurate  a  war  of  extermination  on  both 
sides,  by  treating  as  pirates  open  enemies  acting 
under  the  authority  of  commissions  issued  by 
an  organized  government. 

If  such  proclamation  was  issued,  it  could  only 
have  been  published  under  the  sudden  influence 
of  passion,  and  we  may  rest  assured  that  man¬ 
kind  will  be  spared  the  horrors  of  the  conflict 
it  seems  to  invite. 

For  the  details  of  the  administration  of  the 
different  departments,  I  refer  to  the  reports  of 
the  secretaries  of  each,  which  accompany  this 
message. 

The  Stato  Department  has  furnished  the  ne¬ 
cessary  instructions  for  those  commissioners 
who  have  been  sent  to  England,  France,  Rus¬ 
sia  and  Belgium,  since  your  adjournment,  to 
ask  our  recognition  as  a  member  of  the  family 
of  nations,  and  to  make  Avith  each  of  these 
powers  treaties  of  amity  and  commerce. 

Further  steps  will  be  taken  to  enter  into 
like  negotiations  Avith  the  other  European  Pow¬ 
ers,  in  pursuance  to  resolutions  passed  at  your 
last  session. 

Sufficient  time  has  not  yet  elapsed  since  the 
departure  of  these  commissioners  for  the  receipt 
of  any  intelligence  from  them. 

As  I  deem  it  desirable  that  commissioners  or 
other  diplomatic  agents  should  also  be  sent  at 
an  early  period  to  the  independent  American 
Powers  south  of  our  Confederacy,  with  all  of 
whom  it  is  our  interest  and  earnest  wish  to 
maintain  the  most  cordial  and  friendly  rela¬ 
tions,  I  suggest  the  expediency  of  making  the 
necessary  appropriations  for  that  purpose. 

Having  been  officially  notified  by  the  public 
authorities  of  the  State  of  Virginia  that  she 
had  withdraAvn  from  the  Union  and  desired  to 
maintain  the  closest  political  relations  Avith  us 
Avhich  it  Avas  possible  at  this  time  to  establish, 

I  commissioned  the  Hon.  Alex.  II.  Stephens, 
Vice-President  of  the  Confederate  States,  to 
represent  this  government  at  Richmond. 

I  am  happy  to  inform  you  that  he  has  con¬ 
cluded  a  convention  with  the  State  of  Virginia, 
by  Avhich  that  honored  Commonwealth,  so  long 
and  justly  distinguished  among  her  sister  States, 
and  so  dear  to  the  hearts  of  thousands  of  her 
children  in  the  Confederate  States,  has  united 
her  power  and  her  fortunes  with  ours  and  be¬ 
come  one  of  us.  This  convention,  together 
with  the  ordinance  of  Virginia  adopting  the 
Provisional  Constitution  of  the  Confederacy 
will  be  laid  before  you  for  your  constitutional 
action. 

I  have  satisfactory  assurances  from  other  of 
our  lat&.confederates  that  they  are  on  the  point 
of  adopting  similar  measures ;  and  I  cannot 
doubt  that,  ere  you  shall  have  been  many  Aveeks 


DOCUMENTS. 


173 


in  session,  the  whole  of  the  slaveholding  States 
of  the  late  Union  will  respond  to  the  call  of 
honor  and  affection,  and  by  uniting  their  for¬ 
tune  with  ours,  promote  our  common  interests 
and  secure  our  common  safety. 

In  the  Treasury  Department,  regulations  have 
been  devised  and  put  into  execution  for  carry¬ 
ing  out  the  policy  indicated  in  your  legislation, 
on  the  subject  of  the  navigation  of  the  Missis¬ 
sippi  River,  as  well  as  for  the  collection  of  the 
revenue  on  the  frontier. 

Free  transit  has  been  secured  for  vessels  and 
merchandise  passing  through  the  Confederate 
States,  and  delay  and  inconvenience  have  been 
avoided  as  far  as  possible. 

In  organizing  the  revenue  service  for  the  va¬ 
rious  railways  entering  our  territory,  as  fast  as 
experience  shall  indicate  the  possibility  of  im¬ 
provement  in  these  regulations,  no  effort  will 
be  spared  to  free  commerce  from  all  unneces¬ 
sary  embarrassments  and  obstructions. 

Under  your  act  authorizing  a  loan,  proposals 
were  issued  inviting  subscriptions  for  five  mil¬ 
lions  of  dollars,  and  the  call  was  answered  by 
the  prompt  subscription  of  eight  millions  by 
our  own  citizens,  and  not  a  single  bid  was  made 
under  par. 

The  rapid  development  of  the  purpose  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States  to  invade  our 
soil,  capture  our  forts,  blockade  our  ports,  and 
wage  war  against  us,  induced  me  to  direct  that 
the  entire  subscription  should  be  accepted.  It 
will  now  become  necessary  to  raise  means  to  a 
much  larger  amount  to  defray  the  expenses  of 
maintaining  our  independence  and  repelling  in¬ 
vasion. 

I  invite  your  special  attention  to  this  subject, 
and  the  financial  condition  of  the  Government, 
with  the  suggestion  of  ways  and  means  for  the 
supply  of  the  treasury,  will  be  presented  to  you 
in  a  separate  communication. 

To  the  department  of  Justice  you  have  con¬ 
fided  not  only  the  organization  and  supervision 
of  all  matters  connected  with  the  courts  of  jus¬ 
tice  but  also  those  connected  with  patents  and 
with  the  bureau  of  the  public  printing. 

Since  your  adjournment  all  the  courts,  with 
the  exception  of  those  of  Mississippi  and  Texas, 
have  been  organized  by  the  appointment  of 
marshals  and  district  attorneys,  and  are  now 
prepared  for  the  exercise  of  their  functions.  In 
the  two  States  just  named  the  gentlemen  con¬ 
firmed  as  judges  declined  to  accept  the  appoint¬ 
ment,  and  no  nominations  have  yet  been  made 
to  fill  the  vacancies. 

I  refer  you  to  the  report  of  the  Attorney- 
General,  and  concur  in  his  recommendation 
for  immediate  legislation,  especially  on  the  sub¬ 
ject  of  patent  rights.  Early  provision  should 
be  made  to  secure  to  the  subjects  of  foreign 
nations  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  property  in 
valuable  inventions,  and  to  extend  to  our  own 
citizens  protection  not  only  for  their  own  inven¬ 
tions,  but  for  such  as  may  have  been  assigned  to 
them  or  may  hereafter  be  assigned  by  persons 
not  alien  enemies. 

Documents — 13 


The  patent  office  business  is  much  more  ex¬ 
tensive  and  important  than  had  been  anticipated. 
The  applications  for  patents,  although  confined 
under  the  laws  exclusively  to  citizens  of  our 
Confederacy,  already  average  seventy  per 
month,  showing  the  necessity  for  the  prompt 
organization  of  a  bureau  of  patents. 

The  Secretary  of  War,  in  his  report  and  ac¬ 
companying  documents,  conveys  full  informa¬ 
tion  concerning  the  forces,  regular,  volunteer, 
and  provisional,  raised  and  called  for  under  the 
several  acts  of  Congress — their  organization 
and  distribution  ;  also,  an  account  of  the  expen¬ 
ditures  already  made,  and  the  furthur  estimates 
for  the  fiscal  year  ending  on  the  18th  of  Febru¬ 
ary,  1862,  rendered  necessary  by  recent  events. 

I  refer  to  the  report,  also,  for  a  full  history 
of  the  occurrences  in  Charleston  harbor,  prior 
to,  and  including  the,  bombardment  and  reduc¬ 
tion  of  Fort  Sumter,  and  of  the  measures  subse¬ 
quently  taken  for  common  defence  on  receiving 
the  intelligence  of  the  declaration  of  war  against 
us,  made  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

There  are  now  in  the  field  at  Charleston, 
Pensacola,  Forts  Morgan,  Jackson,  St.  Philip 
and  Pulaski,  19,000  men,  and  16,000  are  now 
en  route  for  Virginia.  It  is  proposed  to  organ¬ 
ize  and  hold  in  readiness  for  instant  action,  in 
view  of  the  present  exigencies  of  the  country, 
an  army  of  100,000  men.  If  further  force  be 
needed  the  wisdom  and  patriotism  of  the  Con¬ 
gress  will  be  confidently  appealed  to  for  authority 
to  call  into  the  field  additional  numbers  of  our 
noble  spirited  volunteers,  who  are  constantly 
tendering  their  services  far  in  excess  of  our 
wants. 

The  operations  of  the  Navy  Department  have 
been  necessarily  restricted  by  the  fact  that 
sufficient  time  has  not  yet  elapsed  for  the  pur¬ 
chase  or  construction  of  more  than  a  limited 
number  of  vessels  adapted  to  the  public  service. 
Two  vessels  have  been  purchased  and  manned, 
the  Sumter  and  McEea,  and  are  now  being  pre¬ 
pared  for  sea,  at  New  Orleans,  with  all  possible 
despatch.  Contracts  have  also  been  made  at 
that  city,  with  two  different  establishments,  for 
the  casting  of  ordnance — cannon,  shot  and  shell 
— with  the  view  to  encourage  the  manufacture 
of  these  articles,  so  indispensable  for  our  de¬ 
fence,  at  as  many  points  within  our  territory 
as  possible.  I  call  your  attention  to  the  recom¬ 
mendation  of  the  Secretary  for  the  establish¬ 
ment  of  a  magazine  and  laboratory  for  the  pre¬ 
paration  of  ordnance  stores  and  the  necessary 
appropriation  required  for  that  purpose. 

Hitherto  such  stores  have  been  prepared  at 
the  navy  yards,  and  no  appropriation  was  made 
at  your  last  session  for  this  object. 

The  Secretary  also  calls  attention  to  the  fact 
that  no  provision  has  been  made  for  the  payment 
of  invalid  pensions  to  our  citizens.  Many  of  these 
persons  are  advanced  in  life — they  have  no 
means  of  support — and  by  the  secession  of 
these  States  have  been  deprived  of  their  claims 
against  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

I  recommend  the  appropriation  of  the  sum 


174 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-01. 


necessary  to  pay  these  pensioners  as  well  as 
those  of  the  army,  whose  claim  can  scarcely 
exceed  $20,000  per  annum. 

The  Postmaster-General  has  already  succeed¬ 
ed  in  organizing  his  department  to  such  an  ex¬ 
tent  as  to  be  in  readiness  to  assume  the  direc¬ 
tion  of  our  postal  affairs  on  the  occurrence  of 
the  contingency  contemplated  by  the  act  of  15th 
March,  1861,  or  even  sooner  if  desired  by  Con¬ 
gress. 

The  various  books  and  circulars  have  been 
prepared,  and  measures  taken  to  secure  sup¬ 
plies  of  blanks,  postage  stamps,  stamped  en¬ 
velopes,  mail  bags,  locks,  keys,  &c. 

He  presents  a  detailed  classification  and  ar¬ 
rangement  of  the  clerical  force  and  asks  for  its 
increase. 

An  Auditor  of  the  Treasury  for  this  Depart¬ 
ment  is  necessary,  and  a  plan  is  submitted  for 
the  organization  of  his  bureau. 

The  great  number  and  magnitude  of  the  ac¬ 
counts  of  this  department  require  an  increase 
of  the  clerical  force  in  the  accounting  branch  of 
the  treasury.  The  revenues  of  this  department 
are  collected  and  distributed  in  modes  peculiar 
to  itself,  and  require  a  special  bureau  to  secure 
a  proper  accountability  in  the  administration 
of  its  finances. 

I  call  your  attention  to  the  additional  legisla¬ 
tion  required  for  this  department — to  the  re¬ 
commendation  for  changes  in  the  law  fixing  the 
rates  of  postage  on  newspapers  and  sealed  pack¬ 
ages  of  certain  kinds,  and  specially  to  the  re¬ 
commendation  of  the  Secretary,  in  which  I  con¬ 
cur,  that  you  provide  at  once  for  the  assump¬ 
tion  by  him  of  the  control  of  our  entire  postal 
service. 

In  the  military  organization  of  the  States, 
provision  is  made  for  Brigadier  and  Major-Gen¬ 
erals,  but  in  the  army  of  the  Confederate  States 
the  highest  grade  is  that  of  a  Brigadier-General ; 
hence  it  will  no  doubt  sometimes  occur  that, 
where  troops  of  the  Confederacy  do  duty  with 
the  militia,  the  General  selected  for  the  com¬ 
mand  and  possessed  of  the  views  and  purposes 
of  this  Government,  will  be  superseded  by  an 
officer  of  the  militia,  not  having  the  same  ad¬ 
vantages. 

To  avoid  contingencies  in  the  least  objection¬ 
able  manner,  I  recommend  that  additional  rank 
be  given  to  the  General  of  the  Confederate 
army,  and  concurring  in  the  policy  of  having  but 
one  grade  of  Generals  in  the  army  of  the  Con¬ 
federacy,  I  recommend  that  the  law  of  its  organ¬ 
ization  be  amended  so  that  the  grade  be  that 
of  General. 

To  secure  thorough  military  education,  it  is 
deemed  essential  that  officers  should  enter  upon 
the  study  of  their  profession  at  an  early  period 
of  life,  and  have  elementary  instruction  in  a 
military  school. 

Until  such  school  shall  bo  established  it  is 
recommended  that  cadets  be  appointed  and  at¬ 
tached  to  companies  until  they  shall  have  at¬ 
tained  the  age  and  shall  have  acquired  the 


knowledge  to  fit  them  for  the  duties  of  lieu¬ 
tenants. 

I  also  call  your  attention  to  an  omission  in 
tho  law  organizing  the  army,  in  relation  to 
military  chaplains,  and  recommend  that  provi¬ 
sion  be  made  for  their  appointment. 

In  conclusion,  I  congratulate  you  on  tho  fact 
that -in  every  portion  of  our  country  there  has 
been  exhibited  the  most  patriotic  devotion  to 
our  common  cause.  Transportation  companies 
have  freely  tendered  the  use  of  their  lines  for 
troops  and  supplies. 

The  Presidents  of  tho  railroads  of  the  Con¬ 
federacy,  in  company  with  others  who  control 
lines  of  communication  with  States  that  wo 
hope  soon  to  greet  as  sisters  assembled  in  con¬ 
vention  in  this  city,  have  not  only  reduced  large¬ 
ly  the  rates  heretofore  demanded  for  mail  service 
and  conveyance  of  troops  and  munitions,  but 
liavo  voluntarily  proffered  to  receive  their  com¬ 
pensation  at  their  reduced  rates  in  the  bonds 
of  the  Confederacy,  for  the  purpose  of  leaving 
all  the  resources  of  the  Government  at  its  own 
disposal  for  the  common  defence. 

Requisitions  for  troops  have  been  met  with 
such  alacrity  that  the  numbers  tendering  their 
services  have  in  every  instance  greatly  exceeded 
the  demand.  Men  of  the  highest  official  and 
social  position  are  serving  as  volunteers  in  the 
ranks.  The  gravity  of  age,  the  zeal  of  youth, 
rival  each  other  in  the  desire  to  be  foremost  in 
the  public  defence,  and  though  at  no  other  point 
than  the  one  heretofore  noticed  have  they  been 
stimulated  by  the  excitement  incident  to  actual 
engagement  and  the  hope  of  distinction  for  in¬ 
dividual  deportment,  they  have  borne,  what 
for  new  troops  is  the  most  severe  ordeal,  patient 
toil,  constant  vigil,  and  all  the  exposure  and 
discomfort  of  active  service  with  a  resolution 
and  fortitude  such  as  to  command  the  approba¬ 
tion  and  justify  the  highest  expectation  of  their 
conduct  when  active  valor  shall  be  required  in 
qjlace  of  steady  endurance. 

A  people  thus  united  and  resolute  cannot 
shrink  from  any  sacrifice  which  they  may  bo 
called  on  to  make,  nor  can  there  be  a  reasonable 
doubt  of  their  final  success,  however  long 
and  severe  may  be  tho  test  of  their  deter¬ 
mination  to  maintain  their  birthright  of  free¬ 
dom  and  equality  as  a  trust  which  it  is  their 
first  duty  to  transmit  unblemished  to  their 
posterity. 

A  bounteous  Providence  cheers  us  with  tho 
promise  of  abundant  crops. 

The  fields  of  grain  which  will,  within  a  few 
weeks,  be  ready  for  the  sickle,  give  assurance 
of  the  amplest  supply  of  food,  whilst  the  corn, 
cotton,  and  other  staple  productions  of  our  soil 
afford  abundant  proof  that  up  to  this  period 
the  season  has  been  propitious. 

We  feel  that  our  cause  is  just  and  holy. 

Wo  protest  solemnly,  in  the  face  of  mankind, 
that  wo  desire  peace  at  any  sacrifice,  save  that 
of  honor. 

In  independence  we  seek  no  conquest,  no 


DOCUMENTS. 


175 


aggrandizement,  no  cession  of  any  kind  from 
the  States  with  which  we  have  lately  confed¬ 
erated.  All  wo  ask  is  to  be  let  alone — that 
those  who  never  held  power  over  us  shall  not 
now  attempt  our  subjugation  by  arms.  This 
we  will,  we  must  resist,  to  the  direst  extremity. 

The  moment  that  this  pretension  is  abandon¬ 
ed,  the  sword  will  drop  from  our  grasp,  and 
we  shall  be  ready  to  enter  into  treaties  of  ami¬ 
ty  and  commerco  that  cannot  but  bo  mutually 
beneficial. 

So  long  as  this  pretension  is  maintained,  with 
a  firm  reliance  on  that  Divine  Power  which 
covers  with  its  protection  the  just  cause,  we 
will  continue  to  struggle  for  our  inherent  right 
to  freedom,  independence,  and  self-government. 

Jefferson  Davis. 

MohtqojieeT,  April  29, 1S61. 

— N.  O.  Picayune ,  May  2. 


Doc.  118.— THE  WEVERTON  LETTER. 

Weveeton,  Frederick  Co.,  Md.,  April  29, 1S61. 

To  Gov.  Hicks: — At  a  meeting  held  in 
Weverton,  by  the  citizens  of  Washington  and 
Frederick  Counties,  the  following  memorial 
was  agreed  to,  and  ordered  to  be  presented  to 
your  Excellency,  by  a  Committee  appointed  for 
that  purpose : 

Whereas,  since  the  occupation  of  Harper’s 
Ferry  by  the  troops  of  Virginia,  a  number  of 
soldiers  have  at  different  times  crossed  over  into 
our  State,  and,  under  pretence  of  obtaining  arms, 
have  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  neighborhood, 
and  outraged  the  feelings  of  citizens  by  search¬ 
ing  private  dwellings  ;  and  whereas  the  citizens 
of  Sandy  Hook,  Weverton,  and  vicinity,  protest¬ 
ing  against  the  right  of  troops  from  Virginia  in¬ 
vading  our  soil  for  such  unfriendly  purposes,  do 
hereby  beseech  your  Excellency  to  adopt  such 
measures  as,  in  your  good  judgment,  will  be  suf¬ 
ficient  to  prevent  any  repetition  of  similar  out¬ 
rages. 

We,  furthermore,  would  especially  state  that 
troops  making  search  informed  us  that  they  had 
obtained  permission  from  your  Excellency  to 
search  the  private  dwellings  above  stated  to 
the  extent  of  twenty  miles  in  the  territory  of 
this  State.  We  mention  this  in  order  to  get 
•a  refutation  of  such  a  slanderous  report,  as  we 
believe  it  wholly  -without  foundation. 

Henry  Mortinier,  Chairman. 

Alfred  Spencer,  Sec. 

— AT.  Y.  Tribune,  May  1. 


Doc.  119.— A  SIGN  OF  THE  TIMES. 

Tiie  historian  of  our  day  will  not  fail  to  men¬ 
tion,  for  the  edification  of  the  men  of  future 
ages,  (would  that  those  of  the  present  might 
be  calm  enough  to  derive  the  same  instructive 
lesson  from  it !)  the  fact  that  the  glorious  old 
flag  which  was  once  “the  flag  of  our  Union,” 
in  truth  as  well  as  in  name,  floats  boldly  to  the 
breezes  of  Heaven,  above  the  cross  of  Christ, 


whom  our  fathers  reverently  worshipped  as 
“  King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords.”  Pride  and 
hatred  now  rise  above  humility  and  love,  and 
the  harsh  notes  of  fratricidal  war  quite  drown 
the  gentle  voice  from  Heaven,  “  Peace  on  earth, 
good  will  toward  men.” 

Those  of  us  who  profess  and  call  ourselves 
Christians,  used  but  lately  to  place  the  cross 
of  Christ  above  every  thing  else ;  but  there  is 
something  now  above  that  cross.  Ought  it  to 
remain  in  such  a  proud,  and,  as  it  certainly 
must  seem  to  every  calm  and  humble  Christian 
mind,  a  God-defying  position  ?  Vide  the  top  of 
Grace  Church  steeple.  God  grant  that  Chris¬ 
tian  passers-by  may  look  up  and  think,  and 
learn  a  good  lesson  from  such  a  significant  sign 
of  tho  times. 

— N.  Y.  News,  April  29. 


Doo.  120.— SPEECH  OF  A.  n.  STEPHENS 
AT  ATLANTA,  GA.,  April  30,  1861. 

My  Fellow- Citizens  : — I  think  the  country 
may  be  considered  safe,  since  your  interest  in 
its  welfare  has  brought  you  out  at  this  hour  of 
the  night.  I  have  just  returned  from  a  mission 
to  old  Virginia.  It  will  be  gratifying  to  you,  I 
know,  to  state  that  she  is  not  only  out  of  the 
Union,  but  she  is  a  member  of  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy ,  and  has  sent  delegates  to  our  Congress , 
now  assembled.  North  Carolina  will  have  her 
delegates  with  us,  also,  in  a  few  days.  Her 
Legislature  meets  to-morrow,  and  I  doubt  not 
she  will  be  out  of  the  Union  before  Saturday 
night.  The  fires  which  first  kindled  tho  old 
Mecklenburgh  Declaration  of  Independence  are 
again  burning  throughout  all  her  domains. 
From  all  that  we  have  learned  in  tho  last  few 
days,  Tennessee  will  soon  put  herself  on  the 
side  of  the  South,  and  be  a  new  star  in  our 
shining  galaxy.  The  news  is  also  good  from 
Kentucky,  though  I  have  nothing  official  from 
there.  A  few  of  her  public  men  are  trying  to 
put  the  brakes  down  on  her  people ;  but  they 
seem  unwilling  to  submit  any  longer.  From 
Missouri  the  news  is  most  cheering,  and  Arkan¬ 
sas  will  soon  be  with  us. 

But  the  best  of  all  is,  that  Maryland — gallant 
little  Maryland — right  under  the  guns  of  Lin¬ 
coln,  and  the  threats  of  Blair,  to  make  it  a 
Free  State,  if  tho  blood  of  the  last  white  man 
has  to  be  shed  in  accomplishing  it — has  resolved , 
to  a  man,  to  stand  by  the  South!  She  will  be 
arrayed  against  Abolitiondom,  and  cling  to  the 
South:  and  if  she  has  not  delegates  with  us 
now,  she  is  in  open  defiance  of  Lincoln  and  his 
Government,  and  will  soon  be  with  us,  even  by 
revolution.  The  cause  of  Baltimore  is  tho 
cause  of  us  all,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Rio 
Grande.  Her  hands  must  be  held  up,  and  tri¬ 
umph  must  be  assured  to  her. 

You  have  probably  seen  it  stated  that  over¬ 
tures  of  peace  had  been  made  by  Lord  Lyons, 
and,  perhaps,  by  other  parties.  I  tell  you  it  is 
not  true,  and  is  only  intended  to  deceive  you. 
It  is  also  said  that  the  Lincoln  Government  has 


176 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


done  so.  This  may  be  true;  but  if  it  is,  it  is 
all  for  treachery,  as  they  gave  traitorous  as¬ 
surances  to  our  Commissioners  at  Washington. 
For  weeks  they  were  kept  there  under  the 
most  positive  assurances  of  a  pacific  policy  and 
intentions  towards  us — all  with  the  basest  mo¬ 
tives  that  can  actuate  a  treacherous  heart.  If 
peace  propositions  are  made  by  them  now,  I 
conjure  you  not  to  trust  them  for  a  single  mo¬ 
ment— they  only  intend  to  deceive  and  betray 
— to  lull  your  energies  and  suspicions,  till  they 
secure  some  cowardly  advantage. 

Our  enemies  say  that  they  only  want  to  pro¬ 
tect  the  public  property  ;  and  yet  I  have  it  from 
unquestioned  authority  that  they  have  mined 
all  the  public  buildings  in  Washington— the 
Capitol  and  all  the  other  Departments — for  the 
purpose  of  destroying  them.  They  have  called 
out  V5,000  men,  they  say  to  protect  the  public 
property  now  in  their  possession,  and  to  retake 
and  protect  that  which  they  have  been  forced 
to  give  up;  yet,  wherever  they  are  now,  they 
have  prepared  to  destroy  the  property,  and 
have  destroyed,  or  attempted  to  destroy,  all 
that  we  have  compelled  them  to  relinquish,  be¬ 
cause  of  their  intentions  to  use  it  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  subjugating  us.  Sumter  was  mined  to 
be  blown  up  on  leaving  it.  Much  of  the  prop¬ 
erty  was  burned  up  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  in  hast¬ 
ily  vacating  that  place ;  and  an  attempt  was 
made  to  burn  up  not  only  all  the  public  prop¬ 
erty,  on  leaving  Gosport  Navy  Yard,  but  the 
Avhole  city  of  Norfolk.  This  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  instances  on  record  Avhere  Provi¬ 
dence  was  on  our  side.  Plans  were  laid  to  burn 
up  the  Navy  Yard  and  the  whole  city.  The  in¬ 
cendiary  fires  were  lighted  ;  and,  if  their  inten¬ 
tions  had  succeeded,  such  a  conflagration  had 
never  been  witnessed  on  this  continent,  and 
would  have  been  second  only  to  the  burning  of 
Moscow ;  but,  just  at  the  critical  moment,  be¬ 
fore  the  ravages  had  extended,  the  wind  turned ! 
The  winds  of  Heaven  turned,  and  stayed  the 
spread  of  the  devouring  element.  The  same 
wind  that  kind  Heaven  sent  to  keep  off  the  fleet 
at  Charleston  till  Sumter  was  reduced,  came  to 
the  relief  of  Norfolk  at  the  critical  moment. 
Providence  was  signally  on  our  side.  They  at¬ 
tempted  to  blow  up  the  Dock,  the  most  expensive 
one  on  the  continent — but  there  was  a  break  in 
the  train  they  had  laid,  and  it  failed.  They 
attempted  to  burn  down  the  old  Pennsylvania , 
Germantown ,  and  the  Merrimac.  They  set  the 
match,  while  they  endeavored  to  get  out  of 
the  way  of  their  intended  destruction;  but  the 
vessels  sunk  before  the  fire  caught — another 
remarkable  instance  of  the  interposition  of 
I  lovideDco  on  our  behalf,  and  the  strongest 
evidence  of  our  rectitude.  We  were  right  at 
first,  are  right  now,  and  shall  keep  ourselves 
right  to  the  end. 

Y  hat  is  to  take  place  before  the  end,  I  know 
not.  A  threatening  war  is  upon  us,  made  by 
those  who  have  no  regard  for  right !  We  fight 
for  our  homes,  our  fathers  and  mothers,  our 
wives,  brothers,  sisters,  sons,  and  daughters, 


and  neighbors !  They  for  moxey  !  The  hire¬ 
lings  and  mercenaries  of  the  North  are  all  hand 
to  hand  against  you. 

As  I  told  you  when  I  addressed  you  a  few 
days  ago,  Lincoln  may  bring  his  seventy-five 
thousand  soldiers  against  us ;  but  seven  times 
seventy-five  thousand  men  can  never  conquer 
us.  Ye  have  now  Maryland  and  Virginia,  and 
all  the  Horder  States  with  us.  We  have  ten 
millions  of  people  with  us,  heart  and  hand,  to 
defend  us  to  the  death.  We  can  call  out  a  mil¬ 
lion  of  people,  if  need  he  ;  and  when  they  are 
cut  down ,  we  can  call  out  another ,  and  still 
another ,  until  the  last  man  of  the  South  finds  a 
bloody  grave,  rather  than  submit  to  their  foul 
dictation.  But  a  triumphant  victory  and  inde¬ 
pendence,  with  an  unparalleled  career  of  glory, 
prosperity  and  progress,  await  us  in  the  future. 
God  is  on  our  side,  and  who  shall  he  against  us  ? 
None  but  Ilis  omnipotent  hand  can  defeat  us  in 
this  struggle. 

.  A  general  opinion  prevails  that  Washington 
city  is  soon  to  be  attacked.  On  this  subject  I 
can  only  say,  our  object  is  peace.  YTe  wish  no 
aggressions  on  any  one’s  rights,  and  will  make 
none.  But  if  Maryland  secedes ,  the  District  of 
Columbia  will  fall  to  her  by  reversionary  right 
— the  same  as  Sumter  to  South  Carolina,  Pu¬ 
laski  to  Georgia,  and  Pickens  to  Alabama. 
When  we  have  the  right  we  will  demand  the 
surrender  of  Washington,  just  as  we  did  in 
the  other  cases,  and  will  enforce  our  demands 
at  every  hazard  and  at  whatever  cost.  And 
here  let  me  say  that  our  policy  and  conduct 
from  the  first  have  been  right,  and  shall  be  to 
the  last.  I  glory  in  this  consciousness  of  our 
rectitude. 

It  may  bo  that  “  whom  the  gods  would  de¬ 
stroy,  they  first  make  mad.”  But  for  Lincoln’s 
wicked  and  foolish  war  proclamation,  the  bor¬ 
der  States— some  of  them  at  least,  would  still 
have  lingered  in  the  hopo  that  the  Administra¬ 
tion  and  its  designs  were  not  so  basely  treach¬ 
erous  as  that  document  has  shown  them  to  be. 
Tennessee  and  other  States  would  have  lingered 
for  some  time.  Now,  all  the  slave  States  are 
casting  in  their  lot  with  us,  and  linking  their 
destinies  with  ours.  We  might  afford  to  thank 
Lincoln  a  little  for  showing  his  hand.  It  may 
be  that  soon  the  Confederate  flag  with  fifteen- 
stars  will  bo  hoisted  upon  the  dome  of  the 
ancient  Capitol.  If  so,  God’s  will  be  dono  is 
my  prayer.  Let  us  do  nothing  that  is  wrong. 
Let  us  commit  our  cause  into  His  hand — per¬ 
form  our  whole  duty,  and  trust  in  Him  for  the 
crowning  results. 

I  have  many  things  I  would  like  to  say  to 
you,  but  my  strength  will  not  admit,  even  if  it 
wero  necessary  for  your  encouragement — but 
it  is  not.  I  find  that  you  are  fully  up  to  the 
music,  that  you  thoroughly  comprehend  our 
condition,  and  are  resolved  to  do  your  whole 
duty.  I  find  our  people  everywhere  are  alive 
to  their  interests  and  their  duty  in  this  crisis. 
Such  a  degree  of  popular  enthusiasm  was  never 
before  seen  in  this  country.  I  find  my  fellow- 


DOCUMENTS. 


•  177 


citizens  all  along  tho  railroad  lino  eager  to  hear 
the  news,  and  to  speed  our  glorious  cause  with 
their  services.  This  is  tho  fifth  speech  which 
I  have  made  since  I  left  home  this  evening  at 
6  o’clock.  In  my  town,  yesterday,  a  meeting 
was  held,  a  company  was  organized,  and  their 
services  tendered  to  our  government.  A  flag 
was  made  in  two  hours  by  our  patriotic  ladies 
and  presented  to  tho  company,  and  $2,200  was 
raised  to  equip  tho  company  and  take  care  of 
tho  needy  families  of  soldiers  who  may  go  off  to 
fight  for  our  country. 

My  friends,  forget  not  the  soldier  !  Send  him 
contributions  to  make  him  comfortable  while 
he  is  in  tho  service.  Take  care  of  his  family 
while  ho  is  absent.  Employ  your  hands  and 
your  substance  in  doing  works  of  charity  in 
this  day  of  your  country’s  trial.  If  any  should 
fall  in  the  battle,  remember  the  orphan  and  tho 
widow,  and  take  care  of  them.  God  will  bless 
you  in  the  noblo  performances  of  a  patriotic 
duty. 

My  fellow-citizens,  I  must  close  these  re¬ 
marks.  I  am  gratified  to  meet  you  to-night. 
I  am  gratified  that  Georgia  and  all  the  South  is 
a  unit.  I  rejoice  to  be  able  to  tell  you  the 
welcome  news  that  Virginia  is  a  unit.  Nearly 
every  single  member  of  her  Convention  will 
sign  her  Ordinance  of  Secession.  And  now, 
with  my  best  wishes,  I  bid  you  good-night. 

Ilis  speech  was  rapturously  applauded 
throughout ;  and,  as  he  retired,  three  cheers 
for  Stephens  were  given  with  a  will. 

In  a  few  moments,  in  response  to  earnest 
solicitations,  he  again  came  on  the  platform, 
and  said : 

“  The  news  from  Washington  is  very  inter¬ 
esting.  It  has  been  stated  in  tho  newspapers 
— first,  that  tho  Virginia  troops  had  occupied 
Arlington  Heights,  just  across  the  Potomac 
from  the  President’s  house ;  and  again,  that 
Lincoln’s  troops  had  occupied  that  point.  My 
information  is  that  both  these  statements  aro 
incorrect.  Lincoln,  however,  has  occupied 
Georgetown  Heights.  He  lias  from  fifteen  to 
twenty  thousand  soldiers  stationed  in  and  about 
Washington.  Troops  are  quartered  in  the  capi- 
tol,  who  are  defacing  its  walls  and  ornaments 
with  grease  and  filth,  like  a  set  of  vandal 
hordes.  The  new  Senate  chamber  has  been 
converted  into  a  kitchen  and  quarters — cooking 
and  sleeping  apparatus  having  actually  been 
erected  and  placed  in  that  elegant  apartment. 
The  Patent  Office  is  converted  into  soldiers’ 
barracks,  and  is  ruined  with  their  filth.  The 
Post-Office  Department  is  made  a  storehouse 
for  barrels  of  flour  and  bacon.  All  the  depart¬ 
ments  are  appropriated  to  base  uses,  and  de¬ 
spoiled  of  their  beauty  by  those  treacherous 
destructive  enemies  of  our  country.  Their 
filthy  spoliations  of  the  public  buildings,  and 
works  of  art  at  the  Capital,  and  their  prepara¬ 
tions  to  destroy  them,  are  strong  evidence  to 
my  mind  that  they  do  not  intend  to  hold  or 
defend  the  place  ;  but  to  abandon  it,  after  hav¬ 


ing  despoiled  and  laid  it  in  ruins.  Let  them 
destroy  it — savage-like — if  they  will.  We  will 
rebuild  it.  We  will  make  the  structures  more 
glorious.  Phcenix-like,  new  and  more  substan¬ 
tial  structures  will  rise  from  its  ashes.  Planted 
anew,  under  the  auspices  of  our  superior  insti¬ 
tutions,  it  will  live  and  flourish  throughout  all 
ages.” 

— Atlanta  ( Ga. )  Confederacy ,  May  2. 


Doo.  121.— THE  PALMETTO  GUARD,  MAR¬ 
ION  ARTILLERY,  AND  GERMAN  AR¬ 
TILLERY. 

Tnn  companies  passed  by  the  Mercury  office, 
with  flags  flying,  and  bands  playing  “  Dixie,” 
and  looking,  notwithstanding  their  hard  service 
on  Morris  Island,  in  better  trim  than  when, 
weeks  ago,  they  took  their  departure. 

The  Marion  Artillery,  Capt.  King,  and  Ger¬ 
man  Artillery,  Company  A,  Capt.  Nohrden, 
marched  to  tho  Gun  Shed,  where  they  were 
dismissed,  and  proceeded  to  their  several  homes 
to  make  glad  many  hearts  that  have  felt  deso¬ 
late  during  their  absence. 

The  Palmetto  Guard,  Capt.  Cuthbert — tho 
heroes  of  the  renowned  Stevens’  iron  battery — 
marched  to  Military  Hall,  where  a  collation  was 
in  waiting,  provided  by  the  mothers,  wives, 
and  sisters  of  the  members  of  the  company. 
After  a  long  term  of  camp  life,  the  luxuries 
prepared  by  the  ladies  were  most  heartily  en¬ 
joyed,  and  the  source  from  which  the  supplies 
had  been  provided,  gave  an  additional  relish  to 
tho  entertainment. 

Many  off-hand  speeches  were  made,  and 
toasts  and  sentiments  sparkling  with  good  hu¬ 
mor,  wit  and  patriotism,  were  abundant.  Among 
the  speakers  were  C.  H.  Stevens,  Esq.,  immor¬ 
talized  as  the  founder  of  the  iron  battery,  and 
bravely  manned  by  the  Guard  ;  Major  Ellison 
Capei's,  Captain  Cuthbert,  and  Win.  B.  Carlisle, 
Esq. 

The  mothers,  wives,  sisters  and  sweethearts 
of  the  Palmetto  Guard,  have  contributed  tho 
sum  of  two  hundred  dollars  for  the  purpose 
of  presenting  the  company  with  a  gold  medal 
in  commemoration  of  the  memorable  battle  of 
Fort  Sumter.  The  medal  has  been  manufac¬ 
tured  by  Messrs.  Spencer  &  Teague,  where  it 
may  be  seen  to-day.  Tho  presentation  will 
take  place  to-morrow,  Major  Ellison  Capers, 
having  been  commissioned  by  the  ladies  on 
their  part  to  present  it. 

"Where  every  man  has  proved  himself  first 
among  the  fearless  and  the  brave,  it  may  seem 
invidious  to  mention  any  one  in  particular ; 
but  the  subjects  of  the  following  have  been  such 
universal  favorites  with  the  company,  that  wo 
feel  confident  no  exceptions  will  be  taken. 
Cadet  Georgo  M.  Lalane,  of  the  Citadel  Acad¬ 
emy,  hastened,  at  the  first  signal  of  alarm,  to 
serve  his  native  State,  and  proffered  his  ser¬ 
vices  to  the  Palmetto  Guard.  With  this  com- 
i  pany  he  has  been  on  steady  active  service  as 
;  corporal  since  December  27,  and,  being  thor- 


178  . 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


oughly  familiar  with  military  tactics  and  drill, 
he  had  the  honor  of  acting  as  drill-sergeant 
most  of  the  time.  As  a  truly  well-earned  and 
merited  compliment  to  this  young  gentleman, 
the  Board  of  Visitors  of  the  Citadel  Academy 
have  caused  the  following  to  be  registered  on 
the  record  book  of  that  Institution  : 

“  The  efficiency  and  soldierly  bearing  of  Cadet 
Lalane,  during  the  affair  of  Fort  Sumter,  is 
highly  commended  by  the  Board  of  Visitors.” 

A  younger  brother,  Paul  B.  Lalane— only  in 
his  thirteenth  year — had  the  honor  of  being  in 
the  iron  battery  on  the  memorable  12th  and 
13th,  and  of  firing  seventeen  guns  with  power¬ 
ful  effect  during  the  bombardment.  The  youth¬ 
ful  hero,  from  his  reckless  bravery  and  daring 
during  the  siege,  has  become  the  pet  of  the 
company,  and  is  now  their  regularly  appointed 
marker,  he  having  acted  in  this  capacity  on 
the  parade  yesterday. 

While  fighting  for  our  country’s  cause  is  ne¬ 
cessary,  the  Palmetto  Guard  will  not  remain 
idle. .  They  have  volunteered  their  services  for 
"V  irginia,  and,  towards  the  close  of  the  week, 
will  again  buckle  on  the  knapsack  for  the  march. 
V  ithout  the  border  of  their  native  Carolina, 
may  their  victories  be  as  complete  and  as  blood¬ 
less  as  that  achieved  on  their  own  Palmetto 
shores. 

The  following  is  the  list  of  officers  of  the 
Palmetto  Guard  who  were  in  the  fight  on  the 
12th  and  13th  days  of  April,  1861 :  ' George  B 
CuthberL  Captain ;  C.  E.  Holmes,  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant  ;  1.  S.  Brownfield,  Second  Lieutenant ; 
G.  L.  Buist,  Third  Lieutenant ;  T.  L.  Bissell 
I’ irst  Sergeant;  J.  B.  Bissell,  Second  Sergeant; 
W.  D.  Gaillard,  Third  Sergeant;  B.  0.  Webb, 
Fourth  Sergeant ;  L.  S.  Webb,  Fifth  Senreant ; 
E.  J .  Brownfield,  Sixth  Sergeant ;  Samuel  Eob- 
ertson,  First  Corporal;  J,  E.  Wright,  Second 
Corporal ;  George  Lalane,  Third  Corporal ;  G. 
B.  Dyer,  Fourth  Corporal ;  J.  M.  Ehett,  Fifth 
Corporal ;  E.  W.  Macbeth,  Sixth  Corporal. 

—  Charleston  Mercury ,  May  1. 


Doo.  122. — THE  TWENTY-EIGHTH  EEGI- 
MENT,  N.  Y.  S.  M. 

1  iie  officers  of  this  regiment  are  as  follows  : 
Col,  Bennett,^  (who  will  remain  at  home  until 
he  recovers  from  severe  injuries  received  by 
being  thrown  from  a  wagon ;)  Lieut.-Col.  Burns, 
commanding ;  Surgeon,  Eice.  Company  A, 
Capt.  Bruer,  Lieuts.  Waudelt  and  Horn;  Com- 
pany  B,  Capt.  Becke,  Lieuts.  WLarmuth  and 
Hoflman  (the  last-named  has  resigned;)  Com¬ 
pany  C,  Capt.  Campbell,  (Lieuts.  vacant;)  Com- 
pany  D,  Capt.  Brandenburg,  Lieuts.  Bensler 
and  Framer ;  Company  E,  Capt.  Beadle,  Lieuts. 
Altanbrand.and  Bergemen;  Company  F,  Capt. 
Schepper,  Lieuts.  Wenner  and  Breneisen ;  Com¬ 
pany  G,  Capt.  Eeeger,  Lieuts.  Berger  and  Fox  • 
Company  H,  Capt.  Wills,  Lieuts.  Dowling  and 
Schaeffer;  Company  I,  Capt.  Field,  Lieuts. 
Markert  and  Obernier;  Company  K,  Capt 


V  eber,  Lieuts.  Moring  and  Ivinow ;  Engineer 
Corps,  Capt.  Von  Ivameke.  Capt.  Thomas  C. 
Clines,  of  Company  C,  is  detailed  for  the  re¬ 
cruiting  service. 

Chaplain,  Eev.  Mr.  Zapt,  of  the  Union  Avenue 
German  Lutheran  Church. 

— N.  Y.  Times,  May  1. 


Doc.  123.— LETTER  TO  GENEEAL  SCOTT. 

Philadelphia,  April  20, 1861. 
To  Lieut.- Gen.  Wiv field  Scott,  General-in-  Chief 
of  the  Army  of  the  United  States. 

Sir: — I  he  shock  of  a  civil  war  in  our  be¬ 
loved  country,  whose  history,  for  more  than 
half  a  century,  has  been  illustrated,  not  less  by 
your  wisdom  and  patriotism  than  the  splendor 
of  your  achievements  iii  arms,  will,  we  trust, 
justify  this  letter  to  you,  even  though  it  be  a 
departure  from  usage. 

We  aro  your  fellow-citizens  of  the  United 
States.  We  aro  devotedly  attached  to  our 
country.  Her  renown  is  precious  to  us.  It  is 
our  richest  inheritance,  and  wo  had  fondly 
hoped  to  transmit  it  to  our  children,  untar¬ 
nished,  as  it  came  to  us  from  our  fathers. 

In  the  civil  strife  which  has  just  lighted  up 
our  land  with  an  unnatural  and  deadly  glare, 
we  do  not  stop  to  inquire  into  the  soundness  of 
conflicting  opinions  as  to  the  origin  of  the  de¬ 
plorable  controversy.  It  is  enough  for  us  to 
know  that  the  beloved  and  glorious  flag  of  our 
Federal  Union  has  been  assailed,  and  we  ask  no 
further  questions.  In  such  a  crisis,  wo  are  for 
sustaining,  to  any  and  every  extent,  the  consti¬ 
tuted  authorities  of  the  Union,  believing,  in 
the  language  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  that,  “  The  pres¬ 
ervation  of  the  General  Government  in  its 
whole  constitutional  viy or,  is  the  sheet-anchor  efi 
our  peace  at  home  and  safety  abroad .”  While 
the  Government  stands  by  the  flag,  wo  stand  by 
the  Government.  In  this  determination  wo 
obliterate,  for  the  time  being,  all  traces  of  party 
difference,  by  which  many  of  us  have  been 
heretofore  widely  separated. 

As  citizens  of  Philadelphia— a  city  which 
vyo  aro  sure,  must  bo  endeared  to  your  recollec¬ 
tions,  as  it  is  to  ours,  by  some  of  the  proudest 
memories  of  the  era  of  Independence — where 
the  Declaration  was  signed— where  the  Con¬ 
stitution  was  signed,  and  from  whence  our  illus¬ 
trious  founder  issued  to  his  countrymen  his 
immortal  Farewell  Address — wo  adopt  this 
mode  of  testifying  our  admiration,  and  offering 
you  our  deep-felt  thanks  for  your  great  ser“ 
vices  to  your  country,  in  this  hour  of  her  ex- 
tremest  peril— services  which  will  rival  in  im¬ 
mortality,  and,  we  trust,  in  their  triumphant  re¬ 
sults,  your  early  and  subsequent  renown  in  the 
second  and  third  great  wars  of  tho  United 
States. 

At  a  time  like  this,  when  Americans,  distin¬ 
guished  by  tho  favor  of  their  country,  en¬ 
trenched  in  power,  and  otherwise  high  in  influ¬ 
ence  and  station,  civil  and  military,  aro  re¬ 
nouncing  their  allegianco  to  the  flag  they  have 


DOCUMENTS. 


179 


sworn  to  support,  it  is  an  inexpressible  source 
of  consolation  and  pride  to  us  to  know  that  the 
General-in-Chief  of  the  array  remains  like  an 
impregnable  fortress  at  the  post  of  duty  and 
glory,  and  that  he  will  continue  to  the  last  to 
uphold  that  flag,  and  defend  it,  if  necessary, 
with  his  sword,  even  if  liis  native  State  should 
assail  it. 

That  your  career  of  rare  distinction  may  be 
prolonged  for  many  years  of  continued  useful¬ 
ness  to  your  country,  and  happiness  to  your¬ 
self,  and  that  you  may  live  to  see  that  great 
country  once  more  in  the  enjoyment  of  the 
prosperity  and  renown  among  nations,  to 
which  your  wisdom  in  council  and  your  sword 
in  battle  have  so  largely  contributed,  is  the 
anxious,  earnest  hope  of  those  who  here  unite 
in  tendering  to  you,  not  only  the  assurances  of 
their  profound  respect,  but  what  we  believe 
you  will  value  as  highly,  the  spontaneous  trib¬ 
ute  of  loyal  American  hearts. 

We  have  the  honor  to  remain, 

With  the  highest  consideration,  dear  sir, 
Your  friends  and  fellow-citizens, 
Alexander  Henry,  Hoe.  Binney, 
Richard  Vaux,  AY.  M.  Meredith, 

TnEO.  Cuyler,  C.  Maoalester, 

and  others. 

— Phila.  Press. 


Doc.  124.— THE  BAPTIST  CONVENTION 
OF  GEORGIA. 

Athens,  Ga.,  April  29,  1861. 

Sir  : — I  have  the  honor  of  transmitting  to  you 
the  accompanying  resolutions,  unanimously  pass¬ 
ed  on  Saturday  last,  by  the  Baptist  Convention 
of  the  State  of  Georgia,  with  the  request  that 
you  will  present  them  to  the  Congress  over 
which  you  preside. 

That  God  will  direct  and  bless  the  councils 
of  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  Government, 
is  the  prayer  of  the  Baptist  Convention  of  the 
State  of  Georgia,  and  of  none  more  sincerely 
than  your  Obedient  servant, 

H.  M.  Crawford, 

Howell  Cobb,  Chairman  of  Committee. 

President  of  Congress. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Georgia  Baptist  Conven¬ 
tion,  the  following  preamble  and  resolutions 
were  unanimously  passed : 

Whereas ,  The  State  Convention  of  Georgia, 
in  the  legitimate  exercise  of  her  sovereignty, 
has  withdrawn  from  the  Confederacy  known 
as  the  United  States  of  America,  and,  for  the 
better  maintenance  of  her  rights,  honor,  and 
independence,  has  united  with  other  States  in 
a  new  Confederacy,  under  the  title  of  The  Con¬ 
federate  States  of  America ;  and 

Whereas ,  Abraham  Lincoln  is  attempting,  by 
force  of  arms,  to  subjugate  these  States,  in 
violation  of  the  fundamental  principle  of  Amer¬ 
ican  liberty;  therefore, 

Resolved ,  by  the  members  of  the  Baptist  Con¬ 
vention  of  the  State  of  Georgia,  That  we  con¬ 
sider  it  to  be  at  once  a  pleasure  and  a  duty  to 


avow  that,  both  in  feeling  and  principle,  we 
approve,  indorse,  and  support  the  government 
of  the  Confederate  States  of  America. 

Resolved ,  That  while  this  Convention  dis¬ 
claims  all  authority,  whether  ecclesiastical  or 
civil,  yet  as  citizens  we  deem  it  a  duty  to  urge 
the  union  of  all  the  people  of  the  South  in  de¬ 
fence  of  the  common  cause,  and  to  express  the 
confident  belief  that  in  whatever  conflict  the 
madness  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  Government 
may  force  upon  us,  the  Baptists  of  Georgia  will 
not  be  behind  any  class  of  our  fellow-citizens  in 
maintaining  the  independence  of  the  South  by 
any  sacrifice  of  treasure,  or  of  blood. 

Resolved ,  That  wo  acknowledge  with  devout 
thanksgiving  to  Almighty  God,  the  signal  favor 
with  which,  up  to  this  time,  He  has  blessed  our 
arms  and  our  policy,  and  that  the  Baptist 
churches  of  this  State  bo  requested  to  observe 
the  first  and  second  days  of  June  next,  as  days 
of  fasting  and  prayer,  that  God  will  deliver  us 
from  all  the  power  of  our  enemies,  and  restore 
peace  to  our  country. 

Resolved ,  That  the  Confederate  Government 
be  requested  to  invite  the  churches  of  all  de¬ 
nominations  within  the  Confederacy  to  unite  in 
observing  said  days  of  prayer  and  fasting. 

Resolved ,  That  copies  of  these  resolutions  be 
sent  to  President  Davis,  the  Confederate  Con¬ 
gress,  and  the  governor  of  Georgia. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune,  May  8. 


Doo.  125.— GENERAL  HARNEY’S  LETTER. 

Washington,  May  1,  1S61. 

My  Dear  Sir  : — The  report  of  my  arrest  at 
Harper’s  Ferry,  by  persons  assuming  to  act  un¬ 
der  authority  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  has  no 
doubt  reached  you.  Upon  my  arrival  at  Rich¬ 
mond,  under  military  escort,  Governor  Letcher 
immediately  directed  my  release,  with  assur¬ 
ances  disavowing  the  act  of  his  subordinates,  and 
expressing  regret  at  their  mistake  or  abuse  of 
his  authority.  The  kind  attention  and  civility 
received  from  him,  from  the  escort  that  accom¬ 
panied  me,  and  other  distinguished  citizens  of 
Virginia,  and  esteemed  friends  whom  I  there 
met,  compensated  for  any  personal  trouble  or 
annoyance;  yet  I  cannot  but  feel  deep  mortifi¬ 
cation  and  regret  that  our  country  should  be  in 
a  condition  to  expose  any  one  to  such  an  inci¬ 
dent.  It  has  furnished  occasion  for  mistake  or 
misrepresentation  in  respect  to  my  views  and 
sentiments,  which  a  sense  of  duty  requires  to 
be  promptly  corrected.  No  better  mode  occurs 
to  me  than  by  a  letter  addressed  to  yourself,  as 
an  esteemed  personal  friend. 

It  lias  been  represented  through  the  public 
press  that  I  was  a  willing  prisoner  to  the  State 
of  Virginia;  that  I  designed  to  resign  my  com¬ 
mission  in  the  United  States  army,  throw  off 
my  allegiance  to  the  Federal  Government,  and 
join  the  forces  of  the  Confederate  States. 

Forty-two  years  I  have  been  in  the  military 
service  of  the  United  States,  and  have  followed 
during  all  that  time  but  one  flag — the  flag  of 


180 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


the  Union.  I  have  seen  it  protecting  our  fron¬ 
tiers,  and  guarding  our  coasts,  from  Maine  to 
Florida ;  I  have  witnessed  it  in  the  smoke  of 
battle,  stained  with  the  blood  of  gallant  men, 
leading  on  to  victory ;  planted  upon  the  strong¬ 
holds,  and  waving  in  triumph  over  the  capital 
of  a  foreign  foe.  My  eyes  have  beheld  that  flag 
affording  protection  to  our  States  and  Terri¬ 
tories  on  the  Pacific,  and  commanding  rever¬ 
ence  and  respect  from  hostile  fleets  and  squad¬ 
rons,  and  from  foreign  governments,  never 
exhibited  to  any  other  banner  on  the  globe. 
Twenty  stars,  each  representing  a  State,  have 
been  added  to  that  banner  during  my  service, 
and  under  its  folds  I  have  advanced  from  the 
rank  of  lieutenant  to  that  which  I  now  hold. 
The  Government,  whose  honors  have  been  be¬ 
stowed  upon  me,  I  shall  serve  the  remainder  of 
my  days.  The  flag,  whose  glories  I  have  wit¬ 
nessed,  shall  never  be  forsaken  by  me  while  I 
can  strike  a  blow  for  its  defence.  While  I  have 
breath,  I  shall  be  ready  to  serve  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States,  and  be  its  faithful 
loyal  soldier. 

Without  condemning,  or  in  any  degree  criti¬ 
cizing  the  course  other  persons  have  deemed 
proper  to  pursue  in  the  present  juncture,  my 
line  of  duty  is  plain  to  my  own  heart  and  judg¬ 
ment.  The  course  of  events  that  have  led  to 
the  deplorable  condition  in  which  our  country 
now  stands  has  been  watched  by  me  with  pain¬ 
ful  interest.  Perceiving  that  many  of  my 
fellow-citizens  in  the  Southern  States  were  dis¬ 
contented  with  the  Government,  and  desired 
some  change  to  protect  them  from  existing 
evils,  my  feelings  have  been  strongly  averse  to 
coercion,  and  anxious  for  some  compromise  or 
arrangement  that  would  restore  peace  and  har¬ 
mony.  The  provisions  of  the  Federal  Constitu¬ 
tion  afforded,  in  my  judgment,  ample  means  of 
redress  through  a  Convention  of  all  the  States, 
which  might  adopt  amendments  that  would 
reconcile  all  differences,  or  if  that  could  not  be 
accomplished,  might  provide  for  peaceful  sepa¬ 
ration  in  a  manner  becoming  friends  and  breth¬ 
ren.  So  long  as  this  hope  of  peaceful  settlement 
of  our  troubles  could  be  indulged,  I  have  felt  it 
to  be  the  Aviso  duty  of  the  general  Government 
to  bear  with  patienco  outrages  that  no  other 
government  could  have  endured,  and  to  forbear 
any  exertion  of  forco  until  the  last  hope  de¬ 
parted.  But  when  the  Confederate  States  with 
seven  thousand  men,  under  cover  of  strong  for¬ 
tifications  or  impregnablo  batteries,  assailed  a 
starving  garrison  of  seventy  men  in  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter,  compelled  the  banner  of  the  United  States 
to  be  lowered,  and  boasted  of  its  dishonor  before 
the  Avorld,  the  state  of  the  question  Avas  imme¬ 
diately  changed.  Instead  of  the  Government 
coercing  States,  demanding  redress  of  grievances 
by  constitutional  means,  the  case  Avas  presented 
of  revolutionists  waging  war  against  their  Gov¬ 
ernment,  seeking  an  overthroAV  by  force  of 
arms,  assailing  public  property  by  overwhelm- 
ing  force,  laboring  to  destroy  the  lives  of  gal¬ 
lant  officers  and  soldiers,  and  dishonoring  the 


national  flag.  The  question  noAv  before  us,  is, 
Avhether  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
with  its  many  blessings  and  past  glories,  shall 
be  overthrown  by  the  military  dictatorship  late¬ 
ly  planted  and  iioav  bearing  sway  in  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  ?  My  hand  cannot  aid  in  that  work. 

Finding  ourselves  in  a  state  of  civil  war, 
actually  existing  or  fast  approaching,  some  of 
my  brethren  in  arms,  citizens  of  seceding  States, 
and  tor  whom  I  have  the  highest  personal  re¬ 
spect,  have  considered  it  their  duty  to  throw 
up  their  commissions  and  folloAv  their  States. 
In  that  view  of  duty  I  cannot  concur.  As  an 
officer  of  the  army  and  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  I  consider  my  primary  allegiance  to  be 
due  to  the  Federal  Government,  and  subordi¬ 
nate  to  that  is  my  allegiance  to  the  State. 
This,  as  you  are  aAvare,  has  been  the  concurring 
opinion  of  the  most  eminent  jurists  of  this  coun¬ 
try.  It  Avas  the  judgment  of  the  Court  of  Ap¬ 
peals  of  South  Carolina  in  the  case  of  Hunt, 
where  the  subject  Avas  discussed  Avitli  match¬ 
less  ability.  In  that  case,  the  highest  court  of 
South  Carolina  deliberately  decided  that  the 
soldier’s  and  citizen’s  primary  duty  of  allegiance 
is  duo  to  the  United  States  Government,  and 
not  to  the  government  of  his  State.  Of  late  it 
has  been  contended  that  the  allegiance  duo  by 
a  citizen  to  the  Federal  Government,  was  dis- 
soh-ed  when  his  State  secedes  from  the  Union. 
Into  that  snare  many  have  fallen.  But  in  my 
judgment  there  is  and  can  be  no  such  right  as 
secession  of  a  State  by  its  own  act.  The  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  Union  can  only  be  dissolved  by 
the  concurrence  of  the  States  that  have  entered 
into  the  federal  compact.  The  doctrine  of 
secession  is  destructive  to  all  government,  and 
leads  to  universal  anarchy. 

But,  supposing  States  may  secede  and  destroy 
the  Government  Avhenever  the  fancy  takes 
those  Avho  arc  strong  enough  to  set  up  any  arbi¬ 
trary  power  in  the  State,  Missouri,  the  State 
of  my  residence,  has  not  seceded,  and  secession 
would,  in  my  opinion,  be  her  ruin.  The  only 
special  interest  of  Missouri,  in  common  with 
the  Confederate  States,  is  slavery.  Iler  interest 
in  that  institution  is  now  protected  by  the 
Federal  Constitution.  But  if  Missouri  secedes, 
that  protection  is  gone.  Surrounded  on  three 
sides  by  free  States,  which  might  soon  become 
hostile,  it  Avould  not  be  long  until  a  slaA*e  could 
not  bo  found  within  her  borders.  "What  inter¬ 
est  could  Missouri  then  have  with  the  cotton 
States,  or  a  Confederacy  founded  on  slavery 
and  its  extension  ?  The  protection  of  her  slave 
property,  if  nothing  else,  admonishes  her  never 
to  give  up  the  Union.  Other  interests  of  vast 
magnitude  can  only  be  preserved  by  a  stead¬ 
fast  adherence  and  support  of  the  United  States 
Government.  All  hope  of  a  Pacific  railroad, 
so  deeply  interesting  to  St.  Louis  and  the  wholo 
State,  must  vanish  with  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment.  Great  manufacturing  and  commercial  in- 
erests  with  which  the  cotton  States  can  havTe 
no  sympathy,  must  perish  in  case  of  secession, 
and  from  her  present  proud  condition  of  a  poAV- 


DOCUMENTS. 


181 


erful  thriving  State,  rapidlv  developing  every 
element  of  wealth  and  social  prospei’ity,  Mis¬ 
souri  would  dwindle  to  a  mere  appendage  and 
convenience  for  the  military  aristocracy  estab¬ 
lished  in  the  cotton  States.  Many  other  con¬ 
siderations  might  be  ottered  to  show  that  seces¬ 
sion  would  be  ruin  to  Missouri.  And  I  implore 
my  fellow-citizens  of  that  State  not  to  be 
seduced  by  designing  men  to  become  the  in¬ 
struments  of  their  mad  ambition,  by  plunging 
the  State  into  the  vortex  of  revolution. 

Whether  governed  by  feelings  inspired  by 
the  banner  under  which  I  have  served,  or  by 
my  judgment  of  duty  a3  a  citizen,  or  by  inter¬ 
est  as  a  resident  and  property-owner  in  Mis¬ 
souri,  I  feel  bound  to  stand  by  the  Union,  and, 
remaining  in  the  Union,  shall  devote  myself  to 
the  maintenance  of  the  Federal  Government, 
and  the  perpetuation  of  its  blessings  to  pos¬ 
terity.  Yours  truly, 

Wm.  S.  Harney. 

Colonel  Joiin  O.  Fallon,  St.  Louis. 

— AT.  y.  Herald ,  May  6. 


Doc.  126. — ALBANY  BURGESSES  CORPS. 

Tiiere  are  82  members,  two  drummers,  and 
one  lifer,  besides  the  officers  and  non-commis¬ 
sioned  officers,  who  equipped  and  armed  them¬ 
selves  at  their  own  expense  before  offering 
their  services  to  the  governor. 

They  are  furnished  with  the  regulation  mus¬ 
ket,  case  bayonet,  knapsacks,  haversacks,  can¬ 
teens,  &c.  Their  uniform  is  a  blue  cap,  light 
blue  overcoat  trimmed  with  red,  plain  blue 
frock  coat,  light  blue  pants  with  a  broad  white 
stripe  down  the  side. 

The  following  are  the  officers  and  non-com¬ 
missioned  officers : 

Capt.,  II.  Kingsley ;  1st  Lieutenant,  J.  C. 
Cook ;  2d  Lieutenant,  W.  D.  Mahoney ;  Or¬ 
derly  Sergeant,  H.  C.  Haskell ;  2d,  J.  Vischer  ; 
3d,  T.  Padlow ;  4th,  N.  Van  Antwerp;  1st 
Corporal,  W.  Vanderlip;  2d,  Chaa.  Latham; 
3d,  C.  F.  Clapp ;  4th,  W.  M.  Netterville. 

— N.  ¥  Tribune ,  May  2. 


Doc.  127.— SOUTH  CAROLINA  COLLEGE 
CADETS. 

TnE  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers  :  Cap¬ 
tain,  John  H.  Gary;  First  Lieutenant,  E.  I). 
Rogers  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Tredell  Jones  ; 
Third  Lieutenant,  L.  Watts;  Ensign,  J.  S.  Du¬ 
pont  ;  First  Sergeant,  S.  M.  Richardson ;  Sec¬ 
ond  Sergeant,  V.  0.  Habersham ;  Third  Ser¬ 
geant,  J.  M.  Irvy ;  Fourth  Sergeant, W.  J.  Gary ; 
First  Corporal,  R.  W.  B.  Elliott ;  Second  Cor¬ 
poral,  R.  DeTreville  Elliott ;  Third  Corporal, 
R.  M.  Anderson  ;  Fourth  Corporal,  J.  J.  Tripp; 
Fifth  Corporal,  J.  G.  McCall ;  Sixth  Corporal, 
James  Wratts. 

WASHINGTON  ARTILLERY. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers :  Cap¬ 
tain,  G.  II.  Walter;  First  Lieutenant,  W.  S. 


Henry ;  Second  Lieutenant,  James  Salvo ;  Third 
Lieutenant,  W.  G.  Whilden ;  Fourth  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  W.  S.  Horsey ;  First  Sergeant,  P.  S.  Pe- 
lot;  Second  Sergeant,  James  Porter;  Third 
Sergeant,  Joseph  Buck;  Fourth  Sergeant,  Wm. 
Roberts ;  First  Corporal,  White ;  Second  Cor¬ 
poral,  Roy ;  Third  Corporal,  Owens ;  Fourth 
Corporal,  Cook  ;  Fifth  Corporal,  Wilbur. 

— Charleston  News,  May  1. 


Doc.  128.— THE  RELIGIOUS  PRESS  ON  THE 
WAR. 

[From  the  Baltimore  True  Union.] 

A  heavy  pall  of  sickening  sadness  shrouds 
our  hearts  as  wo  rise  from  a  glance  over  our 
“  religious  ”  exchanges.  If  there  was  any¬ 
where  to  bo  expected  a  spirit  of  peace  and  con¬ 
ciliation  in  this  awful  hour,  it  certainly  ought 
to  have  been  looked  for  in  the  conductors  of 
the  Christian  press.  But  alas !  with  few  ex¬ 
ceptions  on  both  sides,  they  “  breathe  out 
threatenings  and  slaughter,”  and  goad  on  the 
people  to  a  furious,  suicidal  war. 

The  Christian  Secretary ,  of  Connecticut, 
says :  “  If  we  have  a  civil  war  and  fight  for 
live,  ten,  or  twenty  years,  and  drench  our  soil 
in  fraternal  blood,  until,  exhausted  and  worn 
out,  both  sides  cry  for  peace,  the  same  ques¬ 
tions  will  come  up  for  settlement  that  wo  first 
split  on,  and  they  will  be  just  as  difficult  to  ar¬ 
range  then  as  now.  It  has  appeared  to  us  that 
it  would  be  better  to  settle  these  difficulties 
before  fighting  than  afterwards,  for  wo  could 
see  nothing  that  could  be  gained  by  the  fight, 
but  much  that  would  be  lost.  Had  the  Govern¬ 
ment  given  up  these  forts,  convened  Congress 
and  urged  upon  that  body  the  imperative  ne¬ 
cessity  of  calling  a  National  Convention  for  the 
purpose  of  a  peaceable  settlement  of  our  diffi¬ 
culties,  we  believe  the  whole  thing  might  have 
been  settled  without  a  resort  to  arms. 

“  Our  prayer  is  that  peace  between  the  sec¬ 
tions  may  be  speedily  restored.  If  the  South 
won’t  live  with  us  as  a  united  people,  then  by 
all  means  let  us  live  in  harmony  as  two  sepa¬ 
rate  nations.” 

The  Witness ,  of  Indiana,  says  : — “  After 
months  of  indignities  borne  by  our  Govern¬ 
ment  from  some  of  the  Southern  States — after 
she  had  endured  dishonor  and  afflictions  which 
need  not  be  repeated,  for  they  are  fresh  in 
every  mind,  she  is  now  hunted  by  armed 
troops,  the  men  of  her  own  raising,  and  arms 
of  her  own  making,  and  with  them  she  is  fierce¬ 
ly  threatened  to  be  stabbed,  nay,  perhaps  is 
stabbed  at  this  very  writing  to  her  heart ! 
But,  thank  Heaven,  she  is  not  dead,  nor  is  she 
mortally  wounded  !  The  United  States  of 
America  is  jTet  a  Government  endowed  with  all 
the  capabilities  of  life  and  self-defence  which 
have  so  long  made  her  ‘  stars  and  stripes  ’  tho 
glory  of  her  name,  and  the  banner  of  her  citi¬ 
zens  among  all  the  nations  of  the  earth.  If  she 
should  be  wounded  by  her  own  children  which 
she  has  nourished  and  brought  up,  her  wounds 
will  speedily  heal,  for  she  is  instinct  with  life. 


182 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


— The  North  do  not  war  on  the  South,  but  they 
defend  their  country’s  flag  to  the  wan  and  to' 
the  death.  There  is  no  disunion  here;  to¬ 
gether  we  stand  in  the  name  of  our  country  and 
of  our  God.” 

The  Christian  Chronicle ,  of  Philadelphia, 
publishes  a  letter  from  a  Massachusetts  corre¬ 
spondent,  containing  the  following  statement : 
“  Plie  peace  men  have  all  been  transformed  into 
men  of  war.  Even  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel 
deem  it  proper  on  the  Sabbath  to  stimulate  the 
patriotism  of  their  people  and  even  bid  them  to 
imitate  their  own  examples  in  volunteering  to 
take  the  sword ;  and  the  consciousness  of  the 
righteousness  of  their  cause  and  the  undoubted 
favor  of  the  God  of  Battles  makes  all  hearts 
strong  and  even  joyful. 

“  There  is  one  prayer  often  to  be  heard  on 
the  lips  of  Christian  men — ‘  Pray  God  it  may 
be  a  death-blow  to  slavery !  ’  I  doubt  not  that 
in  those  who  have  never  felt  any  thing  of  the 
kind  before,  there  will  be  generated  an  hostility 
to  slavery  of  the  most  uncompromising  nature. 
Nothing  is  more  common  than  to  hear  the  de¬ 
termination  expressed— to  oppose  the  recogni¬ 
tion  of  slavery  on  the  part  of  the  General  Gov¬ 
ernment  in  future — to  follow  the  counsel  of  our 
English  friends,  and  ‘  pluck  from  the  flag  those 
blood-rotted  strands,’  and  to  make  ‘freedom 
national,’  and  ‘  slavery  sectional,’  to  the  fullest 
extent.” 

The  Watchman  and  Reflector  lias  an  article  on 
“The  Doom  of  Slavery,”  in  which  it  predicts 
that  “  if  the  conflict  is  protracted  a  single  year, 
Virginia  will  be  lost  to  slavery.”  “Virginia 
too  must  become  the  seat  of  war,  and  with 
fifty  or  a  hundred  thousand  free-men  encamped 
on  her  soil,  and  every  part  of  the  State  con¬ 
vulsed  with  agitation  and  turmoil,  slavery  can¬ 
not  maintain  its  existence.” 

It  alludes  to  the  collision  between  the  mob 
and  the  soldiers  in  Baltimore,  and  adds :  “  But 
the  mobocracy  may  as  well  bo  quiet.  Balti¬ 
more  is  now  at  the  mercy  of  our  guns,  and 
Maryland  is  one  of  the  most  vulnerable  States 
in  the  Union.” 

The  Mississippi  Baptist ,  after  describing  the 
war  policy  of  President  Lincoln  with  reference 
to  the  Confederate  States,  adds:  “If  he  carries 
out  this  policy  fully,  we  see  no  alternative  but 
a  general  war,  a  war  both  by  sea  and  land ;  a 
Av  ar  which  will  carry  desolation,  carnage,  and 
blooodshed  wherever  the  contending  forces 
meet  in  battle  array. — President  Davis  has  a 
policy  as  well  as  President  Lincoln,  a  policy 
Avhich  he  will  as  assuredly  carry  out, — a  policy 
which  he  indicated  in  his  speeches  before  his 
inauguration,  and  in  his  inaugural  address ;  a 
policy,  in  which  he  will  be  supported  by  the 
Congress  of  the  Confederate  States,  and  by 
thousands  of  the  brave  hearts  and  stout  hands 
of  the  people  of  those  States. 

“  4nd  ?ot  onl7  tho  Confederate  States  will 
sustain  him,  but  thousands  of  the  citizen  sol¬ 
diery  of  the  border  slave  States  will  rush  to 
his  aid.  And  what  will  be  the  alternate  result 


of  the  deadly  conflict  that  must  ensue  no  mor- 
tal  can  conjecture.  One  tiling  is  certain,  revo- 
lutions  never  move  backvmrds.  Once  the  tide 
begins  to  move  it  will  rush  on  with  increased 
impetuosity,  breaking  OA'er  every  barrier  in  the 
way  of  its  onward  progress.  Once  relieve  pas¬ 
sion  from  the  restraints  of  reason  and  con¬ 
science,  and  arouse  the  feelings  of  bitter  resent¬ 
ment  Avhich  a  long  series  of  oppression  has  ex¬ 
cited,  and  there  will  be  no  bounds  to  the  excesses 
that  will  be  the  unavoidable  result. 

“But,  it  may  be  asked,  may  not  all  this  bo 
a\roided  ? 

“  Which  question  is  answered  as  follows  : 

“  Now,  Avc  sayi  ]et  the  Congress  and  the  Ex- 
ccutive  of  the  United  States  cease  offensive 
operations  against  the  Confederate  States,  and 
evacuate  the  forts  AA’ithin  their  borders,  and 
then  enter  into  a  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive 
and  defensive,  with  the  Government,  and  the 
dreadful  alternative  of  a  sanguinary,  desolating 
conflict  will  be  avoided,  otherwise,  avc  fear  the 
war  has  but  just  begun.” 

The  Biblical  Recorder ,  of  North  Carolina, 
shows  the  unanimity  of  purpose  existing  on 
both  sides,  and  says  :  “  What  then  ?  Will  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  his  cabinet  pursue  to  the  bitter, 
bloody  end  their  fiendish  purpose  ?  Can  the 
madness  of  fanaticism  go  so  far?  We  hope 
not..  Surely  reason  will  return  in  time  to  avert 
so  direful  a  catastrophe.  But  if  war  must  come, 
and  avc  can  have  a  united  South,  Ave  enter¬ 
tain  no  fears  as  to  the  result.  The  conflict  may 
be  long  and  bloody  ;  many  evils  and  nmcli  suf¬ 
fering  may  be  inflicted ;  commerce  may  be  crip¬ 
pled,  and  many  brave  men  lie  doAvn  in  death 
on  the  battle-field,  but  victory  and  peace  will 
at  last  be  ours.  Men  conscious  of  right,  and 
fighting  for  their  liberties,  tlieir  honor,  their 
homes,  and  all  that  they  hold  dear,  cannot  be 
subdued.  When  the  North  shall  Iiua-c  learned 
this  by  sad  experience,  Ave  shall  have  peace, 
and,  freed  from  the  shackles  which  have  hither¬ 
to  held  us,  we  shall  enter  upon  a  career  as  glo¬ 
rious  as  can  be  found  in  the  annals  of  the  Avorld. 

“  Hie  South  has  been  slow  to  assume  her  pres¬ 
ent  position.  It  Avas  only  after  she  had  patient¬ 
ly  submitted  for  long  years  to  aggression  and 
insult,  repeated  and  aggravated,  that  she  con¬ 
sented  to.  break  up  the  old  nationality.  Noav 
confiding  in  the  justice  of  her  cause,  and  look¬ 
ing  to  the  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  she  can  calmly 
and  hopefully  await  the  result.” 

The  Tennessee  Baptist  is  strongly  in  favor  of 
“  secession.”  Rev.  J.  R.  Graves,  its  principal 
editor,  just  returned  from  a  journey  through 
the  South,  says  : — I  learned  something  more 
about  the  politics  of  the  masses  of  Missis¬ 
sippi  and  Louisiana.  I  had  read  in  cer¬ 
tain  newspapers  that  the  people  in  Louisiana 
a.ro  sound  Union  men  at  heart,  and  that  seces¬ 
sion  is  the  Avork  of  politicians.  So  far  as  I 
travelled  in  Mississippi  and  Louisiana  I  found 
the  people  thoroughly  secessionists — those  who 
voted  tho  “  cooperative  ticket  ”  arc  noAV  firmly 
fixed  in  sentiment. 


DOCUMENTS. 


183 


You  may  write  it  down  as  a  settled  fact  to 
be  reckoned  from,  that  these  States  will  never 
form  an  alliance  again  with  the  Abolition  States 
of  the  North — never  while  the  world  stands. 
An  army  of  a  million  soldiers  could  not  force 
them  back.  They  will  die  to  a  man  first,  save, 
perhaps,  here  and  there  one  who  has  neither 
“  cotton  nor  negroes  to  fight  for,”  and  who 
would  be  glad  to  see  no  one  better  oft’  than 
himself.  Party  lines  are  now  annihilated. 
There  is  no  longer  any  Whig  or  Democrat, 
Southern  man  and  Yankee,  but  “  Southern 
Confederacy  men.” 

Tennesseeans  are  now  called  upon  to  decide 
whether  they  will  fight  the  South  or  the 
North. 

We  rejoice  to  see  the  change  the  political 
mind  of  Tennessee  is  undergoing — Nashville  is 
overwhelmingly  for  secession  to-day.  All  the  men 
I  left  Union  men,  I  find  now  thinking  with  me, 
save  one — i.  e.,  all  I  have  yet  conversed  with. 
I  learn  that  a  similar  change  of  opinion  is  uni¬ 
versal,  except  in  the  mountainous  districts  of 
Tennessee.  I  regard  that  the  fate  of  Tennessee 
is  determined  by  the  next  vote  that  is  cast  for 
Governor.  Whoever  the  man  may  be,  let  him 
be  for  a  United  South. 

Union  men  of  Tennessee,  with  few  excep¬ 
tions,  are  among  the  very  foremost  in  the  call  for 
arming  the  State,  and  resisting  the  machina¬ 
tions  of  the  Black  Republican  tyrant  and  his 
conclave  at  Washington. 

The  Christian  Index,  of  Georgia,  throws  the 
whole  blame  of  the  war  “upon  Lincoln  and  his 
advisers ;”  says  that  upon  the  part  of  the  South 
it  is  a  war  to  maintain  the  right  “of  sover¬ 
eignty  pertaining  to  each  State  of  the  old 
Union  and  of  the  new  Confederacy,”  in  which 
“we  are  but  defending  our  firesides,  our  fami¬ 
lies,  our  honor,  and  our  independence.”  After 
speaking  of  the  apparent  policy  of  the  United 
States  Government,  the  editor  adds : 

“  The  tendency  of  these  movements  will  be  to 
bring  Virginia  and  Maryland  into  the  Southern 
Confederacy,  and  also  Kentucky  and  Tennes¬ 
see,  and  perhaps  Arkansas;  and  if  Lincoln  per¬ 
sists  in  his  coercive  policy,  President  Davis  will 
have  no  other  alternative  but  to  conquer  a 
peace  by  attacking  Washington  city,  and,  on  the 
tented  field  proving  the  superiority  of  South¬ 
ern  to  Northern  prowess. 

“Thus  will  we  force  the  ill-advisers  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  to  acknowledge  and  recognize  our  se¬ 
cession  ;  we  -will  compel  an  equitable  division 
of  the  national  property ;  and  while  the  North 
will  sink  at  once  to  the  position  of  a  third-rate 
power  of  the  earth,  we,  from  our  Capitol  at 
Washington  city,  will  cause  ourselves  to  be  re¬ 
garded  as  the  valiant  American  Government 
that,  by  martial  supremacy,  asserted  its  right 
to  a  place  among  the  first  nations  of  the  earth, 
and  which,  by  its  liberal  policy  towards  other 
nations,  and  its  possession  of  King  Cotton,  will 
but  bind  to  itself  in  friendship  all  other  coun¬ 
tries,  and  which,  by  the  enlightenment,  reli¬ 
gion,  urbanity,  and  high-toned  principles  of  its 


people,  will  claim  and  receive  the  respect,  ad¬ 
miration,  and  esteem  of  the  world.” 

The  South  Western  Baptist ,  of  Alabama, 
says : 

Well,  the  war  is  upon  us!  Wo  have  ex¬ 
hausted  every  effort  for  peace  which  duty  and 
honor  demand.  Our  peace  offerings  are  spurned, 
our  commissioners  sent  home  from  Washington 
with  the  insulting  declaration  that  they  cannot 
be  received,  and  now  the  roar  of  artillery  on 
our  Southern  borders  announces  the  purblind 
policy  of  an  abolitionized  government,  bent  on 
the  ruin  of  the  country  as  well  as  its  own! 
Let  it  come!  “In  the  name  of  our  God,  we 
will  set  up  our  banners;”  and  by  the  blessing 
of  Ilim  who  ruleth  in  the  armies  of  heaven, 
the  sword  will  never  be  sheathed  until  the  last 
invader  shall  be  driven  from  our  shores.  The 
battle  of  New  Orleans,  fought  by  Southern 
soldiers,  commanded  by  Southern  officers,  may 
suggest  to  these  hirelings  of  Mr.  Lincoln  what 
Southern  men  can  and  will  do  when  their  wives 
and  children  are  behind  them  and  an  invading 
foe  is  before  them.  Let  no  man’s  heart  fail  him 
for  fear.  The  spirit  of  our  people  is  aroused, 
and  hundreds  of  thousands  stand  ready  to  fly 
to  the  standard  of  our  Southern  Confederacy  to 
maintain  its  integrity  or  perish  in  the  attempt. 
“  Let  us  play  the  man  for  our  people,  and  for 
the  cities  of  our  God,  and  the  Lord  do  what 
seemeth  him  good.”  Let  prayer  be  made  with¬ 
out  ceasing  unto  God,  and  the  result  is  not 
doubtful. 

The  Methodist  Protestant,  of  Baltimore,  says: 

We  make  no  pretensions  to  statesmanship, 
we  are  no  cabinet  officer,  we  know  little  of 
state-diplomacy,  but  we  think  we  know  enough 
of  Christ  and  his  religion  to  be  certain  that 
war,  and  especially  civil  war,  is  a  most  cruel 
and  wicked  thing.  It  is  anti-Christian,  and  a 
nation  like  ours  ought  not  engage  in  it.  Moral 
force  at  an  era  of  civilization  like  that  in  which 
we  live,  ought  to  be  able  to  settle  State  difficul¬ 
ties.  The  points  of  national  honor  upon  which 
men  dwell  so  eloquently,  are  as  likely  to  be 
overrated  as  the  points  of  personal  honor  in 
the  ordinary  duel.  And  what  is  this  war  likely 
to  be  ?  A  gigantic  duel  between  the  two  sec¬ 
tions,  North  and  South.  A  duel  between  broth¬ 
ers.  Both  are  to  be  injured,  cruelly.  Sorrow 
unspeakable  is  to  be  carried  into  the  bosoms 
of  innocent  connections — and  then,  when  mu¬ 
tual  satisfaction  ix  blood  shall  have  been  ren¬ 
dered,  amicable  relations  will  be  established, 
and  history  will  find  material  for  another  story 
of  wrong  and  outrage,  or  the  recital  of  succes¬ 
sive  battles,  of  victories  and  defeats,  leaving  the 
quarrel  at  the  end,  just  where  it  was  at  the  be¬ 
ginning — a  thing  to  be  settled  by  peaceful 
diplomacy. 

The  Examiner ,  of  New  York,  says  : 

War  is  an  evil  from  which  peace-loving  pa¬ 
triots  have  prayed  God  to  save  their  beloved 
country.  But  there  are  worse  evils  than  war, 
and  one  of  them  would  be  a  subversion  of  the 
ancestral  freedom  of  a  great  people,  by  the 


184 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1SG0-G1. 


slavery-propagandist  Confederacy  which  has 
made  Montgomery  the  seat  of  its  malign  power. 
War,  to  prevent  such  a  catastrophe,  rises  to  the 
dignity  of  virtue  acceptable  to  God. 

Again,  after  denouncing  the  capture  of  Fort 
Sumter  as  “  an  uncalled-for  attack,”  “  an  ag¬ 
gressive  war  on  the  Government  and  people  of 
the  United  States,”  it  continues  : 

In  maintaining  itself  against  this  aggressive 
war,  and  in  punishing  its  authors,  the  National 
Government  will  receive  the  hearty  and  united 
support  of  all  loyal  and  right-minded  men.  We 
abhor  war  in  all  its  forms — hut  if  it  must  come, 
it  could  never  be  met  by  the  American  people 
with  a  more  determined  resolution,  or  with  a 
deeper  consciousness  of  right,  than  when  it 
comes  in  the  hateful  guise  of  secession,  and 
slavery  extension.  Long  has  the  Government 
forborne  to  act,  lest  it  might  provoke  some 
hostile  measure.  Its  endurance  has  been  be¬ 
yond  all  the  precedents  of  history.  It  must 
now  arouse  in  its  hitherto  slumbering  might, 
and  assert  its  determination  to  rule  the  coun¬ 
try.  Already  are  thousands  flocking  to  its 
standard  from  every  constitutional  State.  Its 
cause  is  as  righteous  as  ever  summoned  a  peo¬ 
ple  to  arms.  On  it,  we  need  not  say,  depends 
the  life  of  the  country.  It  appeals  with  the 
fullest  power  to  the  deepest  sentiments  of  every 
patriotic  heart — to  the  proud  recollections  of 
our  national  past — to  the  priceless  interests 
that  lie  enwrapped  in  our  hitherto  happy  Re¬ 
public — to  the  undying  loyalty  that  clings  to 
our  glorious,  but  insulted  flag — to  the  sympa¬ 
thies  we  cherish  for  oppressed  and  outraged 
humanity — to  the  pride  we  have  taken  in  Amer¬ 
ican  civilization,  and  the  faith  we  have  kept  in 
the  capacities  and  destinies  of  American  free¬ 
dom. 

The  Keio  York  Chronicle  says : 

A  single  blow  has  cut  the  Gordian  knot 
which  the  North  has  been  so  anxious  to  untie 
peacefully.  The  question  is  now  as  simple  as 
it  before  was  complicated.  The  life  or  death 
of  the  Government  established  by  our  fathers, 
is  the  mighty  stake  for  which  the  game  of  war 
is  henceforth  to  be  played. 

We  want  peace,  we  all  want  peace.  We  are 
willing  to  make  many  sacrifices — to  forbear 
much,  and  suffer  much,  to  obtain  it,  but  there 
are  some  things  we  may  not  endure,  and  some 
sacrifices  we  may  not  make.  Great  principles 
have  sometimes  to  pass  through  the  fiery  fur¬ 
nace,  and  we  have  only  to  accept  whatever 
sacrifices  that  ordeal  may  bring;  not  vindic¬ 
tively,  not  in  the  spirit  of  revenge  for  real 
or  fancied  wrongs,  but  simply  as  a  stern  duty 
which,  as  loyal  men,  without  being  recreant  to 
every  sentiment  of  justice  and  Christian  prin¬ 
ciple,  we  cannot  ignore  or  evade. 

There  is  but  one  feeling  now  through  the 
North.  It  is  for  vigorous,  energetic  and  deci¬ 
sive  measures,  not  for  aggressive  warfare,  for  no 
one  here  contemplates  or  desires  it,  but  because 
the  best  peace  measure  now  is  the  exhibition 
of  such  strength  on  the  part  of  the  Govern¬ 


ment  as  will  prevent  further  aggressive  meas¬ 
ures  on  the  part  of  the  South. 

The  Watchman  and  Hefiector,  of  Boston, 
Mass.,  says: 

M  e  bitterly  deplore  the  necessity  of  war. 
As  Christian  journalists  we  have  counselled 
forbearance  till  it  has  ocascd  to  be  a  virtue. 
We  have  hoped  that  our  brethren  of  the  South, 
while  renouncing  allegiance  to  the  national 
Government,  would  refrain  from  any  attack  on 
its  armed  troops.  But  delay  has  only  aggrava¬ 
ted  treason,  forbearance  has  emboldened  their 
movements,  and  civil  war  is  now  inevitable. 
1  here  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  ultimate  result. 
The  North  has  ample  resources  of  men  and 
money.  It  has  the  undivided  command  of  the 
sea  for  transportation  of  troops,  and  a  network 
of  railroads  for  conveyance  of  armies  and  pro¬ 
visions  by  land.  If  it  were  needful,  a  million 
of  men  could  bo  mustered  in  the  field  in  three 
months.  The  South  is  full  of  enthusiasm,  and 
its  people  are  cliivalric  and  impetuous,  but  with 
few  monetary  resources,  and  no  credit,  and 
no  navy,  it  must  yield  at  length  to  superior 
force. 

The  North,  too,  we  must  believe,  is  in  the 
right.  It  will  have  on  its  side  the  sympathy 
ot  the  civilized  world,  and.  wo  may  hope,  also, 
the  favor  and  protection  of  Almighty  God. 
On  Him  we  must  wait  in  humble  prayer  and 
strong  faith,  and  to  him  must  we  look  for 
guidance  and  deliverance. 


Doc.  129.— PROCLAMATION  BY  GOV¬ 
ERNOR  LETCHER,  May  3,  1801. 

TnE  sovereignty  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Virginia  having  been  denied,  her  territorial 
rights  assailed,  her  soil  threatened  with  inva¬ 
sion  by  the  authorities  at  Washington,  and 
every  artifice  employed  which  could  inflame 
the  people  of  the  Northern  States  and  misrepre¬ 
sent  our  purposes  and  wishes,  it  becomes  the 
solemn  duty  of  every  citizen  of  this  State  to 
prepare  for  the  impending  conflict.  These 
misrepresentations  have  been  carried  to  such  an 
extent  that  foreigners  and  naturalized  citizens 
who,  but  a  few  years  ago,  were  denounced  by 
the  North  and  deprived  of  essential  rights, 
have  now  been  induced  to  enlist  into  regiments 
for  the  purpose  of  invading  this  State,  which 
then  vindicated  those  rights  and  effectually 
resisted  encroachments  which  threatened  their 
destruction.  Against  such  a  policy  and  against 
a  force  which  the  Government  at  Washington, 
relying  upon  its  numerical  strength,  is  now 
rapidly  concentrating,  it  becomes  the  State  of 
Virginia  to  prepare  proper  safeguards. 

To  this  end  and  for  these  purposes,  and  with 
a  determination  to  repel  invasion,  I,  JonN  Letch¬ 
er,  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia, 
by  authority  of  the  Convention,  do  hereby  au¬ 
thorize  the  commanding-general  of  the  mili¬ 
tary  forces  of  this  State,  to  call  out,  and  to 
cause  to  bo  mustered  into  the  service  of  Vir- 


DOCUMENTS. 


185 


ginia,  from  time  to  time,  as  the  public  exigen¬ 
cies  may  require,  such  additional  number  of 
volunteers  as  he  may  deem  necessary. 

To  facilitate  this  call,  the  annexed  Schedule 
will  indicate  the  places  of  rendezvous  at  which 
the  companies  called  for  will  assemble  upon 
receiving  orders  for  service. 

Given  under  my  hand  as  Governor,  and 
under  the  seal  of  the  Commonwealth, 

[l.  s.]  at  Richmond,  this  3d  day  of  May, 
1861,  and  in  the  85th  year  of  the 
Commonwealth. 

John  Letches. 

By  the  Governor. 

George  W.  Mthstfoed, 

Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth. 

SCHEDULE. 

The  following  places  of  rendezvous  are  desig¬ 
nated  as  the  point  at  which  companies  called 
from  the  annexed  counties  will  assemble  :  Har¬ 
per’s  Ferry,  Staunton,  Alexandria,  Warrenton, 
Culpepper  C.  H.,  Gordonsville,  Lynchburg, 
Abingdon,  Fredericksburg,  King  George,  Glou¬ 
cester  Point,  West  Point,  Norfolk,  Smithfield, 
Petersburg,  Buffalo,  Barbourville,  Charleston, 
Parkersburg,  Houndsville,  Grafton,  and  Rich¬ 
mond. 

—  Charleston  Evening  News ,  May  6. 


Doo.  130.— NEW  YORK  TO  BE  BURNED. 

New  York,  May  3. 

A  week  or  two  since,  Mr.  Kennedy,  Super¬ 
intendent  of  Police  of  New  York,  received  in¬ 
formation  of  a  design  to  burn  the  city,  the 
supply  of  water  to  be  cut  off  at  the  time  the 
city  was  fired.  A  guard  was  placed  over  the 
mains  of  the  aqueduct  in  the  two  counties 
through  which  they  run,  and  was  made  so 
strong  that  no  attempt  to  cut  the  pipe  could  be 
successfully  made.  Since  then  full  evidence  of 
the  design  has  been  obtained,  and  additional 
evidence  that  the  cities  of  Philadelphia  and 
Boston  were  included  in  the  list.  The  leaders 
of  the  enterprise  were  well-known  secessionists, 
some  of  whose  names  are  now  in  possession  of 
the  police,  but  whose  voices  have  been  silenced 
by  the  recent  uprising  of  the  people.  The 
whole  police  force  has  been  on  the  alert  since 
the  first  intimation  of  the  probability  of  the 
attempt  being  made.  Here  is  a  letter  received 
last  evening  from  a  source  entitled  to  consider¬ 
ation  : 

Louisville,  April  30, 1861. 

Sir  : — I  have  travelled  four  hundred  miles  to 
be  able  safely  to  mail  this  letter.  A  thoroughly 
organized  plot  is  now  in  progress  of  execution 
to  burn  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Boston. 
A  portion  of  the  men  assigned  to  your  city  are 
already  in  your  midst,  and  others  are  on  their 
way.  I  lcnow  what  I  say  to  he  true.  I  dare 
not  tell  you  how  I  know,  for  that  would  lead 
to  my  inevitable  detection,  the  consequences 
of  which  you  can  readily  guess. 

The  intention  is  to  fire  the  three  cities  simul¬ 


taneously,  at  as  many  places  as  possible,  and  at 
the  same  hour  at  night.  This  is  to  be  done  the 
night  before  the  attack  on  Washington.  *  *  * 
*  *  *  has  the  direction  of  the  whole  plot.  One 
hundred  and  twenty-five  men  have  been  assign¬ 
ed  to  your  city  and  Brooklyn,  and  eighty  to 
each  of  the  others.  This  is  not  a  movement  of 
the  Government,  though  known  to  Davis.  At 
first  he  discouraged  it,  but  since  Lincoln’s  proc¬ 
lamation,  he  has  withdrawn  his  opposition. 
The  men  intrusted  with  the  execution  of  the 
plot  all  belong  to  the  inner  temple  of  the 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle. 

The  plan  has  been  maturing  for  two  months 
past,  but  did  not  include  New  York  until  within 
a  week  or  ten  days.  The  men  assigned  to  Bos¬ 
ton  and  Philadelphia  have  been  at  their  posts 
for  a  week,  but  the  determination  to  include 
New  York  has  caused  a  delay,  and  now  the 
time  will  depend  upon  how  soon  Davis  is  to 
attack  Washington.  I  have  told  you  not  all 
that  I  know,  but  all  that  I  can  with  safety  to 
myself.  The  chances  are  you  will  disregard 
this  warning ;  but  I  feel  that  I  have  at  least 
discharged  my  duty.  ******  I  am  not 
your  friend — I  am  one  of  the  most  unrelenting 
of  your  enemies ;  but  I  am  an  open,  and,  I 
hope,  honorable  foe.  I  expect  to  fight  you  to 
the  death,  but  not  with  lucifer  matches  and 
camphene.  Do  not  do  the  people  of  the  South 
the  injustice  to  believe  that  one  out  of  ten 
among  them  would  for  a  moment  sanction  this 
hell-begotten  scheme.  It  is  foreign  to  their 
nature.  *  * 

— N.  Y.  News ,  May  4. 


Doo.  131.— A  PROCLAMATION 
By  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

Washington,  Friday,  May  3, 1861; 

WnEEEAS,  existing  exigencies  demand  imme¬ 
diate  and  adequate  measures  for  the  protection 
of  the  national  Constitution  and  the  preserva¬ 
tion  of  the  national  Union  by  the  suppression  of 
the  insurrectionary  combinations  now  existing 
in  several  States  for  opposing  the  laws  of  the 
Union  and  obstructing  the  execution  thereof, 
to  which  end  a  military  force  in  addition  to 
that  called  forth  by  my  Proclamation  of  the 
fifteenth  day  of  April  in  the  present  year,  ap¬ 
pears  to  be  indispensably  necessary,  now,  there¬ 
fore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Army  and  Navy  thereof,  and  of  the  militia  of 
the  several  States,  when  called  into  actual 
service,  do  hereby  call  into  the  service  of  the 
United  States  forty-two  thousand  and  thirty- 
four  volunteers,  to  serve  for  a  period  of  three 
years,  unless  sooner  discharged,  and  to  bo 
mustered  into  service  as  infantry  and  cavalry. 
The  proportions  of  each  arm  and  the  details 
of  enrolment  and  organization  will  bo  made 
known  through  the  Department  of  War ;  and 
I  also  direct  that  the  regular  army  of  the  Uni¬ 
ted  States  be  increased  by  the  addition  of  eight 


186 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-01. 


regiments  of  infantry,  one  regiment  of  cavahy, 
and  one  regiment  of  artillery,  making  alto¬ 
gether  a  maximum  aggregate  increase  ot  22,714 
officers  and  enlisted  men,  the  details  of  which 
increase  will  also  be  made  known  through  the 
Department  of  War ;  and  I  further  direct  the 
enlistment,  for  not  less  than  one  nor  more  than 
three  years,  of  18,000  seamen,  in  addition  to 
the  present  force,  for  the  naval  service  of  the 
United  States.  The  details  of  the  enlistment 
and  organization  will  he  made  known  through 
the  Department  of  the  Navy.  The  call  for  vol¬ 
unteers,  hereby  made,  and  the  direction  of  the 
increase  of  the  regular  army,  and  for  the  enlist¬ 
ment  of  seamen  hereby  given,  together  with 
the  plan  of  organization  adopted  for  the  volun¬ 
teers  and  for  the  regular  forces  hereby  author¬ 
ized,  will  be  submitted  to  Congress  as  soon  as 
assembled. 

In  the  mean  time  I  earnestly  invoko  the 
cooperation  of  all  good  citizens  in  the  measures 
hereby  adopted  for  the  effectual  suppression  of 
unlawful  violence,  for  the  impartial  enforce¬ 
ment  of  constitutional  laws,  and  for  the  speedi¬ 
est  possible  restoration  of  peace  and  order,  and 
with  those  of  happiness  and  prosperity  through¬ 
out  our  country. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set 
my  hand,  and  caused  the  seal  of  the  United 
States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  City  of  Washington  this  third 
day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thou¬ 
sand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one,  and  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty- 
fifth.  Abraham  Lincoln. 

By  the  President. 

William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State. 


Doo.  132.— LETTER  FROM  COMMODORE 
STEWART. 

“  Bordentown,  May  4, 1861. 

“  My  Dear  Sir  :  Agreeably  to  your  request  I 
now  furnish  you  with  the  reminiscences  of  a 
conversation  which  passed  between  Mr.  John 
C.  Calhoun  and  myself  in  the  latter  part  of  De¬ 
cember,  1812,  after  the  declaration  of  war  by 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States  against  Great 
Britain  on  the  18th  of  June  previous. 

“  On  the  assembling  of  Congress,  in  the  early 
part  of  December,  I  found  that  an  important 
portion  of  the  leading  democratic  members  of 
Congress  had  taken  up  their  quarters  at  Mrs. 
Bushby’s  boarding-house,  among  whom  was  Mr. 
Calhoun,  a  new  member  from  South  Carolina — 
and  I  believe  this  was  his  first  appearance  in 
the  House  of  Representatives.  In  consequence 
of  this  I  took  Lieutenant  Ridgley,  my  confiden¬ 
tial  officer,  and  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  frig¬ 
ate  Constitution,  of  which  vessel  I  then  held 
the  command,  and  was  preparing  for  sea  at  the 
Washington  Navy  Yard,  left  our  lodgings  at 
Strother’s,  and  obtained  board  at  Mrs.  Bushby’s 
with  them.  Ridgley  was  a  witty  and  able 
talker,  who  could  aid  me  in  demonstrating  the 


necessity  for,  and  the  high  policy  of  a  formida¬ 
ble  naval  force  wherewith  to  carry  on  the  war 
with  England,  which  I  considered  could  only 
be  done  with  effect  through  her  being  victori¬ 
ously  struck  at  on  an  element  over  which  she 
deemed  herself  sole  mistress.  This  appeared  to 
me  to  constitute  her  most  tender  point. 

“  By  this  movement  I  found  myself  judicious¬ 
ly  located  to  enable  mo  to  urge  upon  Congress 
any  patriotic  measures  which  seemed  best  cal¬ 
culated  to  meet  and  discomfit  the  self-sufficiency 
and  arrogance  of  our  oppressive  enemy. 

“  Mr.  Calhoun’s  age,  I  thought,  approximated 
my  own,  which  was  thirty-four ;  and  being  a 
man  of  the  highest  order  of  talent,  and  repre¬ 
senting  a  State  in  our  Union  which  scarce  ever 
permitted  themselves  to  be  represented  by  in¬ 
ferior  ability  in  the  national  councils,  I  could 
not  have  commenced  my  object  with  one  more 
fitted  for  the  purpose  I  had  in  view.  He  was 
also  a  high-minded  and  honorable  man,  kind 
and  friendly  as  well  as  open  and  confiding  to 
those  lie  deemed  worthy.  We  soon  formed  an 
intimacy,  and  I  frequently  had  long  conversa¬ 
tions  with  him  on  the  war,  the  subjects  relating 
thereto,  and  matters  growing  out  of  its  existence 
— the  navy  being  the  most  prominent — the  gun¬ 
boats,  the  merchants’  bonds  then  on  the  tapis 
in  Congress,  and  other  matters  of  political  or 
minor  interest.  One  evening  I  struck  on  the 
divided  views  of  our  sectional  interests  of  the 
war — stated  to  him  that  the  opposite  feelings 
on  this  subject  had  puzzled  me  exceedingly,  and 
asked  him  how  it  was  that  the  planting  States 
were  so  strongly  and  so  decidedly  in  favor  of 
the  war,  while  the  commercial  States  were  so 
much  opposed  to  it.  With  this  latter  section 
of  our  country  it  seemed  to  me  that  the  punish¬ 
ment  of  England,  through  the  medium  of  war, 
ought  to  meet  their  highest  approbation  and 
call  for  their  greatest  efforts,  as  they  were  the 
greatest  sufferers,  through  her  instrumentality 
and  power  over  our  commercial  affairs,  since 
1792,  which  Avere  so  arrogantly  urged  by  plun¬ 
der  and  impressment  on  the  highway  of  nations, 
while  the  southern  portion  of  the  Union  had 
felt  but  little  in  comparison.  I  observed,  with 
great  simplicity,  ‘You  in  the  South  and  South¬ 
west  are  decidedly  the  aristocratic  portion  of 
this  Union ;  you  are  so  in  holding  persons  in 
perpetuity  in  slavery ;  you  are  so  in  every  do¬ 
mestic  quality  ;  so  in  every  habit  in  your  lives, 
living,  and  actions ;  so  in  habits,  customs,  inter¬ 
course,  and  manners;  you  neither  work  with 
your  hands,  heads,  nor  any  machinery,  but  live 
and  have  your  living,  not  in  accordance  with 
the  will  of  your  Creator,  but  by  the  sweat  of 
slavery,  and  yet  you  assume  all  the  attributes, 
professions,  and  advantages  of  democracy.’ 

“  Mr.  Calhoun  replied :  ‘  I  see  you  speak 
through  the  head  of  a  young  statesman,  and 
from  the  heart  of  a  patriot,  but  you  lose  sight 
of  the  politician  and  the  sectional  policy  ot  the 
people.  I  admit  your  conclusions  in  respect  to 
us  southrons.  That  wo  are  essentially  aristo¬ 
cratic  I  cannot  deny,  but  we  can  and  do  yield 


DOCUMENTS. 


187 


much  to  democracy.  This  is  our  sectional  pol¬ 
icy  ;  we  are  from  necessity  thrown  upon  and 
solemnly  wedded  to  that  party,  however  it  may 
occasionally  clash  with  our  feelings  for  the  con¬ 
servation  of  our  interests.  It  is  through  our 
affiliation  with  that  party  in  the  middle  and 
western  States  that  we  hold  power  ;  but  when 
we  cease  thus  to  control  this  nation  through  a 
disjointed  democracy,  or  any  material  obstacle 
in  that  party  which  shall  tend  to  throw  us  out 
of  that  rule  and  control,  we  shall  then  resort 
to  the  dissolution  of  the  Union.  The  compro¬ 
mises  in  the  Constitution,  under  the  circum¬ 
stances,  were  sufficient  for  our  fathers ;  but,  un¬ 
der  the  altered  condition  of  our  country  from 
that  period,  leave  to  the  South  no  resource  but 
dissolution ;  for  no  amendments  to  the  Consti¬ 
tution  could  be  reached  through  a  convention 
of  the  people  under  their  three-fourths  rule.’  I 
laughed  incredulously,  and  said,  ‘  well,  Mr.  Cal¬ 
houn,  ere  such  can  take  place,  you  and  I  will 
have  been  so  long  non  est  that  we  can  now 
laugh  at  its  possibility,  and  leave  it  with  com¬ 
placency  to  our  children’s  children,  who  will 
then  have  the  watch  on  deck.’ 

“  Alas,  my  dear  sir,  how  entirely  were  the 
views  of  that  ‘  young  headed  statesman  ’  cir¬ 
cumscribed  by  the  patriot  feelings  of  his  heart. 
What  he  then  thought  an  impossibility  for  hu¬ 
man  hands  to  effect,  for  ages  on  ages  to  come, 
he  now  sees  verified  to  the  letter  as  predicted 
by  that  far-seeing  statesman,  John  C.  Calhoun. 
Even  this  noble  republic  is  disrupted,  its  Consti¬ 
tution  rent  into  shreds  and  tatters,  by  party 
follies  and  the  wickedness  of  its  people’s  selfish¬ 
ness.  Had  they  hut  inherited  a  moiety  of  the 
virtues  of  their  fathers,  who  bled  and  impover¬ 
ished  themselves  through  a  long  and  bloody 
war  to  establish  the  independence  and  liberty, 
welfare  and  happiness  of  their  posterity  for  all 
time  to  come ;  had  they  worshipped  the  true 
and  living  God  instead  of  the  ‘almighty  dollar,’ 
they  would  not  now  have  beheld  the  millions 
of  patriots  arming  for  the  strife  against  traitors 
to  their  country,  to  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws,  once  more  to  baptize  in  blood,  for  liberty’s 
sake,  the  blessings  which  rational  liberty  ac¬ 
cords  under  our  Union.  Had  a  prophet  arisen 
in  1812,  and  predicted  as  John  C.  Calhoun  did, 
nothing  short  of  divine  inspiration  could  have 
given  credence  to  his  foreshadowings.  Alas,  I 
have  lived  to  see  its  accomplishment !  He  has 
gone  to  the  tomb  of  his  fathers,  the  pride  of 
his  section,  honored  for  his  talents  and  for  his 
efforts  in  council,  while  your  humble  servant 
still  lingers  on  the  brink,  under  the  national 
anathema  of  degradation,  as  a  reward  for  many 
years  of  faithful  services ;  which  degradation 
was  accorded  him  simultaneously  with  his  reach¬ 
ing  the  head  of  the  service  to  which  his  whole 
life  had  been  devoted.  You  see,  my  dear  sir,  I 
have  no  disposition  to  ‘  bury  my  light  xmder  a 
bushel,’  but  will  ever  he  ready  to  accord  justice 
to  whom  justice  is  due.  Thus  in  death  we  show 
the  ruling  passion  stronger  than  in  life,  and  as 
it  is  with  individuals,  so  it  is  with  nations — 


the  blackest  spot  found  in  the  heart  is  ingrati¬ 
tude. 

“  Accept  the  assurances  of  my  regard  and 
esteem. 

“  CnAELES  Stewart. 

“  George  W.  Childs,  Esq.,  Philadelphia.” 

— X.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  10. 


Doo.  138.— THE  REBEL  ARMY  AT  PEN¬ 
SACOLA. 

IIead-quarters,  Louisiana  Regiment,  ) 
Warrington,  April  27,  1861.  j 

I  made  an  excursion  yesterday  around  the 
semicircle  of  the  bay  which  girds  Fort  Pick¬ 
ens,  with  a  view  of  inspecting  the  batteries  and 
encampments  of  General  Bragg’s  army.  This 
semicircle  commences  at  the  Navy  Yard  and 
terminates  at  the  Water  Battery  beyond  McRae. 
At  short  intervals  for  two  miles  and  a  half 
there  is  an  uninterrupted  line  of  batteries 
along  this  semicircle.  More  are  being  erected 
daily  by  the  zealous  and  active  volunteers.  It 
is  amazing  the  quantity  of  work  they  do,  and 
the  rapidity  with  which  they  are  drilled  into 
good  artillerists.  The  army  is  divided  as  fol¬ 
lows:  the  extreme  right  of  Bragg’s  position, 
including  Fort  McRae,  is  held  by  the  Missis- 
sippians,  whose  encampment  I  visited  yester¬ 
day.  Col.  Chalmers  commands  this  division  of 
the  line.  We  found  the  Colonel  in  his  marquee, 
over  head  and  ears  in  the  business  of  his  com¬ 
mand.  He  is  a  young  but  very  active,  intelligent, 
and  zealous  officer,  and  is  rapidly  reducing  his 
wild,  fearless,  and  sagacious  warriors  into  good 
discipline.  The  eagerness  of  the  Mississippi 
boys  for  a  fight  renders  camp  duty  rather 
wearisome  to  them,  but  Col.  Chalmers  is  deter¬ 
mined  to  profit  by  the  example  of  Jeff.  Davis, 
who  made  the  Mississippians  in  Mexico  as  effi¬ 
cient  and  well-disciplined  as  they  were  brave 
and  impetuous,  by  the  strictness  of  his  disci¬ 
pline.  The  Mississippians,  the  two  regiments 
of  Col.  Chalmers  and  Col.  Phillips,  are  en¬ 
camped  in  a  very  pretty  location  in  the  pine 
woods,  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  bay, 
and  with  a  fine  stream  of  fresh  water  flowing 
through  the  camp.  Their  encampment  presents 
a  very  picturesque  aspect,  and  was  quite  en 
regie  in  all  its  arrangements.  Col.  Chalmers’s 
report  for  the  day,  of  the  two  regiments,  show¬ 
ed  1,628  men  ready  for  duty.  Four  of  the 
companies  of  Col.  Phillips,  the  Second  or  South¬ 
ern  Regiment,  were  stationed  in  Fort  McRae, 
under  Capt.  Joe  Davis,  of  Canton,  nephew  of 
the  President,  a  very  intelligent  and  gallant 
officer.  Besides  these  there  are  three  indepen¬ 
dent  Mississippi  artillery  companies,  which  are 
placed  in  charge  of  batteries.  They  are  Capt. 
Carr’s  Jackson  Artillery,  63 ;  Capt.  Lovell’s 
Quitman  Artillery,  of  Natchez,  75 ;  Capt.  Tull’s 
Vicksburg  Artillery  company,  60 ;  making  in 
all  1,826  Mississippians  who  arc  enrolled  in  this 
army ! 

Next  to  the  Mississippians  are  the  Alaba- 


188 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1800-61. 


mians,  who  have  two  regiments  encamped  on 
the  left  of  the  Mississippians.  They  are  divi¬ 
ded  into  a  regiment  commanded  by  Col.  Clay¬ 
ton,  of  10  companies— 800  men;  and  a  bat¬ 
talion  of  8  companies— 600  men— under  Lieut.- 
Col.  Steadman.  Several  of  the  Alabama  com¬ 
panies  are  assigned  to  batteries;  one  of  them, 
under  Lieut.  Howard,  having  charge  of  the  two 
10-inch  gun  battery.  The  Alabamians  are 
much  cut  up  in  their  encampments  and  occupy 
a  large  space  in  the  line.  On  their  left  are  the 
Georgia  Regiment,  Col.  Ramsey,  10  companies 

_ _ 750  men.  This  regiment,  with  the  Alabama 

Regiment,  and  Capt.  Girardey’s  artillery  com¬ 
pany  in  charge  ot  the  redoubt  in  the  rear  of 
Fort  Barrancas,  and  battalion  63,  make  up  the 
second  division,  commanded  by  Col.  Clayton. 
The  extreme  left,  extending  from  the  Hospital 
to  a  point  beyond  the  Navy  Yard,  istlio  divi¬ 
sion  which  Col.  Gladden  commands,  and  con¬ 
sists  of  the  Florida  Regiment,  Col.  Anderson, 
620 ;  of  Major  Lary’s  Georgia  Battalion,  350 ; 
of  Capt.  Lee’s  artillery  company,  114— com¬ 
posed  entirely  of  artisans  and  mechanics;  and 
of  1st  Battalion  of  the  Louisiana  Regiment,  520, 
Col.  Adams;  the  Zouaves,  505,  Lieut.-Col.  Cop- 
pens;  and  the  Marines,  109. 

The  army  of  Gen.  Bragg  may,  therefore,  be 
thus  stated  accurately : 

Brigadier-General  Commanding,  Braxton 
Bragg;  Inspector-General,  J.  II.  Forney;  Chief 
of  Engineers,  W.  H.  Stevens;  Chief  of  Ord¬ 
nance,' W.  R.  Boggs ;  Adjutant-General,  R.  C. 
Wood ;  Aids,  George  D.  Garner,  Thomas  Ellis ; 
Surgeon-General,  A.  J.  Foard ;  Quartermaster, 
L.  A.  O’Bannon ;  Chief  of  Subsistence,  T.  W. 
Jones. 

First  Division — Col.  J.  R.  Chalmers. 

1st  Mississippi  Regiment,  Col.  Chalmers,. .  787 
2d  Mississippi  Regiment,  Col.  Phillips, ....  841 

Quitman  Artillery,  Capt.  Lovell, .  1 5 

Vicksburg  Artillery,  Capt.  Tull, .  60 

Judson  Artillery,  Capt.  Carr, .  Go 


Troops  at  Pensacola  under  Major  Bradford. 
2d  Battalion  of  First  Louisiana  Regiment : 

Louisiana  Guards,  Capt.  Todd, .  103 

Crescent  Rifles,  Capt.  Fisk, .  92 

Shreveport  Greys,  Capt.  Beard, .  138 

Grivot  Guards,  Capt.  Rightor, .  92 

Orleans  Cadets,  Capt.  Dreux,  (detached).  103 


528 

Total  number  of  troops, . 6,708 

Though  somo  of  the  regiments  are  quite  de¬ 
ficient  in  the  drill,  I  do  not  believe,  that  a 
Tetter  and  more  efficient  body  of  fighting  men 
could  bo  assembled  in  any  part  of  the  world. 
They  compose  the  very  best  class  of  our  South¬ 
ern  people,  ardent,  earnest,  and  resolute  young 
men.  They  can  never  be  conquered,  or  even 
defeated;  they  may  be  destroyed  and  annihi- 
'ated;  but  when  the  Lincolnites  subdue  the 
country  or  the  people  which  he  has  undertaken 
to  subjugate,  as  long  as  we  have  such  men  to 
fight  our  battles,  the  spoils  of  his  victory  will 
be  a  blasted  and  desolated  country  and  an 
extinct  people.  A.  W . 

_ Special  Correspondence  of  the  New  Orleans  Della. 


1,826 

Second  Division — Col.  Clayton. 

1st  Alabama  Regiment,  Col.  Clayton, .  800 

2d  Alabama  Battalion,  Lieut.-Col.  Stead¬ 
man, .  ®00 

1st  Georgia  Regiment,  Col.  Ramsey, .  760 


2,160 

TniRD  Division — Col.  Gladden. 

One  regiment  Louisiana  Infantry — two  bat¬ 
talions. 

1st  Battalion,  Lieut.  Col.  Adams,  (regu¬ 
lars,)  6  companies, .  620 

Battal  ion  of  Zouaves,  Lieut.-Col.Coppens.  505 

Georgia  Battalion,  Major  Lary, .  350 

1st  Florida  Regiment,  Col.  Anderson,. . .  615 
Ind.  Artillery  Company  of  Savannah, 

Capt.  Lee, .  114 


2,194 


Doc.  134. 


THE  ATTACK  ON  WASHING¬ 
TON.” 


On  the  12tli  of  April  last  the  honorable  Mr. 
Walker,  Secretary  of  War  of  the  Confederate 
States,  held  the  following  language  at  Mont¬ 
gomery,  Alabama : 

u  man,  he  said,  could  tell  where  the  war 
this  day  commenced  would  end,  but  he  would 
prophesy  that  the  flag  'which  now  flaunts  the 
breeze  here  would  float  over  the  dome  of  the  old 
Capitol  at  Washington  before  the  first  of  May. 
Let  them  try  Southern  chivalry  and  test  the 
extent  of  Southern  resources,  and  it  might 
float  eventually  over  Faneuil  Hall  itself.” 

Such  being  the  publicly  avowed  belief  of  the 
Secretary  of  War  of  the  Confederate  States, 
we  quote  in  illustration  of  similar  “  threats,”  the 
following  excerpts  taken  from  leading  Southern 
journals,  merely  premising  that  we  could  great¬ 
ly  add  to  their  number  if  it  were  essential  to 
the  purpose : 

From  the  Richmond  Enquirer ,  of  April  13. 

Attention,  Volunteers! — Nothing  is  more 
probable  than  that  President  Davis  will  soon 
march  an  army  through  North  Carolina  and 
Virginia  to  Washington.  Those  of  our  volun¬ 
teers  who  desire  to  join  the  Southern  army  as 
it  shall  pass  through  our  borders,  had  better  or¬ 
ganize  at  once  for  the  purpose,  and  keep  their 
arms,  accoutrements,  uniforms,  ammunition,  and 
knapsacks  in  constant  readiness. 

From  the  New  Orleans  Picayune ,  of  April  18. 

The  first  fruits  of  a  Virginia,  secession  will 
be  the  removal  of  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet,  and 


DOCUMENTS. 


189 


whatever  he  can  carry  away,  to  the  safer 
neighborhood  of  Harrisburg  or  Cincinnati — per¬ 
haps  to  Buffalo  or  Cleveland. 

From  the  Vicksburg  (Miss.)  Whig ,  of  April  20. 

Major  Ben  McCullough  has  organized  a  force 
of  live  thousand  men  to  seize  the  Federal  Capi¬ 
tal  the  instan  t  the  first  blood  is  spilled.  The 
Montgomery  Advertiser  says  this  intelligence 
is  from  a  Virginia  gentleman  now  in  Washing¬ 
ton  city,  who  had  it  direct  from  McCullough’s 
own  lips. 

From  the  Richmond  (  Va.)  Examiner ,  of  April  23. 

The  capture  of  Washington  city  is  perfectly 
within  the  power  of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  if 
Virginia  will  only  make  the  proper  effort  by 
her  constituted  authorities ;  nor  is  there  a  sin¬ 
gle  moment  to  lose,  the  entire  population  pant 
for  the  onset ;  there  never  was  half  the  una¬ 
nimity  among  the  people  before ,  nor  a  tithe  of 
the  zeal  upon  any  subject  that  is  now  manifested 
to  take  Washington,  and  drive  from  it  every 
Black  Eepublican  who  is  a  dweller  there. 

From  the  mountain  tops  and  valleys  to  the 
shores  of  the  sea  there  is  one  wild  shout  of  fierce 
■resolve  to  capture  Washington  city  at  all  and 
every  human  hazard.  The  filthy  cage  of  unclean 
birds  must  and  will  assuredly  be  purified  by 
lire.  The  people  are  determined  upon  it,  and 
are  clamorous  for  a  leader  to  conduct  them  to 
the  onslaught.  That  leader  will  assuredly  rise, 
aye,  and  that  right  speedily. 

From  the  Goldsboro ’  ( N.C .)  Tribune ,  of  April  24. 

We  understand  that  Duncan  Iv.  McRae,  Esq., 
who  came  here  last  night,  bears  a  special  order 
for  one  regiment  of  North  Carolina  troops  to 
march  to  the  city  of  Washington.  They  are  to 
be  ready  in  forty-eight  hours  from  the  notice. 
This  is  by  order  of  Gov.  Ellis. 

To  have  gained  Maryland  is  to  have  gained  a 
host.  It  insures  Washington  city,  and  the  ig¬ 
nominious  expulsion  of  Lincoln  and  his  body¬ 
guard  of  Kansas  cut-throats  from  the  White 
House.  It  makes  good  the  words  of  Secretary 
Walker  at  Montgomery  in  regard  to  the  Federal 
Metropolis.  It  transfers  the  lines  of  battle 
from  the  Potomac  to  the  Pennsylvania  border. 

From  the  Raleigh  (N.C.)  Standard ,  of  April  24. 

North  Carolina  will  send  her  full  quota  of 
troops  to  unite  in  the  attack  on  Washington 
city.  Our  streets  are  alive  with  soldiers  aud 
officers,  many  of  the  latter  being  here  to  tender 
their  companies  to  the  Governor.  Washington 
city  will  soon  be  too  hot  to  hold  Abraham  Lin¬ 
coln  and  his  Government.  North  Carolina  has 
said  it ,  and  she  will  do  all  she  can  to  make  good 
her  declaration. 

From  the  Eufaula  (Ala.)  Express ,  of  April  25. 

With  independent  Virginia  on  one  side  and 
the  secessionists  of  Maryland  (who  are  doubt¬ 
less  in  the  majority)  on  the  other,  our  policy  at 
this  time  should  be  to  seize  the  old  Federal  Cap¬ 
ital  and  take  old  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet  pris- 
Documents — 14 


oners  of  war.  Once  get  the  Heads  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  in  our  power,  and  we  can  demand  any 
terms  we  see  fit,  and  thus,  perhaps,  avoid  a 
long  and  bloody  contest. 

From  the  Wilmington  (N.  C.)  Daily  Journal, 
of  April  27. 

A  correspondent  writing  from  Georgetown, 
(S.  C.)  under  date  of  April  26th,  makes  inquiry 
about  a  report  that  had  got  afloat  there  that 
three  regiments  of  troops  had  left  North  Caro¬ 
lina  to  join  Lincoln.  What  an  idea!  When 
North  Carolina  troops  join  old  Abe  it  will  be 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  he  at  the  sharp 
end.  When  North  Carolina  regiments  go  to 
'  Washington ,  and  they  will  go,  they  will  stand 
side  by  side  with  their  brethren  of  the  South. 
What  fool  could  have  put  in  circulation  such  a 
report ! 

From  the  Milledgeville  (Gal)  Southern  Recorder , 
of  April  30. 

The  government  of  the  Confederate  States 
must  possess  the  city  of  Washington.  It  is  folly 
to  think  it  can  be  used  any  longer  as  the  head¬ 
quarters  of  the  Lincoln  Government,  as  no 
access  can  be  had  to  it  except  by  passing 
through  Virginia  and  Maryland.  The  District 
of  Columbia  cannot  remain  under  the  jurisdic¬ 
tion  of  the  United  States  Congress  without  hu¬ 
miliating  Southern  pride  and  defeating  South¬ 
ern  rights.  Both  are  essential  to  greatness  of 
character,  and  both  must  cooperate  in  the  des¬ 
tiny  to  be  achieved. 

The  correspondent  of  the  Charleston  Courier 
wrote  from  Montgomery,  Alabama,  under  date 
of  the  28th  ultimo,  as  follows  : 

u  The  aspect  of  Montgomery  at  this  time  is 
any  thing  but  peaceful,  and,  with  the  presence 
of  so  many  troops  in  the  capitol  at  once,  the 
people  are  beginning  to  realize  the  fact  that  we 
are  in  the  midst  of  war,  as  well  as  to  feel  as¬ 
sured  that  vigor  and  energy  characterize  the 
Administration.  In  the  churches  to-day,  pray¬ 
ers  were  offered  for  the  success  of  our  arms 
during  the  war.  The  desire  for  talcing  Wash¬ 
ington,  I  believe,  increases  every  hour,  and  all 
things,  to  my  thinking ,  seem  tending  to  this 
consummation.  We  are  in  lively  hope  that 
before  three  months  roll  by,  the  government, 
congress,  departments,  and  all,  will  have  re¬ 
moved  to  the  present  Federal  Capital.” 

A  correspondent  of  the  Baltimore  Exchange , 
writing  from  Montgomery  (Alabama)  under  date 
of  April  20,  immediately  after  the  receipt  of  the 
telegraphic  intelligence  announcing  the  attack 
of  the  Baltimore  mob  on  the  Massachusetts 
troops,  communicated  the  following : 

“  In  the  evening  bonfires  were  built  in  front 
of  the  Exchange  Hotel,  and  from  the  vast 
crowd  which  assembled,  repeated  cheers  were 
given  for  the  loyal  people  of  Baltimore.  Hon. 
Roger  A.  Pryor,  of  Virginia,  had  arrived  in  the 
city  in  the  afternoon,  and  as  soon  as  it  was 
known,  there  were  loud  calls  for  him.  His  re¬ 
ception  was  most  enthusiastic,  and  some  min- 


190 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-G1. 


utes  elapsed  before  he  could  commenco  liis 
remarks.  He  made  a  brief  but  very  eloquent 
address,  full  of  spirit.  He  is  in  favor  of  march¬ 
ing  immediately  on  Washington ,  and  so  stated , 
to  which  the  crowd  responded  in  deafening  and 
prolonged  cheers .” 

At  the  “  flag  presentation  ”  which  preceded 
tho  departure  of  the  second  regiment  of  South 
Carolina  for  Richmond,  the  following  remarks 
were  made  by  Colonel  Kershaw  on  taking  the 
colors : 

“  Sergeant  Gordon,  to  your  particular  charge 
is  committed  this  noble  gift.  Plant  it  wherever 
honor  calls.  If  opportunity  offers,  let  it  bo  the 
first  to  kiss  the  breeze  of  heaven  from  the  dome 
of  the  capitol  at  Washington.'1'1 

— National  Intelligencer,  May  9. 


Doc.  135. 

COMMISSIONERS’  REPORT 

TO  THE  MAEILAHD  LE&ISLATUliE. 

To  TnE  Honorable  General  Assembly  of 
Maryland  : — The  undersigned  commissioners 
have  the  honor  to  report  to  the  General  As¬ 
sembly  of  Maryland  that  they  waited  in  person 
on  the  President  of  the  United  States  on  the 
4tli  inst.,  and  presented  him  with  a  copy  of  the 
joint  resolutions  adopted  by  your  honorable 
body  on  the  2d  inst.  They  were  received  by 
the  President  with  respectful  courtesy,  and 
made  such  representations  as  were  necessary 
to  convey  to  him  the  sense  of  the  General  As¬ 
sembly  of  Maryland,  in  relation  to  the  occupa¬ 
tion  of  the  Capital  of  the  State  by  federal 
troops,  and  the  forcible  seizure  of  property  of 
the  State  and  of  private  citizens  on  tho  Annap¬ 
olis  Railroad,  and  on  the  Washington  Branch 
and  tho  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad ;  and  in 
this  connection  his  attention  was  called  to  the 
suspension  of  intercourse  between  Baltimore 
and  Washington,  and  of  all  parts  of  tho  State, 
with  Annapolis,  and  the  indignity  put  upon  the 
State  while  still  in  the  federal  Union,  by  such 
an  interference  with  the  private  rights  of  its 
citizens,  and  by  such  an  occupation  of  its  soil 
and  ways  of  communication  by  the  Federal 
Government.  Full  explanations  were  ex¬ 
changed  between  the  undersigned  and  tho  Se¬ 
cretary  of  War  and  Secretary  of  State,  who 
were  present  and  participated  in  the  discussion, 
as  to  the  facts  and  circumstances  rendered  ne¬ 
cessary  by  the  extraordinary  incidents  accom¬ 
panying  the  passage  of  tho  federal  troops 
through  Maryland  en  route  to  tho  city  of 
Washington,  and  especially'  in  reference  to 
these  acts  of  the  authorities  of  the  city  of  Bal¬ 
timore,  which  arrested  the  progress  of  the 
troops  byr  the  railroads  leading  from  Pennsyl¬ 
vania  and  Delaware  into  Maryland,  and  of  tho 
opposition  to  the  landing  of  the  troops  subse¬ 
quently  at  Annapolis  by  tho  Governor  of  tho 
State,  and  in  conjunction  with  the  action  of 
tho  authorities  of  the  State.  The  hostile  feel¬ 
ing  manifested  by  the  people  to  the  passage  of 


these  troops  through  Maryland  was  considered 
and  treated  with  entire  frankness  by  the  under¬ 
signed,  who,  while  acknowledging  all  tho  legal 
obligations  of  the  State  to  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment,  set  forth  fully  tho  strength  of  tho  sym¬ 
pathy'  felt  by  a  large  portion  of  our  people  for 
our  Southern  brethren  in  the  present  crisis. 
Although  many  of  the  instances  and  circum¬ 
stances  referred  to  were  regarded  in  different 
lights  by  the  undersigned  and  tho  Federal  Gov¬ 
ernment,  even  to  tho  extent  of  a  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  some  of  the  facts  involved,  yet 
in  regard  to  the  general  principle  at  issue,  a  con¬ 
currence  of  opinion  was  reached.  The  Presi¬ 
dent  concurred  with  tho  undersigned  in  tho 
opinion  that  so  long  as  Maryland  has  not  taken, 
and  was  not  about  taking,  a  hostile  attitude  to 
the  Federal  Government,  that  the  executive 
military  occupation  of  her  ways  of  communica¬ 
tion,  and  the  seizure  of  the  property'  of  her  cit¬ 
izens,  would  be  without  justification  ;  and  what 
has  been  referred  to  in  this  connection,  so  far 
as  it  occurred,  Avas  treated  by  the  Government 
as  an  act  of  necessity  and  self-preservation. 
The  undersigned  did  not  feel  themselves  au¬ 
thorized  to  enter  into  any  engagement  with  the 
Federal  Government  to  induce  it  to  change  its 
relations  to  the  State  of  Maryland,  considering 
it  proper  under  the  circumstances  to  leave  the 
entire  discretion  and  responsibility  of  the  exist¬ 
ing  stato  of  things  to  that  Government,  mak¬ 
ing  such  representations  as  they  deem  proper 
to  vindicate  the  moral  and  legal  aspects  of  the 
question,  and  especially  insisting  on  its  obliga¬ 
tion  to  relieve  tho  State  promptly  from  re¬ 
straint  and  indignity,  and  to  abstain  from  all 
action  in  the  transportation  of  troops  that  can 
be  regarded  as  intended  for  chastisement  or 
prompted  by  resentment.  The  undersigned  are 
not  able  to  indicate  to  what  extent  or  to  what 
degree  the  executive  discretion  will  bo  exer¬ 
cised  in  modifying  tho  relations  which  now 
exist  between  tho  Stato  of  Maryland  and  the 
Federal  Government,  and  in  tho  particular 
matter  of  the  commercial  communication  be¬ 
tween  the  city  of  Baltimore  and  the  other  part 
of  the  country,  brought  to  the  attention  of  tho 
General  Assembly  by  tho  Mayor  and  City 
Council  of  Baltimore ;  but  they  feel  authorized 
to  express  the  opinion  that  some  modification 
may  bo  expected.  The  undersigned  feel  pain¬ 
fully  confident  that  a  war  is  to  bo  waged  to 
reduce  all  tho  seceding  States  to  allegiance  to 
the  Federal  Government,  and  that  tho  wholo 
military  power  tf  tho  Federal  Government  will 
be  exerted  to  accomplish  that  purpose ;  and 
though  tho  expression  of  this  opinion  is  not 
called  for  by  the  resolution  of  your  honorablo 
bodies,  yet,  having  had  tho  opportunity  to  as¬ 
certain  its  entire  accuracy,  and  because  it  will 
explain  much  of  the  military  preparations  and 
movements  of  tho  troops  through  tho  Stato  of 
Maryland,  it  is  proper  to  bring  it  to  your  atten¬ 
tion.  Otiio  Scott, 

Robert  M.  McLane, 

TV m.  J.  Ross. 

— X.  V.  Herald,  May  7. 


May  6,  1S61. 


DOCUMENTS. 


191 


Doc.  136. 

OFFICERS  OF  THE  N.  J.  TROOPS. 

First  Regiment. — -Col.  Commanding,  A.  J. 
Johnson;  Lieut.  Col.,  James  Peeked;  Major, 
Win.  I.  Mikels;  Adjutant,  Joseph  Trawin; 
Quartermaster,  T.  F.  Ketchmn.  Captains — 
Company  A,  John  Britzinghoffer.  Company 
B,  W.  S.  Tibson.  Company  C,  Thos.  Q.  Mar¬ 
tin.  Company  D,  H.  0.  Beach.  Company  E, 
W.  B.  Provost.  Company  F,  H.  Bowden. 
Company  G,  H.  F.  Stanford.  Company  II, 
Win.  Reynolds.  Company  I,  John.  H.  Uiggin- 
son.  Company  Iv,  C.  W.  Johnson. 

Second  Regiment. — Colonel,  Baker;  Lieut.- 
Col.,  Speer;  Surgeon,  Quidour ;  Assistant  do., 
Longstaff ;  Quartermaster,  Drinkerhoff ;  Quar¬ 
termaster’s  Sergeant,  Hill;  Adjutant,  Yan  Rip- 
pen.  Company  A,  Capt.  Van  Rippen.  Com¬ 
pany  B,  Capt.  II offer.  Company  C,  Capt. 
Grain.  Company  D,  Capt.  Lillendhal.  Com¬ 
pany  E,  Capt.  Yan  Buskirk.  Company  F,  Capt. 
Tonnelle.  Company  G,  Capt.  Ramsay.  Com- 

fany  II,  (Zouaves,)  Capt.  Babcock.  Company 
,  Capt.  Van  Yorhees.  Company  K,  Captain 
Dunning. 

Third  Regiment. — Wm.  Napton,  Colonel; 
Stephen  Moore,  Lieutenant-Colonel ;  James  S. 
Yard,  Major;  James  D.  McIntosh,  Adjutant; 
M.  H.  Beaumont,  Quartermaster;  E.  F.  Taylor, 
Surgeon ;  E.  J.  Marsh,  Assistant  Surgeon ;  J. 
L.  Janeway,  Chaplain.  Company  A,  J.  A. 
Yard,  Captain  ;  S.  S.  Gould,  1st  Lieutenant ;  C. 
Ewing,  2d  Lieutenant.  Company  B,  D.  Pier¬ 
son,  Captain;  J.  J.  Cladeck,  1st  Lieutenant; 
C.  Mandeville,  2d  Lieutenant.  Company  C,  J. 
P.  Lykens,  Captain;  J.  W.  Neal,  1st  Lieuten¬ 
ant  ;  J.  R.  Beatty,  2d  Lieutenant.  Company 
D,  D.  S.  Mulford,  Captain ;  F.  S.  Mills,  1st 
Lieutenant ;  II.  Iv.  Zeliner,  2d  Lieutenant. 
Company  E,  A.  W.  Angel,  Captain ;  A.  II. 
Slack,  1st  Lieutenant ;  J.  M.  Bunnell,  2d  Lieu¬ 
tenant.  Company  F,  J.  II.  Smith,  Captain; 
G.  II.  Green,  1st  Lieutenant ;  A.  L.  Bills,  2d 
Lieutenant.  Company  G,  Y.  W.  Mount,  Cap¬ 
tain ;  J.  T.  Cottrell,  1st  Lieutenant;  W.  II. 
Spain,  2d  Lieutenant.  Company  H,  George  A. 
Allen,  Captain;  J.  Gordon,  1st  Lieutenant ;  M. 
Wychoff,  2d  Lieutenant.  Company  I,  S.  R. 
Huselton,  Captain ;  T.  M.  Stout,  1st  Lieu¬ 
tenant  ;  W.  W.  Abbott,  2d  Lieutenant.  Com¬ 
pany  K,  W.  Castner,  Captain;  S.  Roff,  1st 
Lieutenant ;  G.  M.  Stelle,  2d  Lieutenant. 
Non-commissioned  staff-officers,  J.  Anderson, 
Serjeant-Major  ;  T.  C.  Stryker,  Quartermaster- 
Sergeant. 

Fourth  Regiment— Staff:  Col.,  Miller; 
Lieut.-Col.,  Straub;  Quartermaster,  Linton; 
Paymaster,  Davis;  Adjutant,  Hatch;  Surgeon, 
Woolston;  Assistant  Surgeon,  Satterthwaith. 
Company  A,  Cook  Rifles,  Captain  Perine, 
Bordentown.  Company  B,  Captain  Gale.  Com¬ 
pany  C,  Stockton  Cadets,  Captain  Jackson ; 
Company  D,  Gloucester  Guard,  Capt.  Strat¬ 
ford.  Company  E,  Camden  Artillery,  Capt. 


Mickle.  Company  F,  (flag  company,)  Camden 
Zouaves,  Captain  Hunt.  Company  G,  Cook 
Rifles,  Captain  Cunningham.  Company  II,  An¬ 
derson  Guards,  Captain  Lear.  Company  I, 
Johnson  Guards,  Salem,  Captain  Dinneglison. 
Company  Iv,  Marion  Rifles,  Captain  Burling. 

The  whole  brigade,  with  its  four  pieces  of 
artillery,  arrived  at  Annapolis  on  Sunday,  May 
5th,  in  twenty-eight  hours  from  Trenton,  and 
proceeded  direct  for  Washington.  It  is  stated 
that  the  fourteen  transports,  with  a  strong  con¬ 
voy,  Commander  F.  R.  Loper,  made  a  splendid 
appearance,  steaming  in  two  lines  down  the 
Chesapeake.  They  had  been  greeted  by  a  great 
Union  demonstration  as  they  passed  along  the 
Chesapeake  and  Delaware  Canal.  They  are 
armed  with  the  Minie  musket,  but  are  to  have 
the  Minie  rifle  and  sword-bayonet.  The 
splendid  stand  of  colors  brought  with  them  was 
presented  to  the  regiment  by  the  High  School 
in  Washington  street,  Newark,  just  prior  to 
their  departure  for  Washington.  This  regi¬ 
ment  is  composed  of  some  of  the  best  men  in 
the  State,  and  in  athletic  appearance,  as  well 
as  general  soldierly  deportment,  are  a  credit  to 
the  country. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  May  7,  8. 


Doc.  13V. 

DIPLOMATIC  CORRESPONDENCE. 

MR.  FAULKNER  TO  MR.  SEWARD. 

Leoation  of  tee  United  States,  / 
Paiiis,  April  15,  1861.  $ 

Honorable  Wm.  II.  Seward ,  Secretary  of  State : 

Sir  :  I  called  to-day  upon  M.  Thouvenel,  at 
the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  was 
promptly  admitted  to  an  interview.  Agreeably 
to  your  request,  I  handed  to  him  a  copy  of  the 
Inaugural  Address  of  President  Lincoln,  and 
added  that  I  was  instructed  by  you  to  say  to  him, 
that  it  embraced  the  views  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  upon  the  difficulties  which 
now  disturbed  the  harmony  of  the  American 
Union,  and  also  due  exposition  of  the  general  pol¬ 
icy  which  it  was  the  purpose  of  the  Government 
to  pursue,  with  a  view  to  the  preservation  of 
domestic  peace  and  the  maintenance  of  the  fede¬ 
ral  Union.  Here  M.  Thouvenel  asked  if  there 
was  not  some  diversity  of  opinion  in  the  Cabi¬ 
net  of  the  President  as  to  the  proper  mode  of 
meeting  the  difficulties  which  now  disturbed 
the  relations  of  tho  States  and  General  Govern¬ 
ment.  I  replied,  upon  that  point  I  had  no  in¬ 
formation  ;  under  our  system  the  Cabinet  -was 
an  advising  body  :  its  opinions  were  entitled  to 
weight,  but  did  not  necessarily  compel  the  ac¬ 
tion  of  the  President ;  the  executive  power 
was,  by  the  Constitution,  vested  exclusively  in 
the  President.  I  said  that  I  was  further  in¬ 
structed  to  assure  him  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  entertains  a  full  confidence  in  the 
speedy  restoration  of  harmony  and  unity  of  the 
Government  by  a  firm,  yet  just  and  liberal 
policy,  cooperating  with  the  deliberate  and 
loyal  action  of  the  American  people.  M.  Thou- 


192 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1S60-G1. 


venel  expressed  liis  pleasure  at  the  assurance. 
I  further  said  the  President  regretted  that  the 
events  going  on  in  the  United  States  might  be 
productive  of  some  possible  inconvenience  to 
the  people  and  subjects  of  France,  but  he  was 
determined  that  those  inconveniences  shall  be 
made  as  light  and  transient  as  possible,  and 
so  far  as  it  may  rest  with  him,  that  all  strangers 
who  may  suffer  any  injury  from  them  shall  be 
indemnified.  I  said  to  him  that  the  President 
thought  it  not  impossible  an  appeal  would  be 
made  before  long  by  the  Confederate  States  to 
foreign  powers,  and  among  others  to  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  France,  for  the  recognition  of  their 
independence  ;  that  no  such  appeal  having  yet 
been  made,  it  was  premature  and  out  of  place 
to  discuss  any  of  the  points  involved  in  that 
delicate  and  important  inquiry ;  but  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  United  States  desired  the  fact 
to  be  known  that  whenever  any  such  applica¬ 
tion  shall  be  made,  it  will  meet  with  opposition 
from  the  minister  who  shall  then  represent  that 
Government  at  this  court.  I  said  to  him  that 
my  mission  at  this  court  would  soon  terminate, 
and  I  should  have  no  official  connection  with 
the  question  which  it  was  anticipated  might 
arise  upon  the  demand  of  the  Confederate 
States  for  recognition  of  their  independence ; 
that  my  place  would  soon  be  supplied  by  a  dis¬ 
tinguished  citizen  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  a 
gentleman  who  possessed  the  confidence  of  the 
President,  who  fully  sympathized  in  his  public 
views,  and  who  would  doubtless  come  fully 
instructed  as  to  the  then  wishes  and  views  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  that 
the  only  request  which  I  would  now  make,  and 
which  would  close  all  I  had  to  say  in  the  in¬ 
terview,  was  that  no  proposition  recognizing 
the  permanent  dismemberment  of  the  American 
Union  shall  be  considered  by  the  French  Gov¬ 
ernment  until  after  the  arrival  and  reception  of 
the  new  Minister  accredited  by  the  United 
States  to  this  Court.  M.  Thouvenel,  in  reply, 
said  that  no  application  had  yet  been  made  to 
him  by  the  Confederate  States  in  any  form  for 
the  recognition  of  their  independence ;  that  the 
French  Government  was  not  in  the  habit  of 
acting  hastily  upon  such  questions,  as  might  be 
seen  by  its  tardiness  in  recognizing  the  new 
kingdom  of  Italy  ;  that  he  believed  the  main¬ 
tenance  of  the  federal  Union  in  its  integrity 
was  to  be  desired  for  the  benefit  of  the  people 
of  the  North  and  South,  as  well  as  for  the  in¬ 
terests  of  France  ;  and  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  might  rest  well  assured  that  no 
hasty  or  precipitate  action  would  be  taken  on 
that  subject  by  the  Emperor.  But  while  ho 
gave  utterance  to  these  views,  he  was  equally 
bound  to  say  that  the  practice  and  usage  of  the 
present  century  had  fully  established  the  right 
of  de  facto  governments  to  recognition  when 
a  proper  case  was  made  out  for  the  decision  of 
foreign  powers.  Here  the  official  interview 
ended.  The  conversation  was  then  further 
protracted  by  an  inquiry  from  M.  Thouvenel, 
when  the  new  tariff  would  go  into  operation, 


and  whether  it  was  to  be  regarded  as  the  set¬ 
tled  policy  of  tho  Government?  I  told  him 
that  the  first  day  of  the  present  month  had 
been  prescribed  as  the  period  when  the  duties 
would  take  effect;  that  I  had  not  yet  examined 
its  provisions  with  such  care  as  would  justify 
me  in  pronouncing  an  opinion  upon  its  merits ; 
that  it  was  condemned  by  the  commercial 
classes  of  the  country ;  and  that  I  had  no  doubt 
from  the  discontent  manifested  in  several  quar¬ 
ters  that  the  subject  would  engage  the  atten¬ 
tion  of  Congress  at  its  next  meeting,  and 
probably  some  important  modifications  would 
bo  made  in  it.  The  finances  of  tho  Govern¬ 
ment  were  at  this  time  temporarily  embar¬ 
rassed,  and  I  had  no  doubt  the  provisions  of 
the  new  tariff  were  adopted  with  a  view, 
although  probably  a  mistaken  one,  of  sustain¬ 
ing  the  credit  of  the  Treasury  as  much  as  of 
reviving  the  protective  policy.  lie  then  asked 
me  my  opinion  as  to  the  course  of  policy  that 
would  be  adopted  toward  the  seceding  States, 
and  whether  I  thought  force  wrould  be  employ¬ 
ed  to  coerce  them  into  submission  to  federal 
authority.  I  told  him  that  I  could  only  give 
him  my  individual  opinion,  and  that  I  thought 
force  would  not  bo  employed  ;  that  ours  was  a 
government  of  public  opinion,  and  although 
the  Union  unquestionably  possessed  all  the 
ordinary  powers  necessary  for  its  preservation, 
as  had  been  shown  in  several  partial  insurrec¬ 
tions  which  had  occurred  in  our  history,  yet 
that  the  extreme  powers  of  the  Government 
could  only  bo  used  in  accordance  with  public 
opinion,  and  that  I  was  satisfied  that  the  senti¬ 
ment  of  the  people  was  opposed  to  the  employ¬ 
ment  of  force  against  the  seceding  States.  So 
sincere  was  the  deference  felt  in  that  country 
for  the  great  principles  of  self-government,  and 
so  great  tho  respect  for  the  action  of  the  peo¬ 
ple,  when  adopted  under  the  imposing  forms  of 
State  organization  and  State  sovereignty,  that 
I  did  not  think  tho  employment  of  force  would 
bo  tolerated  for  a  moment,  and  I  thought  the 
only  solution  of  our  difficulties  -would  be  found 
in  such  modifications  of  our  constitutional  com¬ 
pact  as  would  invite  the  seceding  States  back 
into  tho  Union,  or  a  peaceable  acquiescence 
in  the  assertion  of  their  claims  to  a  separate 
sovereignty.  M.  Thouvenel  expressed  the  opin¬ 
ion  that  the  employment  of  force  would  be 
unwise,  and  Avould  tend  to  a  further  rupture  of 
the  Confederacy  by  causing  the  remaining 
southern  States  to  make  common  cause  with 
the  States  which  had  already  taken  action  on 
the  subject. 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  ser¬ 
vant,  Charles  J.  Faulkner. 

MR.  SEWARD  TO  MR.  DAYTON. 

Department  of  State,  } 

Washington,  May  4, 1S01.  \ 

Sir  :  The  despatches  of  your  predecessor, 
Nos.  117,  119  and  120,  have  been  received. 
The  latter,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your 
letter  of  recall,  and  announcing  his  intended 


DOCUMENTS. 


193 


return,  requires  no  especial  notice.  No.  117 
bears  the  date  of  5th  of  April  last.  It  contains 
only  an  exposition  of  Mr.  Faulkner’s  views  of 
the  policy  which  this  Government  ought  to 
pursue  in  regard  to  the  disturbed  condition  of 
affairs  at  homo,  but  at  the  same  time  gives  us 
no  information  concerning  the  state  of  affairs 
in  France. 

The  instructions  heretofore  transmitted  to 
you,  will  show  you  the  President’s  views  on 
the  subject  Mr.  Faulkner  has  discussed,  and 
these  will  be  your  guide,  notwithstanding  any 
different  opinion  your  predecessor  may  have 
expressed  or  left  on  record  at  Paris. 

No.  119  bears  date  of  the  15th  April  last, 
and  contains  a  report  of  an  official  conversa¬ 
tion,  and  also  of  an  unofficial  one,  held  between 
Mr.  Faulkner  and  M.  Thouvenel.  In  the  former 
conversation,  M.  Thouvenel  asked  Mr.  Faulkner 
whether  there  is  not  some  diversity  of  opinion 
in  the  Cabinet  of  the  President  as  to  the  proper 
mode  of  meeting  the  difficulties  which  now  dis¬ 
turb  the  relations  of  the  States  and  the  General 
Government.  Mr.  Faulkner,  in  reply,  said  that 
he  had  no  information  on  the  subject.  The 
matter  is  of  no  great  moment,  yet  it  is  desirable 
that  there  be  no  misapprehensions  of  the  true 
state  of  the  Government  in  the  present  emer¬ 
gency.  You  may,  therefore,  recall  that  con¬ 
versation  to  M.  Thouvenel’s  memory,  and  then 
assure  him  explicitly  that  there  is  no  difference 
of  opinion  whatever  between  the  President  and 
his  constitutional  advisers,  or  among  those  ad¬ 
visers  themselves,  concerning  the  policy  that 
has  been  pursued  and  which  is  now  prosecuted 
by  the  Administration  in  regard  to  the  unhap¬ 
py  disturbances  existing  in  the  country.  The 
path  of  Executive  duty  has  thus  far  been  too 
plainly  marked  out  by  stern  necessity  to  be 
mistaken,  while  the  solemnity  of  the  great 
emergency,  and  the  responsibility  it  involved, 
have  extinguished  in  the  public  councils  every 
emotion  but  those  of  loyalty  and  patriotism. 
It  is  not  in  the  hands  of  this  Administration 
that  this  Government  is  to  come  to  an  end  at 
all,  much  less  for  want  of  harmony  in  devotion 
to  the  country.  M.  Thouvenel’s  declaration 
that  the  United  States  may  rest  well  assured 
that  no  hasty  or  precipitato  action  will  be 
taken  on  the  subject  of  the  apprehended  appli¬ 
cation  of  the  insurrectionists  for  a  recognition 
of  the  independence  of  the  so-called  Confed¬ 
erate  States,  is  entirely  satisfactory,  although  it 
was  attended  by  a  reservation  of  views  con¬ 
cerning  general  principles  applicable  to  cases 
that  need  not  now  be  discussed.  In  the  un¬ 
official  conversation,  Mr.  Faulkner  says  that  he 
himself  expressed  the  opinion  that  force  would 
not  bo  resorted  to  to  coerce  the  so-called  se¬ 
ceding  States  into  submission  to  the  Federal 
authority,  and  that  the  only  solution  of  the 
difficulties  would  be  found  in  such  modifica¬ 
tions  of  the  constitutional  compact,  as  would 
invite  the  seceding  States  back  into  the  Union, 
or  a  peaceable  acquiescence  in  the  assertion  of 
their  claim  to  a  separato  sovereignty.  The 


time  when  these  questions  had  any  pertinency 
or  plausiblity,  has  passed  away.  The  United 
States  waited  patiently  while  their  authority 
was  defied  in  turbulent  assemblies  and  insi¬ 
dious  preparations,  lvilling  to  hope  that  media¬ 
tion,  offered  on  all  sides,  would  conciliate  and 
induce  the  disaffected  parties  to  return  to  a 
better  mind,  but  the  case  is  now  altogether 
changed.  The  insurgents  havo  instituted  revo¬ 
lution  with  open,  flagrant,  deadly  wax’,  to  com¬ 
pel  the  United  States  to  acquiesce  in  the  dis¬ 
memberment  of  the  Union.  The  United  States 
have  accepted  this  civil  war  as  an  inevitable 
necessity.  The  constitutional  remedies  for  all 
the  complaints  of  the  insurgents  are  still  open  to 
them,  and  will  remain  so.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  Union 
have  been  put  into  activity  to  restore  the 
Federal  authority  and  save  the  Union  from 
danger. 

You  cannot  be  too  decided  or  too  explicit  in 
making  known  to  the  French  Government  that 
there  is  not  now,  nor  has  there  been,  nor  will 
there  be  any — the  least — idea  existing  in  this 
Government  of  suffering  a  dissolution  of  this 
Union  to  take  place  in  any  way  whatever. 
There  will  be  here  only  one  nation  and  one 
government,  and  there  will  be  the  same  repub¬ 
lic  and  the  same  constitutional  Union  that  have 
already  survived  a  dozen  national  changes  and 
changes  of  government  in  almost  every  other 
country.  These  will  stand  hereafter,  as  they 
arc  now,  objects  of  human  wonder  and  human 
affection.  You  have  seen,  on  the  eve  of  your 
departure,  the  elasticity  of  the  national  spirit, 
the  vigor  of  the  national  Government,  and  the 
lavish  devotion  of  the  national  treasures  to  this 
great  cause.  Tell  M.  Thouvenel,  then,  with  the 
highest  consideration  and  good  feeling,  that  the 
thought  of  a  dissolution  of  this  Union,  peace¬ 
ably  or  by  force,  has  never  entered  into  the 
mind  of  any  candid  statesman  here,  and  it  is 
high  time  that  it  be  dismissed  by  statesmen  in 
Europe. 

I  am,  sir,  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

Wm.  H.  Sew  aud. 

To  "William  L.  Dayton,  Esq.,  &c.  &c. 

— jV,  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  6. 


Doo.  138. 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN’S  LETTER  TO  THE 
MARYLAND  AUTHORITIES. 

Washington,  April  20, 1861. 
Governor  Hides  and  Mayor  Brown  : 

Gentlemen:  Your  letter  by  Messrs.  Bond, 
Dobbin  and  Brune,  is  received.  I  tender  you 
both  my  sincere  thanks  for  your  efforts  to  keep 
the  peace  in  the  trying  situation  in  which  you 
are  placed.  For  the  future,  troops  must  bo 
brought  here,  but  I  make  no  point  of  bringing 
them  through  Baltimore. 

"Without  any  military  knowledge  myself,  of 
course  I  must  leave  details  to  General  Scott. 
Ho  hastily  said  this  morning,  in  presence  of 


194 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


these  gentlemen,  “  March  them  around  Balti¬ 
more,  and  not  through  it.” 

I  sincerely  hope  the  general,  on  fuller  re¬ 
flection,  will  consider  this  practical  and  proper, 
and  that  you  will  not  object  to  it.  By  this  a 
collision  of  the  people  of  Baltimore  with  the 
troops  will  be  avoided,  unless  they  go  out  of 
the  way  to  seek  it.  I  hope  you  will  exert 
your  influence  to  prevent  this.  Now  and  ever, 
I  shall  do  all  in  my  power  for  peace,  consistently 
with  the  maintenance  of  Government. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  Lincoln. 

— N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  G. 


Doc.  139. 

INTERVIEW  BETWEEN  COLONELS 
TILGIIMAN  AND  PRENTISS. 

Headquarters,  Camp  Defiance,  ) 
Cairo,  Ill.,  May  6, 1861.  j 

Colonel  Lloyd  Tilgiiman,  commanding  the 
western  division  of  Kentucky  Militia,  including 
Paducah  and  Columbus,  places  that  have  been 
considered  as  menacing  our  troops  here,  called, 
in  company  with  Colonel  AVickliffe,  of  Ken¬ 
tucky,  upon  Colonel  Prentiss,  commandant  at 
this  place.  The  following  is  the  substance  of 
their  interview : 

Colonel  Tilghman — “  I  have  visited  you, 
sir,  for  the  purpose  of  a  little  official  intercourse 
with  reference  to  the  late  questions  which  have 
excited  the  people  of  Kentucky,  and  to  culti¬ 
vate,  as  far  as  in  my  power,  peaceful  relations. 
Some  portions  of  the  public  press  have  erro¬ 
neously  used  the  name  of  Kentucky,  the  name 
of  her  organized  militia  under  my  command, 
and  my  own  name,  in  referring  to  the  hostile 
movement  of  troops  against  you  from  Tennes¬ 
see.”  (Colonel  Tilghman  referred  to  an  article 
in  the  Louisville  Journal ,  which  stated  that 
hostile  movements  from  Tennessee  could  go 
through  Kentucky  only  by  the  aid  of  troops 
under  Colonel  Tilghman’s  command.  lie  char¬ 
acterized  the  statement  in  severe  terms,  and 
said  that  Kentucky  was  still  in  the  Union,  and 
had  no  stronger  wish  than  to  remain  so.) 

Colonel  Prentiss — “I  can  hardly  express, 
gentlemen,  how  gratifying  it  is  to  mo  to  find 
these  the  sentiments  of  all  the  leading  men  I 
have  met  from  your  side  of  the  river.  I  assure 
you  that,  so  far  as  I  understand  the  sentiments 
of  my  State,  my  command  and  myself,  those 
friendly  feelings  are  cordially  reciprocated.  AYc 
must,  however,  when  wo  understand  that  cer¬ 
tain  points  in  either  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  or 
Missouri  are  menacing  us,  preparo  to  defend 
them.” 

Colonel  Tilghman— “  Let  me  say,  in  defer¬ 
ence  to  T  ennessee,  that,  so  far  as  her  authorities 
and  official  acts  aro  concerned,  she  was,  three 
days  ago,  in  the  Union.  I  have  just  come  from 
there,  where,  in  an  official  capacity,  I  defined 
to  them,  firmly  and  effectually,  the  policy  of 
my  State.  She  has  a  mercurial  population,  like 
every  State,  that  is  hard  to  control.  But  I  feel 


fully  authorized  to  say  in  deference  to  Govern¬ 
or  Harris,  with  whom  I  had  an  interview,  and 
in  deference  to  the  State  of  Tennessee,  that 
there  are  no  hostile  menaces  toward  you.” 

Colonel  Prentiss — “I  want  you  to  under¬ 
stand  me  that,  in  designating  certain  points  as 
hostile  and  menacing,  I  am  far  from  including 
the  whole  State.  As  to  Memphis,  1  am  reliably 
informed  that  bodies  are  arming  and  drilling 
with  a  proposed  destination  to  some  place 
North  ;  and  I  trill  say  to  you  frankly ,  that  we 
are  prepared  for  the  attack  and  await  it.  But 
I  am  inclined  to  think  they  are  the  mob,  with¬ 
out  official  encouragement.” 

Colonel  Tilghman — “Yes,  sir,  I  feel  author¬ 
ized  to  express  that  view  of  it.  The  press 
ought  to  be  restrained  in  its  ready  circulation 
of  errors.  There  is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  the 
statement  of  there  being  12,000  men  at  Padu¬ 
cah  for  invasion ;  or,  as  to  the  concentration 
of  troops  in  any  part  of  Kentucky  under  my 
control.  As  to  the  recent  arrival  of  arms  at 
Columbus,  they  were  the  property  of  the  State. 
This,  as  her  right,  Illinois  cannot  raise  any  ob¬ 
jection  to.  Kentucky  has  her  own  rights  to 
defend,  and  no  State  can  doit  more  powerfully. 
She  is  a  warm  and  generous  friend,  but  a  hearty 
enemy.  AYe  do  not  wish  war.  AVe  are  now 
electing  our  representatives  to  Congress,  with 
the  intention  of  holding  out  the  olive  branch. 
But  the  commerce  of  ^Kentucky  is  large,  and 
our  people  do  not  understand  how  much  of  it 
is  to  be  interrupted  in  transitu.  They  feel 
that  they  cannot  ship  a  barrel  of  flour  without 
being  subjected  to  this  system  of  espionage , 
which  is  entirely  inadmissible.” 

Colonel  Prentiss — “I  am  instructed  to  seize 
no  property  unless  I  have  information  that  such 
property  consists  of  munitions  of  war,  destined 
to  the  enemies  of  the  United  States  Govern¬ 
ment.” 

Colonel  Tilghman — “  Then  you  would  not 
consider  munitions  of  war  shipped  to  Ken¬ 
tucky,  under  her  authority,  as  contraband  ?  ” 

Colonel  Prentiss — “  That  would  depend  up¬ 
on  the  point  whether  Columbus  is  arming  and 
menacing  us.” 

Colonel  Tilghman — “  They  have  not  been 
and  are  not,  allow  me  to  say.” 

Colonel  Prentiss — “Then  I  have  been  mis¬ 
informed.  Generally,  there  would  bo  no  deten¬ 
tion  of  munitions  of  war  destined  to  tho  au¬ 
thorities  of  Kentucky.” 

Colonel  Tilghman — “  Tho  position  I  wish  to 
assume  is,  that  Kentucky  is  the  peer  of  Illinois, 
and  would  not  consent  to  any  thing  of  the  kind, 
under  any  pretence.  Kentucky  probably  would 
never  consent  to  the  blockade  of  tho  Ohio.” 

Colonel  Prentiss — “  But  if,  as  you  say,  Ken¬ 
tucky  is  a  loyal  State,  she  would  have  to  allow 
tho  blockading  of  the  Ohio.  I  assure  you  Illi¬ 
nois  would  allow  it,  if  required  by  tho  General 
Government.  Kentucky  has  not  done  her  full 
duty  to  tho  Government.  She  has  not  fur¬ 
nished  her  quota  of  troops  upon  the  demand  of 
tho  President,  in  defence  of  tho  national  flag ; 


DOCUMENTS. 


195 


and  this  shows  we  are  right  in  apprehending 
certain  disaffected  and  disloyal  communities 
which  rule  to  some  extent  the  sentiment  of  the 
State.” 

Colonel  Tilghman — “I  frankly  acknowledge 
that  you  have  the  advantage  of  mo  there.  But 
after  my  intercourse  with  you,  and  reassuring 
you  of  the  groundlessness  of  your  fears  in  my 
official  capacity,  it  would  be  very  inconsistent 
with  your  previous  intimations,  for  you  to 
credit  counter  rumors.  My  dear  sir,  there  are 
not  organized  fifty  men  in  Western  Kentucky, 
outside  of  my  command.” 

Colonel  Prentiss — “  As  soon  as  our  force  is 
completely  organized  here,  I  intend  to  visit  the 
other  side.” 

Colonel  Tilghman — “  Wo  shall  receive  you 
with  every  kindness.  The  position  of  Illinois 
and  Kentucky  relatively  is  very  delicate,  and 
on  that  account  allow  me  to  say  that  I  hope 
you  will  continue  in  command  here.  Affairs 
must  be  managed  on  both  sides  with  calmness. 
I  think  there  is  hardly  a  man  in  a  hundred  in 
the  State  of  Kentucky  but  would  fight  for  the 
old  Constitution  as  interpreted  by  the  Supreme 
Court.  I  am  highly  gratified  at  this  interview, 
and  I  hope  to  see  yourself  and  staff  over  there 
some  day.” 

—  Chicago  Tribune,  and  N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  11. 


Doo.  140. 

ACT  RECOGNIZING  A  STATE  OF  WAR. 

[BY  “  CONFEDERATE  ”  CONGRESS.] 

The  following  Act,  recognizing  the  existence 
of  war  between  the  United  States  and  the 
States  in  rebellion,  was  published  May  6,  1861 : 

Whereas,  The  earnest  efforts  made  by  this 
government  to  establish  friendly  relations  be¬ 
tween  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
and  the  Confederate  States,  and  to  settle  all 
questions  of  disagreement  between  the  two 
governments  upon  principles  of  right,  justice, 
equity,  and  good  faith,  have  proved  unavailing, 
by  reason  of  the  refusal  of  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  to  hold  any  intercourse  with 
the  commissioners  appointed  by  this  govern¬ 
ment  for  the  purposes  aforesaid,  or  to  listen  to 
any  proposal  they  had  to  make  for  the  peaceful 
solution  of  all  causes  of  difficulties  between  tho 
two  governments ;  and  whereas ,  tho  President 
of  tho  United  States  of  America  has  issued  his 
proclamation,  making  requisition  upon  tho 
States  of  the  American  Union  for  75,000  men, 
for  the  purpose  as  therein  indicated  of  captur¬ 
ing  forts,  and  other  strongholds  within  the  ju¬ 
risdiction  of,  and  belonging  to,  the  Confederate 
States  of  America,  and  has  detailed  naval  ar¬ 
maments  upon  the  coasts  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America,  and  raised,  organized,  and 
equipped  a  large  military  force  to  executo  the 
purpose  aforesaid,  and  has  issued  his  other 
Proclamation,  announcing  his  purpose  to  set  on 
foot  a  blockade  of  the  ports  of  tho  Confederate 


States ;  and  whereas ,  tho  State  of  Virginia  has 
seceded  from  the  Federal  Union,  and  entered 
into  a  convention  of  alliance,  offensive  and  de¬ 
fensive,  with  the  Confederate  States,  and  has 
adopted  the  Provisional  Constitution  of  the 
said  States,  and  the  States  of  Maryland,  North 
Carolina,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Arkansas,  and 
Missouri  have  refused,  and  it  is  believed  that 
the  State  of  Delaware  and  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Territories  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico, 
and  the  Indian  Territory  south  of  Kansas,  will 
refuse  to  cooperate  with  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  in  these  acts  of  hostilities  and 
wanton  aggression,  which  are  plainly  intended 
to  overawe,  oppress,  and  finally  subjugate  the 
people  of  the  Confederate  States ;  and,  whereas , 
by  the  acts  and  means  aforesaid  war  exists  be¬ 
tween  the  Confederate  States  and  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  tho  United  States,  and  the  States  and 
Territories  thereof,  excepting  the  States  of 
Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Ken¬ 
tucky,  Arkansas,  Missouri,  and  Delaware,  and 
the  Territories  of  Arizona,  and  New  Mexico, 
and  the  Indian  Territory  south  of  Kansas : 
Therefore, 

Section  1.  The  congress  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America  do  enact ,  That  the  President 
of  the  Confederate  States  is  hereby  authorized 
to  use  tho  whole  land  and  naval  force  of  the 
Confederate  States  to  meet  the  war  thus  com¬ 
menced,  and  to  issue  to  private  armed  vessels 
commissions,  or  letters  of  marque  and  general 
reprisal,  in  such  form  as  he  shall  think  proper, 
under  the  seal  of  the  Confederate  States,  against 
the  vessels,  goods  and  effects  of  tho  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  citizens 
or  inhabitants  of  the  States  and  Territories 
thereof,  except  the  States  and  Territories  here¬ 
inbefore  named.  Provided ,  however,  that  prop¬ 
erty  of  the  enemy  (unless  it  be  contraband  of 
war)  laden  on  board  a  neutral  vessel,  shall  not 
be  subject  to  seizure  under  this  Act ;  and  pro¬ 
vided  further,  that  vessels  of  the  citizens  or  in¬ 
habitants  of  the  United  States  now  in  the  ports 
of  the  Confederate  States,  except  such  as  havo 
been,  since  tho  5th  of  April  last,  or  may  here¬ 
after  be,  in  the  service  of  the  Government  of 
the  United  States,  shall  be  allowed  thirty  days 
after  tho  publication  of  this  Act  to  leave  said 
ports  and  reach  their  destination;  and  such 
vessels  and  their  cargoes,  excepting  articles 
contraband  of  war,  shall  not  be  subject  to  cap¬ 
ture  under  this  Act,  during  said  period,  unless 
they  shall  have  previously  reached  the  destina¬ 
tion  for  which  they  were  bound  on  leaving  said 
ports. 

Sec.  2.  That  tho  President  of  tho  Confed¬ 
erate  States  shall  be  and  he  is  hereby  author¬ 
ized  and  empowered  to  revoke  and  annul  at 
pleasure  all  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  which 
he  may  at  any  time  grant  pursuant  to  this 
Act. 

Sec.  3.  That  all  persons  applying  for  letters 
of  marque  and  reprisal,  pursuant  to  this  Act, 
shall  state  in  writing  tho  name,  and  a  suitable 
I  description  of  the  tonnage  and  forco  of  tho  yes- 


196 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1800-01. 


sel,  and  the  name  and  place  of  residence  of  each 
owner  concerned  therein,  and  the  intended 
number  of  the  crew  ;  which  statement  shall  be 
signed  by  the  person  or  persons  making  such 
application,  and  filed  with  the  Secretary  of 
State,  or  shall  be  delivered  to  any  other  officer 
or  person  who  shall  be  employed  to  deliver  out 
such  commissions,  to  be  by  him  transmitted  to 
the  Secretary  of  State. 

Sec.  4.  That,  before  any  commission  or  letters 
of  marque  and  reprisal  shall  be  issued  as  afore¬ 
said,  the  owner  or  owners  of  the  ship  or  vessel 
for  which  the  same  shall  be  requested,  and  the 
commander  thereof  for  the  time  being,  shall 
give  bond  to  the  Confederate  States,  with  at 
least  two  responsible  sureties,  not  interested  in 
such  vessel,  in  the  penal  sum  of  five  thousand 
dollars;  or  if  such  vessel  be  provided  with 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  then  in 
the  penal  sum  of  ten  thousand  dollars ;  with 
condition  that  the  owners,  officers  and  crew, 
who  shall  be  employed  on  board  such  commis¬ 
sioned  vessel,  shall  and  will  observe  the  laws 
of  the  Confederate  States,  and  the  instructions 
which  shall  be  given  them  according  to  law, 
for  the  regulation  of  their  conduct ;  and  will 
satisfy  all  damages  and  injuries  which  shall  be 
done  or  committed  contrary  to  the  tenor  there¬ 
of,  by  such  vessel,  during  her  commission,  and 
to  deliver  up  the  same  when  revoked  by  the 
President  of  the  Confederate  States. 

Sec.  5.  That  all  captures  and  prizes  of  ves¬ 
sels  and  property  shall  be  forfeited,  and  shall 
accrue  to  the  owners,  officers  and  crews  of  the 
vessels  by  whom  such  captures  and  prizes  shall 
be  made  ;  and,  on  due  condemnation  had,  shall 
be  distributed  according  to  any  written  agree¬ 
ment  which  shall  be  made  between  them  :  and 
if  there  be  no  such  written  agreement,  then 
one  moiety  to  the  owners,  and  the  other  moiety 
to  the  officers  and  crew,  as  nearly  as  may  be, 
according  to  the  rules  prescribed  for  the  distri¬ 
bution  of  prize  money  by  the  laws  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States. 

Sec.  C.  That  all  vessels,  goods,  and  effects, 
the  property  of  any  citizen  of  the  Confederate 
States,  or  of  persons  resident  within  and  under 
the  protection  of  the  Confederate  States,  or  of 
persons  permanently  within  the  territories,  and 
under  the  protection  of  any  foreign  prince 
government  or  state  in  amity  with  the  Con- 
federate  States,  which  shall  havo  been  captured 
by  the  United  States,  and  which  shall  bo  recap¬ 
tured  by  vessels  commissioned  as  aforesaid, 
shall  bo  restored  to  the  lawful  owners,  upon 
payment  by  them  of  a  just  and  reasonable  sal¬ 
vage,  to  be  determined  by  the  mutual  agree¬ 
ment  of  the  parties  concerned,  or  by  the  decree 
of  any  court  having  jurisdiction,  according  to 
the  nature  of  each  case,  agreeably  to  the  pro¬ 
visions  established  by  law.  And  such  salvage 
shall  be  distributed  among  the  owners,  officers 
and  crews  of  the  vessels  commissioned  as  afore¬ 
said,  and  making  such  capture,  according  to 
any  written  agreement  which  shall  be  made 
between  them  ;  and  in  case  of  no  such  agree¬ 


ment,  then  in  the  same  manner  and  upon  the 
principles  hereinbefore  provided  in  case  of  cap¬ 
ture. 

Sec.  t .  That  before  breaking  bulk  of  any 
vessel  which  shall  be  captured  as  aforesaid,  or 
other  disposal  or  conversion  thereof,  or  of  any 
articles  which  shall  be  lound  on  board  the  same, 
such  captured  vessel,  goods  or  effects,  shall  be 
brought  into  some  port  of  the  Confederate 
States,  or  of  a  nation  or  state  in  amity  with 
theConfederatc  States,  and  shall  be  proceeded 
against  before  a  competent  tribunal ;  and  after 
condemnation  and  forfeiture  thereof,  shall  be¬ 
long  to  the  owners,  officers  and  crew  of  the 
vessel  capturing  the  same,  and  be  distributed 
as  before  provided  ;  and  in  the  case  of  all  cap¬ 
tured  vessels,  goods  and  effects,  which  shall  be 
brought  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States,  the  District  Courts  of  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  shall  have  exclusive,  original  cogni¬ 
zance  thereof,  as  in  civil  causes  of  admiralty 
and  maritime  jurisdiction ;  and  the  said  courts 
or  the  courts,  being  courts  of  the  Confederate 
States,  into  which  such  causes  shall  be  re¬ 
moved,  and  in  which  they  shall  be  finally  de¬ 
cided,  shall  and  may  decree  restitution,  in 
whole  or  in  part,  when  the  capture  shall  have 
been  made  without  just  cause.  And  if  made 
without  probable  cause,  may  order  and  decree 
damages  and  costs  to  the  party  injured,  for 
which  the  owners  and  commanders  of  the  ves¬ 
sels  making  such  captures,  and  also  the  vessels, 
shall  be  liable. 

Sec.  8.  That  all  persons  found  on  board  of 
any  captured  vessels,  or  on  board  any  recap¬ 
tured  vessels,  shall  be  reported  to  the  collector 
of  the  port  in  the  Confederate  States  in  which 
they  shall  first  arrive,  and  shall  be  delivered 
into  the  custody  of  the  marshal  of  the  district, 
or  some  court  or  military  officer  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States,  or  of  any  State  in  or  near  such 
port,  wTho  shall  take  charge  of  their  safe  keep¬ 
ing  and  support,  at  the  expense  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States. 

Sec.  9.  That  the  President  of  the  Confeder¬ 
ate  States  is  hereby  authorized  to  establish  and 
order  suitable  instructions  for  the  better  gov¬ 
erning  and  directing  the  conduct  of  the  vessels 
so  commissioned,  their  officers  and  crews,  copies 
of  which  shall  be  delivered,  by  the  collector  of 
the  customs,  to  the  commanders,  when  they 
shall  give  bond  as  before  provided. 

Sec.  10.  That  a  bounty  shall  be  paid  by  the 
Confederate  States  of  $20  for  each  person  on 
board  any  armed  ship  or  vessel  belonging  to 
the  United  States  at  the  commencement  of  an 
engagement,  which  shall  be  burnt,  sunk  or  de¬ 
stroyed  by  any  vessel  commissioned  ns  afore¬ 
said,  which  shall  be  of  equal  or  inferior  force, 
the  same  to  bo  divided  as  in  other  cases  of 
prize  money — and  a  bounty  of  $25  shall  be  paid 
to  the  owners,  officers  and  crews  of  the  private 
armed  vessels,  commissioned  as  aforesaid,  for 
each  and  every  prisoner  by  them  captured  and 
brought  into  port,  and  delivered  to  an  agent 
authorized  to  receive  them,  in  any  port  of  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


197 


Confederate  States ;  and  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  is  hereby  authorized  to  pay  or  cause 
to  be  paid  to  tho  owners,  officers,  and  crews  of 
such  private  armed  vessels,  commissioned  as 
aforesaid,  or  their  agent,  the  bounties  herein 
provided. 

Seo.  11.  That  the  commanding  officer  of 
every  vessel  having  a  commission,  or  letters  of 
marque  and  reprisal,  during  the  present  hostili¬ 
ties  between  the  Confederate  States  and  the 
United  States,  shall  keep  a  regular  journal, 
containing  a  true  and  exact  account  of  his  daily 
proceedings  and  transactions  with  such  vessel 
and  the  crew  thereof ;  tho  ports  and  places  he 
shall  put  into,  or  cast  anchor  in ;  tho  time  of 
his  stay  there,  and  the  cause  thereof;  the 
prizes  he  shall  take,  and  the  nature  and  prob¬ 
able  value  thereof ;  the  times  and  places,  when 
and  where  taken,  and  in  what  manner  he  shall 
dispose  of  the  same ;  the  ships  or  vessels  he 
shall  fall  in  with  ;  the  times  and  places,  when 
and  where  he  shall  meet  with  them,  and  his 
observations  and  remarks  thereon ;  also,  of 
whatever  else  shall  occur  to  him,  or  any  of  his 
officers  or  marines,  or  be  discovered  by  exami¬ 
nation  or  conference  with  any  marines  or  pas¬ 
sengers  of,  or  in  any  other  ships  or  vessels,  or 
by  any  other  means,  touching  the  fleets,  vessels 
and  forces  of  the  United  States ;  their  posts 
and  places  of  station  and  destination,  strength, 
numbers,  intents  and  designs ;  and  such  com¬ 
manding  officer  shall  immediately  on  his  arri¬ 
val  in  any  port  of  the  Confederate  States,  from 
or  during  the  continuance  of  any  voyage  or 
cruise,  produce  his  commission  for  such  vessel, 
and  deliver  up  such  journal,  so  kept  as  afore¬ 
said,  signed  with  his  proper  name  and  hand¬ 
writing,  to  the  collector  or  other  chief  officer 
of  the  customs  at  or  nearest  to  such  port ;  the 
truth  of  such  journal  shall  be  verified  by  the 
oath  of  the  commanding  officer  for  tho  time 
being ;  and  such  collector  or  other  chief  officer 
of  the  customs  shall,  immediately  on  the  arri¬ 
val  of  such  vessel,  order  the  proper  officer  of 
the  customs  to  go  on  hoard  and  take  an  account 
of  the  officers  and  men,  the  number  and  nature 
of  the  guns,  and  whatever  else  shall  occur  to 
him  on  examination,  material  to  be  known ; 
and  no  such  vessel  shall  be  permitted  to  sail 
out  of  port  again  until  such  journal  shall  have 
been  delivered  up,  and  a  certificate  obtained 
under  the  hand  of  such  collector  or  other  chief 
officer  of  the  customs  that  she  is  manned  and 
armed  according  to  her  commission ;  and,  upon 
delivery  of  such  certificate,  any  former  certi¬ 
ficate  of  a  like  nature  which  shall  have  been 
obtained  by  tho  commander  of  such  vessel  shall 
be  delivered  up. 

Sec.  12.  That  the  commanders  of  vessels 
having  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  as  afore¬ 
said,  neglecting  to  keep  a  journal  as  aforesaid, 
or  wilfully  making  fraudulent  entries  therein, 
or  obliterating  the  record  of  any  material  trans¬ 
actions  therein,  where  the  interest  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States  is  concerned,  or  refusing  to  pro¬ 
duce  and  deliver  such  journal,  commission,  or 


certificate  pursuant  to  the  preceding  section  of 
this  act,  then  and  in  such  cases  the  commissions 
or  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  of  such  vessels 
shall  be  liable  to  be  revoked ;  and  such  com¬ 
mander  respectively  shall  forfeit  for  every  such 
offence  the  sum  of  $1,000,  one  moiety  thereof 
for  the  use  of  the  Confederate  States,  and  the 
other  to  the  informer. 

Sec.  13.  That  the  owners  or  commanders  of 
vessels  having  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  as 
aforesaid,  who  shall  violate  any  of  the  acts  of 
congress  for  the  collection  of  the  revenue  of 
the  Confederate  States,  and  for  the  prevention 
of  smuggling,  shall  forfeit  the  commission  or 
letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  they  and  the 
vessels  owned  or  commanded  by  them  shall  be 
liable  to  all  the  penalties  and  forfeitures  attach¬ 
ing  to  merchant  vessels,  in  like  cases. 

Sec.  14.  That  on  all  goods,  wares,  and  mer¬ 
chandise  captured  and  made  good  and  lawful 
prizes  of  war,  by  any  private  armed  ship  having 
commission  or  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal 
under  this  act,  and  brought  into  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States,  there  shall  be  allowed  a  reduction 
of  33-J-  per  cent,  on  the  amount  of  duties  im¬ 
posed  by  law. 

Sec.  15.  That  five  per  centum  on  the  net 
amount  (after  deducting  all  charges  and  expen¬ 
ditures)  of  the  prize  money  arising  from  cap¬ 
tured  vessels  and  cargoes,  and  on  tho  net 
amount  of  tho  salvage  of  vessels  and  cargoes 
recaptured  by  the  private  armed  vessels  of  the 
Confederate  States,  shall  he  secured  and  paid 
over  to  the  collector  or  other  chief  officer  of 
the  customs  at  the  port  or  place  in  the  Con¬ 
federate  States  at  which  such  captured  or  re¬ 
captured  vessels  may  arrive,  or  to  the  consul  or 
other  public  agent  of  the  Confederate  States, 
residing  at  the  port  or  place,  not  within  the 
Confederate  States,  at  which  such  captured  or 
recaptured  vessels  may  arrive.  And  the  moneys 
arising  therefrom  shall  be  held,  and  are  hereby 
pledged  by  the  government  of  the  Confederate 
States  as  a  fund  for  the  support  and  mainte¬ 
nance  of  the  widows  and  orphans  of  such  per¬ 
sons  as  may  be  slain,  and  for  the  support  and 
maintenance  of  such  persons  as  may  be  wound¬ 
ed  and  disabled  on  board  of  the  private  armed 
vessels  commissioned  as  aforesaid  in  any  en¬ 
gagement  with  the  enemy,  to  be  assigned  and 
distributed  in  such  manner  as  shall  hereafter 
be  provided  by  law. 

— Charleston  Mercury ,  May  8. 


Doc.  141. 


PATRIOTIC  CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  May  7,  1861. 


Albany,  N.  T . 

Auburn,  N.  Y . 

Abington,  Mass . 

Amcsbury,  Mass . 

Acton,  Mass . 

Boston,  Mass . 

Brooklyn,  N.  Y . 

Bridgeport,  Ct . 

Burlington,  Yt . 

Bath,  Me . 

Batavia,  N.  Y . 

Buffalo,  N.  Y . 


$46,000 

4,000 

5,000 

5,000 

5,000 

186,000 

75.000 

31,000 

3,000 

10,000 

4,000 

110,000 


Burlington,  X.  J . 

Bordentown,  N.  J. .. . 

Bradford,  Yt . 

Bridgetown,  N.  J. . . . 

Bedford,  Mass . 

Bennington,  Yt . 

Barre,  Mass . 

Braintree,  Mass . 

Bedford,  N.  Y . 

Brunswick,  Me . 

Binghamton,  N.  Y.. . . 
Connecticut,  State... 2 


$4,000 

3.000 

2,000 

1.000 

2.000 

10,000 

2,000 

2,000 

1,000 

1,000 

10,000 

,000,000 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


198 


Cincinnati . $2SO,OOOjNe\vark,  N.  J . $136,000 

Charlestown,  Mass. . .  10,000  New  Haven,  Ct .  30,000 

Chicago,  Ill .  20,000  Norwich,  Ct .  13,000 

Circleville,  Ohio .  2,000;New  London,  Ct .  10,000 

Clinton,  111 .  5,000  New  Brunswick,  N.  J.  2,000 

Cohasset,  Mass .  l,OOOlNeedham,  Mass .  8,000 

Clinton,  N.  Y .  1,000  Newtown,  Mass .  3,000 

Concord,  Mass .  4,000 IN.  Andover,  Mass. .. .  8,000 

Concord,  N.  II .  10,000!Nohlesville,  Ind .  10,000 

Canandaigua,  N.  Y. . .  7,000;Nowbury,  Mass .  8,000 

Canton,  Mass .  5,000  Newburyport,  Mass. .  4,000 

Cass  County,  Ind. . . .  6,000  Ohio,  State . 8,000,000 

Cam.  &  Am.  E.  R.  Co.  10,000  Oswego,  N.  Y .  13,000 

50,000  Ottowa,  Ill .  18,000 

U0, 000  Pennsylvania,  State. 3, 500, 000 


Detroit,  Mich 

Dunkirk,  N.  Y . 

Dover,  N.  H .  10,000 

Damariscotta,  Me. . . .  8,000 

Elizabeth,  N.  J .  11,000 

Elkhart,  Ind .  8,000 

Erie,  Pa .  25,000 

Evansville,  Ind .  15,000 

Eall  River,  Muss .  10,000 

Flemington,  N.  J _  5,000 

Fond  du  Lac,  Wis. . .  4,000 


Philadelphia.. .  330,000 

Plymouth,  Mass .  2,000 

Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y. .  10,000 

Piqua,  Ohio .  20,000 

Paterson,  N.  J .  10,000 

Portland,  Me .  81,000 

Princeton,  N.  J .  2,000 

Palmyra,  N.  Y .  6,000 

Quincy,  Mass .  10,000 


Gloucester,  Mass .  10,000jlibode  Island,  State..  500,000 

Glen  Falls,  N.  Y .  10,000  Rochester .  69,000 

Great  Falls,  N.  H _  10,000  Rockland,  Me .  10,000 

Greensburg,  Ind .  2,000  Salem,  Mass .  15,000 

Georgetown,  Mass. . .  5,00(f Stowe,  Mass .  2,000 

Galena,  Ill .  1,000: Schenectady,  N.  Y. ..  2,000 

Hudson,  N.  Y .  4,000  Seneca  Falls,  N.  Y...  8,000 

Hamilton,  Ohio .  1,000  Stockbridge,  Mass...  3,000 

Hoboken,  N.  J .  2,000  Sycamore,  Ill .  4,000 

Hornellsville,  N.  Y.. .  1,000  St.  Albans,  Vt .  10,000 

Hartford,  Conn .  64.000  Sag  Harbor,  N.  Y .  3,000 

Harrisburg,  Pa .  5,000,Sar.  Springs,  N.  Y _  2,000 

Illinois,  State . 2,000,000  Southboro’,  Mass _  2,000 

Indiana,  State . 1,000,000  Syracuse,  N,  Y .  34,000 

Iowa,  State .  100,000  Salisbury,  Mass .  5,000 

Ithaca,  N.  Y .  10,000'Shclburne,  Yt .  1,000 

Indianapolis,  Ind .  5,000  Schuylkill  Co.,  Pa.. . .  80,000 

Ipswich,  Mass .  4,000  Sutton,  Mass .  6,000 

Jersey  City.  N.  J....  82,000iTroy,  N.  Y .  48,000 

Janesville,  Wis .  6,000  Toledo,  Ohio .  5,000 

Kenton,  Ohio .  2, 000. Taunton,  Mass .  40,000 

Keene,  N.  II .  lO.OOOiUtica,  N.  Y .  20,000 

Lynn,  Mass .  10,000  Upper  Sandusky,  O. .  5,000 

Lockport,  N.  Y .  2,000 1  Vermont,  State . 1,000,000 

Lawrence.  Mass .  5,000  Wisconsin,  State .  225,000 

Lowell,  Mass .  8,000  Weymouth,  Mass. . ..  5,000 

London,  Ohio .  l,000j Wilmington,  Ohio...  8,000 

Lancaster,  Pa .  5,000,  Waynesville,  Ohio. ..  2,000 

Lebanon  County,  Pa.  10,000,  Waltham,  Mass .  5,000 

Maine,  State . 1,300,000;  West  Cambridge, Mass.  10,000 

Michigan,  various  pi’s.  50,000  Woodstock,  Yt .  1,000 

Milwaukee,  Wis .  81,000,  Watertown,  N.  Y _  8,000 

Marblehead,  Mass _  5, 000, Warsaw,  N.  Y .  8,000 

Malden,  Mass .  2.000, Watertown,  Mass.. ..  2,000 

Madison,  Ind .  6,000  Waterford,  N.  Y .  8,000 

Mount  Holly,  N.  J...  3,000  Westboro’,  Mass .  8,000 

Morristown,  N.  J _  3,000,  West  Troy,  N.  Y _  7,000 

Mystic,  Ct .  7,000  Woburn,  Mass .  5,000 

Madison,  Wis .  9,000 1  Warsaw,  N.  Y .  3,000 

Marlboro’,  Mass .  10,000,  Woodbury,  Ct .  5,000 

Marshfield,  Mass .  5,000 (Webster,  Mass .  4.000 

New  York,  State - 8,000,000;  Xenia,  Ohio .  14,000 

New  York,  City  . . .  .2,173, 000, Zanesville,  Ohio .  8,000 

New  Jersey,  Stato. ..1,000, 000|  - 

Total . $23,277,000 

— V.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  8. 


Doc.  142. 

DEPARTURE  OF  THE  20th  REGIMENT, 
OF  ULSTER  CO.,  N.  Y.,  Mat  7,  1801. 

The  Twentieth  Regiment,  Colonel  G.  T7. 
Pratt,  of  Ulster  county,  arrived  in  New  York 
on  Sunday  evening,  the  28tli  of  April,  and  were 
stationed  at  the  Park  barracks.  They  came  for 
the  purpose  of  going  to  Washington,  via  steam¬ 
ship,  but  no  provisions  had  been  made  for  their 
transportation. 

The  regiment  mustered  781  men,  when  they 
arrived,  recruits  to  the  number  of  twenty  camo 
on  subsequently,  and  300  at  least  might  have 


been  added  from  the  Highlands,  had  not  the 
order  “to  stop  recruiting”  been  forwarded. 

On  Sunday  afternoon,  May  5,  a  special  order 
was  received,  ordering  the  Twentieth  Regiment 
to  return  to  their  homes,  as  no  more  regular 
militia  would  be  accepted ;  advices  from  Wash¬ 
ington  only  calling  for  volunteers  to  servo  for 
two  years. 

This  order  caused  great  consternation  among 
the  rank  and  file.  They  had  enlisted  in  the 
hope  of  being  engaged  in  the  impending  con¬ 
flict,  and  expected  to  see  actual  service.  Many 
of  them  had  given  up  lucrative  positions,  left 
homes  and  families  for  the  purpose  of  manifest¬ 
ing  their  patriotism  for  their  country,  and  sus¬ 
tain  the  honor  and  integrity  of  the  American 
flag.  At  seven  o’clock,  on  the  following  eve¬ 
ning,  a  special  order  was  received  from  Wash¬ 
ington,  ordering  them  to  at  once  proceed  to  the 
Capital. 

When  this  news  was  imparted  to  the  troops 
a  scene  of  genuine  enthusiasm  ensued;  cheer 
upon  cheer  rang  upon  the  air ;  the  President, 
the  Governor,  General  Scott,  Colonel  Pratt, 
and  in  fact  every  name  the  troops  could  think 
of,  was  wildly  cheered. 

Colonel  Pratt  was  deeply  affected  at  the  en¬ 
thusiasm  manifested  by  liis  men,  and  took  no 
measures  to  check  their  outbursts  of  joy.  After 
order  was  restored,  the  commandant  made  a 
few  pithy  remarks,  thanking  his  regiment  for 
the  manner  in  which  they  had  undergone  dis¬ 
appointments,  and  congratulated  them  on  the 
prospect  of  having  an  opportunity  of  showing 
of  what  material  the  Ulster  county  boys  are 
composed.  He  said  that  his  regiment  would 
come  back  covered  with  glory.  He  also  exon¬ 
erated  the  State  authorities  from  all  blame  in 
keeping  them  back,  and  said  that  the  principal 
reason  for  their  being  ordered  home  was  the 
great  number  of  organized  regiments  of  militia 
offering,  by  which  the  Government  was  forced 
to  decline  one-half  the  tenders. 

A  few  encouraging  words  to  the  men,  and 
the  Colonel  concluded  by  giving  orders  to  be  in 
marching  order  as  soon  as  possible. 

The  celerity  with  which  the  camp  was  placed 
in  marching  order  is  one  of  the  very  best  evi¬ 
dences  of  what  might  be  expected  of  this  regi¬ 
ment  in  actual  service.  The  train  could  not 
leave  owing  to  the  storm,  and  tho  men  again 
bivouacked. 

At  reveille  the  men  were  already  in  trim 
ready  to  take  arms  and  march.  A  hearty  and 
substantial  breakfast  was  partaken  of,  and  all 
the  arrangements  made  necessary  for  tho  com¬ 
fort  of  the  troops.  Tho  order  to  form  in  line 
was  given  at  eight  o’clock. 

After  inspection  by  the  officers  and  several 
military  celebrities,  who  had  assembled  to  wit¬ 
ness  their  departure,  the  line  of  march  was 
taken  up,  and  the  command  wheeled  out  of  the 
west  gate  of  tho  Park,  and  filed  down  Broad¬ 
way  to  Cortlandt  street  to  the  ferry.  The  offi¬ 
cers  were  mounted  on  splendid  chargers,  and 
tho  general  appearance  of  the  regiment  elicited 


DOCUMENTS. 


199 


considerable  praise  from  the  spectators.  At  j 
the  depot  a  train  was  in  readiness  to  take  the 
troops  to  Philadelphia. 

Field  Officers. — Colonel,  George  W.  Pratt; 
Lieutenant  Colonel,  Hiram  Sclioonmaker ;  Ma¬ 
jor,  Theodore  B.  Yates. 

Staff  Officers. — Adjutant,  J.  B.  Ilardenhurgh ; 
Engineer,  D.  T.  Yan  Buren;  Hospital  Surgeon, 
(assigned  to  duty  in  the  brigade,)  A.  Crispell ; 
Surgeon,  C.  Leonard  Ingersoll ;  Assistant  Sur¬ 
geon,  Robert  Longham;  Quartermaster,  John 
S.  Giffin;  Paymaster,  P.  T.  Overbaugli;  Com¬ 
missary,  W.  Sonnsby;  Chaplain,  Rev.  H.  H. 
Reynolds. 

Non-commissioned  Staff. — Quartermaster  Ser¬ 
geant,  P.  F.  Hasbrouck;  Sergeant  of  Infantry, 
W.  Webster  Shaffer ;  Drum-Major,  Geo.  Myers ; 
Fife-Major,  A.  Goller. 

Line  Officers. — Company  A,  of  Cairo,  Greene 
county,  First  Lieutenant,  A.  G.  Barker,  com¬ 
manding  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  James  Stevens. 

Company  B,  of  Kingston,  Captain  G.  II. 
Sharpe;  First  Lieutenant,  Jacob  Sharpe;  Sec¬ 
ond  Lieutenant,  Cornelius  Iloughtaling. 

Company  C,  of  Kingston,  Captain,  J.  Rudolph 
Tappen;  First  Lieutenant,  Walter  W.  Yan 
Ranselaer;  Second  Lioutonant,  Peter  S.  Voor- 
hees. 

Company  D,  of  Sholcan,  Ulster  county,  Cap¬ 
tain,  David  Winno;  First  Lieutenant,  John 
Hussy;  Second  Lieutonant,  John  W.  Schoon- 
maker. 

Company  E,  of  Ellensville,  Ulster  county, 
Captain,  William  Lent ;  First  Lieutenant,  Jacob 
A.  Blackman;  Second  Lieutenant,  Nicholas 
Salien. 

Company  F,  of  Rondout,  Ulster  county,  Cap¬ 
tain,  P.  J.  Flynn;  First  Lieutenant,  Edward 
O’Reilly;  Second  Lieutenant,  John  Murray. 

Company  G,  of  Saugertics,  Captain,  J.  S. 
Oakley ;  First  Lieutenant,  J.  Tallmadge  Hen¬ 
dricks  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Sylvanus  W.  Miller. 

Company  II,  of  Rondout,  Ulster  county,  Cap¬ 
tain,  John  Duenbocker ;  First  Lieutenant,  Jerrie 
Mclntire ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Lawrence  Stock¬ 
er. 

Company  K,  (right  flank  company),  Captain, 
James  McArdle;  First  Lieutenant,  Warren  A. 
Mansfield;  Second  Lieutenant,  Samuel  W. 
Greene;  Junior  Lieutenant,  William  Cunning¬ 
ham. 

jV.  Y.  Com.  Advertiser ,  May  T,  c&  2f.  Y.  Herald ,  April  30. 


Doo.  143. 

SPEECH  OF  REYERDY  JOHNSON,  AT 
FREDERICK,  MD.,  May  7,  1SG1. 

Mr.  Jo iiyson-  appeared  upon  the  stand  shortly 
before  four  o’clock,  and,  after  an  eloquent  and 
fervent  prayer  by  Rev.  B.  II.  Creager,  spoke 
as  follows : 

I  am  before  you  by  the  request  of  the  patri¬ 
otic  Ladies  of  your  city  to  present  in  their 
behalf  a  standard,  the  work  of  their  hands, 
which  they  desire  to  intrust  to  your  custody 


and  protection.  With  this  request  I  comply 
with  the  truest  pleasure. 

In  this  existing  crisis  of  our  country’s  fate 
every  indication  of  a  national,  patriotic  spirit 
is  hailed  with  joy  by  every  loyal  heart.  And 
when,  as  in  this  instance,  it  is  exhibited  by 
those  whose  thoughts  are  instinctively  pure, 
having  no  partisan  motives  to  influence  them, 
no  partisan  prejudices  to  gratify,  no  petty  am¬ 
bition  to  subserve,  no  interest  other  than  in 
their  country’s  prosperity  and  good  name,  we 
rejoice  at  it  even  the  more  from  a  conviction 
that  it  must  tend  to  strengthen  the  resolves  of 
the  loyal,  encourage  the  hopes  of  the  despond¬ 
ing,  and  bring  to  a  pause  the  plottings  of  the 
rebellious. 

Before  doing  the  mere  act  I  am  delegated  to 
perform,  I  hope  you  will  consider  the  occasion 
as  justifying  a  few  thoughts  as  to  the  duty  and 
interest  of  our  State  in  the  present  emergency. 
In  the  original  causes  which  have  produced  it 
she,  thank  God,  had  no  share.  Amongst  the 
foremost  and  bravest  in  winning  our  indepen¬ 
dence  ;  amongst  the  truest  and  wisest  in  form¬ 
ing  our  Government,  and  amongst  the  first  in 
adopting  it,  her  sons  have  uniformly  given  it  a 
faithful  and  zealous  support.  No  treasonable 
thought,  so  far  as  we  know,  ever  entered  the 
mind  of  one  of  them ;  certainly  no  threat  of 
treason  was  ever  whispered  by  them.  They 
ever  felt  the  immense  advantage  of  the  Union; 
they  saw  evidenced  by  every  thing  around 
them  the  blessings  it  conferred  upon  Maryland 
and  upon  all :  prosperity  unexampled,  a  na¬ 
tional  power  increasing  every  year  with  a  ra¬ 
pidity  and  to  a  degree  never  before  witnessed 
in  a  nation’s  history,  and  winning  for  us  a  name 
challenging  the  respect  and  admiration  of  the 
world.  They  saw  in  the  extent  of  the  country, 
and  the  differences  of  climate  and  habits,  ele¬ 
ments  of  strength  rather  than  of  weakness,  and 
apprehended  therefore  no  parricidal  efforts  in 
any  quarter  to  destroy  the  Government.  If 
occasionally  murmurs  of  dissatisfaction  were 
heard  elsewhere,  they  were  attributed  to  the 
whining  disposition  of  some  and  the  disap¬ 
pointed  ambition  of  others.  They  were  ridi¬ 
culed,  subjected  to  no  other  punishment,  but 
left  to  stand  as  “monuments  of  the  safety  with 
which  error  of  opinion  may  be  tolerated  where 
reason  is  left  free  to  combat  it.”  No  “whiskey 
insurrection”  ever  occurred  within  our  borders ; 
no  ordinance  of  nullification  was  ever  threat¬ 
ened  by  us ;  and,  if  we  continue  true  to  patri¬ 
otic  duty,  no  ordinance  of  secession,  direct  or 
indirect,  open  or  covert,  will  ever  be  adopted 
by  those  in  authority',  or,  if  madly'  adopted,  be 
tolerated  by  the  people. 

To  this  steadfast  attachment  to  the  Union  wo 
are  not  only  bound  by  gratitude  to  the  noble 
ancestry  by  whose  patriotic  wisdom  it  was  be¬ 
queathed  to  us,  and  by  the  unappreciable  bless¬ 
ings  the  bequest  has  conferred  upon  us,  but  by 
the  assurance,  which  the  most  stolid  intellect 
can  hardly  fail  to  feel,  that  its  destruction 
would  not  only,  and  at  once  deprive  us  of  all 


200 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


these,  but  precipitate  us  into  irreparable  ruin. 
In  this  ruin  all  would  more  or  less  participate, 
but  our  geographical  position  would  make  it  to 
us  immediate  and  total.  A  peaceable  dissever¬ 
ance  the  good  and  great  men  who  have  hereto¬ 
fore  guided  our  public  councils  ever  predicted 
to  be  impossible.  The  proclamations  now 
trumpeted  through  the  land,  the  marshalling 
of  hosts  by  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands, 
the  whitening  of  our  waters  with  an  immense 
naval  marine,  the  blockade  of  ports,  the  pros¬ 
tration  of  commerce,  the  destruction  of  almost 
all  civil  employment,  the  heated  tone  of  the 
public  press  of  all  sections,  belching  forth  the 
most  bitter  enmity,  all,  all  testify  to  the  truth 
of  the  prediction.  How  this  is  to  result,  Heaven 
alone  knows. 

But  to  my  mind  one  thing  is  certain.  The 
Government  by  no  single  act  of  its  own,  has 
given  cause  for  resistance  to  its  rightful  author¬ 
ity.  The  powers  which  it  was  exercising  at 
the  moment  when  rebellion  began  to  muster  its 
il  armies  of  pestilence,”  were  clearly  conferred 
upon  it  by  the  Constitution.  And  if  the  Exe¬ 
cutive,  then  just  legally  chosen,  had  meditated 
any  illegal  policy,  the  friends  of  constitutional 
rights  were  numerous  enough  in  Congress,  had 
they  remained  at  their  posts,  as  they  were 
bound  to  do  by  their  oaths  and  their  duty  to 
the  holy  cause  of  Constitutional  Government 
successfully  and  peacefully  to  have  thwarted  it! 

.  rfhe  professed  especial  friends  of  Southern 
rights,  instead  of  this,  rudely  shot  from  their 
spheres,  and,  under  the  utterly  ridiculous  claim 
of  constitutional  right,  advised  State  secession. 
Madmen  if  not  worse — they  desecrated,  too 
m  support  of  this  dogma,  the  name  of  Calhoun. 
He  may  have  committed  political  errors — who 
has  not?  His  doctrine  of  nullification  was 
certainly  one,  in  the  judgment  of  all  his  great 
compeers,  sanctioned  by  almost  the  entire 
country,  but  he  never  maintained  the  nonsensi¬ 
cal  heresy  of  rightful  secession.  On  the  con¬ 
trary,  long  after  that  of  the  short-lived  nullifi¬ 
cation,  in  February,  1844,  writing  to  his  ‘‘po¬ 
litical  friends  and  supporters”  refusing  to  per¬ 
mit  his  name  to  be  presented  before  tho  then 
approaching  Baltimore  Convention,  he  said : 

“  That  each  State  has  the  right  to  act  as  it 
pleases  in  whatever  relates  to  itself  exclusively 
no,  one  will  deny ;  hut  it  is  a  perfectly  novel  doc¬ 
trine  that  any  State  has  such  a  right  when  she 
comes  to  act  in  concert  with  others  in  reference 
to  what  concerns  the  whole.  In  such  cases  it  is 
t  le  plainest  dictate  of  common  sense  that  what¬ 
ever  affects  the  whole  should  be  regulated  by 
the  mutual  consent  of  all  and  not  hy  the  discre¬ 
tion  of  each” 

That  great  philosophical  statesman  under- 
iq°.°o  iaS  -m  anotber  1(?tter  of  the  3d  of  July, 
1843,  he  invites  his  countrymen  to  understand 

Jn  1 1®F®at,and  beautiful  proportions,  the 
noble  political  structure  reared  by  the  wisdom 
and  patriotism  of  our  ancestors,  and  to  have 
the  virtue  and  the  sense  to  preserve  and  pro¬ 
tect  it,  and  declared  it  tho  “  duty  of  tho  Fed¬ 


eral  Government,  under  the  guarantees  of  tho 
Constitution,  promptly  to  suppress  physical 
jorce  as  an  element  of  change,  and  to  keep  wido 
open  the  door  for  tho  free  and  full  action  of  all 
the  moral  elements  in  its  power.” 

.,  is,  and  I  regret  sincerely  to  believe 

it,  that  feai  oi  a  violation  of  Southern  rights 
was  with  tho  prompters  of  the  rebellion  but  a 
pretence. 

What  they  have  done  and  are  still  doffi"  at 
the  sacrifice  of  the  nation’s  welfare,  and  of" tho 
welfare  of  their  own  section,  exerting  every 
nerve  to  accomplish,  was  and  is  but  to  retain 
official  power,  which  they  fancied  was  passing 
il  om  them.  Look  at  the  usurped  government 
at  Montgomery.  The  mention  of  names  is  un- 
necessaiy  they  aro  destined  to  an  unhappy 
immortality.  Those  who  plotted  tho  seizure 
ot  torts,  arsenals,  mints,  navy-yards,  custom¬ 
houses,  the  admitted  property  of  tho  United 
states,  seducing  soldiers  and  sailors  from  their 
sworn  allegiance— using  the  very  Senate  cham¬ 
ber,  dedicated .  and  sacred  to  duty,  as  a  spot 
Irom  which  to  issue  their  treacherous  telegrams 
are  there  to  be  seen  all  in  power,  actual  or 
prospective.  Tho  fact  too  clearly  tells  the  re¬ 
volting  story.  Men  long  enjoying  public  hon- 
oi  s,  earning  through  many  years  of  service  a 
national  fame,  owning  their  renown  becauso 
ot  the  world-wide  fame  of  a  glorious  Gov¬ 
ernment,  aro  striving,  day  and  night,  to  reduce 
it  to  dishonor  and  destruction.  Thank  God 
our  consolation  is  that  the  effort,  however 
pregnant,  with  tho  present  calamity,  will  fall 
short  of  its  horrid  aim.  They  may  “as  -well 
strike  at  tho  heavens  with  their  arms”  as  lift 
them  against  tho  “  American  Union.” 

That  the  end  must  fail,  who  can  doubt  ?  Tho 
recent  census  furnishes  pregnant  proof  of  this. 
It  shows  that  the  Free  States  have  a  population 
of  males  between  eighteen  and  forty -five  of 
3,  <  78,000,  and  all  the  Slave  States  only  1  655  - 
000,  and  tho  seceding  States,  excluding  Virginia 
but  5.o  1,000  ;  and  il  to  this  vast  difference  of 
men  is  added  that  of  wealth,  inventive  skill 
habits  of  industry,  and  tho  absence  of  any  ele¬ 
ment  of  domestic  danger,  the  disparity  is  infin¬ 
itely  greater.  In  a  struggle  between  such  hosts 
which  may  God  in  his  mercy  avert — who 
can  fail  to  see  what  must  bo  the  end  ? 

But  to  our  State  these  facts  teach  a  lesson 
that  all  can  understand.  If  mad  and  wicked 
enough  to  attempt  it,  what  could  we  do  to  re¬ 
sist  this  immense  power  on  our  borders  ?  Call 
on  the  South  ?  Make  our  State  the  battle-field  ? 
Bow  long  could  the  entire  South,  if  flying  to 
our  succor,  remain  with  and  aid  us  ?  They  might 
assist  in  drenching  our  land  with  blood ;  they 
might,  witness  wdtli  us  our  desolation,  but  that 
doom,  in  such  a  contest  it  would  be.  They  would 
be  driven  back  within  their  own  limits  and  wo 
left  alono  in  our  calamity,  to  be  rendered  tho 
more,  acute  when,  as  wo  should,  we  awoke  to 
the  insanity  and  crime  which  occasioned  it. 
Looking,  therefore,  to  interest  alone,  adherence 
to  tho  Government  is  our  clear  policy.  But 


DOCUMENTS. 


201 


when,  as  in  my  judgment  it  obviously  is,  that 
policy  is  demanded  by  the  most  obvious  de¬ 
mands  of  patriotic  duty,  we  should  not  hesitate 
one  moment  in  adopting  and  abiding  by  it. 

Let  those  who  have  produced  the  rebellion 
exclusively  share  its  certain  adverse  fate.  Let 
them  not,  by  specious  promises  of  assistance 
and  future  prosperity,  swerve  us  from  our  al¬ 
legiance.  They  are  even  now  promising  them¬ 
selves  comparative  exemption  from  the  perils 
of  the  struggle.  A  recent  Secretary,  after  hav¬ 
ing  used  his  high  position  to  produce  the  result, 
and  by  his  grossly  ignorant  or  faithless  measures 
bankrupt  the  Treasury,  is  now  addressing  the 
people  of  his  immediate  section  to  persuade 
them  that  the  coming  war  and  its  horrors  will 
be  kept  far  from  them,  and  confined  to  the 
Border  States.  Let  us,  as  far  as  ours  is  con¬ 
cerned,  ho  wise  enough  to  frustrate  this  cow¬ 
ardly  policy.  If  to  gain  their  traitorous  views 
war  is  to  be  waged,  let  them  bear  its  entire 
brunt.  Let  us  not  be  their  deluded  victims. 

What  is  there  in  the  modern  history  of  South 
Carolina  which  should  recommend  her  teach¬ 
ings  to  Maryland?  What  is  there  in  the  intel¬ 
lects  of  the  Ehetts,  the  Yanceys,  the  Cobbs,  and 
id  genus  omne ,  to  make  them  our  leaders  ?  They 
did  all  they  could  to  achieve  the  election  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  and  hailed  its  accomplishment  with 
undissembled  delight.  They  thought  they  saw 
in  it  the  realization  of  their  long-cherished 
hopes — the  precipitation  of  the  Cotton  States 
into  a  revolution  ;  and  then  fancied  exemption 
from  the  worst  of  the  perils — and  they  now 
seek  to  effect  it — in  the  intervention  of  the 
other  Slave  States  between  them  and  the  dan¬ 
ger.  Short-sighted  men,  they  never  anticipated 
the  calamities  already  upon  them,  and  the  great¬ 
er  certain  to  follow.  Besides  relying  on  the 
fact  just  stated,  they  also  counted  securely  on  a 
large  and  influential  support  in  the  Free  States. 
Little  did  they  know  the  true  patriotic  heart 
of  the  land.  The  first  gun  fired  on  the  nation’s 
flag  raised  that  feeling  in  the  Northern  heart. 
That  gun,  fired  without  cause,  and  upon  a  noble 
garrison  about  to  be  starved  into  a  surrender, 
by  being,  through  timidity  or  a  worse  cause, 
left  in  that  condition,  caused  every  man  able  to 
bear  arms  to  rush  to  the  support  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  Where,  in  the  past,  the  South  could 
count  its  friends  by  thousands  and  hundreds  of 
thousands,  not  one  is  now  to  be  found.  The 
cry  is  the  Government  must  be  sustained — the 
flag  must  he  vindicated.  Heaven  forbid  that 
the  duty  of  that  vindication  should  be  forgotten 
by  Maryland !  A  temporary  cause  may  have 
made  it  prudent  in  a  part  of  the  State  (I  have 
not  the  heart  to  name  the  locality)  to  suppress 
it.  It  may  have  happened  that  the  Stripes,  so 
often  borne  by  her  sons  to  victory  or  a  proud 
death,  were  justly  esteemed  the  national  emblem 
to  outrage,  which  the  constituted  authorities 
(though  before  justly  boastful  of  their  power  to 
preserve  the  peace,  as  they  had  before  faithfully 
done)  were  unable  to  prevent  or  quell,  and  were 
immediately  made  to  share  the  fate  of  the  re¬ 


bellious  standard.  But  it  is  not  less  true  that 
there  is  in  every  true  Maryland  bosom  a  devoted 
attachment  to  the  national  emblem,  which  will 
cause  every  man  of  us,  whenever  and  wherever 
hearing  the  inspiring  sounds,  to  unite  in  the 
chorus  of  our  national  anthem,  “  Oh  long  may 
it  wave,  o’er  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home 
of  the  brave.” 

Though  not  especially  impulsive,  I  cannot 
imagine  how  an  American  eye  can  look  upon 
that  standard  without  emotion.  The  twenty 
stars  added  to  the  first  constellation  tell  its 
proud  history,  its  mighty  influence,  and  its  un¬ 
equalled  career.  Are  these  now  to  he  forgotten 
and  lost  ?  Tell  me  not  that  this  is  sentiment. 
Sentiment,  to  he  sure  it  is,  but  it  is  one  that 
purifies  and  animates  and  strengthens  the  na¬ 
tional  heart.  God  may  be  worshipped  (I  mako 
the  comparison  with  all  proper  reverence)  in 
the  open  field,  in  the  stable — but  is  there  no 
virtue  in  the  cathedral  ?  Does  not  the  soul  turn 
its  thoughts  heavenwards  the  moment  its  sa¬ 
cred  threshold  is  crossed?  This  too  is  senti¬ 
ment,  hut  it  is  one  that  honors  our  nature,  and 
proves  our  loyalty  to  the  Almighty. 

So  it  is  with  our  national  emblem.  The  man 
who  is  dead  to  its  influence  is  in  mind  a  fool  or 
in  heart  a  traitor.  It  is  this  emblem  I  am  the 
honored  organ  now  to  present  to  you.  I  need 
not  commend  it  to  your  constant,  vigilant  care; 
that,  I  am  sure,  it  will  ever  be  your  pride  to 
give  it.  When,  if  ever  your  hearts  shall  de¬ 
spond — when,  if  ever  you  shall  desire  your  pa¬ 
triotism  to  be  specially  animated,  throw  it  to 
the  winds,  gaze  on  its  beautiful  folds,  remember 
the  years  and  the  fields  over  ivhich,  from  ’76  to 
the  present  time,  it  has  been  triumphantly 
borne ;  remember  how  it  has  consoled  the  dy¬ 
ing  and  animated  the  survivor  ;  remember  that 
it  served  to  kindle  even  to  a  brighter  flame  the 
patriotic  ardor  of  Washington — went  with  him 
through  all  the  struggles  of  the  Revolution, 
consoled  him  in  defeat,  gave  to  victory  an  ad¬ 
ditional  charm,  and  that  his  dying  moments 
were  consoled  and  cheered  by  the  hope  that  it 
would  forever  float  over  a  perpetual  Union,  and 
you  at  once  feel  its  almost  holy  influence  and 
swear  to  stand  by  and  maintain  it  till  life  itself 
shall  he  no  more. 

Here  it  is,  citizen  soldiers.  It  is  now  yours, 
and  with  the  assurance  of  its  fair  donors  that 
they  commit  it  to  brave  and  loyal  hands,  and 
with  their  prayers  for  your  individual  happiness 
— for  the  restoration  of  our  Government  to  its 
recent  peaceful  and  glorious  unity,  and  its  con¬ 
tinuance  as  such  forever. 

— National  Intelligencer,  May  11. 


Doc.  144. 

THE  TENNESSEE  LEAGUE. 

MESSAGE  OF  GOVEENOli  nAEEIS. 

Execdtive  Department,  ) 

NASnviLLE,  May  7,  18G1.  ) 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rep¬ 
resentatives  :  By  virtue  of  tho  authority  of 


202 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


your  joint  resolution,  adopted  on  the  1st  day  of 
May,  instant,  I  appointed  Gustav  us  A.  Henry, 
of  the  county  of  Montgomery,  Archibald  O.  W. 
Totten,  of  the  county  of  Madison,  and  Washing¬ 
ton  Barrow,  of  the  county  of  Davidson,  “Com¬ 
missioners,  on  the  part  of  Tennessee,  to  enter 
into  a  military  league  with  the  authorities  of 
the  Confederate  States,  and  with  the  authorities 
of  such  other  slaveholding  States  as  may  wish 
to  enter  into  it;  having  in  view  the  protection 
and  defence  of  the  entire  South  against  the  war 
that  is  now  being  carried  on  against  it.” 

The  said  commissioners  met  the  Hon.  Henry 
W.  Hilliard,  the  accredited  representative  of  the 
Confederate  States,  at  Nashville  on  this  day,  and 
have  agreed  upon  and  executed  a  military  league 
between  the  State  of  Tennessee  and  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  of  America,  subject,  however,  to 
the  ratification  of  the  two  governments,  one  of 
the  duplicate  originals  of  which  I  herewith 
transmit  for  your  ratification  or  rejection.  For 
many  cogent  and  obvious  reasons,  unnecessary 
to  be  rehearsed  to  you,  I  respectfully  recom¬ 
mend  the  ratification  of  this  league  at  the  earli¬ 
est  practicable  moment. 

Very  respectfully, 

Isiiam  G.  Harris. 

CONTENTION  BETWEEN  TIIE  STATE  OF  TENNESSEE 

AND  TIIE  CONFEDERATE  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 

The  State  of  Tennessee,  looking  to  a  speedy 
admission  into  the  Confederacy  established  by 
the  Confederate  States  of  America,  in  accord¬ 
ance  with  the  constitution  for  the  provisional 
government  of  said  States,  enters  into  the  follow¬ 
ing  temporary  convention,  agreement,  and  mili¬ 
tary  league  with  the  Confederate  States,  for  the 
purpose  of  meeting  pressing  exigencies  atFecting 
the  common  rights,  interests,  and  safety  of  said 
States  and  said  Confederacy. 

First:  Until  the  said  State  shall  become  a 
member  of  said  Confederacy,  according  to  the 
constitutions  of  both  powers,  the  whole  military 
force  and  military  operations ,  offensive  and  de¬ 
fensive, ,  of  said  State ,  in  the  impending  conflict 
with  the  United  States ,  shall  be  under  the  chief 
control  and  direction  of  the  President  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States  upon  the  same  basis,  principles, 
and  footing  as  if  said  State  were  now  and  during 
the  intervals  a  member  of  the  said  Confederacy. 
Said  force,  together  with  those  of  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States,  is  to  be  employed  for  the  common 
defence. 

Second :  The  State  of  Tennessee  will,  upon  be¬ 
coming  a  member  of  said  Confederacy,  under 
the  permanent  constitution  of  said  Confederate 
States,  if  the  same  shall  occur,  turn  over  to  said 
Confederate  States  all  the  public  property,  naval 
stores,  and  munitions  of  war  of  which  she  may 
then  be  in  possession,  acquired  from  the  United 
States,  on  the  same  terms  and  in  the  same  man¬ 
ner  as  the  other  States  of  said  Confederacy  have 
done  in  like  cases. 

Third :  Whatever  expenditures  of  money,  if 
any,  the  said  State  of  Tennessee  shall  make 
before  she  becomes  a  member  of  said  Confed¬ 


eracy,  shall  be  met  and  provided  for  by  the  Con¬ 
federate  States. 

This  convention,  entered  into  and  agreed  on  in 
the  city  of  Nashville,  Tennessee,  on  the  seventh 
day  of  May,  A.  D.  1861,  by  Henry  W.  Hilliard, 
the  duly  authorized  Commissioner  to  act  in  the 
matter  for  the  Confederate  States,  and  Gustavus 
A.  Henry,  Archibald  W.  O.  Totten,  and  Wash¬ 
ington  Barrow,  commissioners  duly  authorized 
to  act  in  like  manner  for  the  State  of  Tennessee. 
The  whole  subject  to  the  approval  and  ratifica¬ 
tion  of  the  proper  authorities  of  both  govern- 
mants,  respectively. 

In  testimony  whereof,  the  parties  aforesaid 
have  herewith  set  their  hands  and  seals,  the 
day  and  year  aforesaid,  in  duplicate  originals. 

Henry  W.  Hilliard,  [Seal.] 
Commissioner  for  the  Confederate  States  of 

America. 

Gttstavtjs  A.  Henry,  [Seal.] 

A.  O.  W.  Totten,  [Seal.] 
Washington  Barrow,  [Seal.] 
Commissioners  on  the  part  of  Tennessee. 

joint  resolution  ratifying  the  league. 

Whereas ,  A  military  league,  offensive  and 
defensive,  was  formed  on  this  the  7th  of  May, 
1861,  by  and  between  A.  O.  W.  Totten,  Gus¬ 
tavus  A.  Henry,  and  Washington  Barrow, 
Commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  State  of 
Tennessee,  and  H.  W.  Hilliard,  Commissioner 
on  the  part  of  the  Confederate  States  of 
America,  subject  to  the  confirmation  of  the 
two  governments: 

Be  it  therefore  resolved  by  the  General  As¬ 
sembly  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  That  said 
league  be  in  all  respects  ratified  and  confirmed, 
and  the  said  General  Assembly  hereby  pledges 
the  faith  and  honor  of  the  State  of  Tennessee 
to  the  faithful  observance  of  the  terms  and  con¬ 
ditions  of  said  league. 

The  following  is  the  vote  in  the  Senate  on 
the  adoption  of  the  league  : 

Yeas. — Messrs.  Allen,  Horn,  Hunter,  John¬ 
son,  Lane,  Minnis,  McClellan,  McNeilly,  Payne, 
Peters,  Stanton,  Thompson,  Wood,  and  Speaker 
Stovall. 

Nays.  —  Messrs.  Boyd,  Bradford,  Hildreth, 
Nash,  Richardson,  and  Stokes. 

Absent  and  not  voting — Messrs.  Bumpass, 
Mickley,  Newman,  Stokely,  and  Trimble; 

The  following  is  the  vote  in  the  House : 

Yeas. — Messrs.  Baker  of  Perry,  Baker  of 
Weakley,  Bayless,  Bicknell,  Bledsoe,  Chea¬ 
tham,  Cowden,  Davidson,  Davis,  Dudley, 
Ewing,  Farley,  Farrelly,  Ford,  Frazie,  Gantt, 
Guy,  Havron,  Ilart,  Ingram,  Jones,  Kenner, 
Kennedy,  Lea,  Lockhart,  Martin,  Mayfield, 
McCabe,  Morphies,  Nall,  Ilickett,  Porter, 
Richardson,  Roberts,  Shield,  Smith,  Sewel, 
Trevitt,  Vaughn,  Whitmore,  Woods,  and 
Speaker  Whitthorne. 

Nays. — Messrs.  Armstrong,  Brazelton,  But¬ 
ler,  Caldwell,  Gorman,  Greene,  Morris,  Nor¬ 
man,  Russell,  Senter,  Strewsbury,  White  of 


DOCUMENTS. 


203 


Davidson,  Williams  of  Ivnox,  Wisener,  and 
Woodard. 

Absent  and  not  voting — Messrs.  Barksdale, 
Beaty,  Bennett,  Britton,  Critz,  Doak,  East, 
Gillespie,  Harris,  Hebb,  Johnson,  Kincaid  of 
Anderson,  Kincaid  of  Claiborne,  Trewhitt, 
White  of  Dickson,  Williams  of  Franklin, 
Williams  of  Hickman,  and  Williamson. 

Ax  Act  to  submit  to  a  vote  of  toe  peo- 
ple  a  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  for  other 
purposes. 

Section  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  General  As¬ 
sembly  of  the  State  of  Tennessee ,  That,  imme¬ 
diately  after  the  passage  of  this  Act,  the  Gov¬ 
ernor  of  this  State  shall  by  proclamation,  direct 
the  sheriffs  of  the  several  counties  in  this  State 
to  open  and  hold  an  election  at  the  various 
voting  precincts  in  their  respective  counties  on 
the  8th  day  of  June,  1861 ;  that  said  sheriffs, 
or  in  the  absence  of  the  sheriffs,  the  coroner 
of  the  county,  shall  immediately  advertise  the 
election  contemplated  by  this  Act;  that  said 
sheriffs  appoint  a  deputy  to  hold  said  election 
for  each  voting  precinct,  and  that  said  deputy 
appoint  three  judges  and  two  clerks  for  each 
precinct,  and  if  no  officer  shall  from  any  cause 
attend  any  voting  precinct,  to  open  and  hold 
said  election,  then  any  justice  of  the  peace,  or, 
in  the  absence  of  a  justice  of  the  peace,  any 
respectable  freeholder  may  appoint  an  officer, 
judges,  and  clerks  to  open  and  hold  said  elec¬ 
tion.  Said  officers,  judges,  and  clerks,  shall  be 
sworn  as  now  required  by  law,  and  who,  after 
being  so  sworn,  shall  open  and  hold  an  election, 
open  and  close  at  the  time  of  day  and  in  the 
manner  now  required  by  law  in  elections  for 
members  to  the  General  Assembly. 

Sec.  2.  Be  it  farther  enacted ,  That  at  said  elec¬ 
tion  the  following  declaration  shall  be  submitted 
to  a  vote  of  the  qualified  voters  of  the  State  of 
Tennessee,  for  their  ratification  or  rejection  : 

DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AND  ORDINANCE 

DISSOLVING  TOE  FEDERAL  RELATIONS  BETWEEN 

THE  STATE  OF  TENNESSEE  AND  TOE  UNITED 

STATES  OF  AMERICA. 

First:  We,  the  people  of  the  State  of  Ten¬ 
nessee,  waiving  an  expression  of  opinion  as  to 
the  abstract  doctrine  of  secession,  but  asserting 
the  right  as  a  free  and  independent  people  to 
alter,  reform,  or  abolish  our  form  of  Govern¬ 
ment  in  such  manner  as  we  think  proper,  do 
ordain  and  declare  that  all  the  laws  and  ordi¬ 
nances  by  which  the  State  of  Tennessee  became 
a  member  of  the  Federal  Union  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  are  hereby  abrogated  and 
annulled,  and  that  all  obligations  on  our  part  be 
withdrawn  therefrom ;  and  we  do  hereby  re¬ 
sume  all  the  rights,  functions,  and  powers 
which  by  any  of  said  laws  and  ordinances  were 
conveyed  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  absolve  ourselves  from  all  the  obli¬ 
gations,  restraints,  and  duties  incurred  thereto  ; 
and  do  hereby  henceforth  become  a  free,  sov¬ 
ereign,  and  independent  State. 


Second :  Wo  furthermore  declare  and  ordain, 
that  Article  10,  sections  1  and  2  of  the  Consti¬ 
tution  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  which  requires 
members  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  all 
officers,  civil  and  military,  to  take  an  oath  to 
support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
be  and  the  same  are  hereby  abrogated  and  an¬ 
nulled,  and  all  parts  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
State  of  Tennessee,  making  citizenship  of  the 
United  States  a  qualification  for  office,  and 
recognizing  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  as  the  supreme  law  of  this  State,  are  in 
like  manner  abrogated  and  annulled. 

Third:  We  furthermore  ordain  and  declare, 
that  all  rights  acquired  and  vested  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  or  under  any 
act  of  Congress  passed  in  pursuance  thereof,  or 
under  any  laws  of  this  State,  and  not  incom¬ 
patible  with  this  ordinance,  shall  remain  in 
force  and  have  the  same  efi'ect  as  if  this  ordi¬ 
nance  had  not  been  passed. 

Sec.  3.  Be  it  further  enacted ,  That  said  elec¬ 
tion  shall  be  by  ballot,  that  those  voting  for 
the  Declaration  and  Ordinance  shall  have  writ¬ 
ten  or  printed  on  their  ballots  “  Separation,” 
and  those  voting  against  it,  shall  have  written 
or  printed  on  their  ballots  “No  Separation.” 
That  the  clerks  holding  said  election,  shall 
keep  regular  scrolls  of  the  voters  as  now 
required  by  law  in  the  election  of  members 
to  the  General  Assembly ;  that  the  clerks  and 
judges  shall  certify  the  same  with  the  number 
of  votes  for  “  Separation,”  and  the  number  of 
votes  “No  Separation.”  The  officer  holding 
the  election,  shall  return  the  same  to  the 
sheriff  of  the  county,  at  the  county  seat,  on  the 
Monday  next  after  the  election.  The  sheriff 
shall  immediately  make  out,  certify,  and  send 
to  the  Governor  the  number  of  votes  polled, 
and  the  number  of  votes  for  “  Separation,”  and 
the  number  “  No  Separation,”  and  file  one  of 
the  original  scrolls  with  the  Clerk  of  the 
County  Court ;  that  upon  comparing  the  vote 
by  the  Governor  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary 
of  State,  which  shall  bo  at  least  by  the  24th 
day  of  June,  1861,  and  may  be  sooner  if  the 
returns  are  all  received  by  the  Governor,  if  a 
majority  of  the  votes  polled  shall  be  for  “  Sepa¬ 
ration,”  the  Governor  shall,  by  his  proclama¬ 
tion,  make  it  known,  and  declare  all  connection 
by  the  State  of  Tennessee  with  the  Federal 
Union  dissolved,  and  that  Tennessee  is  a  free, 
independent  government,  free  from  all  obliga¬ 
tions  to,  or  connection  with  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment.  And  that  the  Governor  shall  cause 
“  tho  vote  by  counties  ”  to  be  published,  the 
number  for  “  Separation,”  and  the  number 
“  No  Separation,”  whether  a  majority  votes  for 
“Separation,”  or  “No  Separation.” 

Seo.  4.  Be  it  further  enacted ,  That  in  the 
election  to  be  held  under  the  provisions  of  this 
act  upon  the  Declaration  submitted  to  the  peo¬ 
ple,  all  volunteers  and  other  persons  connected 
with  the  service  of  this  State  qualified  to  vote 
for  members  of  the  Legislature  in  the  counties 
where  they  reside,  shall  bo  entitled  to  vote  in 


204 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


any  county  in  tho  State  where  they  may  he  in. 
active  service,  or  under  orders,  or  on  parole  at 
the  time  of  said  election  ;  and  all  other  voteis 
shall  vote  in  the  county  where  they  reside,  as 
now  required  by  law  in  voting  for  members  to 
the  General  Assembly. 

Sec.  5.  Be  it  further  enacted ,  That  at  the 
same  time,  and  under  the  rules  and  regulations 
prescribed  for  the  election  hereinbefore  ordered, 
the  following  ordinance  shall  be  submitted  to 
the  popular  vote.  To  wit : 

An  Ordinance  for  the  adoption  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  the 
Confederate  States  of  America  : 

We,  the  people  of  Tennessee,  solemnly  im¬ 
pressed  by  the  perils  which  surround  us,  do 
hereby  adopt  and  ratify  the  Constitution  of  the 
Provisional  Government  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America,  ordained  and  established  at 
Montgomery,  Alabama,  on  the  8th  day  oi  Febru¬ 
ary,  1861,  to  be  in  force  during  the  existence 
thereof,  or  until  such  time  as  we  may  supersede 
it,  by  the  adoption  of  a  permanent  Constitu¬ 
tion. 

Sec.  6.  Be  it  further  enacted ,  That  those  in 
favor  of  the  adoption  of  said  Provisional  Consti¬ 
tution,  and  thereby  securing  to  Tennessee  equal 
representation  in  the  deliberations  and  councils 
of  the  Confederate  States,  shall  have  written 
or  printed  on  their  ballots  the  word  “  Repre¬ 
sentation ;  ”  opposed,  the  words  “No  Repre¬ 
sentation.” 

Sec.  7.  Be  it  further  enacted ,  That,  in  the 
event  the  people  shall  adopt  tho  Constitution 
of  the  Provisional  Government  of  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  at  the  election  herein  ordered,  it 
shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Governor  forthwith  to 
issue  writs  of  election  for  delegates  to  represent 
the  State  of  Tennessee  in  the  said  Provisional 
Government.  That  the  State  shall  be  repre¬ 
sented  by  as  many  delegates  as  it  was  entitled 
to  members  of  Congress  to  the  recent  Congress 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  who  shall  be 
elected  from  the  several  Congressional  Dis¬ 
tricts  as  now  established  by  law,  in  the  mode 
and  manner  now  prescribed  for  the  election  of 
Members  of  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  8.  Be  it  further  enacted ,  That  this  act 
shall  take  effect  from  and  after  its  passage. 

W.  C.  WlIITTIIORNE, 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

B.  L.  Stovall, 

Speaker  of  the  Senate. 

Passed  May  6,  1861. 

— Nashville  Banner,  May  8. 

THE  ORDINANCE  PASSED. 

The  deed  is  done !  And  a  black  deed  it  is — 
the  Legislature  of  Tennessee,  in  secret  session, 
passed  an  ordinance  of  secession — voting  the 
State  out  of  the  Federal  Union,  and  changing  tho 
federal  relations  of  a  State,  thereby  affecting,  to 
the  great  injury  of  the  people,  their  most  import¬ 
ant  earthly  interests.  The  men  who  did  this  deed 
in  secret  conclave,  were  elected  two  years  ago, 


and  they  were  elected  and  sworn  to  support  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  the  obli¬ 
gations  of  that  oath  must  rest  upon  them  until 
their  successors  are  elected.  They  have  dared  to 
pass  an  ordinance  that  is  really  unconstitutional, 
unjustifiable,  and  is,  upon  the  whole,  a  vile  act 
of  usurpation.  That  they  say  that  the  extraor¬ 
dinary  emergency  of  tho  times  demanded  this 
outrage,  will  not  do  with  those  of  us  who  know 
the  State  of  Tennessee  has  not  been  oppressed, 
and  is  not  invaded  by  a  hostile  foe,  and  is  not 
likely  to  be  unless  we  invito  or  provoke  an  at¬ 
tack"  It  has  been  tho  policy  of  all  usurpers,  in 
all  ages,  to  excuse  themselves  for  the  exercise 
of  arbitrary  power,  intended  at  once  to  oppress 
the  people  and  to  deprive  them  of  their  liberties. 

The  apology  fordoing  this  deed  in  secret  ses¬ 
sion  is,  that  it  would  not  do  to  act  with  open 
doors,  and  thereby  let  the  United  States  Gov¬ 
ernment  know  what  was  transpiring.  This  is 
only  a  pretext  for  this  act — it  was  to  prevent 
the  Beople  of  Tennessee  from  knowing  what  vile 
work  they  were  engaged  in,  and  applying  the 
remedy.  They  did  not  want  the  real  people  to 
read  the  speeches  of  Union  men  delivered  in 
that  body,  who  gave  reasons,  numerous  and 
strong,  why  Tennessee  should  not  go  into  Jeff. 
Davis’s  repudiating  Confederacy.  But  unprin¬ 
cipled  politicians  have  resolved  upon  governing 
the  people,  and  to  induce  them  to  submit,  they 
must  keep  them  in  the  dark  as  to  their  vile 
schemes. 

In  June,  we  are  called  upon  to  vote  for  or 
against  this  Ordinance  of  Secession,  and  all 
trains  of  evil,  such  as  enormous  taxes,  and  tho 
raising  of  fifty  thousand  troops !  Will  tho 
people  ratify  it,  or  will  they  reject  it?  Let 
every  man,  old  and  young,  halt  and  blind,  con¬ 
trive  to  be  at  the  polls  on  that  day.  If  wo 
lose  then,  our  liberties  arc  gone,  and  we  are 
swallowed  up  by  a  military  despotism  more 
odious  than  any  now  existing  in  any  monarchy 
of  Europe ! 

-Knoxville  Whig,  May  11. 

TENNESSEE  SECEDED. 

Tennessee  is  disenthralled  at  last.  Freedom 
has  again  crowned  her  with  a  fresh  and  fade¬ 
less  wreath.  She  has  broken  through  tho 
ineshes  of  tyranny.  She  has  shaken  off'  tho 
shackles  which  tyrants  and  usurpers  were  fast¬ 
ening  upon  her  that  they  might  reduce  her  to 
helpless  and  hopeless  bondage.  She  has  left  a 
Union  in  which  she  was  no  longer  an  equal. 
She  has  dissolved  her  connection  with  States 
bent  on  her  subjugation  and  destruction.  She 
has  thrown  off  tho  yoke  of  a  Government  pros¬ 
tituted  to  tho  vile  purposes  of  injustice  and 
oppression.  Nobly  has  sho  asserted  her  inde¬ 
pendence  and  vindicated  her  sovereignty. 

She  has  taken  her  place  in  the  Southern  con¬ 
stellation.  She  has  added  another  star  to  the 
flag  of  the  Confederate  States,  which  floats 
over  the  dome  of  her  capitol,  the  proud  and 
unsullied  emblem  of  Southern  nationality.  Sho 
has  united  her  destiny  with  a  sisterhood  of 


DOCUMENTS. 


205 


States,  identified  with  her  in  sympathies,  in 
interests,  and  institutions — with  the  new  born 
republic  of  the  South,  which,  like  another 
Mars,  has  sprung  into  existence  full  armed — a 
young  giant,  whose  tread  is  already  on  the 
pathway  of  victory  aud  national  renown ; 
whose  prowess,  power,  and  resources  challenge 
the  recognition  of  civilized  nations,  aud  to 
whom  a  future  of  unexampled  prosperity  aud 
glory  has  already  opened. 

We  congratulate  Tennessee  and  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  upon  the  mutual  good  fortune  of 
this  auspicious  alliance.  She  brings  into  the 
new  republic  the  rich  dowry  of  her  unsullied 
patriotism,  her  ancestral  valor,  and  her  mighty 
and  varied  resources,  while  from  it  she  receives 
the  protection  and  respectability  of  a  powerful 
and  rising  nationality. 

We  hail  this  decisive  step  of  Tennessee,  as 
the  glorious  realization  of  patriotic  hopes,  long 
and  fondly  cherished  by  us,  amid  the  gloom  of 
discouragement  and  despondency,  as  the  frui¬ 
tion  of  years  of  struggle,  and  toil,  and  anxious, 
and  often  despairing  effort,  in  the  cause  of 
Southern  rights. 

There  is  a  moral  sublimity  in  the  triumph  of 
a  great  cause  that  stirs  the  deepest  emotions  of 
the  soul.  Not  in  the  narrow  spirit  of  political 
partisanship  have  we  battled  in  this  cause,  but 
as  a  son  of  the  South,  prompted  alone  by  an  ar¬ 
dent  desire  for  her  safety,  her  freedom,  and  her 
honor.  The  exultant  pleasure  of  this  triumph 
is  enhanced  by  the  reflection  that  it  is  shared 
by  all  classes  of  our  fellow-citizens  alike,  with¬ 
out  reference  to  former  party  distinctions ;  all 
past  political  prejudices  being  obliterated  by 
the  noble  and  irrepressible  patriotism  which 
now  animates  and  unites  all  Tennesseeans  in 
the  common  cause  of  their  State  and  section. 

Thi3  important  change  in  the  political  rela¬ 
tions  of  Tennessee  creates  new  and  weighty 
duties  and  responsibilities,  while  it  awakens 
new  hopes  and  aspirations.  At  this  moment 
they  urge  her  to  instant  aud  strenuous  action. 
The  advent  of  the  new  republic  has  invoked 
the  red  thunderbolts  of  war  upon  its  devoted 
head.  It  is  no  sooner  born  than  it  is  called 
upon  to  defend  its  right  to  exist.  It  seems 
destined  to  pass  through  the  fiery  ordeal  of  the 
fiercest  and  bloodiest  strife  which,  perhaps, 
history  has  yet  recorded. 

The  faithless,  meddling,  and  overbearing 
North,  foiled  in  her  long-cherished  scheme  of 
sectional  domination,  usurpation,  and  tyranny, 
by  the  unexpected  revolt  of  the  South,  gnashes 
her  teeth,  and  threatens  the  extermination  of 
her  victim.  Her  people  are  frenzied  with  rage; 
the  hell-born  passions  of  avarice,  hate,  and  re¬ 
venge,  sway  her  infuriated  mobs,  thirsting  for 
the  blood  of  a  people  from  whom  they  have 
received  only  benefits  and  favors.  A  spirit  of 
wild  and  bloody  atrocity,  akin  to  that  which 
raged  in  the  French  Revolution,  has  seized  the 
entire  Northern  people,  extinguishing  at  once 
all  the  sentiments  of  Christianity,  and  the  feel¬ 
ings  of  humanity.  Schemes  of  fiendish  cruelty, 
Documents — 15 


at  which  hell  itself  might  turn  pale  and  stand 
aghast,  and  demons  blush,  are  now  discussed 
and  approved  by  the  sleek  and  sanctimonious 
clergy  of  the  North.  Even  woman,  repressing 
the  instinctive  humanity  and  tenderness  of  her 
nature,  clamors  for  the  massacre  of  Southern 
women  and  children.  An  imbecile,  but  perfid¬ 
ious  and  atrocious  Government,  leads  this  wild 
and  bloody  raid  upon  the  south.  Its  armies  are 
now  mustering  and  advancing  upon  us,  with 
the  insolent  boast  upon  their  lips  that  they  will 
either  subjugate  or  exterminate  us. 

Such  are  the  black  and  threatening  clouds  of 
danger,  charged  with  the  lightnings  of  destruc¬ 
tion,  which  now  darken  the  horizon  of  the 
Southern  Republic.  Tennessee,  in  this  tremen¬ 
dous  crisis,  will  do  her  entire  duty.  Great 
sacrifices  are  demanded  of  her,  and  they  will 
be  cheerfully  made.  Her  blood  and  treasure 
are  offered  without  stint  at  the  shrine  of  South¬ 
ern  freedom.  She  counts  not  the  cost  at  which 
independence  must  be  bought.  The  gallant 
volunteer  State  of  the  South,  her  brave  sons 
now  rushing  to  the  standard  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy,  will  sustain  by  their  unflinching 
valor  and  deathless  devotion,  her  ancient  re¬ 
nown  achieved  on  so  many  battle  fields.  In 
fact  our  entire  people-— men,  women,  and  chil¬ 
dren — have  engaged  in  this  fight,  and  are  ani¬ 
mated  by  the  single,  heroic,  and  indomitable 
resolve  to  perish  rather  than  submit  to  the 
despicable  invader  now  threatening  us  with 
subjugation.  They  will  ratify  the  ordinance  of 
secession,  amid  the  smoke  and  carnage  of  bat¬ 
tle  ;  they  will  write  out  their  endorsement  of  it 
with  the  blood  of  their  foe — they  will  enforce 
it  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  and  the  sword. 

Welcome,  thrice  welcome,  glorious  Tennes¬ 
see,  to  the  thriving  family  of  Southern  Confed¬ 
erate  States  !  — Memphis  Avalanche ,  May  6. 

Doo.  145. 

ADDRESS  OF  EDWARD  EVERETT, 

AT  EOXBUKY,  MASS.,  MAY  S,  1861. 

Mb.  Chairman,  Ladies,  and  Gentlemen  : — 
The  object  which  brings  us  together,  even  if  it 
had  not  been  so  satisfactorily  stated  and  so 
persuasively  enforced  by  the  gentlemen  who 
have  preceded  me,  sufficiently  explains  itself. 
At  the  call  of  the  President,  seconded  with  the 
most  praiseworthy  and  almost  unexampled  en¬ 
ergy  by  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  a  nu¬ 
merous  force  of  volunteers  has  patriotically 
hastened  to  the  defence  of  the  Capital  of  the 
United  States,  threatened  with  invasion.  The 
war,  for  a  long  time,  though  in  profound  peace 
secretly  prepared  for,  has  been  openly  com¬ 
menced  by  the  South,  by  the  seizure  of  tho 
undefended  forts,  arsenals,  dockyards,  mints, 
and  custom  houses  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  plunder  of  the  public  property  contained 
in  them,  in  flagrant  violation  of  the  law  of  the 
land,  if  the  South  is  still  in  the  Union,  and 
equally  flagrant  violation  of  every  principle  of 
international  law,  if  she  is  out  of  the  Union. 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


"206 


But  even  these  acts  of  treason  and  rebellion, 
for  such  they  are,  are  thrown  in  the  shade  by 
that  last  unutterable  outrage  upon  the  flag  of 
the  Union,  at  Fort  Sumter,  (a  fort  which  no 
more  belongs  to  South  Carolina  than  it  does  to 
New  York  or  Massachusetts,)  which  has  rallied 
twenty  millions  of  freemen  as  one  man  to  its 
defence. 

Following  up  the  unprovoked  and  unright¬ 
eous  war  thus  inaugurated,  a  formidable  mil¬ 
itary  force,  portions  of  which  have  been  long 
organized  and  trained,  is  now  supposed  to  be 
advancing  on  Washington,  under  a  most  able 
and  energetic  leader,  who  has  the  oath  of  God 
upon  his  conscience  to  support  the  Constitu¬ 
tion,  as  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  an  office 
which  he  has  not  resigned.  Of  the  nature  of 
this  war,  in  a  constitutional  point  of  view,  I 
shall  presently  say  a  word.  I  will  now  only 
remark,  that,  if  accounts  from  the  South  can  be 
trusted,  larger  military  forces  than  were  ever 
before  arrayed  on  the  soil  of  America,  are  now 
on  their  march  northward  or  concentrating  in 
Virginia,  to  assault,  and  if  possible,  capture, 
and  failing  that,  to  lay  in  ashes,  the  city  bap¬ 
tized  with  the  sacred  name  of  the  Father  of 
his  country,  the  Capital  of  the  Union,  the  seat 
of  its  government,  the  depository  of  its  ar¬ 
chives,  and,  as  such,  the  heart,  if  I  may  so  say, 
of  the  body  politic. 

While  this  formidable  movement  is  in  pro¬ 
gress  in  front,  the  Government  has  been  as¬ 
sailed  in  the  rear,  between  the  Capital  of  the 
Union  and  the  loyal  States  of  the  North  (from 
which  alone,  the  Constitution,  I  grieve  to  say, 
in  this  hour  of  its  extreme  peril,  is  receiving  sup¬ 
port  against  open  hostility,  and  treacherous  neu¬ 
trality,  not  less  dangerous  than  open  hostility,) 
by  a  ferocious  and  bloodthirsty  mob,  auda¬ 
ciously  warring  against  the  Government  and 
its  defenders  with  brickbats,  paving-stones,  and 
all  the  other  cowardly  weapons  of  the  assassin, 
by  burning  bridges  and  tearing  up  railroads 
and  cutting  telegraph  wires,  as  if  it  was  not 
enough  to  commit  murder  and  treason,  unless 
war  is  waged  at  the  same  time  against  the 
noblest  works  of  civilization  and  the  most  be¬ 
neficent  structures  of  peace.  In  this  unexam¬ 
pled  warfare.  Providence,  as  in  1775,  has  ac¬ 
corded  to  Massachusetts  the  tearful  glory  of 
furnishing  the  first  martyrs  in  the  cause  of  the 
country,  and,  what  would  before  have  been 
thought  impossible,  has  crowned  even  the  19th 
of  April. with  new  wreaths  of  immortal  fame. 

In  this  state  of  things  the  President  of  the 
United  States  has  called  upon  the  people  to 
rally  to  the  rescue  of  the  national  Capital,  and 
to  the  defence  of  the  Government  of  the  coun¬ 
try.  Wide  as  the  summons  has  gone  forth,  it 
has  been  obeyed,  with  an  alacrity  and  una¬ 
nimity  that  knows  no  parallel  in  our  history ; 
and  the  volunteers  of  Massachusetts  have  been 
the  first  in  the  field.  Unwarlike  in  their  habits 
and  tastes,  a  full  proportion  of  them  in  our  re¬ 
cent  keen  but  already  forgotten  party  divisions, 
entertaining,  as  I  have  ever  dono,  the  kindliest 


feelings  toward  the  South,  they  have  hurried 
from  the  lawyer’s  office,  from  the  counting- 
room,  from  the  artist’s  studio,  in  instances  not 
a  few  from  the  pulpit ;  they  have  left  the  fish¬ 
er’s  line  upon  the  reel,  the  plough  in  the  fur¬ 
row,  the  plane  upon  the  work-bench,  the  ham¬ 
mer  on  the  anvil,  the  form  upon  the  printing 
press, — there  is  not  a  mechanical  art  nor  a  use¬ 
ful  handicraft  that  has  not  its  experts  in  these 
patriotic  ranks, — some  at  a  moment’s  notice, 
all  with  unhesitating  promptitude,  and  they 
have  left  their  families  behind  them.  These 
last  words,  fellow-citizens,  tell  the  whole  story  ; 
these  words  are  the  warrant  under  which  this 
meeting  is  held.  They  have  left  behind  them 
their  wives,  their  children,  their  aged  parents, 
their  dependent  relatives  of  every  degree ;  in 
many  cases,  no  doubt,  those  whose  only  relia¬ 
ble  resource  for  their  daily  bread  was  in  the 
stout  arms,  which  have  been  called  away  to  the 
defence  of  the  menaced  Union. 

Well,  my  friends,  these  families  must  not 
suffer  in  the  absence  of  their  heads  and  sup¬ 
porters.  The  Government  will  no  doubt  com¬ 
pensate  its  defenders  as  liberally  as  the  nature 
of  the  case  admits.  But  every  one  knows  that 
the  soldier’s  pay  is  no  adequate  substitute  for 
the  earnings  of  a  prosperous  livelihood,  even  in 
the  humblest  branches  of  industry.  The  defi¬ 
ciency  must  be  made  up  by  the  towns  of  which 
these  brave  volunteers  are  citizens,  actiug  in 
their  corporate  capacity,  and  by  efforts  like 
that  which  you  initiate  this  evening.  In  a 
word,  it  is  absolutely  necessary,  that  in  one 
way  or  another,  by  public  and  private  liberal¬ 
ity,  the  means  of  liberal  assistance  for  the  fami¬ 
lies  that  need  it,  should  be  provided  by  those 
that  remain  at  home.  This  is  a  duty  in  which 
all  of  every  age  and  condition,  and  of  either 
sex,  must  cooperate;  and  I  rejoice  to  see,  that 
the  gentler  sex  is,  as  usual,  setting  us  the  ex¬ 
ample  of  industry  and  zeal,  in  this  patriotic 
work.  The  rich  must  contribute  of  their 
abundance,  and  those  of  moderate  means  from 
their  competence,  till  our  brethren,  who  take 
their  lives  in  their  hands,  in  this  righteous 
cause,  are  strengthened  and  cheered  by  the 
assurance,  that  those  dearer  to  them  than  their 
lives  will  be  cared  for  at  home. 

If  any  arguments  were  necessary  to  urge  us 
to  the  performance  of  this  duty,  they  would  bo 
found,  and  that  of  the  most  powerful  and  per¬ 
suasive  character,  in  the  nature  and  character 
of  the  war  which  the  South  is  waging  upon  us. 
And  here  a  state  of  things  presents  itself  which 
posterity  will  be  slow  to  credit.  On  the  last 
anniversary  of  our  national  independence,  at 
the  invitation  of  my  fellow-citizens  of  Boston, 
I  had  occasion  to  undertake  a  defenco  of  the 
United  States  Government,  in  its  practical  op¬ 
eration,  against  an  attack  made  upon  it,  with 
considerable  ability,  in  tho  British  IIouso  of 
Lords.  In  this  effort  I  claimed — honestly  and 
conscientiously  claimed,  and,  as  I  have  reason 
to  think,  with  the  concurrence  of  my  fellow- 
citizens,  of  all  parties,  throughout  tho  country, 


DOCUMENTS. 


207 


that,  under  our  constitution  and  laws,  we  bad 
enjoyed  a  prosperity  and  made  a  progress,  not 
merely  in  the  utilitarian,  but  in  the  intellectual 
and  refined  arts  of  life,  without  an  example  in 
the  world. 

I  said  nothing  of  the  unhappy  sectional  con¬ 
troversy  that  was  raging  the  country,  not  be¬ 
cause  I  was  insensible  to  its  dangerous  charac¬ 
ter,  but  because  nothing  was  said  about  it  in 
the  speech  to  which  I  undertook  to  reply.  The 
general  truth  of  my  description  of  the  prosper¬ 
ity  of  the  country,  and  the  genial  and  fostering 
influence  of  our  Constitution  and  Laws,  was  as 
generally  admitted  at  the  South  as  at  the 
North.  No  longer  ago  than  the  14th  of  last 
November,  Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  now 
Vice-President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy, 
and  a  gentleman  of  first  rate  intelligence,  in  a 
public  speech  at  Hilledgeville,  declared  it  as  his 
“  settled  conviction,”  that  the  present  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States,  though  not  without 
its  defects,  “  comes  nearer  the  objects  of  all 
good  government  than  any  other  on  the  face  of 
the  earth.”  He  pronounced  it  “  a  model  re¬ 
public,  the  best  that  the  history  of  the  world 
gives  us  any  account  of ;  ”  and  ho  asked  in  tri¬ 
umph,  “  Where  will  you  go,  following  the  sun 
in  his  circuit  round  the  globe,  to  find  a  govern¬ 
ment  that  better  protects  the  liberties  of  the 
people,  and  secures  to  them  the  blessings  which 
we  enjoy  ?  ”* 

This,  you  will  observe  again,  was  the  lan¬ 
guage  of  a  very  leading  Southern  statesman, 
the  second  officer  of  the  new  Confederacy,  no 
longer  ago  than  last  November ;  and,  in  truth, 
the  South  had  and  has  greater  cause  than  auy 
other  part  of  the  Union,  to  be  satisfied  with  the 
Government  under  which  she  lives  and  on 
which  she  is  making  war.  Respected  abroad 
as  an  integral  portion  of  one  of  the  greatest 
powers  of  the  earth,  mainly  in  virtue  of  the 
navy  of  the  Union,  of  which  the  strength  re¬ 
sides  at  the  North,  the  South,  almost  exclu¬ 
sively  agricultural  in  her  pursuits,  derives  from 
her  climate  a  profitable  monopoly  of  four  great 
staple  products — one  of  them  the  most  import¬ 
ant  single  article  in  the  commerce  of  the  world ; 
while,  in  consequence,  chiefly  of  the  political 
sympathy  with  each  other  which  pervades  the 
slaveholding  States,  she  has  ever  enjoyed  a  mo¬ 
nopoly  scarcely  less  complete  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  country. 

At  this  moment,  and  though  numbering  but 
a  third  part  of  the  free  population  of  the  Union, 
if  she  had  not  most  unjustifiably  withdrawn 
her  members  of  Congress,  she  would  have  had 
in  her  interest  a  majority  in  the  Senate,  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  in  the  Judiciary. 
For  fifty-six  out  of  the  seventy-two  years,  the 
Presidents  of  the  United  States  have  been 
either  Southern  men  or  Northern  men  in  whom 
the  South  has  confided.  For  the  first  time, 
last  November,  a  President  was  chosen  who 
received  no  electoral  votes  from  the  South,  but 

*  See  Speech  of  A.  H.  Stephens,  Nov.  14,  1SG1,  seq. 


that  President  has  given  the  most  distinct  assur¬ 
ances  that  he  contemplated  no  encroachments 
on  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  South,  as,  in¬ 
deed,  lacking  a  majority  of  both  houses,  it  is 
impossible  that  he  should  make  any  such  en¬ 
croachments,  had  he  ever  so  ardently  desired 
it.  Such  is  the  Government  in  its  relations 
with  the  South ;  such  the  circumstances  under 
which  she  thinks  herself  justified  in  revolting 
against  it. 

I  say  “revolting  against  it,”  although  Mr. 
Jefferson  Davis,  in  his  inaugural  address,  de¬ 
clares  it  an  abuse  of  language  to  call  it  a  “  rev¬ 
olution.”  I  cannot  go  into  that  argument  at 
this  late  hour,  nor  would  it  be  appropriate  to 
the  occasion  to  do  so ;  but  I  believe  it  to  bo  as 
demonstrable  as  any  proposition  of  Euclid,  that 
this  doctrine  of  “  secession,”  that  is,  the  consti¬ 
tutional  right  of  a  State  to  sever  at  will  her 
connection  with  the  Union,  is,  if  possible,  still 
more  unfounded,  still  more  fallacious,  than  that 
of  its  ill-omened  and  now  universally  discred¬ 
ited  predecessor,  “Nullification,”  which  was 
crushed,  never  to  rise  again,  thirty  years  ago, 
by  the  iron  mace  of  Webster,  in  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States. 

I  will  only  say  at  present,  that  this  monstrous 
pretended  right  of  “  secession,”  though  called  a 
“reserved  right,”  is  notoriously  nowhere  ex¬ 
pressly  reserved  in  the  Constitution,  although 
every  one  feels  that  nothing  but  an  express 
reservation,  in  the  plainest  terms,  would  bo  a 
sufficient  ground  for  claiming  such  a  stupendous 
power.  What  is  maintained  by  the  politicians 
of  the  secession  school  is,  that  the  right  may  be 
inferred  from  one  of  the  amendments  to  the 
Constitution,  by  which  it  is  provided  that  “the 
powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by 
the  Constitution,  or  prohibited  to  the  States, 
are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  the 
people.”  It  is  to  maintain  a  subtile  and  sophis¬ 
tical,  and  utterly  unwarrantable  inference  from 
this  amendment,  that  the  South  is  now  striving 
to  break  up  the  Government,  and  if  resisted  in 
that  unhallowed  attempt,  to  drench  the  country 
in  blood. 

But  I  am  willing  to  stake  the  great  issue  on 
this  amendment.  The  Constitution  does  ex¬ 
pressly  delegate  to  the  United  States  all  the 
powers  of  a  sovereign  State,  with  respect  to 
international  and  interstate  affairs ;  the  whole 
war  power ;  the  whole  admiralty  power ;  the 
whole  commercial  power ;  the  whole  financial 
power ;  the  power  to  regulate  and  dispose  of 
the  public  territory;  the  power  over  the  In¬ 
dians,  over  the  post-office  and  post-roads;  over 
the  army,  the  navy,  the  dockyards,  the  arsenals. 
All  these  powers  and  many  others  are  expressly 
delegated  to  the  United  States,  and  as  expressly 
prohibited  to  the  individual  States.  The  Con¬ 
stitution  of  the  United  States  (to  which  the 
people  of  South  Carolina  assented  on  the  2d  of 
May,  1788,  as  much  as  they  ever  assented  to 
their  State  constitution)  distinctly  provides 
that  no  State  shall  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war, 
or  issue  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  or  enter 


208 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


into  .any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation  ;  and 
yet  in  the  face  of  this  express  delegation  of 
powers  to  the  United  States,  and  their  express 
prohibition  to  the  States,  the  seceding  States 
have  undertaken  to  exercise  them  all ;  have 
entered  into  a  “  confederation,”  raised  an  army, 
issued  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and 
plunged  into  a  war  against  the  government, 
which  every  magistrate  and  officer  among  them 
was  under  oath  to  support,  and  all  in  virtue  of 
having  first  uttered  the  magic  words,  “  we  se¬ 
cede.”  The  history  of  the  world  does  not 
furnish  another  such  monstrous  usurpation ! 

Such  is  the  nature  and  foundation  of  the  war 
in  which  we  are  engaged.  As  you  perceive,  it 
is  for  the  very  existence  of  the  Government, 
it  is  a  contest  in  which  no  good  citizen  can 
remain  neutral.  I  am  often  asked  how  long  I 
think  it  will  last;  hut  that  is  a  question  the 
South  alone  can  answer.  She  makes  the  war  ; 
she  has  seized  by  surprise  such  of  the  strong¬ 
holds  of  the  country  as  she  was  able  ;  she  has 
possessed  herself  of  the  Navy-Yard  at  Norfolk, 
which  guards  the  entrance  to  Chesapeake  Bay ; 
of  Harper’s  Ferry,  which  commands  one  of  the 
great  highways  from  the  Ohio  River  to  the 
Atlantic  Ocean  ;  and,  above  all,  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi,  the  outlet  of  the  most  exten¬ 
sive  system  of  internal  communication  on  the 
face  of  the  globe.  There  will,  in  my  judgment, 
never  be  peace,  till  the  flag  of  the  Union  again 
floats  from  every  stronghold  from  which  it  has 
been  stricken  down. 

Do  you  think,  fellow-citizens,  that  Ohio, 
Indiana,  and  Illinois  will  allow  their  most  direct 
communication  with  the  seaboard  to  be  ob¬ 
structed,  at  the  pleasure  of  an  alien  State,  at 
Harper’s  Ferry?  Do  you  imagine  that  Eastern 
Pennsylvania  and  Southern  New  York,  whose 
tributary  waters  flow  through  the  Susquehanna 
into  Chesapeake  Bay,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
Delaware  and  Chesapeake  Canal,  will  tolerate 
a  foreign  master  in  Hampton  Roads  ?  Above 
all,  do  you  believe  that  the  Giant  of  the  West 
will  accept  his  pathway  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
as  a  privilege  granted  by  this  mushroom  Con¬ 
federacy  ?  Yes,  they  will  submit  to  this  de¬ 
grading  yoke,  they  will  acknowledge  this  gall¬ 
ing  usurpation  ;  but  it  will  be  when  the  Alle- 
ghanies  shall  bow  their  imperial  heads  to  the 
level  of  the  sea,  and  the  current  of  the  Missis¬ 
sippi  and  the  Missouri  shall  flow  backward  to 
the  Rocky  Mountains. 

My  friends,  I  deprecate  war, — no  man  more 
so ;  and,  of  all  wars,  I  most  deprecate  a  civil 
war.  And  this,  if  prosecuted  by  the  South  in 
the  spirit  in  which  she  has  commenced  it,  will 
be  what  the  stern  poet  of  the  civil  wars  of 
Rome  called  a  helium  plusquam  civille , — a  more 
than  civil  war.  I  deprecate,  more  than  I  can 
express,  a  war  with  the  South.  You  know  my 
political  course.  Logan,  the  Indian  chief, 
mournfully  exclaimed,  “  Such  was  my  love  for 
the  whites,  that  my  countrymen  pointed  at  me 
as  I  passed,  and  said,  ‘  Logan  is  the  friend  of  the 
white  men !  ’  ”  I  have  been  pointed  at  for 


years  as  the  friend  of  the  South.  For  main¬ 
taining  what  I  deemed  her  constitutional  rights, 
I  have  suffered  no  small  portion  of  obloquy, 
and  sacrificed  the  favor  of  a  large  portion  of 
the  community  in  which  I  was  born,  and 
which,  from  my  youth  up,  I  have  endeavored  to 
serve  laboriously,  dutifully,  and  affectionately. 
I  was  willing,  while  this  ill-starred  movement 
was  confined  to  the  States  of  the  extreme 
South,  and  they  abstained  from  further  aggres¬ 
sion,  that  they  should  go  in  peace. 

This  course,  I  thought,  would  retain  the  bor¬ 
der  States,  and  bring  back  the  secedcrs  in  a 
year  or  two,  wearied  and  disgusted  with  their 
burdensome  and  perilous  experiment.  Such  I 
understand  to  have  been,  in  substance,  the  pro¬ 
gramme  of  the  Administration.  But  the  South 
has  willed  it  otherwise.  She  has  struck  a 
parricidal  blow  at  the  heart  of  the  Union  ;  and 
to  sustain  her  in  this  unnatural  and  unrighteous 
war  is  what  my  conscience  forbids.  Neither 
will  I  remain  silent,  and  see  this  majestic 
framework  of  government,  the  noblest  politi¬ 
cal  fabric  ever  reared  by  human  wisdom,  pros¬ 
trated  in  the  dust  to  gratify  the  disappointed 
ambition  of  a  few  aspiring  men,  (for  that  Mr. 
AT ice-President  Stephens  bravely  told  his  fel¬ 
low-citizens  last  November  was  the  cause  of  “  a 
great  part  of  our  troubles,”)  and  this  under 
cover  of  a  sophistical  interpretation  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  at  war  alike  with  common  sense, 
with  contemporary  history,  and  the  traditions 
of  the  Government ;  unsupported  by  a  single 
authority  among  the  framers  of  the  Constitu¬ 
tion,  and  emphatically  denounced  by  Mr.  Madi¬ 
son  their  leader  and  chief. 

What  then  remains,  fellow-citizens,  but  that 
we  should  without  unchristian  bitterness  toward 
our  misguided  countrymen,  meet  calmly  and 
resolutely  the  demands  of  the  crisis ;  that  wo 
should  perform  the  duty  of  good  citizens  with 
resolution  and  steadiness  ;  that  wc  should  cor¬ 
dially  support  the  Government  of  tho  country 
in  the  difficult  position  in  which  it  is  placed ; 
that  we  should  cheer  and  encourage  tho  bravo 
men  who  have  obeyed  its  call  by  a  generous 
care  of  their  families  ;  and  to  sum  it  all  in  ono 
word,  come  weal  or  woe,  that  we  should  stand 
by  tho  flag  of  the  Union  ! 

— Boston  Transcript ,  May  9. 


Doc.  14G. 

GENERAL  BUTLER’S  ORDERS. 

Head-quarters,  Relat  House,  May  8,  1SG1. 

Tnn  General  in  command  congratulates  tho 
troops  upon  the  promptness  with  which  they 
have  moved  and  occupied  their  present  position, 
which  he  believes  to  be  impregnablo  against 
any  force  which  may  bo  brought  against  it. 
Tho  position  of  Major  Cooke’s  battery  com¬ 
manding  the  viaduct,  with  liis  section  in  posi¬ 
tion  commanding  the  railroad  to  Harper’s 
Ferry,  supported  by  tho  strong  detachment  of 
Colonel  Jones’  regiment  at  the  Relay  House, 
renders  all  movements  by  tho  railroad  entirely 


DOCUMENTS. 


209 


within  our  command.  The  same  guns  com-  I 
maud  with  grape  and  canister  the  ford  below  [ 
the  iron  works,  while  the  extended  pickets  of  1 
Colonel  Lyons  fully  protect  the  rear, 

The  General  has  been  thus  particular  in  de- 
scribing  his  position,  so  that  each  portion  of  the 
force  might  know  how  to  conduct  in  case  of 
an  attack  which  it  only  inquires  vigilance  to 
foil.  The  General  takes  this  opportunity  pub¬ 
licly  as  he  has  done  privately  to  thank  Lieuten¬ 
ants  Fox  and  Shilley,  of  the  Eighth  regiment,  for 
their  coolness,  promptitude,  and  zeal  in  arrest¬ 
ing  one  Spencer,  who  was  uttering  in  the  pres¬ 
ence  of  the  troops  at  the  Relay  House  the 
atrocious  sentiment  that — “  We  [meaning  him¬ 
self  and  brother  rebels]  acted  rightly  toward 
the  Massachusetts  troops  three  weeks  ago  Fri¬ 
day.”  And  saying  “  that  the  murderous  mob 
who  killed  our  friends  there  were  right  in  their 
action ;  and  that  the  same  men  were  preparing 
to  give  us  a  warm  reception  on  our  return.” 
For  these  treasonable  speeches  substantially  ad¬ 
mitted  by  him  in  his  written  examination, 
Spencer  has  been  arrested  and  sent  to  Annap¬ 
olis,  where  he  will  be  properly  dealt  with. 

Two  incidents  of  the  gravest  character  mark¬ 
ed  the  progress  of  yesterday.  Chai’les  Leonard, 
private  of  Company  G,  Eighth  Regiment,  of  New 
York,  was  accidentally  killed  instantaneously 
by  the  discharge  of  a  musket,  from  which  he 
was  drawing  the  charge.  He  was  buried  with 
all  the  honors,  amidst  the  gloom  and  sorrow  of 
every  United  States  soldier  at  this  post,  and 
the  tender  sympathies  of  many  of  the  loyal  in¬ 
habitants  in  our  neighborhood. 

It  is  fitting  that  we  pause  here,  even  in  the 
discharge  of  our  present  solemn  duties,  to  drop 
a  tear  upon  the  grave  of  a  fellow-soldier,  a 
friend  and  brother.  A  pure  patriot,  he  gave 
up  home  for  his  country ;  a  heroic,  conscien¬ 
tious  soldier,  he  died  in  the  act  of  discharging 
his  duty  ;  and,  although  he  was  not  stricken  by 
the  hand  of  death  amid  the  clangor  of  arms, 
and  in  the  heat  of  contest,  yet  his  death  was  no 
less  glorious  because  he  met  it  in  the  quiet  per¬ 
formance  of  his  military  duty.  As  a  citizen  he 
took  up  arms  at  his  country’s  call ;  as  a  private 
soldier  he  sought  only  to  fight  in  her  ranks, 
and  he  met  his  death  in  support  of  that  flag 
which  we  all  revere  and  love.  The  first  offer¬ 
ing  of  New  York  of  the  life  of  one  of  her  sons 
upon  the  country’s  altar,  his  blood  mingling  on 
the  soil  of  Maryland  with  that  of  the  Massa¬ 
chusetts  men  murdered  at  Baltimore,  will  form 
a  new  bond  of  union  between  us  and  all  loyal 
States  ;  so  that,  without  need  of  further  incen¬ 
tive  to  our  duty,  we  are  spurred  on  by  the 
example  of  the  life  and  death  of  Leonard. 

The  other  matter  to  which  the  General  de¬ 
sires  to  call  the  attention  of  the  troops  is  this : 
Wishing  to  establish  the  most  friendly  relations 
between  you  and  this  neighborhood,  the  Gene¬ 
ral  invited  all  venders  of  supplies  to  visit  our 
camp  and  replenish  our  somewhat  scanty  com¬ 
missariat.  But  to  his  disgust  and  horror  he 
finds  Avell-authenticated  evidence  that  a  private 


I  in  the  Sixth  regiment  has  been  poisoned  by 
|  means  of  strychnine  administered  in  the  food 
|  brought  into  the  camp  by  one  of  these  peddlers. 

I  am  happy  to  be  informed  that  the  man  is 
!  now  out  of  danger.  This  act,  of  course,  will 
render  it  necessary  for  me  to  cut  off;'  all  pur¬ 
chases  from  unauthorized  persons. 

Are  our  few  insane  enemies  among  the  loyal 
men  of  Maryland,  prepared  to  wage  war  upon 
us  in  this  manner  ?  Do  they  know  the  terrible 
lesson  of  warfare  they  are  teaching  us  ?  Can 
it  be  that  they  realize  the  fact  that  we  can  put 
an  agent  with  a  word  into  every  household  arm¬ 
ed  with  this  terrible  weapon  ?  In  view  of  the 
terrible  consequences  of  this  mode  of  warfare,  if 
adopted  by  us  from  their  teaching,  with  every 
sentiment  of  devotional  prayer,  may  we  not  ex¬ 
claim,  “Father,  forgive  them,  they  know  not 
what  they  do.” 

Certain  it  is  that  any  other  such  attempt, 
reasonably  authenticated  as  to  the  person  com¬ 
mitting  it,  will  be  followed  by  the  swiftest, 
surest,  and  most  condign  punishment. 

Colonels  Lyons,  Jones,  and  Major  Cooke  are 
charged  with  the  execution  of  this  order  so  far 
as  relates  to  their  several  commands,  and  they 
will  promulgate  the  same  by  causing  it  to  be 
read  distinctly  at  the  head  of  each  companv 
at  morning  roll  call. 

By  order  of  B.  F.  Butler,  Brig.-Gen.  Com¬ 
manding. 

Edward  G.  Parker,  Lieut.  Col.,  Aide-de- 
Camp. 

—At  y.  Herald,  May  10. 


Doc.  146-J-. 

CAUSES  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

A  LETTER  TO  THE  LONDON  TIMES 
BY  JOHN  LOTHROP  MOTLEY. 

The  de  facto  question  in  America  has  been 
referred  at  last  to  the  dread  arbitrament  of 
civil  war.  Time  and  events  must  determine 
whether  the  “  great  Republic  ”  is  to  disappear 
from  the  roll  of  nations,  or  whether  it  is  des¬ 
tined  to  survive  the  storm  which  has  gathered 
over  its  head.  There  is,  perhaps,  a  readiness 
in  England  to  prejudge  the  case  ;  a  disposition 
not  to  exult  in  our  downfall,  but  to  accept  the 
fact ;  for  nations,  as  well  as  individuals,  may 
often  be  addressed  in  the  pathetic  language  of 
the  poet, — 

“  Donee  cris  felix,  multos  numerabis  amicos  ; 

Tempora  cum  fuerint  nubila,  nullus  crit.” 

Yet  the  trial  by  the  ordeal  of  battle  has  hardly 
commenced,  and  it  would  he  presumptuous  to 
affect  to  penetrate  the  veil  of  even  the  imme¬ 
diate  future.  But  the  question  de  jure  is  a  dif¬ 
ferent  one.  The  right  and  the  wrong  belong 
to  the  past,  are  hidden  by  no  veil,  and  may 
easily  be  read  by  all  who  are  not  wilfully  blind. 
Yet  it  is  often  asked  why  have  the  Americans 
taken  up  arms?  Why  has  the  United  States 
Government  plunged  into  what  is  sometimes 
called  “  this  wicked  war  ”  ?  Especially  it  is 


210 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


thought  amazing  in  England  that  the  President 
should  have  recently  called  for  a  great  army  of 
volunteers  and  regulars,  and  that  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  of  the  Free  States  should  have  sprung 
forward  as  one  man  at  his  call,  like  men  sud¬ 
denly  relieved  from  a  spell.  It  would  have 
been  amazing  had  the  call  been  longer  delayed. 
The  national  flag,  insulted  and  defied  for  many 
months,  had  at  last  been  lowered,  after  the 
most  astonishing  kind  of  siege  recorded  in  his¬ 
tory,  to  an  armed  and  organized  rebellion ;  and 
a  prominent  personage  in  the  Government  of 
the  Southern  Confederacy  is  reported  to  have 
proclaimed  amid  the  exultations  of  victory  that 
before  the  1st  of  May  the  same  cherished  em¬ 
blem  of  our  nationality  should  be  struck  from 
the  capitol  at  Washington.  An  advance  of  the 
“  Confederate  troops  ”  upon  that  city  ;  the 
flight  or  captivity  of  the  President  and  his 
Cabinet ;  the  seizure  of  the  national  archives, 
the  national  title  deeds,  and  the  whole  national 
machinery  of  foreign  intercourse  and  internal 
administration,  by  the  Confederates ;  and  the 
proclamation  from  the  American  palladium  it¬ 
self  of  the  Montgomery  Constitution  in  place 
of  tho  one  devised  by  Washington,  Madison, 
Hamilton,  and  Jay — a  constitution  in  which 
slavery  should  be  tho  universal  law  of  the  land, 
the  corner-stone  of  tho  political  edifice — "were 
events  which  seemed  for  a  few  days  of  intense 
anxiety  almost  probable. 

Had  this  really  been  the  result,  without  a 
blow  struck  in  defence  of  the  national  Govern¬ 
ment  and  the  old  Constitution,  it  is  certain  that 
the  contumely  poured  forth  upon  the  Free 
States  by  their  domestic  enemies,  and  by  the 
world  at  large,  would  have  been  as  richly  de¬ 
served  as  it  would  have  been  amply  bestowed. 
At  present  such  a  catastrophe  seems  to  have 
been  averted.  But  the  levy  in  mass  of  such  a 
vast  number  of  armed  men  in  the  Free  States, 
in  swift  response  to  tho  call  of  the  President, 
shows  how  deep  and  pervading  is  the  attach¬ 
ment  to  the  Constitution  and  to  the  flag  of 
Union  in  the  hearts  of  the  19,000,000  who  in¬ 
habit  those  States.  It  is  confidently  believed, 
too,  that  the  sentiment  is  not  wholly  extin¬ 
guished  in  the  9,000,000  white  men  who  dwell 
in  the  Slave  States,  and  that,  on  the  contrary, 
there  exists  a  large  party  throughout  that  coun¬ 
try  who  believe  that  the  Union  furnishes  a  bet¬ 
ter  protection  for  life,  property,  law,  civiliza¬ 
tion,  and  liberty,  than  even  the  indefinite  ex¬ 
tension  of  African  slavery  can  do. 

At  any  rate,  the  loyalty  of  the  Free  States 
has  proved  more  intense  and  passionate  than 
it  had  ever  been  supposed  to  be  before.  It  is 
recognized  throughout  their  whole  people  that 
the  Constitution  of  1787  had  made  us  a  nation. 

1  he  efforts  of  a  certain  class  of  politicians  for  a 
long  period  had  been  to  reduce  our  Common¬ 
wealth  to  a  Confederacy.  So  long  as  their 
efforts  had  been  confined  to  argument,  it  was 
considered  sufficient  to  answer  the  argument ; 
but,  now  that  secession,  instead  of  remaining  a 
topic  of  vehement  and  subtle  discussion,  has 


expanded  into  armed  and  fierce  rebellion  and 
revolution,  civil  war  is  the  inevitable  result. 
It  is  the  result  foretold  by  sagacious  statesmen 
almost  a  generation  ago,  in  the  days  of  the 
tariff  “  nullification.”  “  To  begin  with  nullifi¬ 
cation,”  said  Daniel  'Webster  in  1833,  “  with 
the  avowed  intention,  nevertheless,  not  to  pro¬ 
ceed  to  secesssion,  dismemberment,  and  gen¬ 
eral  revolution,  is  as  if  one  were  to  take  the 
plunge  of  Niagara,  and  cry  out  that  he  would 
stop  half  way  down.”  And  now  the  plunge  of 
secession  has  been  taken,  and  we  are  all  strug¬ 
gling  in  the  vortex  of  general  revolution. 

The  body  politic,  known  for  70  years  as  tho 
United  States  of  America,  is  not  a  Confederacy, 
not  a  compact  of  sovereign  States,  not  a  co¬ 
partnership  ;  it  is  a  Commonwealth,  of  which 
the  Constitution  drawn  up  at  Philadelphia  by 
the  Convention  of  1787,  over  which  Washing¬ 
ton  presided,  is  the  organic,  fundamental  law. 
Wo  had  already  had  enough  of  a  confederacy. 
Tho  thirteen  rebel  provinces,  afterwards  the 
thirteen  original  independent  States  of  Amer¬ 
ica,  had  been  united  to  each  other  during  the 
revolutionary  war  by  articles  of  confederacy. 
“  The  said  States  hereby  enter  into  a  firm 
league  of  friendship  with  each  other."  Such 
wTas  the  language  of  1781,  and  the  league  or 
treaty  thus  drawn  up  was  ratified,  not  by  the 
people  of  the  States,  but  by  the  State  Govern¬ 
ments, — the  legislative  and  executive  bodies 
namely,  in  their  corporate  capacity. 

The  continental  Congress,  which  was  the 
central  administrative  board  during  this  epoch, 
■was  a  diet  of  envoys  from  sovereign  States. 
It  had  no  power  to  act  on  individuals.  It  could 
not  command  the  States.  It  could  move  only 
by  requisitions  and  recommendations.  Its  func¬ 
tions  wrere  essentially  diplomatic,  like  those  of 
the  States-General  of  the  old  Dutch  Republic, 
like  those  of  the  modern  Germanic  Confedera¬ 
tion. 

W"e  were  a  league  of  petty  sovereignties. 
When  the  war  had  ceased,  when  our  independ¬ 
ence  had  been  acknowledged  in  1783,  we  sank 
rapidly  into  a  condition  of  utter  impotence, 
imbecility,  anarchy.  AVe  had  achieved  our  in¬ 
dependence,  but  we  had  not  constructed  a  na¬ 
tion.  We  were  not  a  body  politic.  No  laws 
could  be  enforced,  no  insurrections  suppressed, 
no  debts  collected.  Neither  property  nor  life 
was  secure.  Great  Britain  had  made  a  treaty 
of  peace  with  us,  but  she  scornfully  declined  a 
treaty  of  commerce  and  amity ;  not  because  we 
had  been  rebels,  but  because  we  were  not  a 
state — because  we  were  a  mere  dissolving  league 
of  jarring  provinces,  incapable  of  guaranteeing 
the  stipulations  of  any  commercial  treaty.  W e 
were  unable  even  to  fulfil  the  conditions  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  and  enforce  the  stipulated  collec¬ 
tion  of  debts  due  to  British  subjects ;  and  Great 
Britain  refused  in  consequence  to  give  up  the 
military  posts  which  she  held  within  our  fron¬ 
tiers.  For  12  years  after  the  acknowledgment 
of  our  independence  we  were  mortified  by  the 
spectacle  of  foreign  soldiers  occupying  a  long 


DOCUMENTS. 


211 


chain  of  fortresses  south  of  the  great  lakes  and 
upon  our  own  soil.  We  were  a  confederacy. 
We  were  sovereign  States.  And  these  were 
the  fruits  of  such  a  confederacy  and  of  such 
sovereignty.  It  was,  until  the  immediate  pres¬ 
ent,  the  darkest  hour  of  our  history.  But  there 
were  patriotic  and  sagacious  men  in  those  days, 
and  their  efforts  at  last  rescued  us  from  the 
condition  of  a  confederacy.  The  “  Constitu¬ 
tion  of  the  United  States  ”  was  an  organic  law, 
enacted  by  the  sovereign  people  of  that  whole 
territory  which  is  commonly  called  in  geogra¬ 
phies  and  histories  the  United  States  of  Amer¬ 
ica.  It  was  empowered  to  act  directly,  by  its 
own  legislative,  judicial,  and  executive  machin¬ 
ery,  upon  every  individual  in  the  country.  It 
could  seize  his  property,  it  could  take  his  life, 
for  causes  of  which  itself  was  the  judge.  The 
States  were  distinctly  prohibited  from  oppos¬ 
ing  its  decrees  or  from  exercising  any  of  the 
great  functions  of  sovereignty.  The  Union 
alone  was  supreme,  “any  thing  in  the  constitu¬ 
tion  and  laws  of  the  States  to  the  contrary  not¬ 
withstanding.”  Of  what  significance,  then,  was 
the  title  of  “  sovereign  ”  States,  arrogated  in 
later  days  by  communities  which  had  volun¬ 
tarily  abdicated  the  most  vital  attributes  of 
sovereignty  ?  But,  indeed,  the  words  “  sov¬ 
ereign  ”  and  “  sovereignty  ”  are  purely  inappli¬ 
cable  to  the  American  system.  In  the  Declara¬ 
tion  of  Independence  the  provinces  declare 
themselves  “  free  and  independent  States,”  but 
the  men  of  those  days  knew  that  the  word  “  sov¬ 
ereign  ”  was  a  term  of  feudal  origin.  When 
their  connection  with  a  time-honored  feudal 
monarchy  was  abruptly  severed,  the  word  “  sov¬ 
ereign  ”  had  no  meaning  for  us.  A  sovereign 
is  one  -who  acknowledges  no  superior,  who  pos¬ 
sesses  the  highest  authority  without  control, 
who  is  supreme  in  power.  How  could  any  one 
State  of  the  United  States  claim  such  charac¬ 
teristics  at  all,  least  of  all  after  its  inabitauts, 
in  their  primary  assemblies,  had  voted  to  sub¬ 
mit  themselves,  without  limitation  of  time,  to 
a  constitution  which  was  declared  supreme? 
The  only  intelligible  source  of  power  in  a  coun¬ 
try  beginning  its  history  de  novo  after  a  revolu¬ 
tion,  in  a  land  never  subjected  to  military  or 
feudal  conquest,  is  the  will  of  the  people  of  the 
whole  land  as  expressed  by  a  majority.  At  the 
present  moment,  unless  the  Southern  revolu¬ 
tion  shall  prove  successful,  the  United  States 
Government  is  a  fact,  an  established  authority. 
In  the  period  between  1783  and  1787  we  were 
in  chaos.  In  May  of  1787  the  convention  met 
in  Philadelphia,  and,  after  some  months’  delib¬ 
eration,  adopted,  with  unprecedented  unanim¬ 
ity,  the  project  of  the  great  law,  which,  so  soon 
as  it  should  be  accepted  by  the  people,  was  to 
be  known  as  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

It  was  not  a  compact.  Who  ever  heard  of  a 
compact  to  which  there  were  no  parties?  or 
who  ever  heard  of  a  compact  made  by  a  single 
party  with  himself?  Yet  the  name  of  no  State 
is  mentioned  In  the  whole  document ;  the  States 


themselves  are  only  mentioned  to  receive  com¬ 
mands  or  prohibitions,  and  the  “  people  of  the 
United  States  ”  is  the  single  party  by  whom 
alone  the  instrument  is  executed. 

The  Constitution  was  not  drawn  up  by  the 
States,  it  was  not  promulgated  in  the  name  of 
the  States,  it  wras  not  ratified  by  the  States. 
The  States  never  acceded  to  it,  and  possess  no 
power  to  secede  from  it.  It  “  was  ordained  and 
established  ”  over  the  States  by  a  power  supe¬ 
rior  to  the  States — by  the  people  of  the  whole 
land  in  their  aggregate  capacity,  acting  through 
conventions  of  delegates  expressly  chosen  for 
the  purpose  within  each  State,  independently 
of  the  State  Governments,  after  the  project  had 
been  framed. 

There  had  always  been  two  parties  in  the 
country  during  the  brief  but  pregnant  period 
between  the  abjuration  of  British  authority  and 
the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  1787.  There 
was  a  party  advocating  State  rights  and  local 
self-government  in  its  largest  sense,  and  a  party 
favoring  a  more  consolidated  and  national  gov¬ 
ernment.  The  National  or  Federal  party  tri¬ 
umphed  in  the  adoption  of  the  new  govern¬ 
ment.  It  was  strenuously  supported  and  bit¬ 
terly  opposed  on  exactly  the  same  grounds.  Its 
friends  and  foes  both  agreed  that  it  had  put  an 
end  to  the  system  of  confederacy.  Whether  it 
were  an  advantageous  or  a  noxious  change,  all 
agreed  that  the  thing  had  been  done. 

“  In  all  our  deliberations  (says  the  letter  ac¬ 
companying  and  recommending  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  to  the  people)  we  kept  steadily  in  view 
that  which  appeared  to  us  the  greatest  interest 
of  every  true  American,  the  consolidation  of 
our  Union ,  in  which  is  involved  our  prosperity, 
safety,  perhaps  our  national  existence .” — Jour¬ 
nal  of  the  Convention ,  1  Story,  368. 

And  an  eloquent  opponent  denounced  the 
project  for  this  very  same  reason — 

“  That  this  is  a  consolidated  Government 
(said  Henry),  is  demonstrably  clear.  The  lan¬ 
guage  is  ‘  we,  the  people,’  instead  of  ‘  we,  the 
States.’  It  must  be  one  great,  consolidated 
national  Government  of  the  people  of  all  the 
States.” 

And  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
after  the  Government  had  been  established, 
held  this  language  in  an  important  case,  “  Gib¬ 
bons  v.  Ogden  :  ” — 

“  It  has  been  said  that  the  States  were  sov¬ 
ereign,  were  completely  independent,  and  were 
connected  with  each  other  by  a  league.  This 
is  true.  But  when  these  allied  sovereignties 
converted  their  league  into  a  Government, 
when  they  converted  their  Congress  of  Ambas¬ 
sadors  into  a  Legislature,  empowered  to  enact 
laws,  the  whole  character  in  which  the  States 
appear  underwent  a  change.” 

There  was  never  a  disposition  in  any  quarter, 
in  the  early  days  of  our  constitutional  history, 
to  deny  this  great  fundamental  principle  of  the 
Kepublic. 

“In  the  most  elaborate  expositions  of  the 
Constitution  by  its  friends  (says  Justice  Story), 


212 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-01. 


its  character  as  a  permanent  form  of  govern¬ 
ment,  as  a  fundamental  law,  as  a  supreme  rule, 
■which  no  State  was  at  liberty  to  disregard,  to 
suspend,  or  to  annul,  was  constantly  admitted 
and  insisted  upon.” — 1  Story,  325. 

The  fears  of  its  opponents,  then,  were  that 
the  new  system  would  lead  to  a  too  strong,  to 
an  overcentralized  Government.  The  fears  of 
its  friends  were  that  the  central  power  of  the¬ 
ory  would  prove  inefficient  to  cope  with  the 
local  or  State  forces,  in  practice.  The  expe¬ 
rience  of  the  last  thirty  years,  and  the  catas¬ 
trophe  of  the  present  year,  have  shown  which 
class  of  fears  were  the  more  reasonable. 

Had  the  Union  thus  established  in  1787  been 
a  confederacy,  it  might  have  been  argued,  with 
more  or  less  plausibility,  that  the  States  which 
peaceably  acceded  to  it  might  at  pleasure  peace- 
ably  secede  from  it.  It  is  none  the  less  true 
that  such  a  proceeding  would  have  stamped 
the  members  of  the  convention — Washington, 
Madison,  Jay,  Hamilton,  and  their  colleagues — 
with  utter  incompetence;  for  nothing  can  bo 
historically  more  certain  than  that  their  object 
was  to  extricate  us  from  the  anarchy  to  which 
that  principle  had  brought  us. 

“  However  gross  a  heresy  it  may  he  (says  the 
Federalist,  recommending  the  new  Constitu¬ 
tion)  to  maintain  that  a  party  to  a  compact  has 
a  right  to  revoke  that  compact,  the  doctrine 
has  had  respectable  advocates.  The  possibility 
of  such  a  question  shows  the  necessity  of  lay¬ 
ing  the  foundation  of  our  national  Government 
deeper. than  in  the  mere  sanction  of  delegated 
authority.  The  fabric  of  American  empire 
ought  to  rest  on  the  solid  basis  of  the  consent 
of  the  people.” 

Certainly,  the  most  venerated  expounders 
of  the  Constitution— Jay,  Marshall,  Hamilton, 
Kent,  Story,  TV  ebster — were  of  opinion  that 
the  intention  of  the  convention  to  establish  a 
peimanent,  consolidated  Government,  a  single 
commonwealth,  had  been  completely  successful. 

“  The  great  and  fundamental  defect  of  the 
Confederation  of  1781,  (says  Chancellor  Kent,) 
which  led  to  its  eventual  overthrow,  was  that, 
in  imitation  of  all  former  confederacies,  it  car¬ 
ried  the  decrees  of  the  Federal  Council’  to  the 
States  in  their  sovereign  capacity.  The  great 
and  incurable  defect  of  all  former  Federal  Gov¬ 
ernments,  such  as  the  Amphictyonic,  Achtean 
and  Lycian  Confederacies,  and  the  Germanic’ 
Helvetic,  Hanseatic,  and  Dutch  Republics,  is 
that  they  were  sovereignties  over  sovereignties. 
The  hrst  eftort.  to  relieve  the  people  of  the 
countiy  from  this  state  of  national  degradation 
and  mm  came  from  Virginia.  The  general 
^erwards  met  at  Philadelphia  in 
May,  1787.  lhe  plan  was  submitted  to  a  con¬ 
vention  of  delegates  chosen  by  the  people  at 
large  in  each  State  for  assent  and  ratification. 
Such  a  measure  was  laying  the  foundations  of 
the  fabric  of  our  national  polity  where  alone 
they  ought  to  be  laid, -on  the  broad  consent 
of  the  people.”— 1  Kent,  225. 

It  is  true  that  the  consent  of  the  people  was 


given  by  the  inhabitants  voting  in  each  State ; 
but  in  what  other  conceivable  way  could  the 
people  of  the  wffiolc  country  havo  voted  ? 

assembled  in  the  several  States,”  savs 
Story  ;  “  but  where  else  could  they  assemble  ?  ” 
Secession  is,  in  brief,  the  return  to  chaos 
lrom  which  we  emerged  three-quarters  of  a 
century  since.  No  logical  sequence  can  be 
more  perfect.  If  one  State  has  a  right  to  se¬ 
cede  to-day,  asserting  what  it  calls  its  sov¬ 
ereignty,  another  may,  and  probably  will,  do 
the  same  to-morrow,  a  third  on  the  next  day, 
and  so  on,  until  there  are  none  left  to  secede 
from.  Granted  the  premises  that  each  State 
may  peaceably  secede  from  the  Union,  it  fol¬ 
lows  that  a  county  may  peaceably  secede  from 
a  State,  and  a  town  from  a  county,  until  there 
is  nothing  left  but  a  horde  of  individuals  all 
seceding  from  each  other.  The  theory  that 
the  people,  of  a  whole  country  in  their  aggre¬ 
gate  capacity  are  supreme,  is  intelligible ;  and 
it  has  been.  a.  fact,  also,  in  America  for  70 
3  oars.  But  it  is  impossible  to  show,  if  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  a  State  be  sovereign,  that  the  people  of 
a  county,  or  ot  a  village,  and  the  individuals  of 
the  village,  are  not  equally  sovereign,  and  jus¬ 
tified  in  “  resuming  their  sovereignty  ”  when 
their  interests  or  their  caprice  seems  to  impel 
them.  The  process  of  disintegration  brings 
back  the  community  to  barbarism,  precisely  as 
its  converse  has  built  up  commonwealths — 
whether  empires,  kingdoms,  or  republics— out 
of  original  barbarism.  Established  authority, 
whatever  the  theory  of  its  origin,  is  a  fact.  It 
should  never  be  lightly  or  capriciously  over¬ 
turned.  They  who  venture  on  the  attempt 
should  weigh  well  the  responsibility  that  is  upon 
them.  Above  all  they  must  expect  to  be  ar¬ 
raigned  for  their  deeds  before  the  tribunal  of 
the  civilized  world  and  of  future  ages — a  court 
of  last  appeal,  the  code  of  which  is  based  on 
the  Divine  principles  of  right  and  reason,  which 
are  dispassionate  and  eternal.  No  man,  on 
either  side  of  the  Atlantic  with  Anglo-Saxon 
blood  in  his  veins,  will  dispute  the  right  of  a 
people,  or  of  any  portion  of  a  people  to  rise 
against  oppression,  to  demand  redress  of  griev¬ 
ances,  and  in  case  of  denial  of  justice  to  take 
up  arms  to  vindicate  the  sacred  principle  of  lib¬ 
erty.  Few  Englishmen  or  Americans  will  deny 
that  the  source  of  government  is  the  consent 
of  the  governed,  or  that  every  nation  has  the 
right  to  govern  itself  according  to  its  will. 
TV hen  the  silent  consent  is  changed  to  fierce 
i  emonstrance,  the  revolution  is  impending. 
The  right  of  revolution  is  indisputable.  It  ?s 
written  on  the  whole  record  of  our  race.  Brit¬ 
ish  and  American  history  is  made  up  of  rebel¬ 
lion  and  revolution.  Many  of  the  crowned 
kings  were  rebels  or  usurpers;  Hampden,  Pym 
and  Oliver  Cromwell ;  Washington,  Adams’ 
and  Jefferson,  all  were  rebels.  It  is  no  word 
of  reproach  ;  but  these  men  all  knew  the  work 
they  had  set  themselves  to  do.  They  never 
called  their  rebellion  “peaceable  secession.” 
They  were  sustained  by  the  consciousness  of 


DOCUMENTS. 


213 


right  when  they  overthrew  established  author¬ 
ity,  but  they  meant  to  overthrow  it.  They 
meant  rebellion,  civil  war,  bloodshed,  infinite 
suffering  for  themselves  and  their  whole  gene¬ 
ration,  for  they  accounted  them  welcome  sub¬ 
stitutes  for  insulted  liberty  and  violated  right. 
There  can  be  nothing  plainer,  then,  than  the 
American  right  of  revolution.  But  then  it 
|i  should  be  called  revolution.  “  Secession,  as  a 
revolutionary  right,”  said  Daniel  Webster  in 
the  Senate  nearly  30  years  ago,  in  words  that 
now  sound  prophetic, — 

“  Is  intelligible.  As  a  right  to  be  pro¬ 
claimed  in  the  midst  of  civil  commotions ,  and 
asserted  at  the  head  of  armies,  I  can  understand 
it.  But  as  a  practical  right,  existing  under  the 
Constitution,  and  in  conformity  with  its  pro¬ 
visions,  it  seems  to  be  nothing  but  an  absurd¬ 
ity,  for  it  supposes  resistance  to  Government 
under  authority  of  Government  itself ;  it  sup¬ 
poses  dismemberment  without  violating  the 
principles  of  Union;  it  supposes  opposition  to 
law  without  crime;  it  supposes  the  violation 
of  oaths  without  responsibility ;  it  supposes  the 
total  overthrow  of  Government  without  revo¬ 
lution.” 

The  men  who  had  conducted  the  American 
people  through  a  long  and  fearful  revolution, 
were  the  founders  of  the  new  commonwealth 
which  permanently  superseded  the  subverted 
authority  of  the  Crown.  They  placed  the  foun¬ 
dations  on  the  unbiassed,  untrammelled  con¬ 
sent  of  the  people.  They  were  sick  of  leagues, 
of  petty  sovereignties,  of  Governments  which 
could  not  govern  a  single  individual.  The 
framers  of  the  Constitution,  which  has  now 
endured  three-quarters  of  a  century,  and  under 
which  the  nation  has  made  a  material  and  in¬ 
tellectual  progress  never  surpassed  in  history, 
were  not  such  triflers  as  to  be  ignorant  of  the 
consequences  of  their  own  acts.  The  Constitu¬ 
tion  which  they  offered  and  which  the  people 
adopted  as  its  own,  talked  not  of  Sovereign 
States — spoke  not  the  word  confederacy.  In 
the  very  preamble  to  the  instrument  are  in¬ 
serted  the  vital  words  which  show  its  charac¬ 
ter:  “We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  to 
ensure  a  more  perfect  union,  and  to  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  for  ourselves  and  our  pos¬ 
terity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitu¬ 
tion, .”  Sic  volo,  sic  jubeo.  It  is  the  language 
of  a  Sovereign  solemnly  speaking  to  the  world. 
It  is  the  promulgation  of  a  great  law,  the  nor¬ 
ma  agendi  of  a  new  commonwealth.  It  is  no 
compact. 

“  A  compact  (says  Blackstone)  is  a  promise 
proceeding  from  us.  Law  is  a  command  di¬ 
rected  to  us.  The  language  of  a  compact  is, 
“  We  will  or  will  not  do  this ;  that  of  a  law  is,- 
Thou  shalt  or  shalt  not  do  it.” — (1  B.  38,  44, 
45.) 

And  this  is  throughout  the  language  of  tho 
Constitution.  Congress  shall  do  this ;  the  Presi¬ 
dent  shall  do  that ;  the  States  shall  not  exercise 
this  or  that  power.  Witness,  for  example,  the 
important  clauses  by  which  the  “  Sovereign  ” 


States  are  shorn  of  all  the  great  attributes  of 
sovereignty : — no  State  shall  coin  money,  nor 
emit  bills  of  credit,  nor  pass  ex  post  facto  laws, 
nor  laws  impairing  the  obligations  of  contracts, 
nor  maintain  armies  and  navies,  nor  grant  let¬ 
ters  of  marque,  nor  make  compacts  with  other 
States,  nor  hold  intercourse  with  foreign  Powers, 
nor  grant  titles  of  nobility ;  and  that  most  sig¬ 
nificant  phrase,  “  this  Contitution,  and  the  laws 
made  in  pursuance  thereof,  shall  be  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land." 

Could  language  be  more  Imperial  ?  Could 
the  claim  to  State  “  sovereignty  ”  be  more 
completely  disposed  of  at  a  word  ?  How  can 
that  be  sovereign,  acknowledging  no  superior, 
supreme,  which  has  voluntarily  accepted  a  su¬ 
preme  law  from  something  which  it  acknowl¬ 
edges  as  superior  ? 

The  Constitution  is  perpetual,  not  provisional 
or  temporary.  It  is  made  for  all  time — “  for 
ourselves  and  our  posterity.”  It  is  absolute 
within  its  sphere.  “This  Constitution  shall  bo 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  any  thing  in  the 
Constitution  or  laws  of  a  State  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding.”  Of  what  value,  then,  is  a 
law  of  a  State  declaring  its  connection  with  the 
Union  dissolved  ?  The  Constitution  remains 
supreme,  and  is  bound  to  assert  its  supremacy 
till  overpowered  by  force.  The  use  of  force — 
of  armies  and  navies  of  whatever  strength — in 
order  to  compel  obedience  to  the  civil  and  con¬ 
stitutional  authority,  is  not  “  wicked  war,”  is 
not  civil  war,  is  not  war  at  all.  So  long  as  it 
exists,  the  Government  is  obliged  to  put  forth 
its  strength  when  assailed.  The  President, 
who  has  taken  an  oath  before  God  and  man  to 
maintain  the  Constitution  and  laws,  is  per¬ 
jured  if  he  yields  the  Constitution  and  laws  to 
armed  rebellion  without  a  struggle.  He  knows 
nothing  of  States.  Within  the  sphere  of  the 
United  States  Government  he  deals  with  indi¬ 
viduals  only,  citizens  of  the  great  Eepublic  in 
whatever  portion  of  it  they  may  happen  to 
live.  He  has  no  choice  but  to  enforce  the  laws 
of  the  Eepublic  wherever  they  may  be  resisted. 
When  he  is  overpowered  the  Government 
ceases  to  exist.  The  Union  is  gone,  and  Massa¬ 
chusetts,  Ehode  Island,  and  Ohio  are  as  much 
separated  from  each  other  as  they  are  from 
Georgia  or  Louisiana.  Anarchy  has  returned 
upon  us.  The  dismemberment  of  the  Com¬ 
monwealth  is  complete.  We  are  again  in  tho 
chaos  of  1785. 

But  it  is  sometimes  asked  why  tho  Constitu¬ 
tion  did  not  make  a  special  provision  against 
the  right  of  secession.  IIow  could  it  do  so? 
The  people  created  a  Constitution  over  tho 
whole  land,  with  certain  defined,  accurately 
enumerated  powers,  and  among  these  were  all 
the  chief  attributes  of  sovereignty.  It  was 
forbidden  to  a  State  to  coin  money,  to  keep 
armies  and  navies,  to  make  compacts  with 
other  States,  to  hold  intercourse  with  foreign 
nations,  to  oppose  tho  authority  of  Govern¬ 
ment.  To  do  any  one  of  these  things  is  to 
secede,  for  it  would  be  physically  impossible  to 


214 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


do  any  one  of  them  without  secession.  It  would 
have  been  puerile  for  the  Constitution  to  say 
formally  to  each  State,  “Thou  shalt  not  se¬ 
cede.”  The  Constitution,  being  the  supreme 
law,  being  perpetual,  and  having  expressly 
forbidden  to  the  States  those  acts  without 
which  secession  is  an  impossibility,  would  have 
been  wanting  in  dignity  had  it  used  such  su¬ 
perfluous  phraseology.  This  Constitution  is 
supreme,  whatever  laws  a  State  may  enact, 
says  the  organic  law.  Was  it  necessary  to 
add,  “  and  no  State  shall  enact  a  law  of  seces¬ 
sion  ?  ”  To  add  to  a  great  statute,  in  which 
the  sovereign  authority  of  the  land  declares  its 
will,  a  phrase  such  as  “  and  be  it  further  en¬ 
acted  that  the  said  law  shall  not  be  violated,” 
would  scarcely  seem  to  strengthen  the  statute. 

It  wras  accordingly  enacted  that  new  States 
might  be  admitted ;  but  no  permission  was 
given  for  a  State  to  secede. 

Provisions  were  made  for  the  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  from  time  to  time,  and  it  was 
intended  that  those  provisions  should  be  strin¬ 
gent.  A  two-thirds  vote  in  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  and  a  ratification  in  three-quarters  of 
the  w’hole  number  of  States,  are  conditions  only 
to  be  complied  with  in  grave  emergencies. 
But  the  Constitution  made  no  provision  for  its 
own  dissolution,  and,  if  it  had  done  so,  it  would 
have  been  a  proceeding  quite  without  example 
in  history.  A  Constitution  can  only  be  sub¬ 
verted  by  revolution,  or  by  foreign  conquest 
of  the  land.  The  revolution  may  be  the  result 
of  a  successful  rebellion.  A  peaceful  revolution 
is  also  conceivable  in  the  case  of  the  United 
States.  The  same  power  which  established  the 
Constitution,  may  justly  destroy  it.  The  peo¬ 
ple  of  the  whole  land  may  meet,  by  delegates, 
in  a  great  national  convention,  as  they  did  in 
1787,  and  declare  that  the  Constitution  no 
longer  answers  the  purpose  for  which  it  was 
ordained ;  that  it  no  longer  can  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  for  the  people  in  present 
and  future  generations,  and  that  it  is  therefore 
forever  abolished.  When  that  project  has  been 
submitted  again  to  the  people  voting  in  their 
primary  assemblies,  not  influenced  by  fraud  or 
force,  the  revolution  is  lawfully  accomplished, 
and  the  Union  is  no  more. 

Such  a  proceeding  is  conceivable,  although 
attended  with  innumerable  difficulties  and  dan¬ 
gers.  .  But  these  are  not  so  great  as  those  of 
the  civil  war  into  which  the  action  of  the 
seceding  States  has  plunged  the  country.  The 
division  of  the  national  domain  and  other  prop¬ 
erty,  the  navigation  and  police  of  the  great 
rivers,  the  arrangement  and  fortification  of 
frontiers,  the  transit  of  the  Isthmus,  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi,  the  control  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  these  are  significant  phrases  which 
have  an  appalling  sound ;  for  there  is  not  one 
of  them  that  does  not  contain  the  seeds  of  war. 
In  any  separation,  however  accomplished,  these 
difficulties  must  be  dealt  with,  but  there  would 
seem  less  hope  of  arriving  at  a  peaceful  settle¬ 
ment  of  them  now  that  the  action  of  the  seceding 


|  States  has  been  so  precipitate  and  lawless.  For 
a  single  State,  one  after  another,  to  resume 
those  functions  of  sovereignty  which  it  had  un¬ 
conditionally  abdicated  when  its  people  ratified 
the  Constitution  of  1787,  to  seize  forts,  arse¬ 
nals,  custom-houses,  post-offices,  mints,  and 
other  valuable  property  of  the  Union,  paid  for 
by  the  treasure  of  the  Union,  was  not  the  exer¬ 
cise  of  a  legal  function,  but  it  was  rebellion, 
treason,  and  plunder. 

It  is  strange  that  Englishmen  should  find 
difficulty  in  understanding  that  the  United 
States  Government  is  a  nation  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth  ;  a  constituted  authority, 
which  may  be  overthrown  by  violence,  as  may 
be  the  fate  of  any  state  wrhether  kingdom  or 
republic,  but  which  is  false  to  the  people  if  it 
does  not  its  best  to  preserve  them  from  the 
horrors  of  anarchy,  even  at  the  cost  of  blood. 
The  “United  States”  happens  to  be  a  plural 
title,  but  the  commonwealth  thus  designated 
i  is  a  unit, — “  e  pluribus  unum .”  The  Union 

alone  is  clothed  with  imperial  attributes ;  the 
Union  alone  is  known  and  recognized  in  the  fam¬ 
ily  of  nations ;  the  Union  alone  holds  the  purse 
and  the  sword,  regulates  foreign  intercourse,  im¬ 
poses  taxes  on  foreign  commerce,  makes  war  and 
concludes  peace.  The  armies,  the  navies,  the 
militia,  belong  to  the  Union  alone,  and  the  Presi¬ 
dent  is  Comrnander-in-Chief  of  all.  No  State  can 
keep  troops  or  fleets.  What  man  in  the  civil¬ 
ized  world  has  not  heard  of  the  United  States  ? 
What  man  in  England  can  tell  the  names  of  all 
the  individual  States?  And  yet,  with  hardly 
a  superficial  examination  of  our  history  and 
our  Constitution,  men  talk  glibly  about  a  con¬ 
federacy,  a  compact,  a  co-partnership,  and  the 
right  of  a  State  to  secede  at  pleasure,  not  know¬ 
ing  that,  by  admitting  such  loose  phraseology 
and  such  imaginary  rights,  we  should  violate 
the  first  principles  of  our  political  organization, 
should  fly  in  the  face  of  our  history,  should 
trample  under  foot  the  teachings  of  Jay,  Hamil¬ 
ton,  Washington,  Marshall,  Madison,  Dane, 
Kent,  Story,  and  Webster,  and,  accepting  only 
the  dogmas  of  Mr.  Calhoun  as  infallible,  sur¬ 
render  forever  our  national  laws  and  our  na¬ 
tional  existence. 

Englishmen  themselves  live  in  a  united  em¬ 
pire  ;  but  if  the  kingdom  of  Scotland  should 
secede,  should  seize  all  the  national  property, 
forts,  arsenals,  and  public  treasure  on  its  soil, 
organize  an  army,  send  forth  foreign  Ministers 
to  Louis  Napoleon,  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
and  other  Powers,  issue  invitations  to  all  the 
pirates  of  the  world  to  prey  upon  English  com¬ 
merce,  screening  their  piracy  from  punishment 
by  the  banner  of  Scotland,  and  should  announce 
its  intention  of  planting  that  flag  upon  Buck¬ 
ingham  Palace,  it  is  probable  that  a  blow  or 
two  would  be  struck  to  defend  the  national 
honor  and  the  national  existence,  without  fear 
that  the  civil  war  would  bo  denounced  as  wick¬ 
ed  and  fratricidal.  Yet  it  wTould  be  difficult  to 
show  that  the  State  of  Florida,  for  example,  a 
Spanish  province,  purchased  for  national  pur- 


DOCUMENTS. 


215 


poses  some  forty  years  ago  by  the  United 
States  Government  for  several  millions,  and 
fortified  and  furnished  with  navy  yards  for  na¬ 
tional  uses,  at  a  national  expense  of  many  more 
millions,  and  numbering  at  this  moment  a  pop¬ 
ulation  of  only  80,000  white  men,  should  be 
more  entitled  to  resume  its  original  sovereignty 
than  the  ancient  kingdom  of  William  the  Lion 
and  Robert  Bruce. 

The  terms  of  the  treaty  between  England 
and  Scotland  were  perpetual,  and  so  is  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  The  United 
Empire  may  be  destroyed  by  revolution  and 
war,  and  so  may  the  United  States ;  but  a 
peaceful  and  legal  dismemberment  without  the 
consent  of  a  majority  of  the  whole  people,  is  an 
impossibility. 

But  it  is  sometimes  said  that  the  American 
Republic  originated  in  secession  from  the  mother 
country,  and  that  it  is  unreasonable  of  the  Union 
to  resist  the  seceding  movement  on  the  part  of 
the  new  confederacy.  But  it  so  happens  that 
the  one  case  suggests  the  other  only  by  the 
association  of  contrast.  The  thirteen  colonies 
did  not  intend  to  secede  from  the  British  em¬ 
pire.  They  were  forced  into  secession  by  a 
course  of  policy  on  the  part  of  the  mother 
country  such  as  no  English  administration  at 
the  present  day  can  be  imagined  capable  of 
adopting.  Those  Englishmen  in  America  were 
loyal  to  the  Crown  ;  but  they  exercised  the 
right  which  cis- Atlantic  or  transatlantic  En¬ 
glishmen  have  always  exercised,  of  resistance 
to  arbitrary  government.  Taxed  without  be¬ 
ing  represented,  and  insulted  by  measures  taken 
to  enforce  the  odious,  but  not  exorbitant  im¬ 
posts,  they  did  not  secede,  nor  declare  their  in¬ 
dependence.  On  the  contrary  they  made  every 
effort  to  avert  such  a  conclusion.  In  the  words 
of  the  “  forest-born  Demosthenes  ” — as  Lord 
Byron  called  the  great  Virginian,  Patrick 
Henry — the  Americans  “  petitioned,  remon¬ 
strated,  cast  themselves  at  the  foot  of  the 
throne,  and  implored  its  interposition  to  arrest 
the  tyrannical  hands  of  the  Ministers  and  Par¬ 
liament.  But  their  petitions  were  slighted,  their 
remonstrances  procured  only  additional  violence 
and  insult,  and  they  were  spurned  with  con¬ 
tempt  from  the  foot  of  the  throne.” 

The  “  Boston  massacre,”  the  Boston  port- 
bill,  the  Boston  “tea-party,”  the  battle  of  Lex¬ 
ington,  the  battle  of  Bunker’s  Hill,  were  events 
which  long  preceded  the  famous  Declaration  of 
Independence.  It  was  not  till  the  colonists  felt 
that  redress  for  grievances  was  impossible  that 
they  took  the  irrevocable  step,  and  renounced 
their  allegiance  to  the  crown.  The  revolution 
had  come  at  last,  they  had  been  forced  into  it, 
but  they  knew  that  it  was  revolution,  and  that 
they  were  acting  at  the  peril  of  their  lives. 
“  We  must  be  unanimous  in  this  business,”  said 
Hancock;  “  we  must  all  hang  together.”  “Yes,” 
replied  Franklin,  “  or  else  we  shall  all  hang 
separately.” 

The  risk  incurred  by  the  colonists  was  enor¬ 
mous,  but  the  injury  to  the  mother  country  was 


comparatively  slight.  They  went  out  into  dark¬ 
ness  and  danger  themselves,  but  the  British 
empire  was  not  thrown  into  anarchy  and  chaos 
by  their  secession. 

Thus  their  course  was  the  reverse  of  that 
adopted  by  the  South.  The  prompt  secession 
of  seven  States  because  of  the  constitutional 
election  of  a  President  over  the  cadidates  voted 
for  by  their  people,  was  the  redress  in  advance 
of  grievances  which  they  may,  reasonably  or 
unreasonably,  have  expected,  but  which  had 
not  yet  occurred.  There  is  the  high  authority 
of  the  Vice-President  of  the  Southern  “  Con¬ 
federacy,”  who  declared  a  week  after  the  elec¬ 
tion  of  Mr.  Lincoln  that  the  election  was  not  a 
cause  for  secession,  and  that  there  was  no  cer¬ 
tainty  that  he  would  have  either  the  power  or 
the  inclination  to  invade  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  South.*  In  the  Free  States  it 
was  held  that  the  resolutions  of  the  conven¬ 
tion  by  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  nominated  were 
scrupulously  and  conscientiously  framed  to  pro¬ 
tect  all  those  constitutional  rights.  The  ques¬ 
tion  of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  of  the  future 
extension  of  slavery,  was  one  which  had  always 
been  an  open  question  and  on  which  issue  was 
now  joined.  But  it  was  no  question  at  all  that 
slavery  within  a  State  was  sacred  from  all  in¬ 
terference  by  the  General  Government,  or  by 
the  free  States,  or  by  individuals  in  those 
States  ;  and  the  Chicago  Convention  strenuously 
asserted  that  doctrine. 

The  question  of  free  trade,  which  is  thrust 
before  the  English  public  by  many  journals, 
had  no  immediate  connection  with  the  seces¬ 
sion,  although  doubtless  the  desire  of  direct 
trade  with  Europe  has  long  been  a  prominent 
motive  at  the  South.  The  Gulf  States  seceded 
under  the  moderate  tariff  of  1857,  for  which 
South  Carolina  voted  side  by  side  with  Mas¬ 
sachusetts.  The  latter  State,  although  for 
political  not  economical  reasons,  it  thought 
itself  obliged  since  the  secession  to  sustain 
the  Pennsylvania  interest  by  voting  for  the 
absurd  Morrill  Bill,  is  not  in  favor  of  protec¬ 
tion.  On  the  contrary,  the  great  manufacto¬ 
ries  on  the  Merrimac  River  have  long  been 
independent  of  protection,  and  export  many 
million  dollars’  worth  of  cotton  and  other  fab¬ 
rics  to  foreign  countries,  underselling  or  com¬ 
peting  with  all  the  world  in  open  market.  It 
would  be  impossible  for  any  European  nation 
to  drive  the  American  manufacturer  from  the 
markets  of  the  American  continent  in  the  prin¬ 
cipal  articles  of  cheap  clothing  for  the  masses , 
tariff  or  no  tariff.  This  is  a  statistical  fact 
which  cannot  be  impugned. 

The  secession  of  the  colonies,  after  years  of 
oppression  and  grievances  for  which  redress  had 
been  sought  in  vain,  left  the  British  empire, 
3,000  miles  off,  in  security,  with  constitution 
and  laws  unimpaired,  even  if  its  colonial  terri¬ 
tory  were  seriously  diminished.  The  secession 
of  the  southern  States,  in  contempt  of  any 
other  remedy  for  expected  grievances,  is  fol- 


*  See  Stephens’  Speech,  page  219,  seq. 


21G 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


lowed  by  the  destruction  of  the  whole  body 
politic  of  which  they  were  vital  parts. 

Not  only  is  the  United  Republic  destroyed  if 
the  revolution  prove  successful ;  but,  even  if 
the  people  of  the  Free  States  have  the  enthu¬ 
siasm  and  sagacity  to  reconstruct  their  Union, 
and  by  a  new  national  convention  to  re-ordain 
and  re-establish  the  time-honored  Constitu¬ 
tion,  still  an  immense  territory  is  lost.  But 
the  extent  of  that  territory  is  not  the  principal 
element  in  the  disaster.  The  world  is  wide 
enough  for  all.  It  is  the  loss  of  the  southern 
marine  frontier  which  is  fatal  to  tho  Republic. 
Florida  and  tho  vast  Louisiana  territory  pur¬ 
chased  by  tho  Union  from  foreign  countries, 
and  garnished  with  fortresses  at  the  expense  of 
the  Union,  are  fallen  with  all  these  improve¬ 
ments  into  the  hands  of  a  foreign  and  unfriendly 
Power.  Should  tho  dire  misfortune  of  a  war 
with  a  great  maritime  nation,  with  England  or 
France  for  example,  befall  the  Union,  its  terri¬ 
tory,  hitherto  almost  impregnable,  might  now 
be  open  to  fleets  and  armies  acting  in  alliance 
with  a  hostile  “  Confederacy,”  which  has  be¬ 
come  possessed  of  an  important  part  of  the 
Union’s  maritime  line  of  defence.  Moreover,  the 
Union  has  12,000  ships,  numbering  more  than 
5,000,000  tons,  the  far  greater  part  of  which 
belongs  to  the  Free  States,  and  tho  vast  com¬ 
merce  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
requires  and  must  receive  protection  at  every 
hazard. 

Is  it  strange  that  the  Union  should  make  a 
vigorous,  just,  and  lawful  effort  to  save  itself 
from  the  chaos  from  which  the  Constitution  of 
1787  rescued  the  country  ?  Who  that  has  read 
and  pondered  the  history  of  that  dark  period 
does  not  shudder  at  the  prospect  of  its  return  ? 
But  yesterday  wc  were  a  State — the  Great  Re¬ 
public — prosperous  and  powerful,  with  a  flag 
known  and  honored  all  over  the  world.  Seven¬ 
ty  years  ago  we  were  a  helpless  league  of  bank¬ 
rupt  and  lawless  petty  sovereignties.  We  had 
a  currency  so  degraded  that  a  leg  of  mutton 
was  cheap  at  $1,000.  The  national  debt,  in¬ 
curred  in  the  War  of  Independence,  had  hardly 
a  nominal  value,  and  was  considered  worthless. 
The  absence  of  law,  order,  and  security  for  life 
and  property  was  as  absolute  as  could  be  well 
conceived  in  a  civilized  land.  Debts  could  not 
be  collected,  courts  could  enforce  no  decrees, 
insurrections  could  not  be  suppressed.  The 
army  of  the  Confederacy  numbered  eighty  men. 
From  this  condition  the  Constitution  rescued 
us. 

That  great  law,  reported  by  the  general  Con¬ 
vention  of  1787,  was  ratified  by  the  people  of 
all  the  land  voting  in  each  State  for  a  ratify¬ 
ing  convention  chosen  expressly  for  that  pur¬ 
pose.  It  was  promulgated  in  the  name  of  the 
people :  “  We,  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union,  and  to 
secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  for  ourselves  and 
our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Con¬ 
stitution.”  It  was  ratified  by  the  people — not 
by  the  States  acting  through  their  governments, 


legislative  and  executive,  but  by  the  people 
electing  especial  delegates  within  each  State  ; 
and  it  is  important  to  remember  that  in  none 
of  these  ratifying  conventions  was  any  reserve 
made  of  a  State’s  right  to  repeal  the  Union,  or 
to  secede. 

Many  criticisms  were  offered  in  the  various 
ratifying  ordinances,  many  amendments  sug¬ 
gested,  but  the  acceptance  of  the  *Constitution, 
the  submission  to  the  perpetual  law,  was  in  all 
cases  absolute.  The  language  of  Virginia  was 
most  explicit  on  this  point.  “  The  powers 
granted  under  tho  Constitution,  being  derived 
from  the  people  of  the  United  States,  may  be 
resumed  by  them  whenever  the  same  shall  be 
perverted  to  their  injury  or  oppression.”  That 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  expressing  their 
Avill  solemnly  in  national  convention,  are  com¬ 
petent  to  undo  the  work  of  their  ancestors,  and 
arc  fully  justified  in  so  doing  when  the  Consti¬ 
tution  shall  be  perverted  to  their  injury  and 
oppression,  there  js  no  man  in  the  land  that 
doubts.  This  course  has  been  already  indicated 
as  the  only  peaceful  revolution  possible ;  but 
such  a  proceeding  is  very  different  from  tho 
secession  ordinance  of  a  single  State  resuming 
its  sovereignty  of  its  own  free  will,  and  with¬ 
out  consultation  with  the  rest  of  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  of  the  country. 

“  There  was  no  reservation  (says  Justice 
Story)  of  any  right  on  the  part  of  any  State  to 
dissolve  its  connection,  or  to  abrogate  its  dis¬ 
sent,  or  to  suspend  the  operation  of  the  Consti¬ 
tution  as  to  itself.” 

And  thus,  when  tho  ratifications  had  been 
made,  a  new  commonwealth  took  its  place 
among  tho  nations  of  tho  earth.  The  effects 
of  tho  new  Constitution  were  almost  magical. 
Order  sprang  out  of  chaos.  Law'  resumed  its 
reign  ;  debts  were  collected  ;  life  and  property 
became  secure ;  the  national  debt  was  funded 
and  ultimately  paid,  principal  and  interest,  to 
the  uttermost  farthing;  the  articles  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  in  1783  were  fulfilled,  and 
Great  Britain,  having  an  organized  and  united 
State  to  deal  with,  entered  into  a  treaty  of 
commerce  and  amity  with  us — the  first  and  the 
best  ever  negotiated  between  the  two  nations. 
Not  the  least  noble  of  its  articles  (the  21st)  pro¬ 
vided  that  tho  acceptance  by  the  citizens  or 
subjects  of  either  country  of  foreign  letters  of 
marque  should  be  treated  and  punished  as  pi¬ 
racy.  Unfortunately,  that  article  and  several 
others  were  limited  to  12  years,  and  were  not 
subsequently  renewed.  The  debts  due  to  Brit¬ 
ish  subjects  were  collected,  and  the  British 
Government  at  last  surrendered  tho  forts  on 
our  soil. 

At  last  wo  wero  a  nation,  with  a  flag  re¬ 
spected  abroad  and  almost  idolized  at  home  as 
the  symbol  of  union  and  coming  greatness ;  and 
we  entered  upon  a  career  of  prosperity  and 
progress  never  surpassed  in  history.  The  au¬ 
tonomy  of  each  State,  according  to  which  its 
domestic  and  interior  affairs  are  subject  to  the 
domestic  legislature  and  executive,  was  secured 


DOCUMENTS. 


217 


by  the  reservation  to  each  State  of  powers  not 
expressly  granted  to  the  Union  by  the  Consti¬ 
tution.  Supreme  within  its  own  orbit,  which 
is  traced  from  the  same  centre  of  popular  pow¬ 
er  whence  the  wider  circumference  of  the  Gen¬ 
eral  Government  is  described,  the  individual 
State  is  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  that  all-em¬ 
bracing  circle.  The  reserved  and  unnamed 
powers  are  many  and  important,  but  the  State 
is  closely  circumscribed.  Thus,  a  State  is  for¬ 
bidden  to  alter  its  form  of  government.  “  Thou 
shalt  forever  remain  a  republic,”  says  the  Unit¬ 
ed  States  Constitution  to  each  individual  State. 
A  State  is  forbidden,  above  all,  to  pass  any  law 
conflicting  with  the  United  States  Constitution 
or  laws.  Moreover,  every  member  of  Con¬ 
gress,  every  member  of  a  State  legislature, 
every  executive  or  judicial  officer  in  the  service 
of  the  Union  or  of  a  separate  State,  is  bound  by 
solemn  oath  to  maintain  the  United  States 
Constitution.  This  alone  would  seem  to  settle 
the  question  of  secession  ordinances.  So  long 
as  the  Constitution  endures,  such  an  ordinance 
is  merely  the  act  of  conspiring  and  combining 
individuals,  with  whom  the  General  Govern¬ 
ment  may  deal.  When  it  falls  in  the  struggle, 
and  becomes  powerless  to  cope  with  them,  the 
Constitution  has  been  destroyed  by  violence. 
Peaceful  acquiescence  in  such  combinations  is 
perjury  and  treason  on  the  part  of  the  chief 
magistrate  of  the  country,  for  which  he  may  be 
impeached  and  executed.  Yet  men  speak  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  as  having  plunged  into  wicked 
war.  They  censure  him  for  not  negotiating 
with  envoys  who  came,  not  to  settle  griev¬ 
ances,  but  to  demand  recognition  of  the  dis¬ 
memberment  of  the  Republic  which  he  has 
just  sworn  to  maintain. 

It  is  true  that  the  ordinary  daily  and  petty 
affairs  of  men  come  more  immediately  than 
larger  matters  under  the  cognizance  of  the 
State  governments,  tending  thus  to  foster  local 
patriotism  and  local  allegiance.  At  the  same 
time,  as  all  controversies  between  citizens  of 
different  States  come  within  the  sphere  of  the 
Federal  courts,  and  as  the  manifold  and  con¬ 
flicting  currents  of  so  rapid  a  national  life  as 
the  American  can  rarely  be  confined  within 
narrow  geographical  boundaries,  it  follows  that 
the  Federal  courts,  even  for  domestic  purposes 
as  well  as  foreign,  are  parts  of  the  daily,  visible 
functions  of  the  body  politic.  The  Union  is 
omnipresent.  The  custom-house,  the  court¬ 
house,  the  arsenal,  the  village  post-office,  the 
muskets  of  the  militia  make  the  authority  of 
the  General  Government  a  constant  fact.  More¬ 
over,  the  restless,  migratory  character  of  the 
population,  which  rarely  permits  all  the  mem¬ 
bers  of  one  family  to  remain  denizens  of  any 
one  State,  has  interlaced  the  States  with  each 
other  and  all  with  the  Union  to  such  an  extent 
that  a  painless  excision  of  a  portion  of  the 
whole  nation  is  an  impossibility.  To  cut  away 
the  pound  of  flesh  and  draw  no  drop  of  blood 
surpasses  human  ingenuity. 

Neither  the  opponents  nor  friends  of  the  new 


Government  in  the  first  generation  after  its  es¬ 
tablishment  held  the  doctrine  of  secession.  The 
States’  right  party  and  the  Federal  party  dis¬ 
liked  or  cherished  the  Government  because  of 
the  general  conviction  that  it  was  a  constituted 
and  centralized  authority,  permanent  and  indi¬ 
visible,  like  that  of  any  other  organized  nation. 
Each  party  continued  to  favor  or  to  oppose  a 
strict  construction  of  the  instrument ;  but  the 
doctrine  of  nullification  and  secession  was  a 
plant  of  later  growth.  It  was  an  accepted  fact 
that  the  United  States  was  not  a  confederacy. 
That  word  was  never  used  in  the  Constitution 
except  once  by  way  of  prohibition.  We  were 
a  nation,  not  a  copartnership,  except  indeed  in 
the  larger  sense  in  which  every  nation  may  be 
considered  a  copartnership — a  copartnership  of 
the  present  with  the  past  and  with  the  future. 
To  borrow  the  lofty  language  of  Burke : — 

“A  State  ought  not  to  be  considered  as  noth¬ 
ing  better  than  a  partnership  agreement  in  a 
trade  of  pepper  and  coffee,  calico  or  tobacco, 
or  some  other  such  low  concern,  to  be  taken  up 
for  a  little  temporary  interest,  and  to  be  dissolv¬ 
ed  by  the  fancy  of  the  parties.  It  is  to  be  look¬ 
ed  upon  with  other  reverence,  because  it  is  not 
a  partnership  in  things  subservient  only  to  gross 
animal  existence,  of  a  temporary  and  perish¬ 
able  nature.  It  is  a  partnership  in  all  science, 
a  partnership  in  all  art,  a  partnership  in  every 
virtue  and  in  all  perfection,  a  partnership  not 
only  between  those  who  are  living,  but  between 
those  who  are  living,  those  who  are  dead,  and 
those  who  are  to  be  born.” 

And  the  simple  phrase  of  the  preamble  to 
our  Constitution  is  almost  as  pregnant : — “  To 
secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  us  and  our 
posterity .” 

But  as  the  innumerable  woes  of  disunion  out 
of  which  we  had  been  rescued  by  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  began  to  fade  into  the  past,  the  allegiance 
to  the  Union,  in  certain  regions  of  the  country, 
seemed  rapidly  to  diminish.  It  -was  reserved 
to  the  subtle  genius  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  one  of  the 
most  logical,  brilliant,  and  persuasive  orators 
that  ever  lived,  to  embody  once  more,  in  a  set 
of  sounding  sophisms,  the  main  arguments 
which  had  been  unsuccessfully  used  in  a  former 
generation  to  prevent  the  adoption  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  and  to  exhibit  them  now  as  legitimate 
deductions  from  the  Constitution.  The  mem¬ 
orable  tariff  controversy  was  the  occasion  in 
which  the  argument  of  State  sovereignty  was 
put  forth  in  all  its  strength.  In  regard  to  the 
dispute  itself  there  can  bo  no  doubt  that  the 
South  was  in  the  right  and  the  North  in  the 
wrong.  The  production  by  an  exaggerated 
tariff  of  a  revenue  so  much  over  and  above  the 
wants  of  Government,  that  it  was  at  last  divid¬ 
ed  among  the  separate  States,  and  foolishly 
squandered,  Avas  the  most  triumphant  reductio 
ad  absurdum  that  the  South  could  have  de¬ 
sired.  But  it  is  none  the  less  true  that  the 
nullification  by  a  State  legislature  of  a  Federal 
law  Avas  a  greater  injury  to  the  whole  nation 
than  a  foolish  tariff,  long  since  repealed,  had 


218 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


inflicted.  It  was  a  stab  to  the  Union  in  its 
vital  part.  The  blow  was  partially  parried, 
but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  wound  lias 
ever  healed. 

Tariffs,  the  protective  system,  free  trade, — 
although  the  merits  of  these  questions  must  be 
considered  as  settled  by  sound  thinkers  in  all 
civilized  lands,  must  nevertheless  still  remain 
in  some  countries  the  subjects  of  honest  argu¬ 
ment  and  legitimate  controversy.  When  all 
parts  of  a  country  are  represented — and  espe¬ 
cially  in  the  case  of  the  United  States,  where 
the  Southern  portion  has  three-fifths  of  a  cer¬ 
tain  kind  of  “property”  represented,  while  the 
North  has  no  property  represented — reason 
should  contend  with  error  for  victory,  trusting 
to  its  innate  strength.  And  until  after  the 
secession  of  the  Gulf  States  the  moderate  tariff 
of  1857  was  in  operation,  with  no  probability 
of  its  repeal.  Moreover,  the  advocates  of  the 
enlightened  system  of  free  trade  should  reflect 
that  should  the  fourteen  Slave  States  become 
permanently  united  in  a  separate  confederacy, 
the  state  of  their  internal  affairs  will  soon  show 
a  remarkable  revolution.  The  absence  of  the 
Fugitive  law  will  necessarily  drive  all  the  slaves 
from  what  are  called  the  border  States ;  and  he 
must  be  a  shallow  politician  who  dreams  here 
in  England  that  free  trade  with  all  the  world, 
and  direct  taxation  for  revenue,  will  be  the 
policy  of  the  new  and  expensive  military  em¬ 
pire  which  will  arise.  Manufactures  of  cotton 
and  woollen  will  spring  up  on  every  river  and 
mountain  stream  in  the  Northern  Slave  States, 
the  vast  mineral  wealth  of  their  territories  will 
require  development,  and  the  cry  for  protection 
to  native  industry  in  one  quarter  will  be  as 
surely  heeded  as  will  bo  that  other  cry  from 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  now  partially  suppressed 
for  obvious  reasons,  for  the  African  slave  trade. 
To  establish  a  great  Gulf  empire,  including 
Mexico,  Central  America,  Cuba,  and  other 
islands,  with  unlimited  cotton  fields  and  un¬ 
limited  negroes,  this  is  the  golden  vision  in 
pursuit  of  which  the  great  Republic  has  been 
sacrificed,  the  beneficent  Constitution  sub¬ 
verted.  And  already  the  vision  has  fled,  but 
the  work  of  destruction  remains. 

The  mischief  caused  by  a  tariff,  however 
selfish  or  however  absurd,  may  be  temporary. 
In  the  last  nineteen  years  there  have  been  four 
separate  tariffs  passed  by  the  American  Con¬ 
gress,  and  nothing  is  more  probable  than  that 
the  suicidal  Morrill  tariff  will  receive  essential 
modifications  even  in  the  special  session  of 
July ;  but  the  Avoes  caused  by  secession  and 
civil  Avar  are  infinite ;  and  whatever  be  the  re¬ 
sult  of  the  contest,  this  generation  is  not  likely 
to  forget  the  injuries  already  inflicted. 

The  great  Secession,  therefore,  of  1860-G1,  is 
a  rebellion,  like  any  other  insurrection,  against 
established  authority,  and  has  been  folloAved  by 
civil  war,  as  its  immediate  and  inevitable  con¬ 
sequence.  If  successful,  it  is  revolution;  and 
whether  successful  or  not,  it  will  be  judged  be¬ 
fore  tho  tribunal  of  mankind  and  posterity 


according  to  the  eternal  laws  of  reason  and 
justice. 

Time  and  history  will  decide  whether  it  was 
a  good  and  sagacious  deed  to  destroy  a  fabric 
of  so  long  duration,  because  of  the  election  of 
Mr.  Lincoln ;  whether  it  Avere  Avise  and  noble 
to  substitute  over  a  large  portion  of  the  Ameri¬ 
can  soil  a  Confederacy  of  which  slavery,  in  the 
Avords  of  its  Vice-President,  is  the  corner-stone, 
for  the  old  Republic,  of  which  Washington,  with 
his  oAvn  hand,  laid  the  corner-stone. 

It  is  conceded  by  the  North  that  it  has  re¬ 
ceived  from  the  Union  innumerable  blessings. 
But  it  would  seem  that  the  Union  has  also  con¬ 
ferred  benefit  on  the  South.  It  has  carried  its 
mails  at  a  large  expense.  It  has  recaptured  its 
fugitive  slaves.  It  has  purchased  vast  tracts  of 
foreign  territory,  out  of  which  a  Avhole  tier  of 
slave  States  has  been  constructed.  It  has  an¬ 
nexed  Texas.  It  has  made  war  Avith  Mexico. 
It  has  made  an  offer — not  likely  to  be  repeated, 
liOAvever — to  purchase  Cuba,  with  its  multitude 
of  slaves,  at  a  price  according  to  report  as  large 
as  the  sum  paid  by  England  for  the  emancipa¬ 
tion  of  her  slaves.  Individuals  in  the  free 
States  have  expressed  themselves  freely  on 
slavery,  as  upon  every  topic  of  human  thought, 
and  this  must  ever  be  the  case  Avhere  there  is 
freedom  of  the  press  and  of  speech.  The  num¬ 
ber  of  professed  abolitionists  has  hitherto  been 
very  small,  while  the  great  body  of  the  two 
principal  political  parties  in  the  free  States 
have  been  strongly  opposed  to  them.  The  Re¬ 
publican  party  was  determined  to  set  bounds 
to  the  extension  of  slavery  while  the  Demo¬ 
cratic  party  favored  that  system,  but  neither  had 
designs  secret  or  avowed  against  slavery  within 
the  States.  They  kneAV  that  the  question  could 
only  be  legally  and  rationally  dealt  with  by  the 
States  themselves.  But  both  the  parties,  as 
present  events  are  so  signally  demonstrating, 
were  imbued  with  a  passionate  attachment  to 
the  Constitution — to  the  established  authority 
of  Government  by  which  alone  our  laws  and 
our  liberty  are  secured.  All  parties  in  the  free 
States  are  noAv  united  as  one  man  inspired  by  a 
noble  and  generous  emotion  to  vindicate  the 
sullied  honor  of  their  flag,  and  to  save  their 
country  from  the  abyss  of  perdition  into  Avhicli 
it  seemed  descending. 

Of  the  ultimate  result  we  have  no  intention 
of  speaking.  Only  the  presumptuous  will  ven¬ 
ture  to  lift  the  veil  and  affect  to  read  with 
accuracy  coming  events,  the  most  momentous 
perhaps  of  our  times.  One  result  is,  liOAvever, 
secured.  The  Montgomery  Constitution  Avith 
slavery  for  its  corner-stone,  is  not  likely  to  be 
accepted,  as  but  lately  seemed  possible,  not 
only  by  all  the  slave  States,  but  even  by  the 
border  free  States  ;  nor  to  be  proclaimed  from 
Washington  as  tho  new  national  law,  in  the 
name  of  the  United  States.  Compromises  will 
no  longer  be  offered  by  peace  contentions,  iu 
Avhich  slavery  is  to  be  made  national,  negroe9 
declared  property  over  all  the  land,  and  slavery 
extended  over  all  Territories  now  possessed  or 


DOCUMENTS. 


219 


hereafter  to  be  acquired.  Nor  is  the  United 
States  Government  yet  driven  from  Wash¬ 
ington. 

Events  are  rapidly  unrolling  themselves,  and 
it  will  be  proved,  in  course  of  time,  whether 
the  North  will  remain  united  in  its  indexible 
purpose,  whether  the  South  is  as  firmly  united, 
or  whether  a  counter  revolution  will  be  effected 
in  either  section,  which  must  necessarily  give 
the  victory  to  its  opponents.  We  know  noth¬ 
ing  of  the  schemes  or  plans  of  either  Govern¬ 
ment. 

The  original  design  of  the  Republican  party 
was  to  put  an  end  to  the  perpetual  policy  of 
slavery  extension,  and  acquisition  of  foreign 
territory  for  that  purpose,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  maintain  the  Constitution  and  the  integrity 
of  the  Republic.  This  at  the  South  seemed  an 
outrage  which  justified  civil  war;  for  events 
have  amply  proved  what  sagacious  statesmen 
prophesied  thirty  years  ago — that  secession  is 
civil  war. 

If  all  is  to  end  in  negotiation  and  separation, 
notwithstanding  the  almost  interminable  dis¬ 
putes  concerning  frontiers,  the  strongholds  in 
the  Gulf,  and  the  unshackled  navigation  of  the 
great  rivers  throughout  their  whole  length, 
which,  it  is  probable,  will  never  be  abandoned 
by  the  North,  except  as  the  result  of  total  de¬ 
feat  in  the  field,  it  is  at  any  rate  certain  that 
both  parties  will  negotiate  more  equitably  with 
arms  in  their  hands  than  if  the  unarmed  of 
either  section  were  to  deal  with  the  armed. 
If  it  comes  to  permanent  separation,  too,  it  is 
certain  that  in  the  Commonwealth  which  will 
still  glory  in  the  name  of  the  United  States,  and 
whose  people  will  doubtless  re-establish  the 
old  Constitution,  with  some  important  amend¬ 
ments,  the  word  secession  will  be  a  sound  of 
woe  not  to  be  lightly  uttered.  It  will  have 
been  proved  to  designate,  not  a  peaceful  and 
natural  function  of  political  life,  but  to  be  only 
another  expression  for  revolution,  bloodshed, 
and  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war. 

It  is  probable  that  a  long  course  of  years  will 
be  run,  and  many  inconveniences  and  griev¬ 
ances  endured,  before  any  one  of  the  free  States 
secede  from  the  reconstructed  Union.  J.  L.  M. 

Doo.  147. 

SECESSION  MILITARY  ACT. 

AN  ACT  TO  RAISE  AN  ADDITIONAL  MILITARY 
FORCE  TO  SERVE  DURING  THE  WAR. 

The  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  of 
America  do  enact ,  That  in  addition  to  the  Vol¬ 
unteer  force  authorized  to  be  raised  under  ex¬ 
isting  laws,  the  President  be  and  he  is  hereby 
authorized  to  accept  the  services  of  volunteers 
who  may  offer  their  services  without  regard 
to  the  place  of  enlistment,  either  as  cavalry, 
mounted  riflemen,  artillery  or  infantry,  in  such 
proportion  of  these  several  arms  as  he  may 
deem  expedient,  to  serve  for  and  during  the 
existing  war,  unless  sooner  discharged. 

Sec.  2.  That  the  volunteers  so  offering  their 


services  may  be  accepted  by  the  President  in 
companies,  to  be  organized  by  him  into  squad¬ 
rons,  battalions,  or  regiments.  The  President 
shall  appoint  all  field  and  staff  officers,  but  the 
company  officers  shall  be  elected  by  the  men 
composing  the  company,  and  if  accepted,  the 
officers  so  elected  shall  be  commissioned  by  the 
President. 

Sec.  3.  Be  it  further  enacted ,  That  any  va¬ 
cancies  occurring  in  the  ranks  of  the  several 
companies  mustered  into  service  under  the  pro¬ 
visions  of  this  act,  may  be  filled  by  volunteers 
accepted  under  the  rules  of  such  companies, 
and  any  vacancies  occurring  shall  be  filled  by 
elections  in  accordance  with  the  same  rules. 

Sec.  4.  Except  as  herein  differently  pro¬ 
vided,  the  volunteer  forces  hereby  authorized 
to  be  raised  shall  in  all  regards  be  subject  to 
and  organized  in  accordance  with  the  provis¬ 
ions  of  “  an  act  to  provide  for  the  public  de¬ 
fence,”  and  all  other  acts  for  the  government 
of  the  armies  of  the  Confederate  States. 


Doo.  1471. 

SPEECH  OF  A.  H.  STEPHENS, 

DELIVERED  IN  TOE  IIALL  OF  TOE  HOUSE  OF 
REPRESENTATIVES  OF  GEORGIA,  NOV.  14,  1860. 

Mr.  Stephens  entered  the  Hall  at  the  hour 
of  7  p.  m.,  and  was  greeted  with  long  and  rap¬ 
turous  applause.  lie  rose  and  said  : 

Fellow-Citizens  :  I  appear  before  you  to¬ 
night  at  the  request  of  members  of  the  Legisla¬ 
ture  and  others  to  speak  of  matters  of  the 
deepest  interest  that  can  possibly  concern  us  all 
of  an  earthly  character.  There  is  nothing — no 
question  or  subject  connected  with  this  life — 
that  concerns  a  free  people  so  intimately  as 
that  of  the  Government  under  which  they  live. 
We  are  now,  indeed,  surrounded  by  evils. 
Never  since  I  entered  upon  the  public  stage 
has  the  country  been  so  environed  with  diffi¬ 
culties  and  dangers  that  threatened  the  public 
peace  and  the  very  existence  of  society  as  now. 
I  do  not  now  appear  before  you  at  my  own  in¬ 
stance.  It  is  not  to  gratify  desire  of  my  own 
that  I  am  here.  Had  I  consulted  my  own  ease 
and  pleasure  I  should  not  be  before  you  ;  but, 
believing  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  good  citi¬ 
zen  to  give  his  counsels  and  views  whenever 
the  country  is  in  danger,  as  to  the  best  policy 
to  be  pursued,  I  am  here.  For  these  reasons, 
and  these  only,  do  I  bespeak  a  calm,  patient, 
and  attentive  hearing. 

My  object  is  not  to  stir  up  strife,  but  to  allay 
it ;  not  to  appeal  to  your  passions,  but  to  your 
reason.  Good  governments  can  never  be  built 
up  or  sustained  by  the  impulse  of  passion.  I 
wish  to  address  myself  to  your  good  sense,  to 
your  good  judgment,  and  if  after  hearing  you 
disagree,  let  us  agree  to  disagree,  and  part  as 
we  met,  friends.  We  all  have  the  same  object, 
the  same  interest.  That  people  should  disagree 
in  republican  governments,  upon  questions  of 
public  policy,  is  natural.  That  men  should  dis¬ 
agree  upon  all  matters  connected  with  human 


220 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


investigation,  whether  relating  to  science  or 
human  conduct,  is  natural.  Hence,  in  tree 
governments  parties  will  arise.  But  a  free 
people  should  express  their  different  opinions 
with  liberality  and  charity,  with  no  acrimony 
toward  those  of  their  fellows,  when  honestly 
and  sincerely  given.  These  are  my  feelings 

to-night.  . 

Let  us,  therefore,  reason  together.  It  is  not 
my  purpose  to  say  auglit  to  wound  the  feelings 
of  any  individual  who  may  be  present ;  and  if 
in  the  ardency  with  which  I  shall  express  my 
opinions,  I  shall  say  any  thing  which  may  bo 
deemed  too  strong,  let  it  bo  set  down  to  the 
zeal  with  which  I  advocate  my  own  convictions. 
There  is  with  me  no  intention  to  irritate  or 

offend.  . 

The  first  question  that  presents  itself  is,  shall 
the  people  of  the  South  secede  from  the  Union 
in  consequence  of  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
the  presidency  of  the  United  States?  My  coun¬ 
trymen,  I  tell  you  frankly,  candidly ,  and  ear¬ 
nestly ,  that  I  do  not  think  that  they  ought.  .  In 
my  judgment,  the  election  of  no  man,  constitu¬ 
tionally  chosen  to  that  high  office,  is  sufficient 
cause  for  any  State  to  separate  from  the  Union. 
It  ought  to  stand  by  and  aid  still  in  maintain¬ 
ing  the  constitution  of  the  country.  To  make 
a  ^loint  of  resistance  to  the  Government,  to 
withdraw  from  it  because  a  man  has  been  con¬ 
stitutionally  elected,  puts  us  in  the  wrong.  Wo 
are  pledged  to  maintain  the  Constitution. 
Many  of  us  have  sworn  to  support  it.  Can  we, 
therefore,  for  the  mere  election  of  a  man  to  the 
Presidency,  and  that  too  in  accordance  with 
the  prescribed  forms  of  the  Constitution,  make 
a  point  of  resistance  to  the  Government  with¬ 
out  becoming  the  breakers  of  that  sacred  in¬ 
strument  ourselves,  withdraw  ourselves  from  it  ? 
Would  we  not  be  in  the  wrong?  Whatever 
fate  is  to  befall  this  country,  let  it  never  be  laid 
to  the  charge  of  the  people  of  the  South,  and 
especially  to  the  people  of  Georgia,  that  wo 
were  untrue  to  our  national  engagements.  Let 
the  fault  and  the  wrong  rest  upon  others.  It 
all  our  hopes  are  to  be  blasted,  if  the  Republic 
is  to  go  down,  let  us  be  found  to  the  last  mo¬ 
ment  standing  on  the  deck,  with  the  Consti¬ 
tution  of  the  United  States  waving  over  our 
heads.  (Applause.)  Let  the  fanatics  of  the 
North  break  the  Constitution,  if  such  is  their 
fell  purpose.  Let  the  responsibility  be  upon 
them.  I  shall  speak  presently  more  of  their 
acts ;  but  let  not  the  South,  let  us  not  be  the 
ones  to  commit  the  aggression.  WTe  went  into 
the  election  with  this  people.  The  result  was 
different  from  what  we  wished ;  but  the  elec¬ 
tion  has  been  constitutionally  held.  Were  we  to 
make  a  point  of  resistance  to  the  Government 
and  go  out  of  the  Union  on  that  account,  the 
record  would  be  made  up  hereafter  against  us. 

But  it  is  said  Mr.  Lincoln’s  policy  and  prin¬ 
ciples  aro  against  the  Constitution,  and  that  if 
he  carries  them  out  it  tv  ill  be  destructive  of  our 
rights.  Let  us  not  anticipate  a  threatened  evil. 
If  he  violates  the  Constitution  then  will  come 


our  time  to  act.  Do  not  let  us  break  it  be* 
cause,  forsooth,  he  may.  If  lie  does,  that  is 
the  time  for  us  to  strike.  (Applause.)  I  think 
it  would  be  injudicious  and  unwise  to  do  this 
sooner.  I  do  not  anticipate  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
will  do  any  thing  to  jeopard  our  safety  or  se¬ 
curity,  whatever  may  be  his  spirit  to  do  it;  for 
he  is  bound  by  the  constitutional  checks  which 
are  thrown  around  him,  which  at  this  time 
renders  him  powerless  to  do  any  great  mis¬ 
chief.  This  shows  the  wisdom  of  our  system. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  is  no  em¬ 
peror,  no  dictator — he  is  clothed  with  no  abso¬ 
lute  power.  He  can  do  nothing  unless  he  is 
backed  by  power  in  Congress.  The  House  of 
Representatives  is  largely  in  the  majority 
against  him. 

In  the  Senate  he  will  also  be  powerless. 
There  will  be  a  majority  of  four  against  him. 
This,  after  the  loss  of  Bigler,  Fitch,  and  others, 
by  the  unfortunate  dissensions  of  the  National 
Democratic  party  in  their  States.  Mr.  Lincoln 
cannot  appoint  an  officer  without  the  consent 
of  the  Senate — lie  cannot  form  a  Cabinet  with¬ 
out  the  same  consent.  He  will  be  in  the  con¬ 
dition  of  George  HI.,  (the  embodiment  of  Tory¬ 
ism,)  who  had  to  ask  the  Whigs  to  appoint  his 
ministers,  and  was  compelled  to  receive  a  cabi¬ 
net  utterly  opposed  to  his  views ;  and  so  Mr. 
Lincoln  will  be  compelled  to  ask  of  the  Senate 
to  choose  for  him  a  cabinet,  if  the  Democracy 
of  that  body  choose  to  put  him  on  such  terms. 
He  will  be  compelled  to  do  this  or  let  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  stop,  if  the  National  Democratic  men 
— for  that  is  their  name  at  the  North — the  con¬ 
servative  men  in  the  Senate,  should  so  deter¬ 
mine.  Then,  how  can  Mr.  Lincoln  obtain  a 
cabinet  which  would  aid  him,  or  allow  him  to 
violate  the  Constitution  ? 

Why  then,  I  say,  should  we  disrupt  the  ties 
of  this  Union  when  his  hands  are  tied,  when 
ho  can  do  nothing  against  us?  I  have  heard 
it  mooted  that  no  man  in  the  State  of  Georgia, 
who  is  true  to  her  interests,  could  hold  office 
under  Mr.  Lincoln.  But,  I  ask,  who  appoints 
to  office  ?  Not  the  President  alone  ;  the  Sen¬ 
ate  has  to  concur.  No  man  can  be  appointed 
without  the  consent  of  the  Senate.  Should 
any  man  then  refuse  to  hold  office  that  was 
given  to  him  by  a  Democratic  Senate  ?  [Mr. 
Toombs  interrupted  and  said  if  the  Senate  was 
democratic  it  was  for  Mr.  Breckinridge.]  Well, 
then,  continued  Mr.  S.,  I  apprehend  no.  man 
could  be  justly  considered  untrue  to  the  inter¬ 
ests  of  Georgia,  or  incur  any  disgrace,  it  the 
interests  of  Georgia-  required  it,  to  hold  an 
office  which  a  Breckinridge  Senate  had  given 
him,  even  though  Mr.  Lincoln  should  be  Presi¬ 
dent.  (Prolonged  applause,  mingled  with  in¬ 
terruptions.) 

I  trust,  my  countrymen,  you  wdl  bo  still  ancl 
silent.  I  am  addressing  your  good  sense.  I 
am  giving  you  my  views  in  a  calm  and. dispas¬ 
sionate  manner,  and  if  any  of  you  differ  with 
me,  you  can,  on  any  other  occasion,  give  your 
views  as  I  am  doing  now,  and  let  reason  and 


DOCUMENTS. 


221 


true  patriotism  decide  between  us.  In  my 
judgment,  I  say  under  such  circumstances, 
there  would  be  no  possible  disgrace  for  a 
Southern  man  to  hold  office.  No  man  will  be 
suffered  to  be  appointed,  I  have  no  doubt,  who 
is  not  true  to  the  Constitution,  if  Southern 
Senators  are  true  to  their  trusts,  as  I  cannot 
permit  myself  to  doubt  that  they  will  be. 

My  honorable  friend  who  addressed  you  last 
night,  (Mr.  Toombs,)  and  to  whom  I  listened 
with  the  profoundest  attention,  asks  if  we 
would  submit  to  Black  Republican  rule?  I 
say  to  you  and  to  him,  as  a  Georgian,  I  never 
would  submit  to  any  Black  Republican  aggres¬ 
sion  upon  our  constitutional  rights.  I  will 
never  consent  myself,  as  much  as  I  admire  this 
Union  for  the  glories  of  the  past,  or  the  bless¬ 
ings  of  the  present,  as  much  as  it  has  done  for 
the  people  of  all  these  States,  as  much  as  it  has 
done  for  civilization,  as  much  as  the  hopes  of 
the  world  hang  upon  it,  I  would  never  submit 
to  aggression  upon  my  rights  to  maintain  it 
longer ;  and  if  they  cannot  be  maintained  in 
the  Union,  standing  on  the  Georgia  platform, 
where  I  have  stood  from  the  time  of  its  adop¬ 
tion,  I  would  be  in  favor  of  disrupting  every 
tie  which  binds  the  States  together. 

I  will  have  equality  for  Georgia  and  for  the 
citizens  of  Georgia  in  this  Union,  or  I  will 
look  for  new  safeguards  elsewhere.  This  is  my 
position.  The  only  question  now  is,  can  they 
be  secured  in  the  Union  ?  That  is  what  I  am 
counselling  with  you  to-night  about.  Can  it  be 
secured?  In  my  judgment  it  may  be,  but.  it 
may  not  bo ;  but  let  us  do  all  we  can,  so  that 
in  the  future,  if  the  worst  come,  it  may  never 
be  said  we  were  negligent  in  doing  our  duty 
to  the  last. 

My  countrymen,  I  am  not  of  those  who  be¬ 
lieve  this  Union  has  been  a  curse  up  to  this 
time.  True  men,  men  of  integrity,  entertain 
different  views  from  me  on  thi3  subject.  I  do 
not  question  their  right  to  do  so  ;  I  would  not 
impugn  their  motives  in  so  doing.  Nor  will  I 
undertake  to  say  that  this  Government  of  our 
fathers  is  perfect.  There  is  nothing  perfect  in 
this  world  of  a  human  origin.  Nothing  con¬ 
nected  with  human  nature,  from  man  himself 
to  any  of  his  works.  You  may  select  the  wisest 
and  best  men  for  your  judges,  and  yet  how 
many  defects  are  there  in  the  administration  of 
justice?  You  may  select  the  wisest  and  best 
men  for  your  legislators,  and  yet  how  many  de¬ 
fects  are  apparent  in  your  laws  ?  And  it  is  so 
in  our  Government. 

But  that  this  Government  of  our  fathers, 
with  all  its  defects,  comes  nearer  the  objects 
of  all  good  Governments  than  any  other  on 
the  face  of  the  earth  is  my  settled  convic¬ 
tion.  Contrast  it  now  with  any  on  the  face 
of  the  earth.  [England,  said  Mr.  Toombs.] 
—England,  my  friend  says.  Well,  that  is  the 
next  best,  I  grant ;  but  I  think  we  have  im¬ 
proved  upon  England.  Statesmen  tried  their 
apprentice  hand  on  the  Government  of  Eng¬ 
land,  and  then  ours  was  made.  Ours  sprung  I 
Documents — 16 


from  that,  avoiding  many  of  its  defects,  taking 
most  of  the  good  and  leaving  out  many  of  its 
errors,  and  from  the  whole  constructing  and 
building  up  this  model  Republic — the  best 
which  the  history  of  the  world  gives  any  ac¬ 
count  of. 

Compare,  my  friends,  this  Government  with 
that  of  Spain,  Mexico,  the  South  American  Re¬ 
publics,  Germany,  Ireland — are  there  any  sons 
of  that  down-trodden  nation  here  to-night  ? — 
Prussia,  or.  if  you  travel  further  East,  to  Tur¬ 
key  or  China.  Where  will  you  go,  following 
the  sun  in  its  circuit  round  our  globe,  to  find 
a  Government  that  better  protects  the  liberties 
of  its  people,  and  secures  to  them  the  blessings 
we  enjoy  ?  (Applause.)  I  think  that  one  of 
the  evils  that  beset  us  is  a  surfeit  of  liberty,  an 
exuberance  of  the  priceless  blessings  for  which 
we  are  ungrateful.  We  listened  to  my  honora¬ 
ble  friend  who  addressed  you  last  night,  (Mr. 
Toombs,)  as  lie  recounted  the  evils  of  this  Gov¬ 
ernment. 

The  first  was  the  fishing  bounties,  paid  mostly 
to  the  sailors  of  New  England.  Our  friend 
stated  that  forty-eight  years  of  our  Govern¬ 
ment  was  under  the  administration  of  Southern 
Presidents.  Well,  these  fishing  bounties  began 
under  the  rule  of  a  Southern  President,  1  be¬ 
lieve.  No  one  of  them  during  the  whole  forty- 
eight  years  ever  set  his  Administration  against 
the  principle  or  policy  of  them.  It  is  not  for 
me  to  say  whether  it  was  a  wise  policy  in  the 
beginning;  it  probably  was  not,  and  I  have 
nothing  to  say  in  its  defence.  But  the  reason 
given  for  it  was  to  encourage  our  young  men  to 
go  to  sea  and  learn  to  manage  ships.  We  had 
at  the  time  but  a  small  navy.  It  was  thought 
best  to  encourage  a  class  of  our  people  to  be¬ 
come  acquainted  with  seafaring  life ;  to  become 
sailors ;  to  man  our  naval  ships.  It  requires 
practice  to  walk  the  deck  of  a  ship,  to  pull  the 
ropes,  to  furl  the  sails,  to  go  aloft,  to.  climb  the 
mast ;  and  it  was  thought,  by  offering  this 
bounty,  a  nursery  might  be  formed  in  which 
young  men  would  become  perfected  in  theso 
arts,  and  it  applied  to  one  section  of  the  coun¬ 
try  as  well  as  to  any  other. 

The  result  of  this  was,  that  in  the  war  of 
1812  our  sailors,  many  of  whom  caino  from 
this  nursery,  were  equal  to  any  that  England 
brought  against  us.  At  any  rate,  no  small  part 
of  the  glories  of  that  war  were  gained  by  the 
veteran  tars  of  America,  and  the  object  of  these 
bounties  was  to  foster  that  branch  of  the  na¬ 
tional  defence.  My  opinion  is,  that  whatever 
may  have  been  the  reason  at  first,  this  bounty 
ought  to  be  discontinued— the  reason  for  it  at 
first  no-  longer  exists.  A  bill  for  this  object  did 
pass  the  Senate  the  last  Congress  I  was  in,  to 
which  my  honorable  friend  contributed  greatly, 
but  it  .was  not  reached  in  the  House  of  Repre¬ 
sentatives.  I  trust  that  he  will  yet  see  that  ho 
may  with  honor  continue  his  connection  with  the 
Government,  and  that  his  eloquence,  unrivalled 
in  the  Senate,  may  hereafter,  as  heretofore,  bo 
displayed  in  having  this  bounty,  so  obnoxious 


222 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1SG0-01. 


to  him,  repealed  and  wiped  off  from  the  statute- 
book. 

The  next  evil  that  my  friend  complained  of 
was  the  Tariff.  Well,  let  us  look  at  that  for  a 
moment.  About  the  time  I  commenced  notic¬ 
ing  public  matters,  this  question  was  agitating 
the  country  almost  as  fearfully  as  the  slave 
question  now  is.  In  1832,  when  I  was  in  col¬ 
lege,  South  Carolina  was  ready  to  nullify  or 
secede  from  the  Union  on  this  account.  And 
what  have  we  seen  ?  The  Tariff  no  longer  dis¬ 
tracts  the  public  councils.  Reason  has  tri¬ 
umphed  !  The  present  Tariff  was  voted  for  by 
Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina.  The  lion 
and  the  lamb  lay  down  together — every  man 
in  the  Senate  and  House  from  Massachusetts 
and  South  Carolina,  I  think,  voted  for  it,  as  did 
my  honorable  friend  himself.  And  if  it  be 
true,  to  use  the  figure  of  speech  of  my  honora¬ 
ble  friend,  that  every  man  in  the  North  that 
works  in  iron  and  brass  and  wood  has  his  mus¬ 
cle  strengthened  by  the  protection  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment,  that  stimulant  was  given  by  his  vote, 
and  I  believe  every  other  Southern  man.  So 
we  ought  not  to  complain  of  that. 

Mr.  Toombs — The  tariff  assessed  the  duties. 

Mr.  Stephens — Yes,  and  Massachusetts  with 
unanimity  voted  with  the  South  to  lessen  them, 
and  they  were  made  just  as  low  as  Southern 
men  asked  them  to  be,  and  that  is  the  rates 
they  are  now  at.  If  reason  and  argument,  with 
experience,  produced  such  changes  in  the  senti¬ 
ments  of  Massachusetts  from  1832  to  1857,  on 
the  subject  of  the  Tariff,  may  not  like  changes 
be  effected  there  by  the  same  means — reason 
and  argument,  and  appeals  to  patriotism  on  the 
preseut  vexed  question  ;  and  who  can  say  that 
by  1875  or  1890  Massachusetts  may  not  vote 
with  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  upon  all  those 
questions  that  now  distract  the  country,  and 
threaten  its  peace  and  existence.  I  believe  in 
the  power  and  etficiency  of  truth,  in  the  om¬ 
nipotence  of  truth,  and  its  ultimate  triumph 
when  properly  wielded.  (Applause.) 

Another  matter  of  grievance  alluded  to  by 
my  honorable  friend  was  the  navigation  laws. 
This  policy  was  also  commenced  under  the  Ad¬ 
ministration  of  one  of  these  Southern  Presidents 
who  ruled  so  well,  and  has  been  continued 
through  all  of  them  since.  The  gentleman’s 
views  of  the  policy  of  thbse  laws  and  my  own 
do  not  disagree.  We  occupied  the  same  ground 
in  relation  to  them  in  Congress.  It  is  not  my 
purpose  to  defend  them  now.  But  it  is  proper 
to  state  some  matters  connected  with  their 
origin. 

One  of  the.  objects  w'as  to  build  up  a  com¬ 
mercial  American  marine  by  giving  American 
bottoms  the  exclusive  carrying  trade  between 
our  own  ports.  This  is  a  great  arm  of  national 
power.  This  object  was  accomplished.  We 
have  now  an  amount  of  shipping,  not  only 
coastwise,  but  to  foreign  countries,  which  puts 
us  in  the  front  rank  of  the  nations  of  the 
world.  England  can  no  longer  bo  styled  the 


Mistress  of  the  Seas.  What  American  is  not 
proud  of  the  result?  Whether  those  laws  should 
be  continued  is  another  question.  But  one 
thing  is  certain  :  no  President,  Northern  or 
Southern,  has  ever  yet  recommended  their  re¬ 
peal.  And  my  friend’s  efforts  to  get  them  re¬ 
pealed  wero  met  with  but  little  favor,  North  or 
South. 

These,  then,  were  the  true  main  grievances 
or  grounds  of  complaint  against  the  general 
system  of  our  Government  and  its  workings — I 
mean  the  administration  of  the  Federal  Gov¬ 
ernment.  As  to  the  acts  of  the  Federal  States, 
I  shall  speak  presently,  but  these  three  were 
the  main  ones  used  against  the  common  head. 
Now,  suppose  it  be  admitted  that  all  of  these 
are  evils  in  the  system,  do  they  overbalance 
and  outweigh  the  advantages  and  great  good 
which  this  same  Government  affords  in  a  thou¬ 
sand  innumerable  ways  that  cannot  bo  estimat¬ 
ed?  Have  wo  not  at  the  South,  as  well  as  tho 
North,  grown  great,  prosperous,  and  happy 
under  its  operation?  Has  any  part  of  tho 
world  ever  shown  such  rapid  progress  in  the 
development  of  wealth,  and  all  the  material  re¬ 
sources  of  national  power  and  greatness,  as  tho 
Southern  States  have  under  the  General  Gov¬ 
ernment,  notwithstanding  all  its  defects  ? 

Mr.  Toombs — In  spite  of  it. 

Mr.  Stephens — My  honorable  friend  says  we 
have,  in  spite  of  the  General  Government ;  that 
without  it  I  suppose  he  thinks  wo  might  have 
done  as  well,  or  perhaps  better,  than  we  have 
done  this  in  spite  of  it.  That  may  be,  and  it 
may  not  be ;  but  the  great  fact  that  we  have 
grown  great  and  powerful  under  the  Govern¬ 
ment  as  it  exists,  there  is  no  conjecture  or 
speculation  about  that ;  it  stands  out  bold, 
high,  and  prominent  like  your  Stone  Mountain, 
to  which  the  gentleman  alluded  in  illustrating 
home  facts  in  his  record — this  great  fact  of  our 
unrivalled  prosperity  in  tho  Union  as  it  is  ad¬ 
mitted  ;  whether  all  this  is  in  spite  of  tho  Gov¬ 
ernment — whether  we  of  the  South  would  have 
been  better  off  without  the  Government— is,  to 
say  the  least,  problematical.  On  the  one  side 
wo  can  only  put  the  fact  against  speculation 
and  conjecture  on  the  other.  But  even  as  a 
question  of  speculation  I  differ  with  my  distin¬ 
guished  friend. 

"What  we  would  have  lost  in  border  wars 
without  the  Union,  or  what  we  have  gained 
simply  by  the  peace  it  has  secured,  no  estimate 
can  bo  made  of.  Our  foreign  trade,  which  is 
the  foundation  of  all  our  prosperity,  has  the 
protection  of  tho  navy,  which  drove  tho  pirates 
from  the  waters  near  our  coast,  where  they 
had  been  buccaneering  for  centuries  before,  and 
might  havo  been  still  had  it  not  (been  for  the 
American  Navy  under  the  command  of  such 
spirits  as  Commodore  Porter.  Now  that  the 
coast  is  clear,  that  our  commerce  flows  freely 
outwardly,  wo  cannot  well  estimate  how  it 
would  have  been  under  other  circumstances. 
Tho  influence  of  the  Government  on  us  is  like 


DOCUMENTS. 


223 


that  of  the  atmosphere  around  us.  Its  benefits 
are  so  silent  and  unseen  that  they  are  seldom 
thought  of  or  appreciated. 

We  seldom  think  of  the  single  element  of 
oxygen  in  the  air  we  breathe,  and  yet  let  this 
simple,  unseen,  and  unfelt  agent  be  withdrawn, 
this  life-giving  element  be  taken  away  from 
this  all-pervading  fluid  around  us,  and  what  in¬ 
stant  and  appalling  changes  would  take  place 
in  all  organic  creation. 

It  may  be  that  we  are  all  that  we  are  in  “  spite 
of  the  General  Government,”  but  it  may  be 
that  without  it  we  should  have  been  far  differ¬ 
ent  from  what  we  are  now.  It  is  true  there  is 
no  equal  part  of  the  earth  with  natural  re¬ 
sources  superior  perhaps  to  ours.  That  portion 
of  this  country  known  as  the  Southern  States, 
stretching  from  the  Chesapeake  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  is  fully  equal  to  the  picture  drawn  by 
the  honorable  and  eloquent  Senator  last  night, 
in  all  natural  capacities.  But  how  many  ages 
and  centuries  passed  before  these  capacities 
were  developed  to  reach  this  advanced  age  of 
civilization?  There  these  same  hills,  rich  in 
ore,  same  rivers,  same  valleys  and  plains,  are 
as  they  have  been  since  they  came  from  the 
hand  of  the  Creator;  uneducated  and  uncivil¬ 
ized  man  roamed  over  them  for  how  long  no 
history  informs  us. 

It  was  only  under  our  institutions  that  they 
could  be  developed.  Their  development  is  the 
result  of  the  enterprise  of  our  people  under 
operations  of  the  Government  and  institutions 
under  which  we  have  lived.  Even  our  people 
without  these  never  would  have  done  it.  The 
organization  of  society  has  much  to  do  with 
the  development  of  the  natural  resources  of  any 
country  or  any  land.  The  institutions  of  a  peo¬ 
ple,  political  and  moral,  are  the  matrix  in 
which  the  germ  of  their  organic  structure 
quickens  into  life — takes  root  and  develops  in 
form,,  nature,  and  character.  Our  institutions 
constitute  the  basis,  the  matrix,  from  which 
spring  all  our  characteristics  of  development 
and  greatness.  _  Look  at  Greece.  There  is  the 
same  fertile  soil,  the  same  blue  sky,  the  same 
inlets  and  harbors,  the  same  AEgean,  the  same 
Olympus ;  there  is  the  same  land  where  Homer 
sung,  where  Pericles  spoke;  it  is  in  nature  the 
same  old  Greece — but  it  is  living  Greece  no 
more.  (Applause.) 

Descendants  of  the  same  people  inhabit  the 
country ;  yet  what  is  the  reason  of  this  mighty 
difference  ?  In  the  midst  of  present  degradation 
we  see  the  glorious  fragments  of  ancient  works 
ot  art — temples  with  ornaments  and  inscrip¬ 
tions,  that  excite  wonder  and  admiration — the 
remains  of  a  once  high  order  of  civilization 
which  have  outlived  the  language  they  spoke — 
upon  them  all  Ichabod  is  written — their  glory 
has  departed.  Why  is  this  so  ?  I  answer,  their 
institutions  have  been  destroyed.  These  were 
but  the  fruits  of  their  forms  of  government,  the 
matrix  from  which  their  grand  development 
sprung,  and  when  once  the  institutions  of  a  peo¬ 
ple  have  been  destroyed,  there  is  no  earthly 


power  that  can  bring  back  the  Promethean 
spark  to  kindle  them  here  again,  any  more  than 
in  that  ancient  land  of  eloquence,  poetry,  and 
song.  (Applause.) 

The  same  may  be  said  of  Italy.  Where  is 
Rome,  once  the  mistress  of  the  world  ?  There 
are  the  same  seven  hills  now,  the  same  soil,  the 
same  natural  resources ;  nature  is  the  same,  but 
what  a  ruin  of  human  greatness  meets  the  eye 
of  the  traveller  thi’oughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  that  most  down-trodden  land !  Why 
have  not  the  people  of  that  Heaven-favored 
clime  the  spirit  that  animated  their  fathers? 
Why  this  sad  difference  ? 

It  is  the  destruction  of  her  institutions  that 
has  caused  it ;  and,  my  countrymen,  if  we  shall 
in  an  evil  hour  rashly  pull  down  and  destroy 
those  institutions  which  the  patriotic  band  of 
our  fathers  labored  so  long  and  so  hard  to  build 
up,  and  which  have  done  so  much  for  us  and 
the  world,  who  can  venture  the  prediction  that 
similar  results  will  not  ensue  ?  Let  us  avoid  it 
if  we  can.  I  trust  the  spirit  is  amongst  us  that 
will  enable  us  to  do  it.  Let  us  not  rashly  try 
the  experiment,  for  if  it  fails  as  it  did  in  Greeco 
and  Italy,  and  in  the  South  American  Republics, 
and  in  every  other  place,  wherever  liberty  is 
once  destroyed,  it  may  never  be  restored  to  us 
again.  (Applause.) 

There  are  defects  in  our  Government,  errors 
in  administration,  and  shortcomings  of  many 
kinds,  but  in  spite  of  these  defects  and  errors, 
Georgia  has  grown  to  be  a  great  State.  Let  us 
pause  here  a  moment.  In  1850  there  was  a 
great  crisis,  but  not  so  fearful  as  this,  for  of  all 
I  have  ever  passed  through,  this  is  the  most 
perilous,  and  requires  to  be  met  with  the  great¬ 
est  calmness  and  deliberation. 

There  were  many  amongst  us  in  1850  zealous 
to  go  at  once  out  of  the  Union,  to  disrupt  every 
tie  that  binds  us  together.  How  do  you  believe, 
xad  that  policy  been  carried  out  at  that  time, 
we  would  have  been  the  same  great  people  that 
we  are  to-day  ?  It  may  be  that  we  would,  but 
nave  you  any  assurance  of  that  fact?  Would 
you  have  made  the  same  advancement,  improve¬ 
ment,  and  progress  in  all  that  constitutes  mate¬ 
rial  wealth  and  prosperity  that  we  have? 

I  notice  in  the  Comptroller-General’s  report, 
that  the  taxable  property  of  Georgia  is  $670,- 
000,000  and  upwards,  an  amount  not  far  from 
double  that  it  was  in  1850.  I  think  I  may  ven¬ 
ture  to  say  that  for  the  last  ten  years  the  mate¬ 
rial  wealth  of  the  people  of  Georgia  has  been 
nearly  if  not  quite  doubled.  The  same  may  be 
said  of  our  advance  in  education,  and  every 
Ring  that  marks  our  civilization.  Have  we  any 
assurance  that  had  we  regarded  the  earnest  but 
misguided  patriotic  advice,  as  I  think,  of  some 
of  that  day,  and  disrupted  the  ties  which  bind 
us  to  the  Union,  we  would  have  advanced  as 
we  have?  I  think  not.  Well,  then,  let  us  be 
careful  now  before  we  attempt  any  rash  exper¬ 
iment  of  this  sort.  I  know  that  there  are 
friends  whose  patriotism  I  do  not  intend  to 
question,  who  think  this  Union  a  curse,  and 


224 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


that  we  would  be  better  off  without  it.  I  do 
not  so  think ;  if  we  can  bring  about  a  correc-  ; 
tion  of  these  evils  which  tin  eaten  and  I  am  ( 
not  without  hope  that  this  may  yet  be  done— 
this  appeal  to  go  out,  with  all  the  provisions 
for  good  that  accompany  it,  I  look  upon  as  a 
great  and  I  fear  a  fatal  temptation. 

When  I  look  around  and  see  our  prosperity  in 
every  thing,  agriculture,  commerce,  art,  science, 
and  every  department  of  education,  physical 
and  mental,  as  well  as  moral  advancement,  and 
our  colleges,  I  think,  in  the  face  of  such  an  ex¬ 
hibition,  if  we  can  without  the  loss  of  power, 
or  any  essential  right  or  interest,  remain  in  the 
Union,  it  is  our  duty  to  ourselves  and  to  pos¬ 
terity  to— let  us  not  too  readily  yield  to  this 
temptation — do  so.  Our  first  parents,  the  great 
progenitors  of  the  human  race,  were  not  with¬ 
out  a  like  temptation  when  in  the  garden  of 
Eden.  They  were  led  to  believe  that  their  con¬ 
dition  would  he  bettered— that  their  eyes  would 
be  opened— and  that  they  would  become  as 
gods.  They  in  an  evil  hour  yielded — instead 
of  becoming  gods  they  only  saw  their  own  na¬ 
kedness. 

I  look  upon  this  country  with  our  institutions 
as  the  Eden  of  the  world,  the  paradise  of  the 
universe.  It  may  be  that  out  ot  it  wo  may  be¬ 
come  greater  and  more  prosperous,  but  I  am 

candid  and  sincere  in  telling  you  that  I  fear  if 

we  rashly  evince  passion  and  without  sufficient 
cause  shall  take  that  step,  that  instead  of  be¬ 
coming  greater  or  more  peaceful,  prosperous, 
and  happy— instead  of  becoming  gods,  we  will 
become  demons,  and  a.t  no  distant  day  commence 
cutting  one  another’s  throats.  This  is  my  ap¬ 
prehension.  Let  us,  therefore,  whatever  we 
do,  meet  these  difficulties,  great  as  they  are, 
like  wise  and  sensible  men,  and  consider  them 
in  the  light  of  all  the  consequences  which  may 
attend  our  action.  Let  us  see  first  clearly  where 
the  path  of  duty  leads,  and  then  Ave  may  not 
fear  to  tread  therein. 

I  come  now  to  the  main  question  put  to  me, 
and  on  which  my  counsel  has  been  asked.  That 
is,  what  the  present  Legislature  should  do  in  view 
of  the  dangers  that  threaten  us,  and  the  wrongs 
that  have  been  done  us  by  several  of  our  Con¬ 
federate  States  in  the  Union,  by.the  acts  of  their 
legislatures  nullifying  the  fugitive  slave  law, 
and  in  direct  disregard  of  their  constitutional 
obligations.  What  I  shall  say  will  not  be  in 
the  spirit  of  dictation.  It  will  bo  simply  my 
own  judgment  for  what  it  is  worth.  It  pro¬ 
ceeds  from  a  strong  conviction  that  according 
to  it  our  rights,  interests,  and  honor — our  pres¬ 
ent  safety  and  future  security  can  be  maintained 
without  yet  looking  to  the  last  resort,  the  '''ul¬ 
tima  ratio  regum."  That  should  not  be  looked 
to  until  all  else  fails.  That  may  come.  On  this 
point  I  am  hopeful,  but  not  sanguine.  But  let 
us  use  every  patriotic  efiort  to  prevent  it  while 
there  is  ground  for  hope, 

If  any  view  that  I  may  present,  in  your  judg¬ 
ment,  be  inconsistent  with  the  best  interests  of 
Georgia,  I  ask  you,  as  patriots,  not  to  regard  it. 


After  hearing  me  and  others  Avhom  you  have 
advised  with,  act  in  the  premises  according  to 
your  own  conviction  of  duty  as  patriots.  I 
speak  now  particularly  to  the  members  of  the 
Legislature  present.  There  are,  as  I  have  said, 
great  dangers  ahead.  Great  dangers  may  come 
from  the  election  I  have  spoken  of.  If  the  pol¬ 
icy  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  Republican  associates 
shall  bo  carried  out,  or  attempted  to  be  carried 
out,  no  man  in  Georgia  will  be  more  willing  or 
ready  than  myself  to  defend  our  rights,  interest, 
and  honor  at  every  hazard,  and  to  the  last  ex¬ 
tremity.  (Applause.) 

What  is  this  policy  ?  It  is  in  the  first  place 
to  exclude  us  by  an  act  of  Congress  from  the 
Territories  with  our  slave  property.  lie  is  for 
using  the  power  of  the  General  Government 
against  the  extension  of  our  institutions.  Our 
position  on  this  point  is  and  ought  to  be,  at 
all  hazards,  for  perfect  equality  between  all  the 
States,  and  the  citizens  of  all  the  States,  in 
the  Territories,  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  If  Congress  should  exercise 
its  power  against  this,  then  I  am  for  standing 
where  Georgia  planted  herself  in  1850.  These 
Avere  plain  propositions  which  were  then  laid 
down  in  her  celebrated  platform  as  sufficient 
for  the  disruption  of  the  Union  if  the  occasion 
should  ever  come ;  on  these  Georgia  has  de¬ 
clared  that  she  Avill  go  out  of  the  Union ;  and 
for  these  she  would  be  justified  by  the  nations 
of  the  earth  in  so  doing. 

I  say  the  same  ;  I  said  it  then  ;  I  say  it  now, 
if  Mr.  Lincoln’s  policy  should  be  carried  out. 
I  have  told  you  that  I  do  not  think  his  bare 
election  sufficient  cause  :  but  if  his  policy  should 
bo  carried  out  in  violation  of  any  of  the  prin¬ 
ciples  set  forth  in  the  Georgia  Platform,  that 
would  be  such  an  act  of  aggression  which  ought 
to  be  met  as  therein  provided  for.  If  his  pol¬ 
icy  shall  be  carried  out  in  repealing  or  modi¬ 
fying  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  so  as  to  weaken 
its  efficacy,  Georgia  has  declared  that  she  will 
in  the  last  resort  disrupt  the  ties  of  the  Union, 
and  I  say  so  too.  I  stand  upon  the  Georgia 
Platform,  and  upon  every  plank,  and  say  if 
thoso  aggressions  therein  provided  for  take 
place,  I  say  to  you  and  to  the  people  of  Geor¬ 
gia,  keep  your  powder  dry,  and  let  your  assail¬ 
ants  then  haAre  lead,  if  need  be.  (Applause.) 
I  would  Avait  for  an  act  of  aggression.  This  is 
my  position. 

Noav,  upon  another  point,  and  that  the  most 
difficult  and  deserving  your  most  serious  con¬ 
sideration,  I  Avill  speak.  That  is  the  course 
which  this  State  should  pursue  towards  these 
Northern  States,  which  by  their  legislative  acts 
ha\Te  attempted  to  nullify  the  Fugitive  Slave  law. 
I  know  that  in  some  of  these  States  their  acts 
pretend  to  bo  based  upon  the  principles  set 
forth  in  the  case  of  Puigg  against  Pennsylva¬ 
nia  ;  that  decision  did  proclaim  the  doctrine 
that  the  State  officers  are  not  bound  to  carry 
out  the  provisions  of  a  law  of  Congress — that 
the  Federal  Government  cannot  impose  duties 
upon  State  officials;  that  they  must  execute 


DOCUMENTS. 


225 


their  own  laws  by  their  own  officers.  And  this 
may  be  true.  But  still  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
States  to  deliver  fugitive  slaves,  as  well  as  the 
duty  of  the  General  Government  to  see  that  it 
is  done. 

Northern  States,  on  entering  into  the  Fed¬ 
eral  compact,  pledged  themselves  to  surrender 
such  fugitives;  and  it  is  in  disregard  of  their 
obligations  that  they  have  passed  laws  which 
even  tend  to  hinder  or  obstruct  the  fulfilment 
of  that  obligation.  They  have  violated  their 
plighted  faith ;  what  ought  we  to  do  in  view 
of  this  ?  That  is  the  question.  What  is  to  be 
done  ?  By  the  law  of  nations  you  would  have 
a  right  to  demand  the  carrying  out  of  this  arti¬ 
cle  of  agreement,  and  I  do  not  see  that  it  should 
be  otherwise  with  respect  to  the  States  of  this 
Union ;  and  in  case  it  be  not  done,  we  would, 
by  these  principles,  have  the  right  to  commit 
acts  of  reprisal  on  these  faithless  Governments, 
and  seize  upon  their  property,  or  that  of  their 
citizens  wherever  found.  The  States  of  this 
Union  stand  upon  the  same  footing  with  for¬ 
eign  nations  in  this  respect.  But  by  the  law 
of  nations  we  are  equally  bound,  before  proceed¬ 
ing  to  violent  measures,  to  set  forth  our  griev¬ 
ances  before  the  offending  Government,  to  give 
them  an  opportunity  to  redress  the  wrong.  Has 
our  State  yet  done  this?  I  think  not. 

Suppose  it  were  Great  Britain  that  had  vio¬ 
lated  some  compact  of  agreement  with  the  Gen¬ 
eral  Government,  what  would  be  first  done? 
In  that  case  our  Minister  would  be  directed  in 
the  first  instance  to  bring  the  matter  to  the 
attention  of  that  Government,  or  a  Commis¬ 
sioner  be  sent  to  that  country  to  open  negotia¬ 
tions  with  her,  ask  for  redress,  and  it  would 
only  be  when  argument  and  reason  had  been  ex¬ 
hausted  that  wo  should  take  the  last  resort  of 
nations.  That  would  be  the  course  towards  a 
foreign  Government,  and  towards  a  member  of 
this  Confederacy  I  would  recommend  the  same 
course. 

Let  us,  therefore,  not  act  hastily  in  this  mat¬ 
ter.  Let  your  Committee  on  the  State  of  the 
Republic  make  out  a  bill  of  grievances ;  let  it 
be  sent  by  the  Governor  to  those  faithless 
States,  and  if  reason  and  argument  shall  be 
tried  in  vain — all  shall  fail  to  induce  them  to 
return  to  their  constitutional  obligations,  I 
would  bo  for  retaliatory  measures,  such  as  the 
Governor  has  suggested  to  you.  This  mode  of 
resistance  in  the  Union  is  in  our  power.  It 
might  bo  effectual,  and  if  in  the  last  resort,  we 
would  be  justified  in  the  eyes  of  nations,  not 
only  in  separating  from  them,  but  by  using 
force. 

[Some  one  said  the  argument  was  already 
exhausted.] 

Mr.  Stephens  continued — Some  friend  says 
that  the  argument  is  already  exhausted.  No, 
my  friend,  it  is  not.  You  have  never  called  the 
attention  of  the  Legislatures  of  those  States  to 
this  subject,  that  I  am  aware  of.  Nothing  has 
ever  been  done  before  this  year.  The  attention 


of  our  own  people  has  been  called  to  this  sub¬ 
ject  lately. 

Now,  then,  my  recommendation  to  you  would 
be  this  :  In  view  of  all  these  questions  of  diffi¬ 
culty,  let  a  convention  of  the  people  of  Georgia 
be  called,  to  which  they  may  be  all  referred. 
Let  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  speak.  Some 
think  that  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is  cause 
sufficient  to  dissolve  the  Union.  Some  think 
those  other  grievances  are  sufficient  to  dissolve 
the  same,  and  that  the  Legislature  has  the  power 
thus  to  act,  and  ought  thus  to  act.  I  have  no 
hesitancy  in  saying  that  the  Legislature  is  not 
the  proper  body  to  sever  our  Federal  relations, 
it  that  necessity  should  arise.  An  honorable 
and  distinguished  gentleman,  the  other  night, 
(Mr.  T.  R.  R.  Cobb,)  advised  you  to  take  this 
course  not  to  wait  to  hear  from  the  cross¬ 
roads  and  groceries.  I  say  to  you,  you  have 
no  power  so  to  act.  You  must  refer  this  ques¬ 
tion  to  the  people  and  you  must  wait  to  hear 
from  the  men  at  the  cross-roads  and  even  the 
groceries ;  for  the  people  in  this  country, 
whether  at  the  cross-roads  or  the  groceries, 
whether  in  cottages  or  palaces,  are  all  equal, 
and  they  are  the  sovereigns  in  this  country. 
Sovereignty  is  not  in  the  Legislature.  We, 
the  people,  are  the  sovereigns.  I  am  one  of 
them  and  have  a  right  to  be  heard,  and  so  has 
any  other  citizen  of  the  State.  You  legisla¬ 
tors,  I  speak  it  respectfully,  are  but  our  ser¬ 
vants.  You  are  the  servants  of  the  people,  and 
not  their  masters.  Power  resides  with  the 
people  in  this  country. 

The  great  difference  between  our  country  and 
all  others,  such  as  France  and  England  and  Ire¬ 
land,  is,  that  here  there  is  popular  sovereignty, 
while  there  sovereignty  is  exercised  by  kings 
and  iayored  classes.  This  principle  of  popular* 
sovereignty,  however  much  derided  lately,  is 
the  foundation  of  our  institutions.  Constitu¬ 
tions  are  but  the  channels  through  which  the 
popular  will  may  be  expressed.  Our  Constitu¬ 
tion  came  from  the  people.  They  made  it,  and 
they  alone  can  rightfully  unmake  it. 

Mr.  Toombs — I  am  afraid  of  conventions. 

Mr.  Stephens — I  am  not  afraid  of  any  con¬ 
vention  legally  chosen  by  the  people.  I  know 
no  way  to  decide  great  questions  affecting  fun¬ 
damental  laws  except  by  representatives  of  the 
people.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  made  by  the  representatives  of  the  people. 
The  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Georgia  was 
made  by  representatives  of  the  people  chosen 
at  the  ballot-box.  But  do  not  let  the  question 
which  comes  before  the  people  be  put  to  them 
in  the  language  of  my  honorable  friend  who 
addressed  you  last  night.  Will  you  submit  to 
abolition  rule  or  resist  ? 

Mr.  Toombs — I  do  not  wish  the  people  to  be 
cheated. 

Mr..  Stephens — Now,  my  friends,  how  are 
we  going  to  cheat  the  people  by  calling  on  them 
;o  elect  delegates  to  a  convention  to  decide  all 
these  questions  without  any  dictation  or  direc- 


226 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


tion  ?  Who  proposes  to  cheat  the  people  by  let¬ 
ting  them  speak  their  own  untrammelled  views 
in  the  choice  of  their  ablest  and  best  men,  to 
determine  upon  all  these  matters,  involving 
their  peace. 

I  think  the  proposition  of  my  honorable  friend 
had  a  considerable  smack  of  unfairness,  not  to 
say  cheat.  He  wished  to  have  no  convention, 
but  for  the  Legislature  to  submit  their  vote  to 
the  people — submission  to  abolition  rule  or  re¬ 
sistance  ?  Now,  who  in  Georgia  would  vote 
“  submission  to  abolition  rule”  ?  (Laughter.) 

Is  putting  such  a  question  to  the  people  to 
vote  on,  a  fair  way  of  getting  an  expression  of 
the  popular  will  on  all  these  questions  ?  I  think 
not.  Now,  who  in  Georgia  is  going  to  submit 
to  abolition  rule  ? 

Mr.  Toombs — The  convention  will. 

Mr.  Stephens — No,  my  friend,  Georgia  will 
never  do  it.  The  convention  will  never  secede 
from  the  Georgia  Platform.  Under  that  there 
can  be  no  abolition  rule  in  the  General  Govern¬ 
ment.  I  am  not  afraid  to  trust  the  people  in 
convention  upon  this  and  all  questions.  Besides, 
the  Legislature  were  not  elected  for  such  a  pur¬ 
pose.  They  came  here  to  do  their  duty  as  leg¬ 
islators.  They  have  sworn  to  support  the  Con¬ 
stitution  of  the  United  States.  They  did  not 
come  here  to  disrupt  this  Government.  I  am 
therefore  for  submitting  all  these  questions  to  a 
convention  of  the  people.  Submit  the  question 
to  the  people,  whether  they  would  submit  to 
abolition  rule  or  resist,  and  then  let  the  Legisla¬ 
ture  act  upon  that  vote  ?  Such  a  course  would 
be  an  insult  to  the  people.  They  would  have 
to  eat  their  platform,  ignore  their  past  history, 
blot  out  their  records,  and  take  steps  backwards, 
if  they  should  do  this.  I  have  never  eaten  my 
record  or  words,  and  never  will. 

But  how  will  it  be  under  this  arrangement 
if  they  should  vote  to  resist,  and  the  Legislature 
should  reassemble  with  this  vote  as  their  in¬ 
struction  ?  Can  any  man  tell  what  sort  of  re¬ 
sistance  will  be  meant  ?  One  man  would  say 
secede ;  another  pass  retaliatory  measures ; 
these  are  measures  of  resistance  against  wrong 
— legitimate  and  right — and  there  would  be  as 
many  different  ideas  as  there  are  members  on 
this  floor.  Keslstance  don’t  mean  secession — 
that  in  no  proper  sense  of  the  term  is  resistance. 
Believing  that  the  times  require  action,  I  am 
for  presenting  the  question  fairly  to  tho  people, 
for  calling  together  an  untrammelled  convention, 
and  presenting  all  the  questions  to  them  whether 
they  will  go  out  of  the  Union,  or  what  course 
of  resistance  in  the  Union  they  may  think  best, 
and  then  let  the  Legislature  act,  when  the  peo¬ 
ple  in  their  majesty  are  heard,  and  I  tell  you 
now,  whatever  that  convention  does,  I  hope 
and  trust  our  people  will  abide  by.  I  advise 
tho  calling  of  a  convention  with  the  earnest  de¬ 
sire  to  preserve  the  peace  and  harmony  of  tho 
State.  I  should  dislike  above  all  things  to  see 
violent  measures  adopted,  or  a  disposition  to 
take  the  sword  in  hand,  by  individuals,  without 
tho  authority  of  law. 


My  honorable  friend  said  last  night,  “  I  ask 
you  to  give  me  the  sword,  for  if  you  do  not 
give  it  to  me,  as  God  lives,  I  will  take  it  my¬ 
self.” 

Mr.  Toombs— I  will.  (Applause  on  the  other 
side.) 

Mr.  Stephens— I  have  no  doubt  that  my 
honorable  friend  feels  as  he  says.  It  is  only  his 
excessive  ardor  that  makes  him  use  such  an 
expression  ;  but  this  will  pass  off'  with  the  ex¬ 
citement  of  the  hour.  'When  the  people  in 
their  majesty  shall  speak,  I  have  no  doubt  that 
he  will  bow  to  their  will,  whatever  it  may  be, 
upon  the  “  sober  second  thought.”  (Applause.) 

Should  Georgia  determine  to  go  out  of  tho 
Union,  I  speak  for  one,  though  my  views  might 
not  agree  with  them,  whatever  the  result  may 
be,  I  shall  bow  to  the  will  of  her  people.  Their 
cause  is  my  cause,  and  their  destiny  is  my  des¬ 
tiny  ;  and  I  trust  this  will  be  the  ultimate 
course  of  all.  The  greatest  curse  that  can  be¬ 
fall  a  free  people  is  civil  war. 

But,  as  I  said,  let  us  call  a  convention  of  the 
people ;  let  all  these  matters  be  submitted  to 
it,  and  when  the  will  of  a  majority  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  has  thus  been  expressed,  the  whole  State 
will  present  one  unanimous  voice  in  favor  of 
whatever  may  be  demanded ;  for  I  believe  in 
the  power  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves 
when  wisdom  prevails  and  passion  is  silent. 

Look  at  what  has  already  been  done  by 
them  for  their  advancement  in  all  that  ennobles 
man.  There  is  nothing  like  it  in  the  history 
of  the  world.  Look  abroad  from  one  extent  of 
the  country  to  the  other,  contemplate  our 
greatness.  We  are  now  among  the  first  nations 
of  the  earth.  Shall  it  be  said,  then,  that  our 
institutions,  founded  upon  principles  of  self- 
government,  are  a  failure  ? 

Thus  far  it  is  a  noble  example,  worthy  of 
imitation.  The  gentleman,  Mr.  Cobb,  the  other 
night  said  it  had  proven  a  failure.  A  failure 
in  what?  In  growth?  Look  at  our  expanse 
in  national  power.  Look  at  our  population  and 
increase  in  all  that  makes  a  people  great.  A 
failure?  Why  we  are  tho  admiration  of  the 
civilized  world,  and  present  tho  brightest  hopes 
of  mankind. 

Some  of  our  public  men  have  failed  in  their 
aspirations;  that  is  true,  and  from  that  comes 
a  great  part  of  our  troubles.  (Prolonged  ap¬ 
plause.) 

No,  there  is  no  failure  of  this  Government 
yet.  We  have  made  great  advancement  under 
the  Constitution,  and  I  cannot  but  hope  that 
we  shall  advance  higher  still.  Let  us  be  truo 
to  our  cause. 

Now,  when  this  convention  assembles,  if  it 
shall  be  called,  as  I  hope  it  may,  I  would  say 
in  my  judgment,  without  dictation,  for  I  am 
conferring  with  you  freely  and  frankly,  and  it 
is  thus  that  I  give  my  views,  I  should  take  into 
consideration  all  those  questions  which  distract 
tho  public  mind ;  should  view  all  the  grounds 
of  secession  so  far  as  the  election  of  Mr.  Lin¬ 
coln  is  concerned,  and  I  havo  no  doubt  they 


DOCUMENTS. 


227 


would  say  that  the  constitutional  election  of  no 
man  is  a  sufficient  cause  to  break  up  the  Union, 
but  that  the  State  should  wait  until  he  at  least 
does  some  unconstitutional  act. 

Mr.  Toombs — Commit  some  overt  act. 

Mr.  Stephens — No,  I  did  not  say  that.  The 
word  overt  is  a  sort  of  technical  term  connect¬ 
ed  with  treason,  which  has  come  to  us  from  the 
mother  country,  and  it  means  an  open  act  of 
rebellion.  I  do  not  see  how  Mr.  Lincoln  can 
do  this  unless  he  should  levy  war  upon  us.  I 
do  not  therefore  use  the  word  overt.  I  do  not 
intend  to  wait  for  that.  But  I  use  the  word 
unconstitutional  act,  which  our  people  under¬ 
stand  much  better,  and  which  expresses  just 
what  I  mean.  But  as  long  as  he  conforms  to 
the  Constitution  he  should  be  left  to  exercise 
the  duties  of  his  office. 

In  giving  this  advice  I  am  but  sustaining  the 
Constitution  of  my  country,  and  I  do  not  there¬ 
by  become  a  Lincoln  aid  man  cither,  (ap¬ 
plause,)  but  a  Constitutional  aid  man.  But 
this  matter  the  convention  can  determine. 

As  to  the  other  matter,  I  think  we  have  a 
right  to  pass  retaliatory  measures,  provided 
they  be  in  accordance  with  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  I  think  they  can  be 
made  such.  But  whether  it  would  be  wise  for 
this  Legislature  to  do  this  now  is  the  question. 
To  the  convention,  in  my  judgment,  this  mat¬ 
ter  ought  to  be  referred.  Before  we  commit 
reprisals  on  New  England  we  should  exhaust 
every  means  of  bringing  about  a  peaceful  solu¬ 
tion  of  the  question. 

Thus  did  Gen.  Jackson  in  the  case  of  the 
French,  lie  did  not  recommend  reprisals  until 
he  had  treated  with  France,  and  got  her  to 
promise  to  make  indemnification,  and  it  was 
only  on  her  refusal  to  pay  the  money  which  she 
had  promised  that  he  recommended  reprisals. 
It  was  after  negotiation  had  failed.  I  do  think, 
therefore,  that  it  would  be  best,  before  going 
to  extreme  measures  with  our  confederate  States, 
to  make  presentation  of  our  demands,  to  ap¬ 
peal  to  their  reason  and  judgment  to  give  us 
our  rights.  Then,  if  reason  should  not  triumph, 
it  will  be  time  enough  to  commit  reprisals,  and 
we  should  be  justified  in  the  eyes  of  a  civilized 
world.  At  least  let  the  States  know  what 
your  grievances  are,  and  if  they  refuse,  as  I 
said,  to  give  us  our  rights  under  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  of  our  country,  I  should  be  willing  as  a 
last  resort  to  sever  the  ties  of  this  Union.  (Ap¬ 
plause.) 

My  own  opinion  is,  that  if  this  course  be  pur¬ 
sued,  and  they  are  informed  of  the  consequences 
of  refusal,  these  States  will  secede;  but  if  they 
should  not,  then  let  the  consequences  be  with 
them,  and  let  the  responsibility  of  the  conse¬ 
quences  rest  upon  them.  Another  thing  I 
would  have  that  convention  to  do.  Reaffirm 
the  Georgia  Platform  with  an  additional  plank 
in  it.  Let  that  plank  be  the  fulfilment  of  the 
obligation  on  the  part  of  those  States  to  repeal 
these  obnoxious  laws  as  a  condition  of  our  re¬ 
maining  in  the  Union.  Give  them  time  to  con¬ 


sider  it,  and  I  would  ask  all  States  south  to  do 
the  same  thing. 

I  am  for  exhausting  all  that  patriotism  can  de¬ 
mand  before  taking  the  last  step.  I  would  invite, 
therefore,  South  Carolina  to  a  conference.  I 
would  ask  the  same  of  all  the  other  Southern 
States,  so  that  if  the  evil  has  got  beyond  our 
control,  which  God,  in  his  mercy,  grant  may 
not  bo  the  case,  let  us  not  be  divided  among 
ourselves — (cheers,) — but,  if  possible,  secure  the 
united  cooperation  of  all  the  Southern  States ; 
and  then,  in  the  face  of  the  civilized  world,  we 
may  justify  our  action;  and,  with  the  wrong 
all  on  the  other  side,  we  can  appeal  to  the  God 
of  battles  to  aid  us  in  our  cause.  (Loud  ap¬ 
plause.)  But  let  us  not  do  any  thing  in  which 
any  portion  of  our  people  may  charge  us  with 
rash  or  hasty  action.  It  is  certainly  a  mat¬ 
ter  of  great  importance  to  tear  this  Govern¬ 
ment  asunder.  You  were  not  sent  here  for 
that  purpose.  I  would  wish  the  whole  South 
to  be  united  if  this  is  to  be  done ;  and  I  be¬ 
lieve  if  we  pursue  the  policy  which  I  havo  in¬ 
dicated,  this  can  be  effected. 

In  this  way  our  sister  Southern  States  can 
be  induced  to  act  with  us,  and  I  have  but  little 
doubt  that  the  States  of  New  York  and  Penn¬ 
sylvania  and  Ohio,  and  the  other  Western 
States,  will  compel  their  Legislatures  to  recede 
from  their  hostile  attitudes  if  the  others  do  not. 
Then  with  these  we  would  go  on  without  New 
England  if  she  chose  to  stay  out. 

A  voice  in  the  assembly — We  will  kick  them 
out. 

Mr.  Stephens — I  would  not  kick  them  out. 
But  if  they  chose  to  stay  out  they  might.  I 
think  moreover  that  these  Northern  States  be¬ 
ing  principally  engaged  in  manufactures,  would 
find  that  they  had  as  much  interest  in  the 
Union  under  the  Constitution  as  we,  and  that 
they  would  return  to  their  constitutional  duty 
— this  would  be  my  hope.  If  they  should  not, 
and  if  the  Middle  States  and  Western  States  do 
not  join  us,  we  should  at  least  have  an  undi¬ 
vided  South.  I  am,  as  you  clearly  perceive,  for 
maintaining  the  Union  as  it  is,  if  possible.  I 
will  exhaust  every  means  thus  to  maintain  it 
with  an  equality  in  it.  My  principles  are  these : 

First,  the  maintenance  of  the  honor,  the  rights, 
the  equality,  the  security,  and  the  glory  of  my  na¬ 
tive  State  in  the  Union ;  but  if  these  cannot  bo 
maintained  in  the  Union,  then  I  am  for  their 
maintenance,  at  all  hazards,  out  of  it.  Next  to 
the  honor  and  glory  of  Georgia,  the  land  of  my 
birth,  I  hold  the  honor  and  glory  of  our  com¬ 
mon  country.  In  Savannah  I  was  made  to  say 
by  the  reporters,  who  very  often  make  mo  say 
things  which  I  never  did,  that  I  was  first  for 
the  glory  of  the  whole  country,  and  next  for 
that  of  Georgia. 

I  said  the  exact  reverse  of  this.  I  am  proud 
of  her  history,  of  her  present  standing.  I  am 
proud  even  of  her  motto,  which  I  would  havo 
duly  respected  at  the  present  time  by  all  her 
sons — Wisdom,  Justice,  and  Moderation.  T 
would  have  her  rights  and  that  of  the  Southern 


228 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-61. 


States  maintained  now  upon  these  principles. 
Her  position  now  is  just  what  it  was  in  1850, 
with  respect  to  the  Southern  States.  Her  plat¬ 
form  then  has  been  adopted  by  most,  if  not  all, 
the  other  Southern  States.  Now  I  would  add 
but  one  additional  plank  to  that  platform,  which 
I  have  stated,  and  one  which  time  has  shown 
to  be  necessary. 

If  all  this  fails,  we  shall  at  least  have  the 
satisfaction  of  knowing  that  we  have  done  our 
duty  and  all  that  patriotism  could  require. 

Mr.  Stephens  continued  for  some  time  on 
other  matters,  which  are  omitted,  and  then 
took  his  seat  amidst  great  applause. 

N.  Y.  Times,  November  22,  1860. 

Doc.  148. 

THE  ENGLISH  PRESS  ON  THE  FALL  OF 
FORT  SUMTER. 

Nature,  or  something  that  stands  in  its 
stead,  is  still  strong  in  the  Americans.  They 
fight  “  willing,  but  with  unwilling  minds.” 
They  lift  the  hand  to  strike,  they  wing  the  in¬ 
strument  of  death,  but  a  mysterious  power 
averts  the  stroke,  or  blunts  the  edge,  or  dead¬ 
ens  the  blow.  Are  they  in  earnest,  or  are  they 
playing  at  war,  or  dreaming  that  they  strike, 
and  still  strike  not?  It  sounds  more  like  a 
dangerous  game  than  a  sad  reality.  Seven 
batteries  breached  and  bombarded  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter  for  forty  hours,  burnt  down  its  barracks, 
blew  up  several  magazines,  threw  shells  into  it 
innumerable,  and  did  a  vast  show  of  destruc¬ 
tion.  The  fort  replied  with  like  spirit.  At 
length  it  surrendered,  the  garrison  marched  out 
prisoners  of  war,  and  it  was  then  found  that 
not  a  man  was  killed  or  an  officer  wounded  on 
either  side.  Many  a  “  difficulty  ”  at  a  bar  has 
cost  more  bloodshed.  Was  this  a  preconcerted 
feat  of  conjuring?  Were  the  rival  Presidents 
saluting  one  another  in  harmless  fireworks  to 
amuse  the  groundlings?  The  whole  affair  is 
utterly  inexplicable.  It  sounds  like  the  battles 
when  the  coat  of  mail  had  come  to  its  perfec¬ 
tion,  and  when  the  only  casualty,  after  a  day’s 
hard  fighting,  was  a  case  of  suffocation  and  a 
few  bruises.  Odin’s  heroes,  as  they  renew  their 
daily  warfare,  are  really  wounded,  though  their 
wounds  are  quickly  healed.  This  is  sparring 
with  boxing-gloves — not  the  loaded  caestus  of 
modern  warfare.  It  is  a  mere  spectacle.  The 
population  and  even  the  ladies  of  Charleston 
poured  forth  to  see  the  sight.  Ten  thousand 
soldiers  lined  the  works,  watching  the  sport 
and  contributing  their  share.  Our  own  Cock¬ 
neys  have  seen  as  much,  and  done  as  much,  at 
Cremorne,  or  the  Surrey  Gardens,  not  more 
unscathed,  and,  let  us  hope,  in  not  more  pacific 
mood.  But,  perhaps,  this  is  only  the  inter¬ 
change  of  courtesies  which  in  olden  times  pre¬ 
ceded  real  war.  The  result  is  utterly  different 
from  all  we  are  accustomed  to  hear  of  the 
Americans.  There,  “  a  word  or  a  blow  ”  has 
been  the  rule.  In  this  case,  the  blow,  -when  it 


does  at  last  come,  falls  like  snow  and  lights  as 
gently  as  thistle-down.  Surely  it  cannot  be  a 
“  cross  ”  ?  If  it  be,  half  the  old  Union  is  in 
the  conspiracy,  for  all  are  arming  and  rushing 
to  war,  as  if  they  expected  serious  work. 

What  next?  An  attempt  to  recapture  Fort 
Sumter?  A  contest  for  Fort  Pickens?  A 
struggle  for  the  Capital?  A  diversion  in 
Texas?  A  renewal  of  negotiations?  Eoono 
knows,  and,  what  is  worse,  no  one  credits 
President  Lincoln  for  any  plan.  Wre  can  only 
compare  the  two  sides,  and  strike  a  balance. 
In  the  North  there  is  an  army  and  a  navy,  and 
money,  and  a  more  numerous  white  population, 
without,  too,  the  incubus  of  Slavery.  There  is 
also  the  tradition  of  the  Union,  the  Capitol,  and 
the  successor  of  Washington.  Modern  warfare 
cannot  go  on  without  money,  and  the  Northern 
States  can  moro  easily  raise  and  spend  a  hun¬ 
dred  millions  of  dollars  a  year  than  the  South¬ 
ern  can  raise  ten  millions.  All  that  is  outside, 
and  materia],  is  in  favor  of  the  North.  It  has 
the  preponderance  of  every  thing  that  can  be 
counted,  measured,  and  weighed ,  that  can  be 
bought  and  sold ;  that  can  be  entered  in 
legers  and  put  on  a  balance-sheet.  It  has  the 
manufactories,  the  building  yards,  the  dock¬ 
yards, — the  whole  apparatus  of  national  wealth 
and  strength.  It  has  the  money  market,  and  it 
borrows  more  easily  than  the  South,  where, 
however,  political  zeal  sustains  a  fictitious 
credit.  So,  in  the  North  we  read  of  numerous 
gatherings  of  State  forces — of  many  steamers 
chartered,  stripped  of  their  finery,  filled  with 
soldiers’  food  and  ammunition,  and  steaming 
southward.  So  much  for  the  North.  In  the 
South,  on  the  contrary,  there  is  little  or  noth¬ 
ing  but  that  which  often  becomes  the  counter¬ 
balance  to  every  thing  else.  There  are  the  men 
of  action,  who  can  combine,  conspire,  keep  the 
secret,  have  a  plan,  and  carry  it  out  without 
wavering  or  flinching.  The  politicians  at  Wash¬ 
ington  have  been  vacillating  between  peace  and 
war,  between  compromise  and  resistance.  In 
the  South  there  has  been  one  steady,  uninter¬ 
rupted  progress  toward  secession  and  war.  To 
the  very  last,  President  Lincoln  has  been  be¬ 
hindhand.  His  ships,  sent  to  relieve  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter,  only  arrived  in  time  to  be  distant  specta¬ 
tors  of  the  scene ;  they  came,  in  fact,  hut  to 
contribute  to  the  glory  of  the  captors,  and  to 
bring  shame  and  distrust  on  themselves  and 
their  cause.  If  this  is  to  be  an  omen  of  the 
result,  the  rich  and  unready  North  will  bo  no 
match  for  the  fiery  forwardness  of  the  South. 

But  long  shots  are  very  different  from  close 
quarters.  A  fight  of  batteries  across  a  river, 
watched  with  telescopes,  and  quietly  witnessed 
by  a  largo  population,  affords  little  clue  for  the 
result  of  a  battle,  hand  to  hand,  step  by  step, 
with  revolvers,  knives,  and  what  not,  round  the 
very  building  of  the  Capitol.  That  appears  to 
ho  the  thing  next  apprehended,  and  President 
Lincoln  has  summoned  to  his  aid  all  the  miscel¬ 
laneous  local  corps  of  the  several  Northern 
States  that  may  choose  to  hear  him.  Strange 


DOCUMENTS. 


229 


that  the  spot  once  held  so  sacred  and  so  careful¬ 
ly  insulated  from  local  or  partial  associations, 
should  become  the  object  of  the  first  civil  war  1 
That  is,  indeed,  what  we  have  come  to.  Many 
of  us  remember,  not  without  a  tingle  of  shame 
for  our  own  country,  the  wanton  attack  of  the 
British  army  on  the  Capitol,  and  the  foolish 
injuries  done  there,  destined  to  be  more  than 
avenged.  This  was  but  a  souvenir  of  the  old 
War  of  Independence.  No  British  officer  would 
have  dared  to  insult  the  shrine  of  American 
union  and  liberty,  had  it  not  been  felt  that,  be¬ 
sides  the  question  then  at  issue,  there  was  an 
account  still  to  settle  for  the  former  war.  .  Since 
the  year  1812,  there  has  been  a  generation  of 
mutual  respect — of  even  affection.  That  is  all 
gone  by.  Other  combatants  gather  round  W ash- 
ington.  The  War  Minister  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  publicly  promises  that  the  Seces¬ 
sion  flag  shall  float  over  the  Capitol  by  the  1st 
of  May.  Any  day  it  is  expected  that  Virginia, 
whether  by  choice  or  necessity,  will  join  the 
Secession,  and  then  the  sacred  district  of  Colum¬ 
bia,  which  was  to  have  been  the  common  ground 
of  the  world’s  great  brotherhood,  will  be  the 
debateable  border  of  a  divided  allegiance  and  a 
bloody  quarrel.  Meanwhile  time  brings  round 
anniversaries,  which  are  celebrated  as  of  yore, 
but  with  the  feeling  that  they  are  now  a  solemn 
mockery.  What  are  the  Declaration  of  Inde¬ 
pendence,  the  Battle  of  Lexington,  the  Birthday 
of  Clay,  aud  the  other  red-letter  days  in  the 
American  Calendar,  now  that  the  glorious  fab¬ 
ric  is  itself  in  the  dust,  and  the  mountain  made 
with  hands  shattered  to  pieces  ?  It  was  but  the 
other  day,  that  all  eyes  were  fixed  on  the  Capi¬ 
tal  of  the  Old  World  as  the  single  object  of  in¬ 
terest,  and  the  expected  scene  of  the  great 
events  that  were  to  mark  the  latter  years  of 
this  century.  Rome  occupied  the  attention  of 
all  men.  A  hundred  questions  were  asked,  but 
all  were  of  Rome.  Will  Rome  be  still  a  Capi¬ 
tal?  Will  it  be  the  head  of  a  Confederation,  or 
the  throne  of  a  King,  or  the  seat  of  a  foreign 
Viceroy,  or  the  See  of  a  Universal  Bishop,  or 
the  Senate  of  a  National  Republic?  Before 
these  questions  could  be  answered,  and  while 
they  are  still  asked,  the  Capital  of  the  New 
World  comes  to  the  foreground,  and  is  the 
object  of  much  the  same  inquiries.  The  two 
cities  of  Rome  and  Washington  are  not  so 
differently  situated  at  this  moment,  nor  are 
their  prospects  so  different  as  might  be.  For 
the  present,  indeed,  we  shall  all  think  more  of 
Washington  than  of  Rome. 

—London  Times,  April  27. 

We  have  at  last  the  intelligence  that  hostili¬ 
ties  have  broken  out  between  the  Federal 
Government  and  the  Southern  States.  Fort 
Sumter  lias  fallen,  after  what  is  described  as  a 
gallant  resistance  on  the  part  of  Major  Anderson 
and  his  force,  of  forty  hours’  duration.  But, 
singular  enough — and  fortunate  as  it  is  singular 
— during  this  protracted  cannonade,  in  the 
course  of  which  some  1,700  rounds  of  shot  and 


shell  were  fired  by  both  parties,  not  one  single 
man  was  killed  on  either  side,  and  it  is  doubt¬ 
ful  wffiether  any  one  has  been  wounded.  This 
bloodless  conclusion  of  the  first  encounter, 
taken  in  connection  with  the  circumstances 
which  preceded  and  followed  it,  seems  to  indi¬ 
cate  that  there  is  no  very  bitter  or  rancorous  feel¬ 
ing  on  either  side,  and  favors  the  hope  that  a 
good  deal  of  the  pent-up  irritation  of  the  South¬ 
erners  has  found  vent  in  the  first  and  compara¬ 
tively  harmless  passage  of  arms.  From  the  corre¬ 
spondence  between  General  Beauregard  and  Ma¬ 
jor  Anderson  immediately  before  the  forts  opened 
fire,  it  teas  quite  obvious  that  bloodshed  was  not  in¬ 
tended,  and  that  the  commander  of  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter,  in  resisting  the  demand  to  evacuate,  stood 
simply  on  a  point  of  honor,  and,  in  returning 
the  fire  of  the  Secessionists,  only  desired  to  jus¬ 
tify  himself  to  his  Government,  and  remove  the 
impression  which  his  passive  conduct  appears  to 
have  created  at  Washington.  We  say  all  this 
is  to  be  gathered  from  the  correspondence  in 
question,  and  derives  confirmation  from  the 
fact  that,  immediately  after  Major  Anderson 
hauled  down  his  flag,  he  proceeded  to  Charles¬ 
ton,  where  he  became  the  guest  of  General 
Beauregard.  It  is  further  observable  that,  al¬ 
though  there  were  ships  of  war  under  the  orders 
of  the  Federal  Government,  in  the  offing,  no 
attempt  was  made  to  relieve  Fort  Sumter,  nor 
when  the  commander  commenced  to  reply  to 
the  Secessionists’  fire.  The  excitement  both  at 
Charleston  and  at  Washington  is  described  as 
intense ;  but  it  would  seem  the  feeling  has  not 
reached  the  occupants  of  the  White  House,  who, 
and  more  especially  the  President,  are  said  to 
be  calm  aud  composed.  Neither  has  the  news 
from  the  South,  notwithstanding  its  gravity, 
produced  any  thing  like  a  panic  at  New  York. 
The  stocks  generally  receded,  it  is  true,  but  the 
Government  Securities  are  reported  to  have 
been  firmly  held — a  fact  in  itself  of  sufficient 
significance,  as  indicating  confidence  in  the  pro¬ 
ceedings  of  the  Administration.  The  suspension 
of  business  in  Wall  street  was  the  natural  con¬ 
sequence  of  the  report  of  the  actual  outbreak  of 
hostilities,  but  the  absence  of  any  thing  approach¬ 
ing  to  a  panic  could  not  fail  to  be  regarded  as  a 
proof  that  the  mercantile  community,  at  least, 
do  not  regard  civil  war  with  all  its  horrors,  as 
inevitable,  or  that  the  general  interruption  of 
trade  is  the  necessary  consequence  of  the  exist¬ 
ing  state  of  things.  Nevertheless,  notwith¬ 
standing  the  reluctance  of.  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment  to  resort  to  hostilities,  it  is  obvious  that 
they  are  prepared  to  take  a  determined  stand 
against  the  Secessionists,  wherever  the  rights  or 
property  of  the  Union  are  attacked.  It  rests, 
therefore ,  with  the  Southern  Convention  to  say 
whether  they  are  disposed  to  listen  to  terms,  or 
whether  they  are  prepared  to  persevere  in  the 
course  they  have  adopted ,  regardless  of  the  con¬ 
sequences.  —London  Shipping  Gazette,  April  20. 

The  fall  of  Fort  Sumter  must  soon,  we  fear, 
if  we  may  rely  at  all  on  the  drift  of  the  recent 


230 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


news,  issue  in  civil  war.  The  rumor  that  the 
Southern  Confederation  intends  to  anticipate  an 
attack  by  moving  upon  Washington,  is  scarcely 
likely  to  be  true,  for  President  Davis  is  too  sa¬ 
gacious  a  man  to  take  a  step  which  would  so 
enrage  the  North  as  to  induce  it  to  enter  heart 
•and  soul  into  an  internecine  contest  with  the 
South.  If  ho  were  wise,  indeed,  he  would  not 
have  ventured  any  active  collision  at  all,  such 
as  has  taken  place  at  Charleston.  It  would 
have  been  better  to  trust  exclusively  to  block¬ 
ade  for  the  reduction  of  the  Federal  garrisons  in 
“f  revolted  States.  The  moral  shock  of  any 
collision  is  most  dangerous,  as  the  accounts  of 
the.  frantic  excitement  in  Washington,  on  the 
arrival  of  the  news  of  the  collision  at  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter  and  the  surrender  of  Major  Anderson,  suffi- 
ciently  prove.  It  is  true  that  American  rage 
even  at  its  highest  pitch  usually  manages  to  stop 
short  where  policy  would  direct,  and  that  we 
m  England  are  exceedingly  liable  to  be  deceived 
by  its  effervescent  symptoms.  Still  there  is 
now  the  gravest  reason  to  apprehend  a  serious 
civil  war;  indeed  all  the  Free  States  seem 
already  to  have  intimated  to  the  President 
through  the  telegraph,  their  readiness  to  sup- 
port  a  war  policy ;  and,  if  it  is  prevented  at  all, 
it  will  only  be  by  the  unwillingness  of  the 
northern  statesmen  to  risk  the  adhesion  of  the 
border  States  by  an  actual  invasion.  But  if  the 
Southern  States  should,  as  is  rumored,  be  so 
ITT1, -i  as  the  initiative  by  invading 

Washington,  they  would  play  directly  into  the 
hands  of  the  extreme  party  in  the  North  All 
compunction  would  immediately  be  at  an  end 
and  in  all  probability  the  border  States  would 
themselves  be  induced  by  such  a  step  to  fig-lit 
with  the  North.  The  situation  is  very  similar 
to  the  attitude  of  Austria  and  Sardinia.  The 
neutrals  will  inevitably  throw  their  influence 
into  the  scale  of  the  party  attacked.  Mr.  Lin¬ 
coln, as  far  as  his  own  popularity  and  political 
position  are  concerned,  can  wish  for  nothing  bet¬ 
ter  than  to  be  relieved  by  his  antagonist  of  the 
responsibility  of  a  decision.  Ilis  difficulty  has 
hitherto  been,  that  the  great  power  and  wealth 
ot  the  North  have  been  passive  and  reluctant  to 
foment  a  fratricidal  strife.  But  let  once  the 
sla\  e  States  take  the  guilt  upon  themselves  as 
in  some  degree  they  have  already  done,  and 
Mi.  Lincoln  would  find  his  hands  strengthened 
and  his  cause  enthusiastically  supported  by  a 
power  such  as  does  not  exist  in  the  Southern 
States  at  all.  .Mo  do  not  believe,  then,  in  the 
reported  invasion  of  Washington.  A  course  so 
blind  and  insane  is  utterly  inconsistent  with 
the  general  ability  shown  by  the  Southern 
Government.  But  we  do  fear  that  the  strife 
c,  Charleston  'will  render  it  very 

difficult  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  the  attitude  in 
v  Inch  he  now  stands,  to  evade  some  attempt  at 
reprisal,  and  that  thus  a  regular  war  may  soon 
break  out.  J 

Under  these  grave  circumstances  it  is  that  Mr. 
Gregory  proposes  to  ask  the  House  of  Commons 
on  luesday  next  to  affirm  the  expediency  of  an 


immediate  recognition  of  the  Southern  Corfeder- 
ation.  We  can  imagine  no  course  more  disgrace¬ 
ful  to  England ,  or  less  likely  to  command  the 
assent  of  the  popular  body  appealed  to.  Not 
that  we  desire  to  see  a  civil  war  in  America, 
even  though  the  North  should  be  completely 
triumphant.  We  have  often  said  that,  unless 
there  were  a  Union  party  in  the  Southern  States 
considerable  enough  to  make  some  head  even 
without  external  assistance,  the  defeat  of  the 
newly-confederated  States  by  the  North  could 
scarcely  lead  to  any  good  result.  It  would  be 
mere  military  conquest;  and  a  power  like  the 
American  Union  cannot  hope  to  hold  together 
its  teiiitory  by  military  force.  And  seeing  that 
there  is,  unhappily,  but  little  trace  of  a  power¬ 
ful  Unionist  minority  among  the  seceded  States, 
we  cannot  wish  to  see  a  fratricidal  strife  which 
would  multiply  indefinitely  the  mutual  hatreds 
ot  .North  and  South  without  solving  the  ulti¬ 
mate  difficulty.  But  this  is  not  the  question 
for  us  to  consider.  It  has  been  England’s  uni¬ 
versal  rule  to  acknowledge  a  de  facto  revolu¬ 
tionary  government  whenever  it  has  established 
its  practical  independence  by  incontrovertible 
pi  oofs  then  and  not  sooner.  Whatever  be  the 
wisdom  or  folly  of  the  war,  which  there  is  but 
too  much  reason  to  believe  is  now  declared  be¬ 
tween  the  Federal  Government  at  Washington 
and  the  revolted  States — it  is  not  yet  begun,  or 
is  only  just  beginning— there  can  be  no  ques¬ 
tion  whatever  of  the  constitutional  right  of 
President  Lincoln  to  treat  the  hostile  confeder¬ 
ation  as  a  treasonable  rebellion,  which,  so  far 
as  it  trenches  on  Federal  property  and  laws  ho 
may  resist  by  force.  This  is  his  present  attitude. 
He  hopes,  however  little  wo  may  hope,  to  sup¬ 
press  the  rebellion.  He  thinks,  however  littlo 
v  o  may  think,  that  ho  shall  be  able  to  enforco 
the  laws  enacted  at  Washington,  and  to  redeem 
the  United  States  property  from  the  hands  of 
the  seceders.  This  may  be  sanguine ;  nay,  it 
may  even  be  a  mere  hallucination.  With  that 
we  have  nothing  to  do.  We  profess  always  to 
abstain  from  judging  the  rights  of  a  quarrel 
between  a  people  and  its  rulers,  and  to  guide 
our  conduct  by  the  plain  results  of  political  fact. 

We  are  now  on  the  eve  of  seeing  what  these 
lcsults  will  be.  Either  war  or  compromise 
seems  now  inevitable.  If  it  be  compromise 
we  shall  know  how  to  act.  If  it  he  war ,  we  are 
bound  to  await  the  results  of  that  war.  A.  pre- 
mature recognition  of  the  Southern  Confedera  tion 
would  he  a  departure  from  the  recognized  course 
of  England,  mid  could  not  but  therefore  express 
a  political  hias  in  favor  of  the  seceders. 

—  London  Economist. 

Doc.  149. 

A  PPwAYER  FOR  THE  TIMES. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Tennessee  Legislature, 
on  the  25th  lilt.,  Rev.  James  Bardweil  offered 
up  the  following  prayer  : 

Almighty  and  most  merciful  God,  our  heav¬ 
enly  Father,  we  adore  Thee  as  the  king  eternal, 


DOCUMENTS. 


231 


immortal  and  invisible,  the  only  living  and  true 
God, — the  creator  and  governor  of  all  worlds — 
ruling  in  the  armies  of  Heaven  and  among  the  in¬ 
habitants  of  the  earth.  Thy  favor  is  life  and 
thy  frown  is  death — with  reverence  and  pro¬ 
found  humility  would  we  present  ourselves  be- 
foro  Thee,  to  confess  our  sins  and  implore  Thy 
mercy,  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Redeemer. 
In  his  name  do  we  present  our  petitions,  and 
for  his  sake  we  humbly  invoke  Thy  favor.  We 
have  sinned  against  Thee,  O  Lord,  as  individ¬ 
uals,  and  we  have  sinned  against  Thee,  as  a 
people. 

We  have  been  unthankful  for  our  blessings; 
we  have  abused  mercies  ;  we  have  misimproved 
our  privileges;  we  have  too  often  disregarded 
Thy  authority  and  rejected  Thy  counsel.  In  the 
pride  and  vanity  of  our  hearts  we  have  forgot¬ 
ten  Thee,  the  God  of  our  fathers,  and  arrogated 
to  ourselves  the  glory  which  is  due  to  Thee 
alone.  Lord,  we  confess  our  sins,  w'e  acknowl¬ 
edge  our  transgressions,  and  we  humbly  implore 
Thy  pardoning  mercy.  Be  merciful  unto  us,  O 
God,  be  merciful  unto  us.  For  the  sake  of  Thy 
dear  Son,  our  Redeemer,  in  the  midst  of  divine 
wrath,  make  known  and  remember  mercy. 
Doubtless  Thou  art  our  God,  though  Abraham 
be  ignorant  of  us,  and  Israel  acknowledge  us 
not.  Thou  hast  been  the  God  of  our  fathers, 
their  refuge  in  every  trouble.  And  we  now 
look  to  Thee  as  our  God  and  Redeemer.  In 
this  the  time  of  our  calamity  and  trouble,  we 
invoke  Thy  guidance  and  protection. 

Bless,  we  beseech  Thee,  the  Governor  of  this 
Commonwealth,  encircle  him  with  Thy  mercy, 
and  grant  unto  him  that  wisdom  and  strength 
that  may  be  necessary  to  direct  and  sustain  him 
in  the  discharge  of  all  the  responsible  duties  now 
devolving  upon  him.  And  bless,  we  humbly 
pray  Thee,  the  Legislature  of  this  State,  now 
convened  under  circumstances  of  peculiar  so¬ 
lemnity  and  responsibility.  Preside  over  and 
direct,  in  wisdom  and  great  mercy,  both  houses 
of  this  general  assembly.  Give  unto  our  sena¬ 
tors  wisdom — a  spirit  of  knowledge  and  sound 
understanding.  Place  Thy  fear  before  their 
eyes,  and  write  Thy  laws  upon  their  hearts. 
May  they  all  realize  the  solemn  responsibilities 
devolving  upon  them  at  this  critical  juncture. 
Deliver  them  from  strife  and  division  in  senti¬ 
ment  and  action,  unite  them  in  fear  and  in  firm 
maintenance  of  the  cause  of  justice  and  truth. 

Deliver  us  as  a  people  from  dissension  and 
conflict  at  home ;  save  us  from  passion,  from 
violence,  and  from  wickedness  of  all  kinds.  But 
grant  unto  us  wisdom,  prudence,  firmness,  and 
efficiency  in  all  our  deliberations  and  actions. 
O  Lord,  our  help  is  in  Thee,  and  we  humbly 
invoke  Thy  protection.  Wilt  Thou  not  defend 
the  right,  and  bring  to  nought  the  wickedness 
of  the  wicked? — Restrain,  we  beseech  Thee,  the 
wrath  of  man.  Put  Thy  hook  in  the  nose  ol 
him  who  devisetli  mischief  against  us,  and  turn 
him  back  by  the  way  he  came.  Circumvent 
and  frustrate  all  his  wicked  devices ;  and  may 
it  yet  please  Thee  to  save  us  from  the  horrors 


of  civil  war  and  bloodshed.  Graciously  pardon 
all  our  sins,  remove  us  from  Thy  judgment,  ar¬ 
rest  and  bring  to  repentance  our  enemies,  and 
protect  and  defend  us  in  the  maintenance  of  all 
our  rights,  and  once  more  give  us  peace  and 
prosperity  ;  and  to  Thy  great  name  shall  be  all 
the  praise,  through  Christ  Jesus,  our  Lord. 
Amen. 

— Charleston  Neros,  May  10. 


Doo.  150. 

THE  FIRST  REGIMENT  VERMONT  VOL¬ 
UNTEERS. 

The  following  is  a  full  list  of  the  officers  of 
this  regiment : 

FIELD  AND  STAFF  OFFICERS. 

Colonel,  J.  Wolcott  Phelps;  Lieutenant-Col., 
P.  T.  Washburn;  Major,  H.  N.  AVorthen;  Ad¬ 
jutant,  Iliram  Stephens  ;  Quartermaster,  E.  A. 
Morse;  Surgeon,  E.  K.  Sanborn;  Assistant  Sur¬ 
geon,  Willard  Childe;  Sergeant  Major,  C.  G. 
Chandler;  Drum  Major,  Thos.  R.  Clark;  Fife 
Major,  Martin  J.  McManus ;  Chaplain,  Rev. 
Levi  H.  Stone. 

COMPANY  OFFICERS. 

Co.  A,  Brandon ,  First  Regiment— Captain, 
Joseph  Bush ;  First  Lieutenant,  William  Cro- 
nan ;  Ensign,  and  64  privates. 

Co.  B,  Middlcbury,  First  Regiment — E.  S. 
Hayward,  Captain ;  Charles  W.  Rose,  First 
Lieutenant ;  and  64  privates. 

Co.  B,  Rutland ,  First  Regiment — AV.  Y.  W. 
Ripley,  Captain;  Geo.  T.  Roberts,  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant  ;  L.  G.  Kingsley,  Ensign  ;  and  65  pri¬ 
vates. 

Co.  E ,  FTorthfield,  First  Regiment — AArm.  H. 
Boynton,  Captain  ;  C.  A.  Webb,  First  Lieuten- 
tenant ;  and  64  privates. 

Co.  C ',  Swanton ,  Fourth  Regiment — L.  D. 
Clark,  Captain;  A.  B.  Jewett,  First  Lieutenant; 
and  71  privates. 

Co.  A,  WoodstocTc ,  Second  Regiment — Wm. 
W.  Pelton,  Captain ;  Andrew  J.  Dike,  First 
Lieutenant ;  and  64  privates. 

Co.  A,  Cavendish ,  Second  Regiment — 0.  S. 
Tuttle,  Captain;  A.  Clark,  First  Lieutenant; 
S.  Dutton,  Ensign ;  and  65  privates. 

Co.  B,  St.  Albans ,  Fourth  Regiment — Geo.  G. 
Hunt,  Captain ;  Hiram  F.  Perkins,  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant  ;  F.  E.  Bell,  Ensign  ;  and  67  privates. 

Co.  A,  Burlington ,  Fourth  Regiment — D. 
Brainard  Peck,  Captain;  O.  G.  Mower,  First 
Lieutenant ;  G.  J.  Hagar,  Ensign ;  and  67  pri¬ 
vates. 

Co.  B ,  Bradford ,  Second  Regiment — Dudley 
K.  Andross,  Captain  ;  John  B.  Picket,  jr.,  First 
Lieutenant ;  Boswell  Farnum,  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant;  and  70  privates. 

— N.  Y.  ITcrald ,  May  11. 

Colonel  Phelps,  who  commands  the  regiment, 
is  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  and  has  served 
twenty  years  in  the  army.  He  resigned  two 
years  ago,  and  has  been  living  quietly  at  Brat- 


232 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


tleboro  till  the  opening  of  the  campaign,  when 
he  at  once  offered  his  services  to  the  State,  and 
was  placed  in  command  of  this  regiment. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Washburn,  of  Woodstock, 
is  one  of  the  most  prominent  lawyers  in  the 
State.  At  the  same  time  he  is  a  military  man, 
and  a  disciplinarian  of  the  highest  order. 

Major  Worthen,  of  Bradford,  is  also  a  law¬ 
yer,  and  a  graduate  of  the  Norwich  University. 
Adjutant  Stevens,  also,  has  formerly  followed 
the  profession  of  the  law. 

The  regiment  numbers  seven  hundred  and 
eighty  men.  Among  them  are  several  giants, 
taller  by  some  inches  than  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  nearly  all  are  accustomed  to 
hard  out-door  work.  One  of  the  officers  states 
that  he  selected  ten  of  his  tallest,  and  had  them 
lie  down  on  the  ground  for  measurement,  when 
it  was  found  that  the  ten  formed  a  line  sixty- 
seven  feet  and  ten  inches  in  length. 

— N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  11. 


Doo.  151. 

A  PROCLAMATION 

By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Whereas ,  An  insurrection  exists  in  the  State 
of  Florida,  by  which  the  lives,  liberty,  and  prop¬ 
erty  of  loyal  citizens  of  the  United  States  are 
endangered ; 

And  whereas ,  It  is  deemed  proper  that  all 
needful  measures  should  be  taken  for  the  pro¬ 
tection  of  such  citizens  and  all  officers  of  the 
United  States  in  the  discharge  of  their  public 
duties  in  the  State  aforesaid  ; 

Now,  therefore,  be  it  known  that  I,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  do 
hereby  direct  the  Commander  of  the  forces  of 
the  United  States  on  the  Florida  coast  to  per¬ 
mit  no  person  to  exercise  any  office  or  authority 
upon  the  Islands  of  Key  West,  the  Tortugas, 
and  Santa  Rosa  which  may  be  inconsistent  with 
the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
authorizing  him  at  the  same  time,  if  he  shall 
find  it  necessary,  to  suspend  there  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus ,  and  to  remove  from  the  vicinity 
of  the  United  States  fortresses  all  dangerous 
or  suspected  persons. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my 
hand  and  caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States 
to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  tenth 
day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thou¬ 
sand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-one,  and  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty- 
fifth.  Abraham  Lincoln. 

By  the  President : 

William  II.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State. 

Doc.  152. 

AN  ENGLISH  VIEW  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR 
IN  AMERICA. 

TnE  effect  of  the  civil  war  in  America  upon 
European  commerco  is  certainly  one  of  tho  most 


important  questions  which  ever  engaged  public 
attention.  The  commercial  relations  between 
tffis  country  and  America  are  so  multifarious, 
that  any  disturbance  of  them  must  necessarily 
cause  infinite  perplexity  and  great  pecuniary 
loss ;  but  those  perplexities  and  losses  will  be 
seriously  aggravated  if  the  policy,  which  the 
British  Government  intends  to  pursue,  is  not 
defined  with  as  much  accuracy  as  possible.  The 
British  Government,  as  the  greatest  power  at 
sea,  has  the  deepest  interest  in  adopting  a  prin¬ 
ciple  of  action  which,  while  it  secures  every 
advantage  to  commerce,  will  not  limit  the  ac¬ 
tion  of  the  British  Navy  in  the  event  of  a  war. 
Lord  Palmerston,  therefore,  is  acting  with 
statesmanlike  prudence  in  declining  to  bind 
himself  to  any  course  of  action  without  the 
maturest  deliberation.  And  Mr.  Walpole  de¬ 
serves  well  of  his  country  in  lending  the  weight 
of  his  authority  and  influence  to  support  Min¬ 
isters  in  their  cautious  policy.  In  the  mean¬ 
time  it  may  be  useful  to  endeavor  to  indicate 
the  position  which  the  States  under  President 
Davis  now  occupy  with  relation  to  those  under 
President  Lincoln,  and  the  position  which  both 
of  these  Confederacies  now  occupy  with  rela¬ 
tion  to  Great  Britain  and  the  rest  of  the  world. 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  clear  that,  in  the  case 
of  a  rebellion  in  the  territories  of  any  govern¬ 
ment,  other  governments  may  adopt  either  of 
two  lines  of  action  :  They  may  take  no  notice 
of  the  disturbance  which  is  going  on;  or  they 
may  recognize  the  state  of  insurrection,  and 
treat  each  of  the  contending  parties  as  at  war 
with  each  other.  This  latter  course  has  been 
adopted  in  the  present  instance  by  the  Foreign 
Minister,  and  in  this  respect  he  has  acted  with 
perfect  prudence  and  in  complete  accordance 
with  international  law.  Whether  a  province 
in  a  state  of  rebellion  is  to  be  treated  as  a  pro¬ 
visionally  independent  power  has  always  been 
considered  a  matter  of  discretion.  It  may  be 
said  that  where,  as  in  the  case  of  America,  half 
a  continent  has  risen  in  arms  against  the  other 
half,  and  has  inaugurated  an  independent  gov¬ 
ernment-more  especially  when  the  peculiar 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  considered 
— according  to  all  precedent  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federation  must  be  treated  as  an  independent 
power,  and  as  entitled  to  belligerent  rights. 
But  the  recognition  of  those  rights  is  a  step  not 
to  be  taken  without  the  gravest  consideration 
of  its  consequences.  No  power  was  ever  more 
free  to  act  according  to  the  clear  dictates  of 
justice  and  humanity  than  Great  Britain  in  re¬ 
lation  to  this  conflict.  It  is  apprehended  that 
in  strict  law,  President  Lincoln  is  still  entitled 
to  treat  all  those  American  subjects  who  adhere 
to  the  cause  of  President  Davis  as  traitors,  and 
to  punish  the  South  American  cruisers  as  pi¬ 
rates.  As  this  principle,  however,  if  strictly 
followed,  would  certainly  lead  to  terrible  blood¬ 
shed  and  intolerable  atrocities,  it  is  obvious 
that  the  Northern  and  Southern  combatants 
will  treat  each  other  as  regular  enemies,  and 
observe,  as  far  as  possible,  all  the  usages  of  war 


DOCUMENTS. 


233 


This,  however,  will  take  place  without  any  re¬ 
cognition  of  the  only  ground  on  which  such  a 
claim  could  legally  be  based,  the  independence 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  It  is  a  political 
question  worth  considering,  whether  such  a 
dc  facto  concession  might  not  be  made  to  the 
Southern  authorities  by  England;  an  exemp¬ 
tion  from  the  liabilities  of  pirates,  without  ac¬ 
knowledging  in  them  the  belligerent  rights, 
which  would  give  them  unnecessarily  a  title  to 
interfere  with  our  commerce,  and  raise  a  league 
of  slaveholders  to  a  place  among  the  nations 
of  the  world.  The  recognition  of  belligerent 
rights  in  the  South  would  render  the  relations 
of  this  country  to  either  of  the  American  com¬ 
batants  precisely  similar  to  the  relations  which 
subsisted  during  the  Crimean  War  between 
Prussia  on  the  one  hand,  and  Russia,  England, 
or  France,  on  the  other  hand.  If,  indeed,  the 
Declaration  of  Paris  had  been  signed  by  Amer¬ 
ica,  the  case  might  have  been  different ;  but  as 
that  Declaration  only  bound  those  Governments 
which  signed  it,  and  as  America  declined  to  do 
so,  the  law  of  Neutrals  during  war  remains  pre¬ 
cisely  as  it  was  before  the  year  1854.  The  re¬ 
sult  is  that  both  President  Lincoln  and  Presi¬ 
dent  Davis  may  issue  letters  of  marque  to  those 
who  respectively  acknowledge  their  authority. 
The  lawfully  commissioned  vessels  of  war  of 
either  power  are  entitled  to  all  the  privileges 
usually  accorded  to  the  public  vessels  of  war 
of  an  independent  state,  always  on  the  supposi¬ 
tion  that  the  belligerent  rights  of  the  South  arc 
acknowledged.  The  right  of  search,  which, 
notwithstanding  the  strange  ideas  of  some  jour¬ 
nalists  who  ought  to  know  better,  has  always 
been  allowed  to  exist  in  time  of  war,  will  be¬ 
come  capable  of  being  exercised  by  the  cruisers 
both  of  the  North  and  of  the  South.  The  doc¬ 
trine  of  the  English  Admiralty,  according  to 
Chancellor  Kent,  on  the  right  of  visitation  and 
search,  and  on  the  limitation  of  the  right,  has 
been  recognized  in  its  fullest  extent  by  courts 
of  justice  in  America.  And  although  that  right 
does  not  entitle  a  belligerent  to  search  for  his 
subjects  or  seamen,  it  does  entitle  him  to  search 
for  enemy’s  property,  contraband  of  war,  or 
for  men  in  the  land  and  naval  services  of  the 
enemy.  The  English  and  French  merchant 
ships  and  those  of  all  neutrals  must,  therefore, 
expect  to  be  searched  by  the  armed  vessels  com¬ 
missioned  by  either  of  the  two  rival  Presidents. 
If  in  the  course  of  searching  a  neutral  friend’s 
ship  the  goods  of  an  enemy  are  discovered,  it  is 
the  established  law  of  England  that  such  goods 
are  liable  to  confiscation.  If,  therefore,  a  cargo 
of  Manchester  goods  belonging  to  a  New  York 
merchant  were  found  on  board  an  English  ship 
by  a  Southern  cruiser,  a  British  court  would 
hold  that  they  ought  to  be  confiscated.  But  in 
American  courts  the  result  is  more  doubtful. 
According  to  American  jurists,  the  rule  of  pub¬ 
lic  law,  that  the  property  of  an  enemy  is  liable 
to  capture  on  the  vessel  of  a  friend,  is  now  de¬ 
clared  on  the  part  of  the  American  Government 


to  have  no  foundation  in  natural  right ;  and 
that  the  usage  which  undoubtedly  exists,  rests 
entirely  on  force.  These  doctrines  were  pro¬ 
pounded  when  it  was  the  object  of  Americans 
to  enlarge  the  rights  of  neutrals.  It  remains  to 
be  seen  whether  they  will  be  upheld  in  the 
present  crisis.  If  they  are,  the  neutral  powers 
may  insist  that  the  American  cruisers  shall  not 
seize  the  goods  of  an  enemy  when  found  on 
board  a  neutral  friend’s  ship.  On  the  other 
hand,  if,  in  the  course  of  searching  an  enemy’s 
ship,  the  goods  of  a  neutral  friend  are  found,  it 
is  the  admitted  law  of  nations  that  such  goods 
are  not  liable  to  be  seized.  But  the  Americans 
have  carried  this  principle  a  step  further ;  for 
it  seems  that  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  has  twice  carried  the  principle  of  the 
immunity  of  neutral  property  on  board  an  ene¬ 
my’s  ship  to  the  extent  of  allowing  it  to  be 
laden  on  board  an  armed  belligerent  cruiser, 
and  the  Court  seems  to  have  held  moreover 
that  the  goods  did  not  lose  their  neutral  char¬ 
acter  even  in  consequence  of  resistance  made 
by  the  armed  vessel — provided  the  neutral  did 
not  aid  in  such  armament  or  resistance — and 
this  rule  prevails  notwithstanding  the  neutral 
had  chartered  the  whole  vessel,  and  was  on 
board  at  the  time  of  resistance.  A  contrary 
decision  has  no  doubt  been  given  by  the  English 
Judges.  But  if  the  Americans  adhere  to  their 
opinion,  it  will  be  competent  for  any  English¬ 
man  or  Frenchman,  or  other  neutral,  to  hire  a 
fleet  in  the  South,  which  may  be  armed  by  the 
captains,  to  load  the  ship  with  corn  or  cotton, 
or  any  other  merchandise ;  and  even  although 
the  American  captains  of  these  vessels  resist  the 
cruisers  of  the  North,  the  merchandise  belong¬ 
ing  to  the  neutrals  will  be  quite  safe  and  will 
bo  directed  to  be  restored. 

It  is  difficult  to  imagine  any  state  of  law 
moro  favorable  to  neutral  nations  than  that 
which  must  prevail  if  the  American  Judges  ad¬ 
here  to  the  principles  of  those  decisions  which 
have  been  pronounced  by  the  Supreme  Court 
at  Washington.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  re¬ 
mark  that  the  only  way  by  which  neutral  ships 
can  bo  excluded  from  the  ports  either  of  the 
North  or  of  the  South  is  by  an  effective  block¬ 
ade.  With  regard  to  the  North,  such  a  block¬ 
ade  is  at  present  obviously  out  of  the  power  of 
President  Davis.  With  regard  to  the  South, 
it  remains  to  be  seen  what  number  of  ships 
President  Lincoln  may  be  able  to  muster. 

In  the  midst  of  the  complications  which  must 
arise  by  the  events  of  either  Confederacy  adopt¬ 
ing  principles  of  law  different  from  those  which 
have  hitherto  been  proclaimed  at  Washington, 
it  might,  perhaps,  be  advisable  to  settle  the 
moot  points  by  a  temporary  convention.  This 
is  especially  necessary  in  the  case  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States  of  the  South,  because  they  may 
decline  to  bo  bound  by  the  decisions  which  have 
already  been  pronounced  by  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States. 

_ London  Daily  News,  May  9. 


234 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Doc.  153. 

MARYLAND  RESOLUTION, 

PASSED  I  NT  THE  LEGISLATURE,  MAT  10. 

Whereas,  The  war  against  the  Confederate 
States  is  unconstitutional  and  repugnant  to 
civilization,  and  will  result  in  a  bloody  and 
shameful  overthrow  of  our  institutions;  and 
whilst  recognizing  the  obligations  of  Maryland 
to  the  Union,  we  sympathize  with  the  South  in 
the  struggle  for  their  rights— for  the  sake  of 
humanity  we  are  for  peace  and  reconciliation, 
and  solemnly  protest  against  this  war,  and  will 
take  no  part  in  it ; 

Resolved ,  That  Maryland  implores  the  Presi¬ 
dent,  in  the  name  of  God,  to  cease  this  unholy 
war,  at  least  until  Congress  assembles;  that 
Maryland  desires  and  consents  to  the  recognition 
of  the  independence  of  the  Confederate  States. 
The  military  occupation  of  Maryland  is  uncon¬ 
stitutional,  and  she  protests  against  it,  though 
the  violent  interference  with  the  transit  of 
Federal  troops  is  discountenanced ;  that  the 
vindication  of  her  rights  be  left  to  time  and 
reason,  and  that  a  Convention,  under  existing 
circumstances,  is  inexpedient. 

— N.  Y.  Times ,  May  1L 


Doo.  154. 

THE  RIOT  AT  ST.  LOUIS,  MO.,  Mat  10, 1861. 

The  camp  of  Gen.  Frost,  at  Lindell’s  Grove, 
was  a  camp  of  instruction,  intended  to  be  con¬ 
tinued  for  the  term  of  six  days,  and  which  was 
formed  in  pursuance  of  orders  from  the  gover¬ 
nor  of  the  State,  who  had  directed  the  other  mili¬ 
tia  districts  also  to  go  into  encampments,  with 
the  view  of  acquiring  a  greater  degree  of  pro¬ 
ficiency  in  military  drill.  The  encampment  was 
oommenced  on  the  4th  instant. 

St.  Louis,  May  10. 

Unusual,  and  to  some  extent  alarming,  activ¬ 
ity  prevailed  early  yesterday  morning  at  each 
rendezvous  of  the  “  Home  Guard,”  and  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Arsenal.  The  men  recently 
provided  with  arms  from  the  Arsenal,  to  the  num¬ 
ber  of  several  thousands,  wereordered,  we  under¬ 
stand,  to  be  at  their  different  posts  at  12  o’clock, 
in  readiness  to  march  as  they  might  be  com¬ 
manded.  A  report  gained  some  currency  that 
Gen.  Harney  was  expected  on  the  afternoon 
train,  and  that  the  troops  were  to  cross  the  riv¬ 
er  to  receive  him,  and  escort  him  to  the  city. 
Very  little  reliance,  however,  was  placed  in 
this  explanation  of  the  military  movements, 
and  at  about  2  o’clock  p.  m.,  the  whole  town 
became  greatly  agitated  upon  the  circulation  of 
the  intelligence  that  some  five  or  six  thousand 
men  were  marching  up  Market  street,  under¬ 
arms,  in  the  direction  of  Camp  Jackson.  The 
news  proved  to  be  correct,  except  as  to  the 
numbers,  and  in  this  case  the  report  rather  un¬ 
der-estimated  the  extent  of  the  force.  Accord¬ 
ing  to  our  best  information,  there  were  proba¬ 
bly  not  less  than  seven  thousand  men  under 


Capt.  Lyon,  (commanding  the  United  States 
troops  at  this  post,)  with  about  twenty  pieces 
of  artillery. 

lire  troops,  as  stated  before,  marched  at  quick 
time  up  Market  street,  and  on  arriving  near 
Gamp  Jackson,  rapidly  surrounded  it,  planting 
batteries  upon  all  the  heights  overlooking  the 
camp.  Long  files  of  men  were  stationed  in  pla¬ 
toons  at  various  points  on  every  side,  and  a 
picket  guard  established  covering  an  area  of 
say  two  hundred  yards.  The  guards,  with  fixed 
bayonets,  and  muskets  at  half  cock,  were  in¬ 
structed  to  allow  none  to  pass  or  repass  within 
the  limits  thus  taken  up. 

By  this  time  an  immense  crowd  of  people  had 
assembled  in  the  vicinity,  having  gone  thither 
in  carriages,  buggies,  rail-cars,  baggage-wagons, 
on  horseback,  and  on  foot.  Numbers  of  men 
seized  rifles,  shot-guns,  or  whatever  other  wea¬ 
pons  they  could  lay  hands  upon,  and  rushed 
pell-mell  to  the  assistance  of  the  State  troops, 
but  were,  of  course,  obstructed  in  their  design. 
The  hills,  of  which  there  are  a  number  in  the 
neighborhood,  were  literally  black  with  people 
— hundreds  of  ladies  and  children  stationing 
themselves  with  the  throng,  but  as  they  thought 
out  of  harm’s  way. 

Gen.  Frost,  commanding  Camp  Jackson,  re¬ 
ceived  the  intelligence  of  the  advance  of  the 
Arsenal  troops  with  equanimity,  but  with  some 
astonishment.  Tie  had  heard  reports  that  it 
was  the  design  of  Capt.  Lyon  to  attack  his 
camp,  but  was  not  at  first  disposed  to  place  cre¬ 
dence  in  them.  So  rapidly  did  these  rumors 
come  to  him,  however,  that  yesterday  morning 
he  addressed  Capt.  L.  a  note  of  which  the  fob- 
lowing  is  a  copy : 

Head-quarters,  Camp  Jackson,  ) 
Missouri  Militia,  May  10,  1861.  f 

Captain  N.  Ltojst,  Commanding  United  States 
Troops  in  and  about  St.  Louis  Arsenal. 

Sir  :  I  am  constantly  in  receipt  of  information 
that  you  contemplate  an  attack  upon  my  camp, 
whilst  I  understand  that  you  are  impressed 
with  the  idea  that  an  attack  upon  the  Arsenal 
and  United  States  troops  is  intended  on  the 
part  ot  the  militia  of  Missouri.  I  am  greatly  at 
a  loss  to  know  what  could  justify  you  in  attack  - 
ing  citizens  of  the  Lnited  States  who  are  in  the 
lawful  performance  of  duties  devolving  upon 
them  under  the  Constitution,  in  organizing  and 
instructing  the  militia  of  the  State  in  obedience 
to  her  laws,  and  therefore  have  been  disposed 
to  doubt  the  correctness  of  the  information  I 
have  received.  I  wrould  be  glad  to  know  from 
you  personally  whether  there  is  any  truth  in 
the  statements  that  are  constantly  poured  into 
my  ears.  So  far  as  regards  any  hostility  being 
intended  towards  the  United  States,  or  its  prop¬ 
erty  or  representatives,  by  any  portion  of  my 
command,  or,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  (and  I  think 
I  am  fully  informed,)  of  any  other  part  of  the 
State  forces,  I  can  say  positively  that  the  idea 
has  never  been  entertained.  On  the  contrary, 
prior  to  your  taking  command  of  the  Arsenal, 

I  proffered  to  Major  Bell,  then  in  command  of 


DOCUMENTS. 


235 


the  very  few  troops  constituting  its  guard,  the 
service  of  myself  and  all  my  command,  and,  if 
necessary,  the  whole  power  of  the  State  to  pro¬ 
tect  the  United  States  in  the  full  possession  of 
all  her  property.  Upon  Gen.  Harney’s  taking 
command  of  this  department,  I  made  the  same 
proffer  of  services  to  him,  and  authorized  his 
Adjutant-General,  Capt.  Williams,  to  commu¬ 
nicate  the  fact  that  such  had  been  done  to 
the  War  Department.  I  have  had  no  occasion 
since  to  change  any  of  the  views  I  entertained 
at  that  time,  neither  of  my  own  volition  nor 
through  orders  of  my  constitutional  commander. 

I  trust  that  after  this  explicit  statement  we  may 
be  able,  by  fully  understanding  each  other,  to 
keep  fur  from  our  borders  the  misfortunes 
which  so  unhappily  afflict  our  common  country. 

This  communication  will  be  handed  to  you  by 
Col.  Bowen,  my  Chief  of  Staff,  who  will  bo 
able  to  explain  any  thing  not  fully  set  forth  in 
the  foregoing. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient 
servant,  Brig.  Gen.  D.  M.  Frost, 

Commanding  Camp  Jackson,  M.  V.  M. 

Capt.  L.  refused  to  receive  the  above  com¬ 
munication.  He  forwarded  Gen.  Frost  the  fol¬ 
lowing  about  the  time,  if  we  are  not  mistaken, 
of  the  surrounding  of  his  camp : 

Head-quarters,  United  States  Troops,  ) 
St.  Louis,  (Mo.,)  May  10,  1861.  J 

Gen.  D.  M.  Frost,  Commanding  Camp  Jackson : 

Sir  :  Your  command  is  regarded  as  evidently 
hostile  tow'ards  the  Government  of  the  United 
States. 

It  is,  for  the  most  part,  made  up  of  those  se¬ 
cessionists  who  have  openly  avowed  their  hos¬ 
tility  to  the  General  Government,  and  have 
been  plotting  at  the  seizure  of  its  property  and 
the  overthrow  of  its  authority.  You  are  open¬ 
ly  in  communication  with  the  so-called  Southern 
Confederacy,  which  is  now  at  war  with  the 
United  States,  and  you  are  receiving  at  your 
camp,  from  the  said  Confederacy  and  under  its 
flag,  large  supplies  of  the  material  of  war,  most 
of  which  is  known  to  be  the  property  of  the 
United  States.  These  extraordinary  prepara¬ 
tions  plainly  indicate  none  other  than  the  well- 
known  purpose  of  the  Governor  of  this  State,  un¬ 
der  whoso  orders  you  are  acting,  and  whose  pur¬ 
pose  recently  communicated  to  the  Legislature, 
lias  just  been  responded  to  by  that  body  in  the 
most  unparalleled  legislation,  having  in  direct 
view  hostilities  to  the  General  Government  and 
co-operation  with  its  enemies. 

In  view  of  these  considerations,  and  of  your 
failure  to  disperse  in  obedience  to  the  proclama¬ 
tion  of  the  President,  and  of  the  eminent 
necessities  of  State  policy  and  welfare,  and  the 
obligations  imposed  upon  me  by  instructions 
from  Washington,  it  is  my  duty  to  demand,  and 
I  do  hereby  demand  of  you  an  immediate  sur¬ 
render  of  your  command,  with  no  other  con¬ 
ditions  than  that  all  persons  surrendering  under 
this  demand  shall  be  humanely  and  kindly 
treated.  Believing  myself  prepared  to  enforce 


this  demand,  one-half  hour’s  time,  before  doing 
so,  will  be  allowed  for  your  compliance  there¬ 
with. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

N.  Lyon-,  Captain, 

2d  Infantry,  Commanding  Troops. 

Immediately  on  the  receipt  of  the  foregoing, 
Gen.  Frost  called  a  hasty  consultation  of  the 
officers  of  his  staff.  The  conclusion  arrived  at 
was  that  the  brigade  was  in  no  condition  to 
make  resistance  to  a  force  so  numerically  supe¬ 
rior,  and  that  only  one  course  could  be  pursued 
— a  surrender. 

The  demand  of  Capt.  Lyon  was  accordingly 
agreed  to.  The  State  troops  were  therefore 
made  prisoners  of  war,  but  an  offer  was  made 
to  release  them  on  condition  that  they  would 
take  an  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  and  would  swear  not  to  take  up 
arms  against  the  Government.  These  terms 
were  made  known  to  the  several  commands, 
and  the  opportunity  given  to  all  who  might  feel 
disposed  to  accede  to  them  to  do  so.  Some 
eight  or  ten  men  signified  their  willingness; 
but  the  remainder,  about  eight  hundred,  pre¬ 
ferred,  under  the  circumstances,  to  become 
prisoners.  (A  number  of  the  troops  were  ab¬ 
sent  from  the  camp  in  the  city  on  leave.)  Those 
who  declined  to  take  the  prescribed  oath  said 
that  they  had  already  sworn  allegiance  to  the 
United  States  and  to  defend  the  Government, 
and  to  repeat  it  now  would  be  to  admit  that 
they  had  been  in  rebellion,  which  they  would 
not  concede. 

The  preparations  for  the  surrender  and  for 
marching,  as  prisoners,  under  the  escort  of  the 
Arsenal  troops,  occupied  an  hour  or  two.  About 
half-past  five  the  prisoners  left  the  grove  and 
entered  the  road,  the  United  States  soldiers  en¬ 
closing  them  by  a  single  file  stretched  along 
each  side  of  the  line.  A  halt  was  ordered  and 
the  troops  remained  standing  in  the  position 
they  had  deployed  into  the  road.  The  head  of 
the  column  at  the  time  rested  opposite  a  small 
hill  on  the  left  as  you  approach  the  city,  and 
the  rear  was  on  a  line  with  the  entrance  to  the 
grove.  Vast  crowds  of  people  covered  the  sur¬ 
rounding  grounds  and  every  fence  and  house¬ 
top  in  the  vicinity.  Suddenly  the  sharp  reports 
of  several  firearms  were  heard  from  the  front 
of  the  column,  and  the  spectators  that  lined  the 
adjacent  hill  were  seen  fleeing  in  the  greatest 
dismay  and  terror.  It  appeared  that  several 
members  of  one  of  the  German  companies,  on 
being  pressed  by  the  crowd  and  receiving  some 
blows  from  them,  turned  and  discharged  their 
pieces.  Fortunately  no  one  was  injured,  and 
the  soldiers  who  had  done  the  act  were  at  once 
placed  under  arrest.  Hardly,  however,  had 
tranquillity  been  restored  when  volley  after 
volley  of  rifle  reports  were  suddenly  heard  from 
the  extreme  rear  ranks,  and  men,  women,  and 
children  were  beheld  running  wildly  and  fran¬ 
tically  away  from  the  scene.  Many,  while  run¬ 
ning,  were  suddenly  struck  to  the  sod,  and  the 


236 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


wounded  and  dying  made  the  late  beautiful  field 
look  like  a  battle-ground.  The  wounded,  who 
were  unable  to  be  moved,  were  suitably  cared 
for  on  the  grounds.  The  total  number  killed 
and  injured  was  about  twenty-five.  It  was  re¬ 
ported  that  the  Arsenal  troops  were  attacked 
with  stones,  and  a  couple  of  shots  discharged 
at  them  by  the  crowd  before  they  fired.  The 
most  of  the  people  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the 
soldiers  were  citizens  with  their  wives  and 
children,  who  were  merely  spectators,  and  took 
no  part  in  any  demonstration  whatever.  The 
firing  was  said  to  have  been  done  by  Boern- 
stein’s  company,  and  at  the  command  of  an 
officer.  The  United  States  troops  are  now  in 
possession  of  Camp  Jackson,  with  all  the  equi¬ 
page,  tents,  provisions,  &c.  The  prisoners  of 
war  are,  we  believe,  at  the  Arsenal. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  describe  the  intense 
exhibition  of  feeling  which  was  manifested  in 
the  city.  All  the  most  frequented  streets  and 
avenues  were  thronged  with  citizens  in  the 
highest  state  of  excitement,  and  loud  huzzas 
and  occasional  shots  were  heard  in  various 
localities.  Thousands  upon  thousands  of  rest¬ 
less  human  beings  could  be  seen  from  almost 
every  point  on  Fourth  street,  all  in  search  of 
the  latest  news.  Imprecations,  loud  and  long, 
were  hurled  into  the  darkening  air,  and  the 
most  unanimous  resentment  was  expressed  on 
all  sides  at  the  manner  of  firing  into  the  harm¬ 
less  crowds  near  Camp  Jackson.  Hon.  J.  R. 
Barret,  Major  Uriel  Wright,  and  other  speakers 
addressed  a  large  and  intensely  excited  crowd 
i  affront  of  the  Planters’  House,  and  other  well- 
known  citizens  were  similarly  engaged  at  va¬ 
rious  other  points  in  the  city.  AlHhe  drinking 
saloons,  restaurants,  and  other  public  resorts  of 
similar  character  were  closed  by  their  pro¬ 
prietors,  almost  simultaneously,  at  dark;  and 
the  windows  of  private  dwellings  were  fastened 
in  fear  of  a  general  riot.  Theatres  and  other 
public  places  of  amusement  were  entirely  out  of 
the  question,  and  nobody  went  near  them. 
Matters  of  graver  import  were  occupying  the 
minds  of  the  citizens,  and  every  thing  but  the 
present  excitement  was  banished  from  their 
thoughts.  Crowds  of  men  rushed  through  the 
principal  thoroughfares,  bearing  banners  and 
devices  suitable  to  their  several  fancies,  and  by 
turns  cheering  and  groaning.  Some  were  armed 
and.  others  were  not  armed,  and  all  seemed 
anxious  to  be  at  work.  A  charge  was  made  on 
the  gun-store  of  II.  E.  Dimick,  on  Main  street, 
the  door  was  broken  open,  and  the  crowd  se¬ 
cured  fifteen  or  twenty  guns  before  a  sufficient 
number  of  police  could  be  collected  to  arrest 
the  proceedings.  Chief  McDonough  marched 
down  with  about  twenty  policemen,  armed  with 
muskets,  and  succeeded  in  dispersing  the  mob 
and  protecting  the  premises  from  further  mo¬ 
lestations.  Squads  of  armed  policemen  were 
stationed  at  several  of  the  most  public  corners, 
and  the  offices  of  the  Missouri  Democrat  and 
Anzeiger  des  Westens  were  placed  under  guard 
lor  protection.  — St.  Louis  Republican,  May  11. 


Doo.  155. 

BLOCKADE  OF  CHARLESTON. 

TnE  steam  frigate  Niagara,  which,  it  was 
stated  some  days  since,  was  coming  off  this 
port  to  blockade  the  harbor,  was  first  noticed 
off  here  at  an  early  hour  on  Saturday  by  pilot 
boat  No.  4,  then  outside  the  bar,  and  also  from 
the  steeple  of  the  Custom  House.  The  pilot 
boat  had  observed  in  the  offing  on  Friday  even¬ 
ing  what  appeared  to  be  a  merchant  ship  bound 
into  this  harbor,  and  which  not  being  in  sight 
on  Saturday,  was  no  doubt  ordered  off  by  the 
Niagara.  Towards  midday  the  frigate  disap¬ 
peared,  but  returned  off  the  port  in  the  after¬ 
noon. 

On  Saturday,  Capt.  Robert  Lockwood,  pilot, 
in  boat  No.  2,  (the  W.  Y.  Leitch,)  took  to  sea 
the  schooner  Minnehaha,  for  Baltimore,  and 
soon  after  leaving  the  schooner  outside,  he 
went  on  board  his  boat,  when  he  made  in  the 
offing,  standing  in,  a  square  rigged  vessel. 
Night  coming  on,  and  the  Niagara  being  in 
sight,  he  thought  it  best  to  send  his  pilot  boat 
into  port,  and  to  take  his  skiff  and  one  hand 
and  proceed  to  the  bark.  He  reached  her 
about  seven  p.  m.,  and  found  her  to  be  the  bark 
Ililja,  from  Liverpool  in  ballast,  consigned  to 
Messrs.  R.  Mure  &  Co.,  of  this  city. 

The  tide  being  too  late  to  get  her  into  port, 
he  remained  on  board  during  Saturday  night,  his 
skiff  being  taken  on  deck  and  carefully  placed 
away.  On  Sunday  morning,  it  being  calm,  the 
pilot  was  unable  to  get  her  under  -way,  and 
about  half-past  eight  a.  m.  she  was  boarded  by 
a  boat  from  the  Niagara,  commanded  by  Lieu¬ 
tenant  R.  L.  May,  who  informed  the  captain  of 
the  Ililja  that  the  port  was  blockaded,  the 
rebels  inside  having  fired  on  Fort  Sumter  with 
a  garrison  of  less  than  100  men,  gave  him  a 
Yankee  paper,  containing  the  latest  news,  and 
mentioned  that  an  army  of  100,000  men  had 
been  landed  on  the  coast  of  Louisiana.  The 
captain  of  the  Ililja  informed  the  Lieutenant 
that  he  was  short  of  water,  and  requested  to 
know  if  the  Niagara  could  supply  him ;  but  he 
was  informed  that  the  frigate  had  a  shorter 
supply  of  that  than  any  other  necessary  article. 
The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  endorsement  of 
Lieutenant  R.  L.  May,  on  the  papers  of  the  II  ilja  : 

Boarded  May  12th,  and  ordered  off  the 
whole  Southern  coast  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  it  being  blockaded. 

R.  L.  Mat, 

Lieutenant  United  States  steamship  Niagara. 

The  officer  remained  by  the  Hilja  for  about 
twenty  minutes,  when  he  left.  The  boat’s 
crew  had  a  revolver  each  in  a  belt  attached  to 
the  waist.  Mr.  Lockwood  left  the  Hilja  about 
10  o’clock,  and  reached  the  city  in  iiis  skiff, 
accompanied  by  a  valuable  boat  hand,  who  re¬ 
mained  faithful,  although  appearances  indicated 
that  the  boy  had  only  to  open  his  mouth,  when 
he  might  have  had  a  passage  to  some  other 
place  than  “Dixie’s  Land.”  Tho  Hilja  went 


DOCUMENTS. 


237 


off  during  the  day,  and  will  proceed  to  the 
British  Provinces. 

The  British  ship  Monmouth,  from  Liverpool 
and  the  ship  General  Parkhill,  from  the  same 
place,  were  seen  off  the  bar  yesterday  and  were 
ordered  off,  and  we  understand  that  the  Niag¬ 
ara  had  previously  sent  off  three  other  square- 
rigged  vessels.  During  Sunday  the  Niagara 
went  well  off  shore,  accompanied  by  two  of 
the  above  vessels,  and  while  she  was  absent  the 
British  ship  A.  and  A.,  Captain  Hutchinson, 
from  Belfast,  stood  in  from  the  eastward,  when 
the  Niagara  made  after  her;  but  the  ship,  hav¬ 
ing  much  the  start,  was  run  into  shoal  water, 
where  the  frigate  could  not  well  approach  her, 
when  the  Niagara  put  about  and  proceeded 
south.  Should  the  boats  of  the  Niagara  omit 
to  board  the  A.  and  A.  before  morning,  she 
may  be  got  into  port  with  the  aid  of  steam. 
The  race  was  anxiously  watched  from  the 
wharves,  and  also  by  a  party  of  gentlemen  who 
were  out  in  the  pilot  boat  Rover,  Captain 
Evans.  They  went  alongside  and  spoke  the 
ship. 

—  Charleston  Mercury,  May  13. 


Doo.  156. 

GENERAL  HARNEY’S  PROCLAMATION. 

To  the  People  of  the  State  of  Missouri  and  the 
city  of  St.  Louis. 

Military  Department  op  the  West, 

8t.  Louis,  May  11, 18G1. 

I  itave  just  returned  to  this  post,  and  have 
assumed  the  military  command  of  this  depart¬ 
ment.  No  one  can  more  deeply  regret  the  de¬ 
plorable  state  of  things  existing  here  than  my¬ 
self.  The  past  cannot  be  recalled.  I  can  only 
deal  with  the  present  and  the  future. 

I  most  anxiously  desire  to  discharge  the  del¬ 
icate  and  onerous  duties  devolved  upon  me,  so 
as  to  preserve  the  public  peace.  I  shall  care¬ 
fully  abstain  from  the  exercise  of  any  unneces¬ 
sary  powers,  and  from  all  interference  with  the 
proper  functions  of  the  public  officers  of  the 
State  and  city.  I  therefore  call  upon  the  pub¬ 
lic  authorities  and  the  people  to  aid  mo  in  pre¬ 
serving  the  public  peace. 

The  military  force  stationed  in  this  depart¬ 
ment  by  the  authority  of  the  Government,  and 
now  under  my  command,  will  only  be  used  in 
the  last  resort  to  preserve  the  peace.  I  trust  I 
may  be  spared  the  necessity  of  resorting  to 
martial  law,  but  the  public  peace  must  he  pre¬ 
served ,  and  the  lives  and  property  of  the  people 
protected.  Upon  a  careful  review  of  my  in¬ 
structions,  I  find  I  have  no  authority  to  change 
the  location  of  the  “  Home  Guards.” 

To  avoid  all  causo  of  irritation  and  excite¬ 
ment,  if  called  upon  to  aid  the  local  authorities 
in  preserving  the  public  peace,  I  shall  in  prefer¬ 
ence  make  use  of  the  regular  army. 

I  ask  the  people  to  pursue  their  peaceful  avo¬ 
cations,  and  to  observe  the  laws  and  orders  of 
their  local  authorities,  and  to  abstain  from  the 
Documents — 17 


excitements  of  public  meetings  and  heated  dis¬ 
cussions.  My  appeal,  I  trust,  may  not  bo  in 
vain,  and  I  pledge  the  faith  of  a  soldier  to  the 
earnest  discharge  of  my  duty. 

'William  S.  Haeney, 

Brigadier-General  U.  S.  A.,  Commanding  Dept. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  May  17. 


Doc.  157. 

THE  FIRST  CONNECTICUT  REGIMENT. 

LIST  OF  OFFICEE3. 

Staff. — Colonel,  Alfred  II.  Terry,  of  New 
Haven;  Lieut.  Colonel,  David  Young,  of  Nor¬ 
wich  ;  Major,  Robert  O.  Tyler,  of  Hartford ; 
Surgeon,  Archibald  T.  Douglass,  M.  D.,  of  New 
London ;  Surgeon’s  Mate,  Francis  Bacon,  of  New 
Haven. 

Infantry  Company  A,  Hartford,  Capt.,  John 
C.  Comstock,  80  men  ;  Infantry  Company  B, 
Hartford,  Capt.,  Ira  Wright,  77  men;  Infantry 
Company  C,  Windsor  Locks,  Capt.,  Levi  L. 
Hilman,  77  men ;  Infantry  Company  D,  Water- 
bury,  Capt.,  John  L.  Cliatfield,  84  men;  Infan¬ 
try  Company  E,  Danbury,  Capt.,  E.  E.  Wild- 
man,  77 men;  Infantry  Company  F,  West  Mer¬ 
iden,  Capt.,  Byxbee,  77  men ;  Infantry  Com¬ 
pany  G,  New  Britain,  Capt.,  Frederick  W. 
Hart,  89  men;  Infantry  Company  II,  Bridge¬ 
port,  Capt.,  Richard  Fitzgibbons,  77  men ;  Rille 
Company  A,  Hartford,  Capt.,  Joseph  R.  Haw¬ 
ley,  84  men ;  Rifle  Company  B,  Bridgeport, 
Capt.,  John  Spiedal,  77  men. 

—National  Intelligencer ,  May  15. 


Doo.  158. 

APPORTIONMENT  OF  TROOPS. 


Tiie  following  is  the  number  of  infantry  reg¬ 
iments  to  be  received  from  each  State  for  a 
total  increase  of  seventy-fivo  regiments  of  three 
years’  volunteers,  under  the  recent  determina¬ 
tion  of  the  Government,  viz  : 


Virginia .  2 

Maine .  1 

Maryland .  1 

Connecticut .  1 

New  Hampshire .  1 

Vermont .  1 

Rhodo  Island .  1 

Minnesota .  1 

Delaware .  1 

Kansas .  1 

Nebraska .  1 

District  of  Columbia . 1 


New  York . H 

Pennsylvania . 10 

Ohio  .  p 

Illinois .  6 

Indiana .  4 

Massachusetts .  5 

Missouri . ””  4 

Kentucky .  2 

Wisconsin .  2 

Michigan .  a 

Iowa . 2 

New  Jersey . ’  3 


The  other  regiment,  namely,  of  cavalry,  is 
not  assigned. 


— N.  Y.  Herald ,  May  13. 


Doc.  159. 

REPORT  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  BAPTIST 
CONVENTION,  May  13,  1861. 

Tiie  following  report  from  the  Committee  on 
the  state  of  the  country,  was  unanimously 
adopted  by  the  Southern  Baptist  Convention 


238 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


in  session  at  Savannah,  Ga.  It  was  drawn  up 
by  Rev.  Dr.  Fuller,  of  Baltimore,  wdio  had  until 
recently  had  the  reputation  of  being  a  linn 
friend  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  : — 

We  hold  this  truth  to  be  self-evident,  that 
governments  are  established  for  the  security, 
prosperity,  and  happiness  of  the  people.  When, 
therefore,  any  government  is  perverted  from  its 
proper  designs,  becomes  oppressive,  and  abuses 
its  power,  the  people  have  a  right  to  change  it. 

As  to  the  States  once  combined  upon  this 
continent,  it  is  now  manifest  that  they  can  no 
longer  live  together  as  one  confederacy. 

The  Union  constituted  by  our  forefathers 
was  one  of  coequal  sovereign  States.  The  fanat¬ 
ical  spirit  of  the  North  has  long  been  seeking 
to  deprive  us  of  rights  and  franchises  guaran¬ 
teed  by  the  Constitution ;  and  after  years  of 
persistent  aggression,  they  have  at  last  accom¬ 
plished  their  purpose. 

In  vindication  of  their  sacred  rights  and 
honor,  in  self-defence,  and  for  the  protection 
of  all  which  is  dear  to  man,  the  Southern 
States  have  practically  asserted  the  right  of  se¬ 
ceding  from  a  Union  so  degenerated  from  that 
established  by  the  Constitution,  and  they  have 
formed  for  themselves  a  Government  based 
upon  the  principles  of  the  original  compact — 
adopting  a  charter  which  secures  to  each  State 
its  sovereign  rights  and  privileges.  This  new 
Government,  in  thus  dissolving  former  political 
connections,  seeks  to  cultivate  relations  of  ami¬ 
ty  and  good  will,  with  its  late  confederates  and 
with  all  the  world  ;  and  they  have  thrice  sent 
special  Commissioners  to  Washington  with 
overtures  for  peace,  and  for  a  fair,  amicable 
adjustment  of  all  difficulties.  The  Government 
at  Washington  has  insultingly  repelled  these 
proposals,  and  now  insists  upon  letting  loose 
hordes  of  armed  soldiers  to  pillage  and  desolate 
the  entire  South,  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  the 
seceded  States  bade  into  unnatural  Union ,  or 
of  subjugating  them ,  and  holding  them  as  con- 
q  uered  provinces. 

While  the  two  sections  of  the  land  are  thus 
arrayed  against  each  other,  it  might  naturally 
have  been  hoped  that  at  least  the  churches  of 
the  North  would  interpose  and  protest  against 
this  appeal  to  the  sword,  this  invoking  of  civil 
Avar,  this  deluging  the  country  in  fratricidal 
blood  ;  but  with  astonishment  and  grief  we 
lind  churches  and  pastors  of  the  North  breath¬ 
ing  out  slaughter,  and  clamoring  for  sanguinary 
hostilities  with  a  fierceness  which  avc  would 
have  supposed  impossible  among  the  disciples 
of  the  Princo  of  Peace.  In  view  of  such 
premises,  this  Convention  cannot  keep  silence. 
Recognizing  the  necessity  that  the  whole  moral 
influence  of  the  people,  in  whatever  capacity 
or  organization,  should  be  enlisted  in  aid  of  the 
rulers  who,  by  their  suffrages,  have  been  called 
to  defend  the  endangered  interests  of  person 
and  property,  of  honor  and  liberty,  it  is  bound 
to  utter  its  voice  distinctly,  decidedly,  emphati¬ 
cally  ;  and  your  Committee  recommend,  there¬ 
fore,  the  subjoined  resolutions: 


Resolved ,  That  impartial  history  cannot  charge 
upon  the  South  the  dissolution  of  the  Union. 
She  Avas  foremost  in  advocating  and  cement¬ 
ing  that  Union.  To  that  Union  she  clung 
through  long  years  of  calumny,  injury,  and  in¬ 
sult.  She  has  never  ceased  to  raise  her  Avarn- 
ing  appeals  against  the  fanaticism  which  has 
obstinately  and  incessantly  warred  against  that 
Union. 

Resolved ,  That  avc  most  cordially  approve  of 
the  formation  of  the  Government  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States  of  America,  and  admire  and 
applaud  the  noble  course  of  that  Government 
up  to  this  present  time. 

Resolved ,  That  Ave  shall  assiduously  invoke 
the  Divine  direction  and  favor  in  behalf  of 
those  Avho  bear  rule  among  us,  that  they  may 
still  exercise  the  same  Avise,  prompt,  elevated 
statesmanship  which  has  hitherto  characterized 
their  measures ;  that  their  enterprises  may  be 
attended  Avith  success ;  and  that  they  may  at¬ 
tain  a  great  reward,  not  only  in  seeing  these 
Confederate  States  prosper  under  their  admin¬ 
istration,  but  in  contributing  to  the  progress  of 
the  transcendant  kingdom  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ. 

Resolved ,  That  ice  most  cordially  tender  to 
the  President  of  the  Confederate  States ,  to  his 
Cabinet ,  and  to  the  members  of  the  Congress  now 
convened  at  Montgomery ,  the  assurances  of  our 
sympathy  and  entire  confidence.  With  them 
are  our  hearts  and  our  hearty  cooperation. 

Resolved ,  That  the  lawless  reign  of  terror  at 
the  North ,  the  violence  committed  upon  unof¬ 
fending  citizens ,  above  all,  the  threats  to  wage 
upon  the  South  a  warfare  of  savage  barbarity , 
to  devastate  our  homes  and  hearths  with  hosts 
of  ruffians  and  felons  burning  with  lust  and 
rapine,  ought  to  excite  the  horror  of  all  civilized 
people.  God  forbid  that  avc  should  so  far  for¬ 
get  the  spirit  of  Jesus  as  to  suffer  malice  and 
vindictiAreness  to  insinuate  themselves  into  our 
hearts ;  but  every  principle  of  religion,  of  pa¬ 
triotism,  and  of  humanity,  calls  upon  us  to 
pledge  our  fortunes  and  lives  in  the  good  work 
of  repelling  an  invasion  designed  to  destroy 
whatever  is  dear  in  our  heroic  traditions;  what¬ 
ever  is  sweet  in  our  domestic  hopes  and  enjoy¬ 
ments ;  whatever  is  essential  to  our  institutions 
and  our  very  manhood  ;  whatever  is  worth  liv¬ 
ing  or  dying  for. 

Resolved,  That  we  do  now  engage  in  prayer  for 
our friends ,  brothers,  fathers,  sons,  and  citizen  sol¬ 
diers,  who  have  left  their  homes  to  go  forth  for 
the  defence  of  their  families  and  friends  and  all 
which  is  dearest  to  the  human  heart ;  and  wc 
recommend  to  the  churches  represented  in  this 
body,  that  they  constantly  invoice  a  holy  and 
merciful  God  to  guard  them  from  the  tempta¬ 
tions  to  which  they  arc  exposed,  to  cover  their 
head  in  the  day  of  battle,  and  to  give  victory  to 
their  arms. 

Resolved,  That  avc  Avill  pray  for  our  enemies 
in  the  spirit  of  that  Divine  Master,  Avho 
“  Avlien  he  Avas  reviled,  he  reviled  not  again," 
trusting  that  their  pitiless  purposes  may  bo 


DOCUMENTS. 


239 


frustrated,  that  God  will  grant  to  them  a  more 
politic,  a  more  considerate,  and  a  more  Chris¬ 
tian  mind;  that  the  fratricidal  strife  which 
they  have  decided  upon,  notwithstanding  all 
our  commissions  and  pleas  for  peace,  may  he 
arrested  by  that  Supreme  Power,  who  maheth 
the  wrath  of  man  to  praise  him ;  and  that 
thus,  through  a  divine  blessing,  the  prosperity 
of  these  sovereign  and  once  allied  States,  may 
be  restored  under  the  two  Governments  to 
which  they  now  and  henceforth  respectively 
belong. 

Resolved ,  We  do  recommend  to  the  churches 
of  the  Baptist  denomination  in  the  Southern 
States,  to  observe  the  first  and  second  days  of 
June,  as  days  of  humiliation,  fasting,  and  pray¬ 
er  to  Almighty  God,  that  he  may  avert  any 
calamities  due  to  our  sins  as  a  people,  and  may 
look  with  mercy  and  favor  upon  us. 

Resolved ,  That  whatever  calamities  may  come 
upon  us,  our  firm  trust  and  hope  are  in  God, 
through  the  atonement  of  his  Son,  and  we 
earnestly  beseech  the  churches  represented  in 
this  body,  (a  constituency  of  six  or  seven  hun¬ 
dred  thousand  Christians,)  that  they  be  fervent 
and  importunate  in  prayer,  not  only  for  the 
country,  but  for  the  enterprises  of  the  Gospel 
which  have  been  committed  to  our  care.  In 
the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and  in  the  war  of 
1812,  the  Baptist  bated  no  jot  of  heart  or  hope 
for  the  Redeemer’s  cause.  Their  zeal  and  lib¬ 
erality  abounded  in  their  deepest  afflictions. 
We  beseech  the  churches  to  cherish  the  spirit 
and  imitate  the  example  of  this  noble  army  of 
saints  and  heroes ;  to  be  followers  of  them, 
who,  through  faith  and  patience,  inherit  the 
promises ;  to  be  steadfast,  immoveable,  always 
abounding  in  the  work  of  the  Lord,  for  as 
much  as  they  know  that  their  labor  is  not  in 
vain  in  the  Lord. 

Resolved ,  That  these  resolutions  be  commu¬ 
nicated  to  the  Congress  of  the  “  Confederate 
States  ”  at  Montgomery,  with  the  signatures 
of  the  President  and  Secretaries  of  the  Conven¬ 
tion. 


P.  II.  Mell,  Ga. 

Jas.  E.  Broome,  Fla. 

G.  II.  Martin,  Miss. 

W.  Cakey  Crane,  La. 
R.  Fuller,  Md. 

Jas.  B.  Taylor,  Ya. 

R.  B.  C.  IIowell,  Tenn. 
L.  W.  Allen,  Ivy. 

J.  L.  PRicnARD,  FT.  C. 

E.  T.  Winkler,  S.  C. 

B.  Manly,  Sr.,  Ala. 


•  Committee. 


The  vote  being  taken,  the  report  was  unani¬ 
mously  adopted. 

True  extract  from  the  minutes. 

R.  Fuller,  President. 

Secretaries. 

— N.  Y.  Times,  May  21. 


W.  Carey  Crane,  \ 
Geo.  B.  Taylor.  ( 


Doo.  160. 

MAJOR  MORRIS’S  LETTER, 

TO  JUDGE  GILES,  AT  BALTIMORE. 

At  the  date  of  issuing  your  writ,  and  for  two 
weeks  previous,  the  city  in  which  you  live  and 
where  your  Court  has  been  held,  was  entirely 
under  the  control  of  revolutionary  authorities. 
Within  that  period  United  States  soldiers,  while 
committing  no  offence,  had  been  perfidiously 
attacked  and  inhumanly  murdered  in  your 
streets;  no  punishment  had  been  awarded,  and 
I  believe  no  arrests  had  been  made  for  these 
atrocious  crimes ;  supplies  of  provisions  intend¬ 
ed  for  this  garrison  had  been  stopped  ;  the  in¬ 
tention  to  capture  this  fort  had  been  boldly 
proclaimed ;  your  most  public  thoroughfares 
were  daily  patrolled  by  large  numbers  of  troops 
armed  and  clothed,  at  least  in  part,  with  arti¬ 
cles  stolen  from  the  United  States ;  and  the 
Federal  flag,  while  waving  over  the  Federal 
offices,  was  cut  down  by  some  person  wearing 
the  uniform  of  a  Maryland  soldier.  To  add  to 
the  foregoing,  an  assemblage  elected  in  defiance 
of  law,  but  claiming  to  be  the  legislative  body 
of  your  State,  and  so  recognized  by  the  Execu¬ 
tive  of  Maryland,  was  debating  the  federal 
compact.  If  all  this  be  not  rebellion,  I  know 
not  what  to  call  it.  I  certainly  regard  it  as 
sufficient  legal  cause  for  suspending  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus.  Besides,  there  were  certain 
grounds  of  expediency  on  which  I  declined 
obeying  your  mandate. 

1st.  The  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in  the  hands 
of  an  unfriendly  power  might  depopulate  this 
fortification  and  place  it  at  the  mercy  of  “  a 
Baltimore  mob,”  in  much  less  time  than  it 
could  be  done  by  all  the  appliances  of  modern 
warfare. 

2d.  The  ferocious  spirit  exhibited  by  your 
community  toward  the  United  States  army 
would  render  me  very  averse  from  appearing 
publicly  and  unprotected  in  the  city  of  Balti¬ 
more  to  defend  the  interests  of  the  body  to 
which  I  belong.  A  few  days  since  a  soldier  of 
this  command,  while  outside  the  walls,  was  at¬ 
tacked  by  a  fiend  or  fiends  in  human  shape, 
almost  deprived  of  life,  and  left  unprotected 
about  half  a  mile  from  garrison.  He  was  found 
in  this  situation  and  brought  in,  covered  with 
blood.  One  of  your  evening  prints  was  quite 
jocose  over  this  laughable  occurrence. 

And  now,  sir,  permit  me  to  say,  in  conclu¬ 
sion,  that  no  one  can  regret  more  than  I  this 
conflict  between  the  civil  and  military  author¬ 
ities.  If,  in  an  experience  of  thirty -three  years, 
you  have  never  before  known  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus  to  be  disobeyed,  it  is  only  because  such 
a  contingency  in  political  affairs  as  the  present 
has  never  before  arisen.  I  claim  to  be  a  loyal 
citizen,  and  I  hope  iny  former  conduct,  both' 
official  and  private,  will  justify  this  pretension. 

In  any  condition  of  affairs,  except  that  of 
civil  war,  I  would  cheerfully  obey  your  order, 
and  as  soon  as  the  present  excitement  shall 
pass  away  I  will  hold  myself  ready,  not  only  to 


240 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


produce  the  soldier,  but  .also  to  appear  in  per¬ 
son  to  answer  for  my  conduct ;  but,  in  the  exist¬ 
ing  state  of  sentiment  in  the  city  of  Baltimore, 
I  Blink  it  your  duty  to  sustain  the  federal 
military  and  to  strengthen  their  hands,  instead 
of  endeavoring  to  strike  them  down.  I  have 
the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your  obe¬ 
dient  servant,  W.  W.  Morris, 

Major,  Fourth  United  States  Artillery, 
Commanding  Fort  McHenry. 


Doc.  1G1. 

SENATOR  BAYARD  ON  SECESSION. 

To  the  People  of  the  State  of  Delaware: 

Fellow- Citizens  : — Though,  like  all  men  wTio 
have  mingled  actively  in  political  contests,  I 
have  often  been  subjected  to  misrepresenta¬ 
tions  and  calumnies,  under  no  past  circum¬ 
stances  have  I  ever  felt  it  necessary  to  reply  to 
merely  personal  attacks,  but  have  been  content 
to  let  my  general  character  and  course  of  action 
be  the  answer  to  my  assailants.  From  occur¬ 
rences,  however,  within  the  last  ten  days,  and 
the  excited  state  of  popular  feeling,  which 
seems  to  accept  the  falsest  and  most  absurd 
charges  as  truths,  it  is  due  to  myself  to  make  to 
you  the  following  statement,  which,  though  it 
will  not  satisfy  the  bitterness  of  partisan  hostil¬ 
ity  or  the  malignity  of  personal  hatred,  will,  I 
trust,  vindicate,  in  the  opinion  ot  the  mass  of 
my  fellow-citizens,  both  my  motives  and  my 
acts,  though  I  may  differ  from  many  of  them 
in  my  political  opinions. 

In  the  speech  which  I  made  in  the  Senate  in 
March  last,  you  have  my  views  and  opinions 
expressed  frankly  and  without  reserve  on  the 
present  unhappy  and  distracted  condition  of 
our  country,  and  the  course  which  I  believed 
the  happiness  and  ivelfare  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  required  should  be  adopted  by 
the  General  Administration.  The  views  and 
opinions  then  expressed  were  the  result  of 
grave  consideration  and  positive  conviction, 
and  subsequent  events  have  not  changed  but 
confirmed  that  conviction.  I  preferred  peace¬ 
ful  separation  of  a  part  of  the  States  from  tho 
Union,  leaving  that  Union  unbroken  as  to  the 
far  greater  number,  and  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment  as  the  Government  of  a  powerful  and 
great  nation,  to  the  alternative  of  civil  war. 
Time  and  the  progress  of  events  will,  I  confi¬ 
dently  believe,  vindicate  tho  wisdom  of  my 
counsel.  If  the  arguments  and  views  presented 
in  that  speech  and  my  past  course  cannot  con¬ 
vince  you  of  my  attachment  to  the  Union,  it 
would  be  hopeless  to  urge  others  now. 

On  the  8th  of  April  last,  I  left  home  on  a 
6hort  visit  to  New  Orleans,  solely  for  social 
and  business  purposes — a  visit  I  had  contem¬ 
plated  and  promised  to  make  more  than  a  year 
before,  but  which  my  professional  and  public 
duties  had  compelled  me  to  postpone..  I  had 
no  political  purpose  or  object  in  view  in  mak¬ 
ing  that  visit,  nor  did  I,  during  my  absence, 


engage  in  any  political  arrangement  or  consul¬ 
tation  intended  or  calculated  to  affect  the  action 
of  the  people  of  Delaware  in  relation  to  their 
allegiance  and  fidelity  to  tho  Union.  I  trust 
you  have  known  me  long  enough,  and  I  am 
sure  you  ought  to  have  known  me  well  enough, 
to  be  certain  that,  whatever  political  action  I 
contemplated,  I  would  openly  and  boldly  avow 
and  advocate  before  you.  If  I  err  in  this,  then 
it  will  be  a  vain  hope  for  any  public  man  to 
expect,  however  candid  and  open  may  have 
been  his  past  course,  that  his  fellow-men  will 
justly  estimate  his  character.  When  I  left 
home,  though  the  political  horizon  was  cloud¬ 
ed,  no  excitement  existed  beyond  the  ordinary 
conflict  of  party  warfare,  and  I  neither  did  nor 
could  anticipate  tho  events  which  occurred 
after  my  departure,  or  my  visit  certainly  would 
not  have  been  made.  I  took  the  Southern 
route,  and  reached  Montgomery  on  Friday 
afternoon,  the  12th  of  April,  remained  there 
till  Sunday  following,  and  left  that  day  on  the 
steamer  for  New  Orleans.  I  saw  many  persons 
in  Montgomery  whom  I  had  known  well  and 
intimately  in  Washington,  but  I  had  no  politi¬ 
cal  arrangements  to  make  with  them,  nor  were 
any  proposed  to  me.  After  reaching  New 
Orleans,  in  consequence  of  the  rapid  progress 
of  events,  I  remained  but  three  days,  cut  short 
my  visit,  and  returned  homo  as  speedily,  as 
practicable  up  tho  river,  though  I  had  origi¬ 
nally  intended  to  return  by  sea  to  New  York. 

I  make  this  statement,  because  I  havo  been 
told  that  many  fair-minded  and  well-intention¬ 
ed  men  have  attributed  my  visit  to  the  South 
to  political  objects,  and  it  is  only  to  such  it  is 
intended  to  be  addressed. 

I  reached  homo  on  Saturday,  the  4tli  of  May, 
and  was  met  by  a  telegram,  purporting  to  bo 
from  Middletown  to  Philadelphia,  in  which  it 
was  stated  that  I  had  been  two  weeks  at  Mont¬ 
gomery,  in  consultation  with  tho  leaders  of  tho 
Confederate  States.  My  answer  is,  that  the 
telegram  is  utterly  and  unqualifiedly  false, 
and  whether  it  camo  from  Middletown  or 
elsewhere,  it  was  tho  mere  coinage  of  a  reck¬ 
less  political  partisan  or  a  personal  enemy. 
This  was  followed  by  an  announcement  pla¬ 
carded  in  Wilmington,  and  published  in  the 
papers,  that  a  Prince  of  the  Golden  Circle  had 
returned  home,  or  some  such  absurd  stuff.  On 
principle,  I  never  had  the  slightest  connection 
with  any  secret  association  in  my  life  ;  and,  in 
my  connection  with  tho  Democratic  party,  I 
have  never  been  even  a  member  of  a  club.  I  was 
told,  also,  that  rumors  had  been  spread  in  my 
absence,  such  as  that  I  had  gone  to  Montgom¬ 
ery  to  sell  my  State,  and  others  of  like  kind.  I 
paid  littlo  attention  to  these  things,  as  I  be¬ 
lieved  I  could  live  them  down,  for  I  was  not 
aware  of  the  extent  of  passionate  excitement  to 
which  the  public  mind  had  been  strung,  and 
still  less  did  I  dream  that  there  was  a  deliberate 
intention  by  such  means,  to  induco  personal 
violence  against  me  here,  in  my  native  town, 
or  in  Philadelphia. 


DOCUMENTS. 


241 


I  was  mistaken  in  this,  and  have  become  sat¬ 
isfied  that  there  was  a  deliberate  conspiracy  to 
make  me  the  victim  of  a  mob  on  the  first  occa¬ 
sion  on  which  I  went  to  Philadelphia.  I  have 
no  knowledge  of  the  parties  engaged  in  this 
conspiracy  either  here  or  in  Philadelphia,  nor 
do  I  fear  the  ruffians  who  would  instigate  such 
action  here,  because  I  have  confidence  that  in 
the  people  of  Delaware,  however  decided  may 
he  their  dissent  from  my  political  views,  the 
love  of  order  and  law  is  too  deeply  implanted 
to  tolerate  lawless  violence. 

Without  the  slightest  anticipation  of  any  in¬ 
tended  violence,  I  left  home  in  the  morning 
train  for  Philadelphia,  on  Tuesday  last,  and  ar¬ 
rived  at  the  Prime  station  about  half-past  8  a.  at. 
There  was  no  mob  or  assemblage  at  the  station 
and  I  took  my  seat  in  the  second  passenger 
railway  car,  which,  after  it  had  turned  into 
Catherine  street,  was  stopped  by  a  police  officer, 
and  the  inquiry  made,  “Is  Senator  Bayard 
here  ?  ”  I  answered  affirmatively,  and  the  reply 
was,  “  Come  here  if  you  please,  we  want  you.” 
I  left  the  car  at  once,  and  it  went  on,  and  the 
officer  said  immediately,  “  There  is  a  mob  ahead 
Avaiting  for  you,  and  you  had  better  go  with 
us,”  alluding  to  another  officer  who  had  joined 
him. 

Having  no  desire  to  encounter  or  be  the  vic¬ 
tim  of  a  mob,  I  assented,  and  walked  on  with 
them  down  Catherine  street  for  three  or  four 
squares.  One  of  the  officers  then  turned  off, 
and  I  went  with  the  other  to  the  Mayor’s 
office.  During  our  walk  I  had  some  conversa¬ 
tion  with  the  officer,  and  expressed  my  utter 
surprise  at  the  existence  of  the  mob,  and  my 
then  belief  that  it  had  been  instigated  by  the 
false  statements  in  the  telegrams  and  news¬ 
papers  as  to  the  object  of  my  recent  visit  to  the 
South.  The  officer  also  told  me  he  had  arrested 
me  for  my  own  protection.  I  remained  at  the 
Mayor’s  office  till  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Henry, 
with  whom  I  had  a  short  conversation,  and 
then  left  with  a  friend. 

I  must  add  that  the  conduct  of  the  police 
officers  was  both  courteous  and  judicious,  and 
not  having  a  sufficient  force  at  the  station  to 
disperse  or  control  a  mob,  they  protected  me 
from  its  violence  by  Avisely  evading  it. 

I  did  not  see  this  mob,  hut  from  the  state¬ 
ment  of  others,  it  was  between  two  and  five 
hundred  in  number.  That  it  was  prearranged 
in  consequence  of  a  communication  from  Wil¬ 
mington,  cannot  be  doubted,  for  it  had  organ¬ 
ized  for  the  sole  purpose  of  assaulting  me,  and 
selected  its  position  on  Fifteenth  street,  about 
three  squares  from  the  station,  where  I  should, 
in  a  passenger  car,  have  been  entirely  defence¬ 
less.  It  was  utterly  impracticable  that  such  a 
mob  could  have  been  so  collected  and  arranged 
between  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  train, 
and  the  few  minutes  afterward  when  I  was 
called  by  the  officer  out  of  the  passenger  car, 
without  previous  information  that  I  Avas  coming 
in  the  train. 

The  car  was  stopped  for  a  moment,  about 


two  squares  from  the  place  I  left  it,  and  I  was 
inquired  for,  and,  being  told  that  I  was  at  the 
station,  it  was  permitted  to  proceed  without 
further  interruption.  I  have  no  knowledge 
as  to  the  further  action  of  my  intended  assail¬ 
ants. 

I  am  well  aware  that  in  cities  and  large 
towns,  there  will  always  be  men  ready  to  in¬ 
stigate  and  embark  in  lawless  action,  but  it  can 
scarcely  be  considered  evidence  of  strong  at¬ 
tachment  to  the  Union,  Avhen  a  mob  can  be 
collected  in  the  city  of  one  State  to  assault  a 
citizen  and  representative  of  another,  on  the 
false  statements  of  unknown  persons  by  tele¬ 
graphic  or  other  communications  in  the  news¬ 
papers.  That  I  escaped  a  danger  greater  than  I 
then  realized,  I  cannot  doubt,  but  I  do  not  hold 
the  deluded  men  Avho  composed  this  mob  in 
Philadelphia,  as  morally  culpable  as  I  do  the 
Press  of  Philadelphia,  for  the  mode  in  which 
it  sought  in  its  reports  of  this  affair  to  slur 
over,  palliate  and  encourage,  and  in  some  pa¬ 
pers  even  to  justify  such  mob  action. 

It  is  true  that,  in  a  single  paper,  such  action 
is  condemned  in  an  editorial,  but  in  the  same 
paper  to  its  report  of  this  laAvless  attempt,  is 
appended  a  statement  relating  to  my  political 
action  on  two  previous  occasions,  utterly  false, 
and  intended  as  justification  of  the  action  of 
the  mob  in  the  particular  case. 

Perhaps,  Avhen  one  of  their  own  citizens  has 
become  the  victim  of  an  outrage  similar  to 
that  intended  to  be  perpetrated  upon  me,  the 
people  of  Philadelphia  will  'begin  to  realize  the 
dangers  attendant  upon  these  reckless  and 
mendacious  slanders  upon  individuals,  which 
are  now  so  common  in  the  papers  of  that  city, 
induced  generally  by  partisan  bitterness,  but 
not  unfrequently  by  personal  enmity. 

At  a  time  Avhen  there  is  so  much  excitement 
in  the  community,  I  do  not  expect  to  escape 
personal  defamation  either  here  or  there  ;  but 
AVilmington  is  my  residence,  and  though  I  may 
avoid  personal  violence  in  Philadelphia,  I  shall 
meet  it,  if  attempted  here,  as  best  I  may.  I 
know  my  duties,  both  as  a  citizen  of  Delaware 
and  of  the  United  States,  and  am  conscious  of  no 
violation  of  them ;  but  I  knoAV  also  my  rights, 
and  shall  not  shrink  from  maintaining  them. 

The  object  of  this  address,  fellow-citizens, 
has  been  to  give  a  general  refutation  to  ground¬ 
less  calumnies  accumulated  during  my  absence 
in  part  springing  from  political  moth'es,  with 
a  view  merely  to  political  effect,  and  in  part 
from  the  maleATolence  of  personal  enemies. 
Having  done  this,  I  shall  rest  hereafter,  as 
hitherto,  on  my  character,  my  past  course,  and 
my  future  actions  as  the  sui'est  safeguards 
against  either  class  of  assailants. 

My  standard  of  duty  and  of  action  has  always 
been  conscious  rectitude  of  purpose,  and,  though 
many  may  misjudge  me  now,  I  shall  leave  to 
time  and  the  progress  of  events,  the  correction 
of  present  errors  of  opinion. 

I  am  one  of  your  representatives  in  the  Sen¬ 
ate  of  the  United  States,  and  my  term  of  office 


242 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


does  not  expire  until  March,  1863.  I  view, 
however,  the  relation  of  constituent  and  repre¬ 
sentative  as  one  of  confidence,  and  when  I  am 
satisfied  that  civil  war  cannot  be  averted,  and 
find  that  the  public  sentiment  of  my  State 
prefers  such  a  result  to  the  peaceful  separation 
of  those  States  which  have  withdrawn  from. the 
Union,  I  shall  cheerfully  and  gladly  resign  into 
your  hands  an  office  which  I  obtained  without 
solicitation,  and  which  neither  my  sense  of  duty 
nor  my  self-respect  would  permit  me  to  hold, 
when  I  ascertain  that  I  differ  in  opinion  with 
you  on  so  momentous  and  vital  a  question  as 
peace  or  war.  It  can  require  but  few  days 
after  Congress  has  assembled  to  determine 
whether  the  last  hope  of  peace  has  fled,  if,  in¬ 
deed,  the  hope  can  linger  until  then  ;  and  be¬ 
fore  that  time  I  shall  become  fully  satisfied  as 
to  your  will.  Do  not  fear  that  I  will  betray 
the  confidence  you  have  reposed  in  me,  or  be 
capable  of  misrepresenting  that  will.  If  I  can¬ 
not  conscientiously  obey  your  mandate,  I  will 
not  use  the  position  I  occupy  as  your  represen¬ 
tative,  to  prevent  its  performance  by  another 
agent.  But  the  right  of  private  opinion  and  its 
expression,  is  a  personal  right,  beyond  public 
control.  It  is  secured  to  every  freeman  under 
a  government  of  laws,  and  a  Republic  must  be 
a  government  of  laws  alone,  or  it  -will  end  in 
anarchy  or  despotism.  I  have  no  faith  either 
in  the  government  of  the  sword  or  the  mob, 
and  shall  resist  the  establishment  of  either. 

James  A.  Bayakd. 

Wilmisgtoii,  May  13, 1S61. 

— Ar.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  20. 


Doc.  162. 

GEN.  HARNEY’S  PROCLAMATION. 

“  Military  Department  of  the  “West,  ) 

St.  Louis,  May  14, 1861.  $ 

“  To  the  People  of  the  State  of  Missouri: 

“  Ox  my  return  to  the  duties  of  the  com¬ 
mand  of  this  department  I  find,  greatly  to  my 
astonishment  and  mortification,  a  most  extraor¬ 
dinary  state  of  things  existing  in  this  State, 
deeply  affecting  the  stability  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  the  gov¬ 
ernmental  and  other  interests  of  Missouri  itself. 

“As  a  citizen  of  Missouri,  owing  allegiance 
to  the  United  States,  and  having  interests  in 
common  with  you,  I  feel  it  my  duty  as  well  as 
privilege  to  extend  a  warning  voice  to  my  fel¬ 
low-citizens  against  the  common  dangers  that 
threaten  us,  and  to  appeal  to  your  patriotism 
and  sense  of  justice  to  exert  all  your  moral 
power  to  avert  them. 

“  It  is  with  regret  that  I  feel  it  my  duty  to 
call- your  attention  to  the  recent  act  of  the 
General  Assembly  of  Missouri,  known  as  the 
Military  bill,  which  is  the  result,  no  doubt,  of 
the  temporary  excitement  that  now  pervades 
the  public  mind.  This  bill  cannot  bo  regarded 
in  any  other  light  than  an  indirect  secession 
ordinance ,  ignoring  even  the  forms  resorted  to 


by  other  States.  Manifestly  its  most  material 
provisions  are  in  conflict  with  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  United  States.  To  this  extent 
it  is  a  nullity ,  and  cannot  and  ought  not  to  be 
upheld  or  regarded  by  the  good  citizens  of  Mis¬ 
souri.  There  are  obligations  and  duties  resting 
upon  the  people  of  Missouri  under  the  Consti¬ 
tution  and  laws  of  the  United  States  which  are 
paramount,  and  which  I  trust  you  will  carefully 
consider  and  weigh  well  before  you  will  allow 
yourselves  to  be  carried  out  of  the  Union,  under 
the  form  of  yielding  obedience  to  this  Military 
bill,  which  is  clearly  in  violation  of  your  duties 
as  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

“  It  must  bo  apparent  to  every  one  who  has 
taken  a  proper  and  unbiased  view  of  the  sub¬ 
ject,  that,  whatever  may  bo  the  termination  of 
the  unfortunate  condition  of  things  in  inspect 
to  the  so-called  ‘  cotton  States,’  Missouri  must 
share  the  destiny  of  the  Union.  Her  geo¬ 
graphical  position — her  soil,  productions,  and 
in  short  all  her  material  interests,  point  to  this 
result.  We  cannot  shut  our  eyes  against  this 
controlling  fact.  It  is  seen,  and  its  force  is  felt 
throughout  the  nation.  So  important  is  this 
regarded  to  the  great  interests  of  the  country, 
that  I  venture  to  express  the  opinion  that  the 
whole  power  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States ,  if  necessary,  will  be  exerted  to  maintain 
Missouri  in  her  present  position  in  the  Union. 
I  express  to  you  in  all  frankness  and  sincerity 
my  own  deliberate  convictions,  without  assum¬ 
ing  to  speak  for  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  whose  authority,  here  and  elsewhere,  I 
shall  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances 
endeavor  faithfully  to  uphold. 

“  I  desire,  above  all  things,  most  earnestly  to 
invite  my  fellow-citizens  dispassionately  to  con¬ 
sider  their  true  interests  as  wrell  as  their  true 
relation  to  the  Government  under  which  we 
live,  and  to  which  we  owe  so  much. 

“  In  this  connection  I  desire  to  direct  atten¬ 
tion  to  one  subject,  which  no  doubt  will  be 
made  the  pretext  for  more  or  less  popular  ex¬ 
citement.  I  allude  to  the  recent  transactions  at 
Camp  Jackson,  near  St.  Louis.  It  is  not  prop¬ 
er  for  mo  to  comment  upon  the  official  con¬ 
duct  of  my  predecessor  in  command  of  this  De¬ 
partment,  but  it  is  right  and  proper  for  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  Missouri  to  know'  that  the  main  avenue 
of  Camp  Jackson,  recently  under  command  of 
General  Frost,  had  the  name  of  Davis,  and  a 
principal  street  of  the  same  camp  that  of  Beau¬ 
regard  ;  and  that  a  body  of  men  had  been  re¬ 
ceived  into  that  camp  by  its  commander,  which 
had  been  notoriously  organized  in  the  interests 
of  the  secessionists,  the  men  openly  wearing  the 
dress  and  badge  distinguishing  the  army  of  the 
so-called  Southern  Confederacy.  It  is  also  a 
notorious  fact  that  a  quantity  of  arms  had  been 
received  into  the  camp,  which  were  unlawfully 
taken  from  the  United  States  arsenal  at  Baton 
Rouge,  and  surreptitiously  passed  up  the  river 
in  boxes  marked  marble. 

“  Upon  facts  like  these,  and  having  in  view 
what  occurred  at  Liberty,  the  people  can  draw 


DOCUMENTS. 


243 


their  own  inferences,  and  it  cannot  be  difficult 
for  any  one  to  arrive  at  a  correct  conclusion  as 
to  the  character  and  ultimate  purpose  of  that 
encampment.  No  government  in  the  world 
would  be  entitled  to  respect,  that  would  tole¬ 
rate  for  a  moment  such  openly  treasonable  pre¬ 
parations. 

“  It  is  but  simple  justice,  however,  that  I 
should  state  the  fact  that  there  were  many  good 
and  loyal  men  in  the  camp,  who  were  in  no 
manner  responsible  for  its  treasonable  char¬ 
acter. 

“  Disclaiming,  as  I  do,  all  desire  or  intention 
to  interfere  in  any  way  with  the  prerogatives 
of  the  State  of  Missouri  or  with  the  functions 
of  its  executive  or  other  authorities,  yet  I  re¬ 
gard  it  as  my  plain  path  of  duty  to  express  to 
the  people  in  respectful,  but  at  the  same  time 
decided  language,  that,  within  the  field  and 
scope  of  my  command  and  authority,  the  ‘ su¬ 
preme  law  ’  of  the  land  must  and  shall  be  main¬ 
tained,  and  no  subterfuges,  whether  in  the 
forms  of  legislative  acts  or  otherwise,  can  be 
permitted  to  harass  or  oppress  the  good  and 
law-abiding  people  of  Missouri.  I  shall  exert 
my  authority  to  protect  their  persons  and  prop¬ 
erty  from  violations  of  every  kind,  and  I  shall 
deem  it  my  duty  to  suppress  all  unlawful  com¬ 
binations  of  men,  whether  formed  under  pre¬ 
text  of  military  organizations  or  otherwise. 

“Wm.  S.  Harney,  Brigadier-General 
“  United  States  Army,  Commanding.” 

— St.  Louis  Republican ,  May  14. 

Doo.  163. 

THE  CONFEDERATE  FAST. 

In  the  open  session  of  the  Confederate  Con¬ 
gress,  May  14,  several  resolutions  of  interest 
were  offered  and  adopted.  The  first  of  these 
is  a  resolution  presented  by  Mr.  T.  R.  R.  Cobb, 
of  Georgia,  in  reference  to  a  general  day  of 
Fasting  and  Prayer. 

As  the  sentiments  and  intent  of  the  resolu¬ 
tions  are  good,  I  shall  give  them  to  your  read¬ 
ers  entire,  as  follows : 

“  The  dependence  of  nations,  as  of  individuals, 
upon  an  overruling  Providence,  at  all  times, 
we  fully  recognize  ;  but  when  perils  surround, 
and  national  existence  is  threatened,  it  pecu¬ 
liarly  becomes  a  people  to  manifest  their  sub¬ 
mission  to  the  will  and  guidance  of  the  Omnip¬ 
otent  Ruler  of  the  universe.  If  the  cause  be 
righteous  and  the  quarrel  just,  we  may  confi¬ 
dently  rely  on  Him  who  reigneth  alike  over 
the  armies  of  earth  and  the  hosts  of  heaven. 
At  the  same  time,  we  recognize  our  duty  to 
appeal  humbly  to  Him  who  hath  said :  ‘  I 

will  be  inquired  of  my  people.’  To  the  end, 
therefore,  that  the  whole  people  of  these  Con¬ 
federate  States  may,  in  union  and  with  one  ac¬ 
cord,  approach  the  Throne  of  the  Most  High, 
to  invoke  his  blessing  upon  us  in  our  defensive 
struggle  for  the  right  of  self-government,  and 
the  enjoyment  of  the  liberty  He  vouchsafed  to 


our  fathers,  and  to  protect  us  from  those  who 
threaten  our  homes  with  fire  and  sword,  our 
domestic  circles  with  ruthless  lust,  our  fathers’ 
graves  with  the  invaders’  feet,  and  our  altars 
with  infidel  desecration : 

“  Resolved  by  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate 
States ,  That  the  President  be  requested  to  issue 
his  Proclamation,  appointing  a  day  of  fasting 
and  prayer,  in  the  observance  of  which  all  shall 
be  invited  to  join,  who  recognize  our  depend¬ 
ence  upon  God,  and  who  desire  the  happiness 
and  security  of  that  people  ‘  whose  God  is  the 
Lord.’  ” 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  the  pream¬ 
ble  and  resolution  were  unanimously  adopted. 

—  Charleston  Courier ,  May  IS. 

Doo.  164. 

EAST  BALTIMORE  RESOLUTIONS, 
May  14,  1861. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  still  cling  to  the  Union 
with  fidelity  and  faith,  believing  that  our  rights 
can  be  better  maintained  and  protected  in  the 
Union  than  out  of  it,  and  in  pursuance  of  the 
above  sentiment  we  do  hereby  solemnly  pledge 
our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honors 
in  defence  of  the  same. 

Resolved ,  That  the  State  of  Maryland  is  part 
and  parcel  of  the  Federal  Government,  and 
that  the  said  Federal  Government  has  a  right 
to  all  roads  leading  through  our  State ;  and  it 
is  furthermore  our  duty  to  protect  and  assist 
them  in  their  transit  to  the  National  Capital, 
(in  obedience  to  the  call  of  the  President,) 
which  is  now  threatened  by  domestic  traitors. 

Resolved,  That  the  chairman  appoint  a  com¬ 
mittee  of  five,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  enroll 
the  Union  men  of  East  Baltimore,  and  to  make 
such  other  arrangements  as  they  may  deem 
necessary  for  the  preservation  of  our  State, 
honor,  and  our  duty  as  loyal  citizens  of  the 
Union. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  May  17. 


Doc.  165. 

GEN.  BUTLER’S  PROCLAMATION. 

Department  op  Annapolis,  ) 
Federal  Hill,  Baltimore,  May  14, 1861.  \ 

A  detachment  of  the  forces  of  the  Federal 
Government  under  my  command  have  occupied 
the  city  of  Baltimore  for  the  purpose,  among 
other  things,  of  enforcing  respect  and  obedience 
to  the  laws,  as  well  of  the  State — if  requested 
thereto  by  the  civil  authorities — as  of  the  United 
States  laws,  which  are  being  violated  within 
its  limits  by  some  malignant  and  traitorous 
men,  and  in  order  to  testify  the  acceptance  by 
the  Federal  Government  of  the  fact  that  the 
city  and  all  the  well-intentioned  portion  of  its 
inhabitants  are  loyal  to  the  Union  and  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  and  are  to  be  so  regarded  and  treated 
by  all.  To  the  end,  therefore,  that  all  misun¬ 
derstanding  of  the  purpose  of  the  Government 


244 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


may  be  prevented,  and  to  set  at  rest  all  un¬ 
founded,  false,  and  seditious  rumors ;  to  relieve 
all  apprehensions,  if  any  are  felt,  by  the  well- 
disposed  portion  of  the  community,  and  to  make 
it  thoroughly  understood  by  all  traitors,  their 
aiders  and  abettors,  that  rebellious  acts  must 
cease  ;  I  hereby,  by  the  authority  vested  in  me 
as  commander  of  the  department  of  Annapolis, 
of  which  Baltimore  forms  a  part,  do  now  com¬ 
mand  and  make  known  that  no  loyal  and  well- 
disposed  citizen  will  be  disturbed  in  his  lawful 
occupation  or  business,  that  private  property 
will  not  be  interfered  with  by  the  men  under 
my  command,  or  allowed  to  be  interfered  with 
by  others,  except  in  so  far  as  it  may  be  used  to 
afford  aid  and  comfort  to  those  in  rebellion 
against  the  Government,  whether  here  or  else¬ 
where  ;  all  of  which  property,  munitions  of  war, 
and  that  fitted  to  aid  and  support  the  rebellion, 
will  be  seized  and  held  subject  to  confiscation, 
and,  therefore,  all  manufacturers  of  arms  and 
munitions  of  war  are  hereby  requested  to  re¬ 
port  to  me  forthwith,  so  that  the  lawfulness  of 
their  occupation  may  be  known  and  under¬ 
stood,  and  all  misconstruction  of  their  doings 
be  avoided.  No  transportation  from  the  city 
to  the  rebels  of  articles  fitted  to  aid  and  sup¬ 
port  troops  in  the  field  will  be  permitted,  and 
the  fact  of  such  transportation,  after  the  publi¬ 
cation  of  this  proclamation,  will  be  taken  and 
received  as  proof  of  illegal  intention  on  the  part 
of  the  consignors,  and  will  render  the  goods 
liable  to  seizure  and  confiscation. 

The  Government  being  ready  to  receive  all 
such  stores  and  supplies,  arrangements  will  be 
made  to  contract  for  them  immediately,  and  the 
owners  and  manufacturers  of  such  articles  of 
equipment  and  clothing,  and  munitions  of  war 
and  provisions,  are  desired  to  keep  themselves 
in  communication  with  the  Commissary-Gen¬ 
eral,  in  order  that  their  workshops  may  be  em¬ 
ployed  for  loyal  purposes,  and  the  artisans  of 
the  city  resume  and  carry  on  their  profitable 
occupations. 

The  acting  Assistant-Quartermaster  and  Com¬ 
missary  of  Subsistence  of  the  United  States 
here  stationed,  has  been  instructed  to  proceed 
and  furnish,  at  fair  prices,  40,000  rations  for 
the  use  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and 
further  supplies  will  be  drawn  from  the  city  to 
the  full  extent  of  its  capacity,  if  the  patriotic 
and  loyal  men  choose  so  to  furnish  supplies. 

All  assemblages,  except  the  ordinary  police, 
of  armed  bodies  of  men,  other  than  those  regu¬ 
larly  organized  and  commissioned  by  the  State 
of  Maryland,  and  acting  under  the  orders  of  the 
Governor  thereof,  for  drill  and  other  purposes, 
are  forbidden  within  the  department. 

All  officers  of  the  militia  of  Maryland,  having 
command  within  the  limits  of  the  department, 
are  reuuested  to  report  through  their  officers 
forthwith  to  the  General  in  command,  so  that 
he  may  be  able  to  know  and  distinguish  the 
regularly  commissioned  and  loyal  troops  of 
Maryland  from  armed  bodies  who  may  claim 
to  bo  such. 


The  ordinary  operations  of  the  corporate  gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  city  of  Baltimore  and  of  the 
civil  authorities  will  not  be  interfered  with, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  will  be  aided  by  all  the 
power  at  the  command  of  the  General,  upon 
proper  call  being  made,  and  all  such  authorities 
are  cordially  invited  to  cooperate  with  the 
General  in  command  to  carry  out  the  purposes 
set  forth  in  the  proclamation,  so  that  the  city 
of  Baltimore  may  be  shown  to  the  country  to 
be,  what  she  is  in  fact,  patriotic  and  loyal  to  the 
Union,  the  Constitution,  and  the  laws. 

No  flag,  banner,  ensign,  or  device  of  the  so- 
called  Confederate  States  or  any  of  them  will 
be  permitted  to  be  raised  or  shown  in  this  de¬ 
partment,  and  the  exhibition  of  cither  of  them 
by  evil-disposed  persons  will  be  deemed,  and 
taken  to  be  evidence  of  a  design  to  afford  aid 
and  comfort  to  the  enemies  of  the  country.  To 
make  it  the  more  apparent  that  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States  by  far  more  relies 
upon  the  loyalty,  patriotism,  and  zeal  of  the 
good  citizens  of  Baltimore  and  vicinity  than  upon 
any  exhibition  of  force  calculated  to  intimidate 
them  into  that  obedience  to  the  laws  which  the 
Government  doubts  not  will  be  paid  from  in¬ 
herent  respect  and  love  of  order,  the  command¬ 
ing  General  has  brought  to  the  city  with  him, 
of  the  many  thousand  troops  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood,  which  might  be  at  once  concen¬ 
trated  here,  scarcely  more  than  an  ordinary 
guard,  and  until  it  fails  him,  he  will  continue 
to  rely  upon  that  loyalty  and  patriotism  of  the 
citizens  of  Maryland,  which  have  never  yet  been 
found  wanting  to  the  Government  in  time  of 
need.  The  General  in  command  desires  to 
greet  and  treat  in  this  part  of  his  department 
all  the  citizens  thereof  as  friends  and  brothers, 
having  a  common  purpose,  a  common  loyalty, 
and  a  common  country.  Any  infractions  of 
the  laws  by  the  troops  under  his  command,  or 
any  disorderly,  unsoldierlike  conduct,  or  any 
interference  with  private  property,  ho  desires 
to  have  immediately  reported  to  him,  and 
pledges  himself  that  if  any  soldier  so  far  forgets 
himself  as  to  break  those  laws  that  ho  has 
sworn  to  defend  and  enforce,  he  shall  bo  most 
rigorously  punished. 

The  General  believes  that  if  the  suggestions 
and  requests  contained  in  this  proclamation  are 
faithfully  carried  out  by  the  cooperation  of  all 
good  and  Union-loving  citizens,  and  peace  and 
quiet,  and  certainty  of  future  peaco  and  quiet 
are  thus  restored,  business  will  resume  its  ac¬ 
customed  channels,  trade  take  the  place  of  dul- 
ness  and  inactivity,  efficient  labor  displace  idle¬ 
ness,  and  Baltimore  will  bo  in  fact  what  she  is 
entitled  to  be,  in  the  front  rank  of  the  commer¬ 
cial  cities  of  the  nation. 

Given  at  Baltimore,  the  day  and  year  herein 
first  above  written.  Benj.  F.  Butler, 

Brig.-General  Com.  Department  of  Annapolis. 

E.  G.  Parker,  Lieut.-Col.,  Aidc-de-Camp. 

Gen.  Butler’s  proclamation  was  scattered  in 
extras  by  tho  thousands.  Everybody  on  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


245 


streets  and  in  the  hotels  seemed  to  have  it.  The 
assurance  contained  in  it  that  the  troops  were 
not  in  their  midst  to  interrupt  the  business  of 
the  city,  but  to  protect  the  people,  preserve 
the  peace,  and  sustain  the  laws,  gave  general 
satisfaction. 

— N.  Y.  Commercial  Advertiser.  May  15. 


Doo.  166. 

GOY.  HICKS’  PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas,  The  President  of  the  United  States, 
by  his  proclamation  of  15th  April,  1861,  lias 
called  upon  me,  the  Governor  of  Maryland,  tor 
four  regiments  of  infantry  or  riflemen  to  serve 
for  a  period  of  three  months,  the  said  requisi¬ 
tion  being  made  in  the  spirit  and  in  pursuance 
of  the  law,  and 

Whereas,  To  the  said  requisition  has  been 
added  the  written  assurance  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  that  said  four  regiments  shall  be  de¬ 
tailed  to  serve  within  the  limits  of  the  State  of 
Maryland,  or  for  the  defence  of  the  Capital  of 
the  United  States  and  not  to  serve  beyond  the 
limits  aforesaid ; 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Thomas  Holliday  Hicks, 
Governor  of  Maryland,  do,  by  this  my  procla¬ 
mation,  call  upon  loyal  citizens  of  Maryland  to 
volunteer  their  services  to  the  extent  of  four 
regiments,  as  aforesaid,  to  serve  during  a  period 
of  three  months  within  the  limits  of  Maryland, 
or  for  the  defence  of  the  capital  of  the  United 
States,  to  bo  subject  under  the  conditions  afore¬ 
said,  to  the  orders  of  the  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  army  of  the  United  States. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  great  seal  of 
the  State  of  Maryland,  at  the  city  Frederick, 
this  fourteenth  day  of  May,  eighteen  hundred 
and  sixty-one.  Tnos.  II.  Hicks. 

—N.  Y.  Times,  May  16. 


Doo.  167. 

SECOND  CONNECTICUT  REGIMENT. 

LIST  OF  OFFICERS. 

Colonel,  Daniel  Tyler,  Norwich  ;  Lieut.-Col- 
onel,  George  S.  Burnham,  Hartford;  Major, 
John  L.  Chatfield,  Waterbury ;  Adjutant,  The¬ 
odore  C.  Bacon,  New  Haven ;  Quartermaster, 
Justin  Hodge,  Harkhamsted ;  Surgeon,  C.  P. 
Stearns,  Hartford;  Surgeon’s  Mate,  Frederick 
Dibble,  New  Haven;  Sergeant-Major,  J.  L. 
Spalding,  Norwich;  Quartermaster  Sergeant, 
J.  V.  B7  Williams,  Preston. 

— National  Intelligencer,  May  17. 


Doo.  168. 

BY  THE  QUEEN— A  PROCLAMATION. 
Victoria.  R. 

Whereas,  Wo  are  happily  at  peace  with  all 
Sovereigns,  Powers,  and  States ; 

And  whereas  hostilities  have  unhappily 
commenced  between  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  of  America  and  certain  States 


styling  themselves  “the  Confederate  States  of 
America ;  ” 

And  whereas  we,  being  at  peace  with  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  havo  declared 
our  Royal  determination  to  maintain  a  strict 
and  impartial  neutrality  in  the  contest  between 
the  said  contending  parties ; 

“We,  therefore,  havo  thought  fit,  by  and 
with  the  advice  of  our  Privy  Council,  to  issuo 
this  our  Royal  Proclamation  : 

And  wo  do  hereby  strictly  charge  and  com¬ 
mand  all  our  loving  subjects  to  observe  a  strict 
neutrality  in  and  during  the  aforesaid  hostili¬ 
ties,  and  to  abstain  from  violating  or  contraven¬ 
ing  either  the  laws  and  statutes  of  the  realm 
in  this  belinlf,  or  the  law  of  nations  in  relation 
thereto,  as  they  will  answer  to  the  contrary  at 
their  peril. 

And  whereas ,  in  and  by  a  certain  statute  made 
and  passed  in  the  fifty-ninth  year  of  His  Majesty 
King  George  III.,  entitled  “  an  act  to  prevent 
the  enlisting  or  engagement  of  His  Majesty’s 
subjects  to  serve  in  a  foreign  service,  and  the 
fitting  out  or  equipping,  in  His  Majesty’s  do¬ 
minions,  vessels  for  warlike  purposes,  without 
His  Majesty’s  license,”  it  is,  among  other  things, 
declared  and  enacted  as  follows  : 

“  That  if  any  natural  born  subject  of  His 
Majesty,  his  heirs  and  successors,  without  the 
leave  or  license  of  His  Majesty,  his  heirs  or  suc¬ 
cessors,  for  that  purpose  first  had  and  obtained, 
under  the  sign  manual  of  His  Majesty,  his  heirs 
or  successors,  or  signified  by  Order  in  Council, 
or  by  proclamation  of  His  Majesty,  his  heirs  or 
successors,  shall  take  or  accept,  or  shah  agree 
to  take  or  accept,  any  military  commission,  or 
shall  otherwise  enter  into  the  military  service 
as  a  commissioned  or  non-connnissioned  officer, 
or  shall  enlist  or  enter  himself  to  enlist,  or  shall 
agree  to  enlist  or  to  enter  himself  to  serve  as  a 
soldier,  or  to  be  employed,  or  shall  serve  in  any 
warlike  or  military  operation  in  the  service  of, 
or  for,  or  under,  or  in  aid  of  any  foreign  Prince, 
State,  Potentate,  Colony,  Province,  or  part  of 
any  Province  or  people,  or  of  any  person  or 
persons,  exercising  or  assuming  to  exercise  tlio 
powers  of  government  in  or  over  any  foreign 
country,  colony,  province,  or  part  of  any  prov¬ 
ince  or  people,  either  as  an  officer  or  soldier,  or 
in  any  other  military  capacity  ;  or  if  any  natural 
born  subject  of  His  Majesty  shall,  without  such 
leave  or  license  as  aforesaid,  accept,  or  agreo 
to  take  or  accept,  any  commission,  warrant  or 
appointment,  as  an  officer,  or  shall  enlist  or 
enter  himself,  or  shall  agree  to  enlist  or  enter 
himself,  to  serve  as  a  sailor  or  marine,  or  to  bo 
employed  or  engaged,  or  shall  serve  in  and  on 
board  any  ship  or  vessel  of  war,  or  in  and  on 
board  any  ship  or  vessel  used  or  fitted  out,  or 
equipped,  or  intended  to  be  used  for  any  war¬ 
like  purpose,  in  the  service  of,  or  for,  or  under, 
or  in  aid  of  any  foreign  power,  prince,  State, 
potentate,  colony,  province,  or  part  of  any 
province  or  people,  or  of  any  person  or  persons 
exercising  or  assuming  to  exercise  the  powers 
of  government  in  or  over  any  foreign  country, 


24G 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


colony,  province,  or  part  of  any  provinco  or 
people ;  or,  if  any  natural  born  subject  of  His 
Majesty  shall,  without  such  leave  and  license 
as  aforesaid,  engage,  contract,  or  agree  to  go,  or 
shall  go,  to  any  foreign  State,  country,  colony, 
province,  or  part  of  any  province,  or  to  any 
place  beyond  the  seas,  with  an  intent  or  in  or¬ 
der  to  enlist  or  enter  himself  to  serve,  or  with 
intent  to  serve,  in  any  warliko  or  military  oper¬ 
ation  whatever,  whether  by  land  or  by  sea,  in 
the  service  of,  or  for,  or  under,  or  in  aid  of  any 
foreign  prince,  State,  potentate,  colony,  prov¬ 
ince,  or  part  of  any  province  or  people,  or  in 
the  service  of,  or  for,  or  under,  or  in  aid  of  any 
person  or  persons  exercising  or  assuming  to 
exercise  the  powers  of  government  in  or  over 
any  foreign  country,  colony,  province,  or  part 
of  any  province,  or  people,  either  as  an  officer 
or  a  soldier,  or  in  any  other  military  capacity, 
or  an  officer  or  sailor,  or  marine  in  any  such 
ship  or  vessel  as  aforesaid,  although  no  enlisting 
money,  or  pay,  or  reward  shall  have  been  or  shall 
be  in  any  or  either  of  the  cases  aforesaid  actually 
paid  to  or  received  by  him,  or  by  any  person 
to  or  for  his  use  or  benefit ;  or  if  any  person 
whatever,  within  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  or  any  part  of  Ilis  Majesty’s 
dominions  elsewhere,  or  in  any  country,  colony, 
settlement,  island  or  place  belonging  to  or  sub¬ 
ject  to  His  Majesty,  shall  hire,  retain,  engage, 
or  procure,  or  shall  attempt  or  endeavor  to  hire, 
retain,  engage,  or  procure  any  person  or  per¬ 
sons  whatever  to  enlist,  or  enter,  or  engage  to 
enlist,  or  to  serve  or  to  be  employed  in  any 
such  service  or  employment  as  aforesaid,  as  an 
officer,  soldier,  sailor  or  marine,  either  in  land 
or  sea  service,  for  or  under  or  in  aid  of  any  for¬ 
eign  prince,  State,  potentate,  colony,  province', 
or  part  of  any  provinco  or  people,  or  for,  or 
under,  or  in  aid  of  any  person  or  persons  exer¬ 
cising  or  assuming  to  exercise  any  powers  of 
government  as  aforesaid,  or  to  go  or  to  agree 
to  go  or  embark  from  any  part  of  Ilis  Majesty’s 
dominions,  for  the  purpose  or  with  intent  to  be 
enlisted,  entered,  engaged  or  employed  as  afore¬ 
said,  whether  any  enlisting  money,  pay  or  re¬ 
ward  shall  have  been  or  shall  be  actually  given 
or  received,  or  not ;  in  any  or  either  of  such 
cases  every  person  so  offending  shall  be  deemed 
guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and  upon  being  con¬ 
victed  thereof,  upon  any  information  or  indict¬ 
ment,  shall  be  punishable  by  fine  and  imprison¬ 
ment,  or  either  of  them,  at  the  discretion  of 
the  Court  before  which  such  offender  shall  be 
convicted.” 

And  it  is  in  and  by  the  said  act  further 
enacted : 

“That  if  any  person,  within  any  part  of  the 
United  Kingdom  or  in  any  part  of  His  Majesty’s 
dominions  beyond  the  seas,  shall  without  the 
leave  and  license  of  His  Majesty,  for  that  pur¬ 
pose  first  had  and  obtained  as  aforesaid,  equip, 
furnish,  fit  out,  or  arm,  or  attempt  or  endeavor 
to  equip,  furnish,  fit  out,  or  arm,  or  procure  to 
be  equipped,  furnished,  fitted  out,  or  armed,  or 
shall  knowingly  aid,  assist,  or  be  concerned  in 


the  equipping,  furnishing,  fitting  out,  or  arming 
of  any  ship  or  vessel,  with  intent  or  in  order 
that  such  ship  or  vessel  shall  be  employed  in 
the  service  of  any  foreign  prince,  State,  or  po¬ 
tentate,  or  of  any  foreign  colony,  province,  or 
part  of  any  province  or  people,  or  of  any  person 
or  persons,  exercising  or  assuming  to  exercise 
any  powers  of  government  in  or  over  any  for¬ 
eign  State,  colony,  province,  or  part  of  any 
province  or  people,  as  a  transport  or  store  ship, 
or  with  intent  to  cruise  or  commit  hostilities 
against  any  prince,  State,  or  potentate,  or  against 
the  subjects  or  citizens  of  any  prince,  State,  or 
potentate,  or  against  the  persons  exercising  or 
assuming  to  exercise  the  powers  of  government 
in  any  colony,  province,  or  part  of  any  prov¬ 
ince  or  country,  or  against  the  inhabitants  of 
any  foreign  colony,  province,  or  part  of  any 
province  or  country,  with  whom  His  Majesty 
shall  not  then  be  at  war ;  or  shall,  within  the 
United  Kingdom,  or  any  of  His  Majesty’s  do¬ 
minions,  or  in  any  settlement,  colony,  territory, 
island,  or  place  belonging  or  subject  to  His  Maj¬ 
esty,  issue  or  deliver  any  commission  for  any 
ship  or  vessel  to  the  intent  that  such  ship  or 
vessel  shall  be  employed  as  aforesaid,  every 
such  person  so  offending  shall  be  deemed  guilty 
of  a  misdemeanor,  and  shall  upon  conviction 
thereof,  upon  any  information  or  indictment, 
be  punished  by  fine  and  imprisonment,  or  either 
of  them,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Court  in  which 
such  offender  shall  be  convicted ;  and  every 
such  ship  or  vessel,  with  the  tackle,  apparel, 
and  furniture,  together  with  all  the  materials, 
arms,  ammunition  and  stores  which  may  be¬ 
long  to  or  be  on  board  of  any  such  ship  or  vessel, 
shall  be  forfeited ;  and  it  shall  be  lawful  for 
any  officer  of  His  Majesty’s  Customs  or  Excise, 
or  any  officer  of  His  Majesty’s  navy,  who  is  by 
law  empowered  to  make  seizures,  for  any  for¬ 
feiture  incurred  under  any  of  the  laws  of  Cus¬ 
toms  or  Excise,  or  the  laws  of  trade  and  navi¬ 
gation,  to  seize  such  ships  and  vessels  aforesaid, 
and  in  such  places  and  in  such  manner  in  which 
the  officers  of  His  Majesty’s  Customs  or  Excise 
and  the  officers  of  His  Majesty’s  navy  are  em¬ 
powered  respectively  to  make  seizures  under 
the  laws  of  Customs  and  Excise,  or  under  the 
laws  of  trade  and  navigation ;  and  that  every 
ship,  and  vessel,  with  the  tackle,  apparel,  anil 
furniture,  together  with  all  the  materials,  arms, 
ammunition,  and  stores  which  may  belong  to  or 
be  on  board  of  such  ship  or  vessel,  may  be  pros¬ 
ecuted  and  condemned  in  the  like  manner,  and 
in  such  courts  as  ships  or  vessels  may  be  pros¬ 
ecuted  and  condemned  for  any  breach  of  the 
laws  made  for  the  protection  of  the  revenues 
of  Customs  and  Excise,  or  of  the  laws  of  trade 
and  navigation.” 

And  it  is  in  and  by  tho  said  act  further 
enacted  : 

“  That  if  any  person  in  any  part  of  tho  United 
Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  or  in 
any  part  of  Ilis  Majesty’s  dominions  beyond  tho 
seas,  without  leavo  and  license  of  His  Majesty, 
for  that  purposo  first  had  and  obtained  as  afore- 


DOCUMENTS. 


247 


said,  shall,  hy  adding  to  the  number  of  the  guns 
of  sucli  vessel,  or  by  changing  those  on  board 
for  other  guns,  or  by  the  addition  of  any  equip¬ 
ment  for  war,  increase  or  augment,  or  procure 
to  be  increased  or  augmented,  or  shall  be  know¬ 
ingly  concerned  in  increasing  or  augmenting 
the  warlike  force  of  any  ship  or  vessel  of  war 
or  cruiser,  or  other  armed  vessel,  which  at  tho 
time  of  her  arrival  in  any  part  of  the  United 
Kingdom,  or  any  of  Uis  Majesty’s  dominions, 
was  a  ship  of  war,  cruiser,  or  armed  vessel  in 
the  service  of  any  foreign  prince,  State,  or  po¬ 
tentate,  or  of  any  person  or  persons  exercising 
or  assuming  to  exercise  any  powers  of  govern¬ 
ment  in  or  over  any  colony,  province,  or  part 
of  any  province  or  people  belonging  to  the  sub¬ 
jects  of  any  such  prince,  State,  or  potentate, 
or  to  tho  inhabitants  of  any  colony,  province,  or 
part  of  any  province  or  country  under  tho  con¬ 
trol  of  any  person  or  persons  so  exercising  or 
assuming  to  exercise  the  powers  of  government, 
every  such  person  so  offending  shall  bo  deemed 
guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and  shall,  upon  being 
convicted  thereof,  upon  any  information  or  in¬ 
dictment,  be  punished  by  fine  and  imprison¬ 
ment,  or  either  of  them,  at  the  discretion  of  tho 
Court  before  which  such  offender  shall  be  con¬ 
victed.” 

Mow,  in  order  that  none  of  our  subjects  may 
unwarily  render  thomselves  liable  to  the  penal¬ 
ties  imposed  by  the  said  statute,  we  do  hereby 
strictly  command,  that  no  person  or  persons 
whatsoever  do  commit  any  act,  matter  or  thing 
whatsoever,  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  the 
said  statute,  upon  pain  of  the  several  penalties 
by  the  said  statute  imposed,  and  of  our  high 
displeasure. 

And  we  do  hereby  further  warn  all  our  lov¬ 
ing  subjects,  and  all  persons  whatsoever  entitled 
to  our  protection,  that  if  any  of  them  shall  pre¬ 
sume,  in  contempt  of  this  Royal  Proclamation, 
and  of  our  high  displeasure,  to  do  any  acts  in 
derogation  of  their  duty  as  subjects  of  a  neutral 
sovereign,  in  the  said  contest,  or  in  violation  or 
contravention  of  the  law  of  nations  in  that  be¬ 
half — as,  for  example  and  more  especially,  by 
entering  into  the  military  service  of  either  of 
the  said  contending  parties  as  commissioned  or 
non-commissioned  officers  or  soldiers ;  or  by 
serving  as  officers,  sailors,  or  marines  on  board 
any  ship  or  vessel  of  war  or  transport  of  or  in 
the  service  of  either  of  the  said  contending  par¬ 
ties  ;  or  by  serving  as  officers,  sailors,  or  marines 
on  board  any  privateer  bearing  letters  of  marque 
of  or  from  either  of  the  said  contending  parties ; 
or  by  engaging  to  go  or  going  to  any  place  be¬ 
yond  the  seas  with  intent  to  enlist  or  engage 
in  any  such  service,  or  by  procuring  or  attempt¬ 
ing  to  procure  within  Her  Majesty’s  dominions, 
at  home  or  abroad,  others  to  do  so ;  or  by  fit¬ 
ting  out,  arming  or  equipping  any  ship  or  vessel 
to  be  employed  as  a  ship-of-war,  or  privateer, 
or  transport,  by  either  of  the  said  contending 
parties ;  or  by  breaking,  or  endeavoring  to 
break,  any  blockade  lawfully  and  actually  es¬ 
tablished  by  or  on  behalf  of  either  of  the  said 


contending  parties ;  or  by  carrying  officers, 
soldiers,  despatches,  arms,  military  stores  or 
materials,  or  any  article  or  articles  considered 
and  deemed  to  be  contraband  of  war  according 
to  the  law  of  modern  usage  of  nations,  for  tho 
use  or  service  of  either  of  tho  said  contending 
parties,  all  persons  so  offending  will  incur  and 
be  liable  to  the  several  penalties  and  penal  con¬ 
sequences  by  tho  said  statute,  or  by  the  law  of 
nations,  in  that  behalf  imposed  or  denounced. 

And  we  do  hereby  declare  that  all  our  sub¬ 
jects  and  persons  entitled  to  our  protection 
who  may  misconduct  themselves  in  tho  prem¬ 
ises  will  do  so  at  their  peril  and  of  their  own 
wrong,  and  that  they  will  in  nowise  obtain  any 
protection  from  us  against  any  liability  or  penal 
consequences,  but  will,  on  the  contrary,  incur 
our  high  displeasure  by  such  misconduct. 

Given  at  our  Court  at  the  White  Lodge,  Rich¬ 
mond  Park,  this  18th  day  of  May,  in  tho 
year  of  our  Lord  1861,  and  in  tho  24th 
year  of  our  reign. 

GOD  save  tho  QTJEEM. 

— London  Gazette ,  May  14. 

DISCUSSION  IN  TnE  IIOUSE  OF  LOIIDS. 

In  the  House  of  Lords,  on  the  16tli  ult.,  the 
Earl  of  Ellenborough  said  he  wished  to  put  a 
question  to  his  noble  friend  the  Lord  President, 
on  the  subject  of  Her  Majesty’s  recent  procla¬ 
mation.  It  seemed  to  him  to  be  of  essential 
importance  that  the  proclamation  which  in¬ 
structed  Her  Majesty’s  subjects  how  they  were  to 
conduct  themselves  with  regard  to  the  unfortu¬ 
nate  war  which  now  existed  in  America,  should 
bo  so  clear  and  unambiguous,  that  it  should 
not  be  necessary  for  a  man  to  consult  his  lawyer 
how  it  should  be  interpreted,  or  if  he  did  con¬ 
sult  his  lawyer,  that  the  lawyer  should  have  the 
means  of  giving  a  clear  answer,  which  as  things 
now  stood,  he  did  not  think  he  had.  As  to  tho 
law  of  England,  the  proclamation  was  clear 
enough,  but  it  was  different  with  regard  to 
that  part  which  treated  of  the  law  of  nations. 
A  great  deal  of  doubt  existed  as  to  tho  mean¬ 
ing  of  the  proclamation  on  that  point.  Her 
Majesty’s  subjects  were  “warned  not  to  break 
or  endeavor  to  break  any  blockade  lawfully  and 
actually  established  by  either  of  the  belligerent 
parties.”  Mow,  he  wanted  to  know  in  what 
sense  they  were  to  understand  the  expression, 
lawfully  and  actually  established.  They  were 
at  present  under  an  obligation  to  adhere  to  tho 
Maritime  law  agreed  to  by  the  Plenipotentia¬ 
ries  at  tho  Congress  of  Paris,  which  declared 
that,  “  in  order  to  bo  binding,  a  blockade  must 
be  an  effectual  blockade” — that  was  to  say, 
that  it  should  bo  maintained  by  a  force  sufficient 
to  prevent  access  to  the  enemy’s  coasts.  If 
these  words  were  to  be  understood  in  their 
strict  literal  signification,  a  blockade  was  a  thing 
almost  physically  impossible,  because  no  nation 
in  the  world  possessed  a  fleet  large  enough  for 
this  purpose.  It  must,  therefore,  be  capable  of 
receiving  some  explanation.  Blockades  were 
carried  on  by  ships  at  sea,  and  by  ships  under 


248 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


sail,  because  no  ships  could  carry  coal  enough 
to  keep  up  a  constant  blockade  by  steam.  Dur¬ 
ing  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  he  recollected, 
when  their  ships  were  blockading  Toulon,  they 
were  on  one  occasion  driven  by  storm  across 
the  Mediterranean  to  the  coasts  of  Africa.  Such 
an  event  might  occur  again,  and,  according  to 
the  strict  literal  meaning  of  the  words,  if  it  did, 
it  would  not  be  an  effective  blockade.  There¬ 
fore,  the  words  must  be  susceptible  of  some  ex¬ 
planation,  and  he  thought  they  must  be  under¬ 
stood  with  that  qualification  which  commanded 
all  the  operations  of  man  at  sea — namely,  wind 
and  weather.  If  the  words  were  to  be  taken 
with  that  qualification,  then  he  thought  it  was 
to  be  regretted  that  Her  Majesty’s  Government, 
instead  of  adopting  words  totally  new,  had 
not  adopted  the  usual  form,  namely,  “  lawfully 
established  and  effectually  maintained,”  because 
a  blockade  was  not  lawful  unless  it  Avas  effec¬ 
tual.  He  wished  to  know  in  Avhat  sense  they 
were  to  understand  the  words  used  in  the  proc¬ 
lamation.  Did  they  intend  to  convey  the  ex¬ 
act  meaning  of  the  words  used  in  the  Treaty 
of  Paris,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  did  they  intend 
to  qualify  it?  As  to  the  second  question,  he 
could  not  help  regretting  that  there  Avas  so 
much  vagueness  in  the  expression,  “  contraband 
of  war  according  to  the  law  and  modern  usage 
of  nations.”  How  were  plain  men  to  find  out 
what  Avas  considered  contraband  of  Avar  by  the 
law  and  modern  usage  of  nations?  They  must 
look  to  all  the  recent  decisions  of  the  Courts 
of  Admiralty,  not  only  in  this,  but  in  foreign 
countries,  and  it  Avas  probable  that  those  deci¬ 
sions  Avould  be  found  conflicting.  He  Avished  to 
knoAV  what  Avere  the  further  articles  not  men¬ 
tioned,  to  Avhich  the  proclamation  applied,  and 
which  Her  Majesty’s  subjects  Avere  cautioned 
not  to  convey.  He  apprehended  that  the  arti¬ 
cles  contraband  of  war  Avere  constantly  chang¬ 
ing,  and  folloAved  all  the  alterations  made  in  the 
mode  of  conducting  Avar.  The  time  Avas  when 
the  armor  alone  would  have  been  considered 
contraband  of  war.  But  he  thought  he  had 
read  in  books  of  law  that  all  these  changes 
Avere  controlled  by  one  principle,  which  was 
that  contraband  of  tear  was  that  which ,  in  the 
possession  of  an  enemy ,  icould  enable  him  the 
better  to  carry  on  the  war.  That  was  clear, 
reasonable,  and  intelligible  to  every  one.  Ho 
regretted  that  Her  Majesty’s  Government  did 
not  go  back  to  that  principle  Avliich  all  could 
understand,  instead  of  using  new  Avords ;  ho 
therefore  wished  to  knoAV  what  Avere  the  arti¬ 
cles  not  mentioned  to  Avhicli  the  proclamation 
referred. 

Earl  Granville  said  the  questions  put  by  the 
noble  Earl  Avere  very  important  and  very  diffi¬ 
cult  to  answer.  At  the  same  time  it  was  his 
duty  to  give  the  noble  Earl  all  the  information 
in  his  power.  If,  hoAvever,  he  fell  into  any  mis¬ 
take  on  the  subject,  he  should  feel  grateful  to 
any  noble  and  learned  lord  on  either  side  of 
the  house  to  correct  him.  With  regard  to  the 
first  question  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  words 


“  lawful  and  actual  blockade,”  ho  thought  the 
noble  Earl  somewhat  embarrassed  the  question 
by  referring  to  the  Declaration  of  the  Congress 
of  Paris.  He  apprehended  that  no  change  had 
been  made  by  that  Declaration  as  regarded 
those  countries  who  were  not  parties  to  that 
agreement.  The  question  of  international  law 
remained  the  same  as  previously,  except  with 
regard  to  paper  blockades,  which  were  formerly 
held  to  be  good.  There  teas  no  doubt  that 
blockade  was  lawfully  and  actually  established , 
if  maintained  in  a  proper  form  and  manner , 
and  by  such  a  force  as  to  make  it,  not  impos¬ 
sible ,  but  difficult ,  for  vessels  to  enter  or  come  out. 
It  Avas  more  difficult  to  give  an  answer  to  the 
second  question  put  by  the  noble  Earl.  But 
the  Government  pursued  the  same  course  on 
the  present  occasion  as  had  formerly  been  pur¬ 
sued.  The  noble  Earl  had  partially  answered 
his  own  question,  because  he  had  admitted  that 
the  meaning  of  contraband  of  war  must  vary 
with  the  changes  in  the  mode  of  conducting 
Avar.  Certain  articles  were  clearly  contraband 
of  Avar,  and  the  character  of  others  could  only 
be  determined  by  the  decision  of  the  prize 
courts.  Her  Majesty’s  Government,  therefore, 
had  pursued  a  Avise  course,  in  his  opinion,  in 
not  specifying  what  was  contraband  of  war. 
[Hear,  hear.] 

The  Earl  of  Derby  said  the  answer  of  tho 
noble  Earl  Avas  entirely  satisfactory.  Ho  did 
not  feel  inclined  to  complain  of  the  terms  of  tho 
proclamation  as  being  vague  and  uncertain.  It 
Avas  impossible  to  introduce  such  a  definition  of 
a  blockade,  or  of  contraband  of  Avar,  as  his  no¬ 
ble  friend  seemed  to  Avish  should  ho  laid  down. 
Nor  did  he  complain  of  the  proclamation  as 
going  beyond  the  necessity  of  tho  case — he 
meant  as  to  the  warning  given  to  all  British 
subjects  with  regard  to  their  taking  part  in 
privateering  expeditions.  Tho  proclamation 
Avisely  and  properly  informed  the  subjects  of 
Her  Majesty  that  Avhatever  might  be  the  result, 
if  they  engaged  in  these  expeditions  they  would 
have  no  right  to  claim  the  protection  of  this 
country  in  case  of  any  penal  consequences  aris¬ 
ing  from  their  oAvn  act.  He  did  not  complain 
of  that  extensive  and  solemn  warning  being 
gHen.  But  there  were  tAvo  points  upon  which 
it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  Her  Majesty’s 
Government  should  lose  no  time  in  coming  to 
a  thorough  understanding  with  the  Government 
of  tho  I'nited  States.  First,  Avith  regard  to 
this  blockade,  the  Northern  States  have  given 
notice  of  their  intention  to  blockade  the  whole 
of  the  Southern  ports.  Now  they  knew  that 
even  if  the  fleet  of  the  United  States  was  three 
times  as  numerous  as  it  was,  it  Avas  not  in  their 
poAver  to  effectually  blockade  tho  Avhole  coast 
of  tho  Southern  States;  and  though,  no  doubt, 
they  might  effectually  blockade  a  port  here  and 
there,  it  Avas  important  that  Her  Majesty’s  Gov¬ 
ernment  should  not  commit  themselves  to  the 
doctrine  that  the  United  States  Avere  to  lay 
doAvn  the  principle  of  a  universal  blockade,  or 
that  that  universal  blockado  Avould  bo  recog- 


DOCUMENTS. 


249 


nized  by  Her  Majesty,  or  that  all  Her  Majesty’s 
subjects  would  be  liable  to  penalties.  Her  Maj¬ 
esty’s  Government  should  make  it  clearly  under¬ 
stood  that  a  mere  paper  blockade,  alleged  to 
extend  over  a  wide  extent  of  coast  which  it 
was  impossible  to  blockade,  would  not  bo  re¬ 
cognized  as  valid  by  the  British  Government. 
But  there  was  another  more  important  point. 
Words  had  been  used  by  his  noble  and  learned 
friend  on  a  previous  occasion,  which,  coming 
from  such  high  authority,  might  give  rise  to 
serious  consequences  if  misconstructed.  His 
noble  and  learned  friend  said  that  by  the  law 
of  nations  privateering  was  piracy,  and  if  that 
were  so,  the  Northern  States  would  be  justi¬ 
fied  in  carrying  out  the  theory  and  treating 
privateering  as  piracy.  He  apprehended,  that 
if  any  thing  was  clearer  than  another ,  it  was 
that privateering  was  not piracy ,  and  that  no  law 
could  make  that  piracy ,  as  regarded  the  subjects 
of  one  nation ,  which  teas  not  piracy  by  the  law  of 
nations.  (Hear,  hear.)  Consequently  the  United 
States  must  not  be  allowed  to  entertain  this  doc¬ 
trine,  and  to  call  upon  Her  Majesty's  Govern¬ 
ment  not  to  interfere.  They  must  not  strain 
the  law  so  as  to  visit  with  penalty  of  death,  as 
for  piracy,  persons  entitled  to  Her  Majesty’s 
protection.  That  was  a  question  which  could 
not  be  viewed  with  indifference,  but  must  be 
seriously  considered  by  the  Government.  It  is 
quite  right  that  the  people  of  this  country 
should  be  warned  of  the  peril ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  it  was  essential  that  the  United 
States  should  not  be  induced  to  deny  the  gene¬ 
ral  interpretation  of  international  law,  and  to 
inflict  a  punishment  on  privateering  which  was 
never  inflicted  by  that  law.  He  knew  it  was 
said  that  the  United  States  treated  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  of  the  South  as  mere  rebels,  and 
that  as  rebels  these  expeditions  were  liable  to 
all  the  penalties  of  high  treason.  That  was 
not  the  doctrine  of  this  country,  because  we 
have  declared  that  they  are  entitled  to  all  the 
rights  of  belligerents.  The  Northern  States 
could  not  claim  the  rights  of  belligerents  for 
themselves,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  deal  with 
other  parties  not  as  belligerents,  but  as  rebels. 
These  were  the  two  points  on  which  it  was 
most  desirable  that  no  misunderstanding  should 
exist  between  the  Government  of  Her  Majesty 
and  the  United  States — that  we  would  not  re¬ 
cognize  any  thing  but  a  clear  and  effectual 
blockade  actually  enforced,  and  that  we  would 
not  recognize  the  doctrine  that  any  declaration 
or  law  of  the  United  States  against  the  South¬ 
ern  States  should  have  the  power,  as  regarded 
others,  of  constituting  privateering  piracy,  and 
visiting  it  with  all  the  penalties  attached  to 
piracy.  (Hear,  hear.) 

Lord  Brougham  said  it  was  clear  that  pri¬ 
vateering  was  not  piracy  by  the  law  of  nations, 
however  much  it  might  be  lamented  that  it  was 
not  so.  But  if  any  person  or  subject,  of  this 
country  entered  into  an  expedition  against  an¬ 
other  country,  with  which  wo  were  at  peace, 
that  was  of  itself  a  piratical  act,  and  they  had 


themselves  to  blame  who,  after  full  warning, 
chose  to  take  that  course,  and  could  not  ex¬ 
pect  their  Government  to  interpose  to  save 
them  from  the  extreme  penalties  attached  to 
that  course.  As  had  been  said  in  the  previous 
discussion  upon  this  subject,  their  blood  would 
be  upon  their  own  heads.  171111  regard  to  ar¬ 
ticles  contraband  of  war,  it  would  have  been 
much  better  if  the  Government  could  have  in¬ 
troduced  some  invariable,  certain,  and  definite 
descriptions,  but  with  the  progress  in  naval 
science  things  become  contraband  of  war  which 
were  not  so  before,  and  it  was  impossible, 
therefore,  to  lay  down  any  fixed  or  invariable 
terms.  He  entirely  agreed  with  his  noble 
friend  in  holding  that  it  was  not  necessary  to 
constitute  a  blockade  that  every  port  of  the 
coast  should  be  so  blockaded  as  to  make  en¬ 
trance  impossible,  but  it  was  enough  that  it 
should  be  made  such  as  to  afford  a  reasonable 
chance  that  no  entrance  could  be  effected. 

Lord  Chelmsford  thought  it  might  be  as  well 
to  bring  his  noble  and  learned  friend’s  opinion 
to  a  test.  The  Southern  Confederation  was 
admitted  by  the  Government  of  this  country  to 
be  a  belligerent  Power.  Now,  he  wanted  to 
know  whether  his  noble  and  learned  friend 
meant  to  say  that  if  an  Englishman  was  com¬ 
missioned  by  the  Southern  Confederation— it 
being  recognized  as  a  belligerent  Power — to  fit 
out  a  privateer  against  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment,  that  that  person,  under  those  circum¬ 
stances,  would  bo  guilty  of  piracy.  That  he 
ought  to  be,  was  the  opinion  of  many  judges. 
[The  Lord  Chancellor  :  “Ho,  Ho.”]  Well,  it  was 
the  opinion  of  many.  Now,  undoubtedly  those 
persons  would  be  answerable  to  their  own 
Government  for  an  infraction  of  the  Foreign 
Enlistment  Act;  but  it  was  clear,  upon  the 
question  of  international  law,  that  they  would 
not  be  liable  to  be  treated  as  pirates.  Tho 
warning  given  by  the  proclamation  was  very 
useful  and  most  necessary ;  and  if.  persons 
would  engage  in  expeditions  of  this  kind  after 
the  notice  that  the  Government  would  not  in¬ 
terfere,  they  must  take  the  consequences  they 
had  drawn  upon  themselves.  If  the  Southern 
Confederacy  had  not  been  recognized  as  a  bel¬ 
ligerent  Power,  he  agreed  with  his  noble  and 
learned  friend,  that,  under  those  circumstances, 
if  any  Englishman  were  to  fit  out  a  privateer 
for  the  purpose  of  assisting  the  Southern  States 
against  the  Northern  States,  he  would  be  guilty 
of  piracy.  (Hear,  hear.)  And  the  question 
arose,  after  the  abdication  of  James  II.,  when 
lie  commissioned  persons  to  fit  out  enterprises 
against  the  commerce  of  this  country.  Tho 
question  arose  after  James  II.  had  been  ex¬ 
pelled  from  Ireland,  and  when  ho  had  not  a 
foot  of  territory  there,  and  when,  therefore,  ho 
was  merely  claiming  tho  right  dc  jure.  Now 
the  question  came  before  the  Lords  of  tho 
Privy  Council,  and  they  desired  to  have  the 
opinions  of  learned  civilians,  and  a  report  was 
given  in  a  very  grave  and  curious  way  by  Dr. 
Tindal,  who  was  one  of  the  counsel.  Sir 


250 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Thomas  Pinfold  had  asserted  that  those  per¬ 
sons  were  not  pirates,  and  for  a  very  strange 
reason — he  said  ho  argued  against  this  being 
piracy,  as  it  was  impossible  they  could  be  pi¬ 
rates,  for  a  pirate  was  hosiis  Tiumani  generis — 
but  they  were  not  enemies  to  all  mankind,  and 
therefore  they  were  not  pirates.  (Laughter.) 
Whereupon,  the  report  said,  “  all  smiled.” 
(Renewed  laughter.)  And  ho  was  asked  if 
there  was  any  such  thing  as  piracy,  if  to  be  a 
pirate  a  man  must  be  at  war  with  all  mankind  ? 
To  which,  as  was  natural,  Sir  Thomas  made  no 
reply,  but  only  repeated  what  he  had  laid 
down  before.  (Laughter)  Upon  which  one 
of  the  Lords  of  the  Privy  Council  pressed  the 
learned  civilian  with  another  question.  He 
said :  “  Supposing  any  of  His  Majesty’s  subjects, 
by  virtue  of  a  commission  of  the  late  King, 
should  by  force  seize  the  goods  of  their  fellow- 
subjects  by  land — whether  that  would  excuse 
them  from  being  guilty  at  least  of  robbery ;  and 
if  it  would  not  of  robbery,  why  should  it  more 
excuse  them  of  piracy  ?  ”  To  which  he  made 
no  reply.  How  it  was  perfectly  clear,  under 
these  circumstances,  that  those  parties  would 
be  guilty  of  piracy,  but  he  thought  it  was 
equally  clear  that  in  the  case  assumed  by  his 
noble  and  learned  friend  they  would  not  be 
guilty  of  piracy.  That  was  a  matter  that  ought 
to  be  clearly  understood,  and  as  his  noble  and 
learned  friend  had,  he  thought,  left  it  in  some 
uncertainty,  he  had  taken  the  liberty  of  tres¬ 
passing  upon  their  lordships’  attention — (hear.) 

The  Lord  Chancellor  said  his  noble  friend, 
the  President  of  the  Council,  had  laid  down 
the  law  upon  this  subject  in  a  perfectly  correct 
manner.  There  was  no  doubt  that  if  an  Eng¬ 
lishman  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  Southern 
States,  he  violated  the  laws  of  the  country  and 
rendered  himself  liable  to  punishment,  and  that 
he  had  no  right  to  trust  to  the  protection  of  his 
native  country  to  shield  him  from  the  conse¬ 
quences  of  his  act.  But  though  that  individual 
would  he  guilty  of  a  breach  of  the  laic  of  his 
oicn  country ,  he  could  not  he  treated  as  a  pi¬ 
rate,  and  those  who  treated  him  as  a  pirate 
would  he  guilty  of  murder.  (Hear,  hear.) 

Lord  Kingsdown  said,  as  to  the  state  of  the 
law  there  could  he  no  doubt  a  privateer  acting 
under  a  Government  was  not  a  pirate.  No 
doubt  the  United  States  did  not  put  the  ex¬ 
travagant  proclamation  they  had  issued  upon 
the  ground  that  privateers  were  pirates,  because 
they  themselves  insisted  upon  the  right  of  pri¬ 
vateering.  But  they  put  it  upon  this  ground, 
that  they  were  dealing  with  rebels,  and  that 
they  would  hang  them  not,  properly  speaking, 
as  pirates,  but  as  persons  who  were  guilty  of 
high  treason  against  the  State  to  which  they 
were  subject.  (Hear,  hear.)  Of  course  it  was 
a  matter  for  their  own  consideration  what  was 
to  bo  the  operation  of  that  proclamation.  He 
believed  that  the  enforcement  of  that  doctrine 
would  bo  an  act  of  barbarity  which  would  pro¬ 
duce  an  outcry  throughout  the  civilized  world, 
but  ho  hoped  that  it  was  a  mere  hrutum  ful- 


men,  and  not  intended  to  be  carried  out.  But 
that  being  the  case  with  regard  to  their  own 
country,  the  case  with  regard  to  England  was 
quite  different.  We  had  recognized  the  South¬ 
ern  Confederacy,  not  as  an  independent  State, 
but  as  a  belligerent  Power ;  and  therefore,  if 
the  Federal  Government  should  act  upon  the 
principle  they  had  laid  down  as  against  British 
subjects ,  he  apprehended  that  this  Government 
might  with  perfect  justice  interfere ,  and  under 
some  circumstances  they  might,  by  the  influ¬ 
ence  of  public  opinion,  he  compelled  to  inter¬ 
fere.  (Hear,  hear.).  Yet,  at  the  same  time, 
the  offender  could  not  as  a  right,  having  acted 
in  violation  of  the  feeling  of  his  own  country, 
and  therefore  of  his  own  Government,  call  up¬ 
on  his  Government  to  interfere.  That,  he  ap¬ 
prehended,  was  the  state  of  the  case,  and  lie 
must  say  he  thought  it  impossible  that  the 
Government  could  have  framed  the  proclama¬ 
tion  more  prudently  than  they  had  done  with 
respect  to  articles  contraband  of  war.  For  in¬ 
stance,  provisions  might  becomo  contraband  of 
war,  if  sent  to  a  port  where  there  was  an  army 
of  a  State  at  war,  and  that  army  was  in  great 
want  of  provisions.  Again,  coals  sent  to  a 
country  at  war,  if  sent  for  manufacturing  pur¬ 
poses,  were  not  contraband  of  war ;  but  they 
would  become  so  if  sent  where  there  were  war 
steamers,  and  for  the  purpose  of  supplying 
those  war  steamers.  It  was,  therefore,  quite 
impossible  to  frame  a  proclamation  under  which 
there  would  bo  no  difficulty  of  definition. 
With  respect  to  the  matter  of  blockade,  the 
practice  had  been  very  much  modified  and  al¬ 
tered  by  the  introduction  of  steam,  as  one 
steamship  would  take  the  ground  of  a  number 
of  sailing  vessels ;  but  it  had  been  held  that  a 
blockade  could  not  be  constituted  by  drawing  a 
line  which  would  prevent  vessels  from  going  to 
particular  ports  to  which  they  had  a  right  to  go. 

Lord  Brougham  hoped  and  trusted  that  all 
persons  -would  take  notice  of  the  warning  given 
in  the  proclamation  that  British  subjects  serv¬ 
ing  in  the  American  war  must  run  the  risk  of 
whatever  penalty  they  might  bo  liable  to, 
whether  they  served  on  the  ono  side  or  tlio 
other,  at  sea  or  on  land.  A  case  had  occurred 
about  thirty  years  ago ,  where  tico  British  sub¬ 
jects  iccre  tried  and  hanged  for  piratical  inter¬ 
ference  on  land,  and  no  step  was  taken  to  save 
their  lives  or  avenge  their  death. 

The  Earl  of  Ellenborough  said  the  object  of 
the  proclamation  was  certainly  to  deter  Eng¬ 
lishmen  from  engaging  on  either  side  in  war  in 
America,  and  they  were  told  that  if  they  acted 
in  this  respect  against  the  law  of  their  country 
and  against  the  law  of  nations,  they  must  not 
expect  any  protection  from  the  British  Govern¬ 
ment.  But  he  very  much  feared  that  a  great 
deal  that  had  passed  that  night  would  tend 
much  to  diminish  the  effect  of  the  proclama¬ 
tion.  He  only  hoped  that  it  would  not  do  so, 
because  he  was  quite  sure  that  long  before  di¬ 
plomacy  could  interfere  in  tho  matter,  the  of¬ 
fender  would  be  hanged. 


DOCUMENTS. 


251 


THE  TKESS  ON  TIIE  DEBATE. 

The  answer  that  can  bo  given  to  Lord  Ellen- 
borough  is,  that  a  blockade  must  be,  on  the 
one  hand,  a  great  deal  more  than  a  mere  paper 
prohibition.  A  hen  may  be  induced  to  believe 
that  a  broad  chalk  line  forms  a  barrier  which 
she  cannot  pass,  but  mankind  have  a  right  to 
require  that  before  their  natural  liberty  be 
taken  from  them,  something  more  substantial 
shall  be  interposed  between  them  and  the  port 
they  desiro  to  enter.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
would  be  absurd  to  say  that  a  blockade  shall  not 
be  respected  unless  it  be  completely  effective. 
Such  a  rule  wmuld  be  to  invite  a  perpetual 
breaking  of  blockades,  since  the  very  fact  of  a 
successful  evasion  would  prove  conclusively, 
according  to  the  definition,  that  it  was  no 
blockade  at  all,  on  the  same  principle  that  trea¬ 
son  never  prospers,  because  rebellion,  when 
triumphant,  ceases  to  be  treason. 

Still  less  reasonable  was  the  complaint  of 
Lord  Ellenborough,  that  the  proclamation,  did 
not  enable  plain  men  to  find  out  what  articles 
are  contraband  of  war.  Until  some  means  can 
be  devised  of  defining,  not  only  all  that  has 
been,  but  all  that  will  be  invented  by  the  per¬ 
verse  ingenuity  of  man,  acting  upon  a  very  rap¬ 
idly  increasing  development  of  physical  science, 
for  the  systematic  destruction  of  his  fellow- 
creatures,*  it  will  bo  utterly  impossible  to  point 
out  beforehand  what  is  to  be  considered  con¬ 
traband  of  war.  The  most  harmless  materials, 
when  taken  alone— the  ingredients  of  gunpow¬ 
der,  for  instance — when  associated  together, 
may  produce  the  most  deleterious  compounds  ; 
and  things  apparently  quite  unconnected  with 
war — such  as  food  and  fuel,  for  instance — may, 
with  reference  to  the  purpose  with  which  they 
were  shipped,  assume  a  highly  contraband 
character.  War  is  a  great  exploder  of  fiction  ; 
its  conduct  and  its  rules  are  based  upon  the 
very  sternest  of  all  stern  and  practical  realities. 
It  eludes  the  attempt  to  circumscribe,  it  by 
metaphysical  definitions,  and  bases  itself  instead 
upon  the  laws  of  nature  aud  the  possibilities 
open  to  us  by  the  discoveries  of  physical  sci¬ 
ence.  A  topic  far  more  worthy  of  mature  con¬ 
sideration  than  tho  questions  proposed  by  Lord 
Ellenborough,  was  the  doctrine  with  regard  to 
“  privateering  ”  enunciated  by  Lord  Derby.  The 
argument  of  Lord  Derby  seems  to  be  that  the 
North,  by  declaring  a  blockade  of  the  Southern 
ports,  claims  from  neutral  nations  the  respect 
clue  to  its  rights  as  a  belligerent  Power;  and, 
therefore,  that,  whatever  the  North  may  choose 
to  do  with  tho  citizens  of  the  Southern  States 
captured  on  board  the  privateers  fitted  out 
under  letters  of  marque  from  Mr.  Jefferson 
Davis,  the  North  has  no  right  to  treat  the  bel¬ 
ligerent  rights  of  the  South  as  a  nullity  with 
regard  to  tho  subjects  of  countries  from  whom 
it  claims  respect  for  its  own  belligerent  rights. 
The  result  would  bo  that  the  North,  by  declar¬ 
ing  a  blockade  of  tho  Southern  ports,  has  bound 
itself  not  to  execute  as  pirates  tho  subjects  of 


neutral  States  serving  on  board  such  privateers. 
The  argument  is  one  of  great  subtlety  and  re¬ 
finement,  and  seemed  to  receive  confirmation 
from  tho  arguments  of  subsequent  speakers. 
It  is  clear  that  English,  subjects  serving  on 
board  an  American  “privateer”  are  not  pi¬ 
rates,  though,  if  they  choose  so  to  act,  the 
English  Government,  by  the  Proclamation, 
seems  to  avow  its  intention  of  leaving  them  to 
a  pirate’s  fate.  It  may  possibly  deserve  con¬ 
sideration  whether  this  decision  can  be  strictly 
adhered  to.  At  any  rate,  we  cannot  doubt 
that  the  authoritative  declaration  of  the  law 
by  so  many  judges  of  eminent  authority,  will  go 
very  far  to  prevent  tho  danger  apprehended, 
and  may  possibly  be  the  means  of  introducing 
into  tho  very  commencement  of  a  dreadful  civil 
war  thoso  principles  of  humanity  and  modera¬ 
tion,  tho  operation  of. which  might  otherwise  bo 
suspended  until  enforced  and  demonstrated  by 
the  barbarous  logic  of  reprisals. 

— London  Times. 

The  uniform  tenor  of  intelligence  from  the 
United  States  cannot  be  expected  to  please  the 
secret  sympathizers  with  the  Secessionists,  or 
the  still  more  numerous  class  among  us  who, 
dwelling  rather  upon  differences  between  the 
forms  of  administrative  Government  in  Eng¬ 
land  and  America  than  upon  their  common 
possession  of  Anglican  liberty,  have  disqualified 
themselves  for  fairly  judging  the  acts  of  the 
Federal  Administration.  It  is  now  seen  how 
false  and  shallow  were  the  estimates  of  the 
t  Washington  Government,  which,  until  lately, 
obtained  currency  here.  Simply  because  peo- 
i  pie  did  not  know  what  Mr.  Lincoln  was  doing, 
i  they  were  quite  sure  they  knew  he  was  doing 
1  nothing.  Tho  favorite  argument  from  igno- 
1  ranee  has  never  been  carried  further.  All  who 
had  paid  any  attention  to  American  affairs 
know  well  enough  what  the  President  must 
be  about.  The  slight  and  flimsy  work  for  do¬ 
ing  which  Jefferson  Davis  got  unmeasured 
praise,  was  nothing  to  that  which  had  to  be 
done.  At  Montgomery  they  had  simply  to 
make  a  government.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  also  to 
do  that ;  but  he  also  had  to  unmake  one.  He 
had  to  destroy  the  coils  which  Southern  trai¬ 
tors  had  taken  care  to  wind  about  the  new 
President,  to  dispossess  a  whole  army  of  dis¬ 
affected  officers  before  it  was  safe  to  venture  a 
single  step.  The  instant  that  was  effected  tho 
whole  scene  changed.  The  North  then  dis¬ 
played  a  military  energy  which  has  astonished 
the  South,  and  which  has  already  changed  the 
tone  of  tho  Secessionists.  Instead  of  the  cheap 
boast  of  a  march  to  "Washington,  the  braggarts 
at  Montgomery  are  whining  about  their  rights, 
and  thinking  how  best  to  defend  themselves 
from  the  justice  which  is  shortly  to  call  them 
to  account.  The  force  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Federal  Government  is  overwhelming.  So  ob¬ 
vious  has  this  fact  become,  that  a  new  difficulty 
is  started,  and  those  who  were  lately  chiding 
Mr.  Lincoln  for  not  exerting  himself,  now  in¬ 
sist  that  it  is  all  in  vain,  and  ask  incredulously 


252 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61 


what  he  is  going  to  do.  And  here,  again,  as 
Governments  do  not  usually  publish  the  plans 
of  their  campaigns,  the  argument  from  igno¬ 
rance  appears  to  great  advantage.  For  our 
parts,  we  prefer  to  notice  from  day  to  day  the 
success  which  attends  Mr.  Lincoln’s  action. 
The  progress  of  disintegration  has  been  stopped 
with  a  strong  hand,  and  in  States  which,  like 
Maryland  and  Virginia,  were  falling  under  the 
tyranny  of  the  lawless  and  violent,  enlightened 
and  peaceable  citizens  are  recovering  their  due 
influence.  From  the  Ohio  to  the  Gulf  of  Mex¬ 
ico  men  talk  more  reasonably,  and  if  the  voice 
of  patriotism  gains  a  hearing  there,  it  will  be 
because  Mr.  Lincoln  has  so  ordered  it.  If  the 
destinies  of  the  Union  are  to  be  submitted  to 
the  arbitrament  of  war,  he  has  acted  wisely. 
If  a  peaceful  separation,  with  all  the  difficulties 
attendant  upon  such  questions  as  tariffs,  extradi¬ 
tion  treaties,  division  of  territories,  and  the  like, 
is  to  be  attempted,  we  say  again  he  has  taken 
the  only  prudent  course,  for  no  settlement 
could  be  lasting  if  made  under  the  menace  of  a 
Slave  Power. 

All  the  facts  that  come  to  hand  only  place  in 
a  stronger  light  the  duty  which  lies  upon  neu¬ 
tral  Powers,  and  above  all  upon  England,  of 
leaving  the  people  of  the  United  and  Confed¬ 
erate  States  to  settle  this  quarrel  in  their  own 
way.  The  English  Government  has  done  its 
duty  in  issuing  the  Proclamation  which  lately 
appeared  in  our  columns,  and  which  was  the 
subject  of  an  important  discussion  on  Thursday 
evening  in  the  House  of  Lords.  The  manifold 
relations  between  this  country  and  the  Ameri¬ 
can  States,  the  probability  that  one  of  the  par¬ 
ties  now  engaged  in  civil  war  will  apply  to 
British  subjects  for  aid,  and  importance  to  the 
North  of  being  able  to  close  up  the  Southern 
ports,  made  it  desirable  that  the  law  upon  the 
various  legal  questions  which  may  arise  should 
be  clearly  defined.  After  perusing  the  speeches 
of  the  various  eminent  lawyers  who  delivered 
their  opinions  upon  the  points  mooted  by  Lord 
Ellenborough,  it  must  be  confessed  that  the 
unanimity  of  opinion  is  not  so  striking  as  might 
bo  desired.  It  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind 
continually  that  ministers  have  determined  to 
grant  to  both  parties  in  America — the  North 
and  the  South — belligerent  rights.  The  mean¬ 
ing  of  this  is,  that  England  is  prepared  to  treat 
the  United  States  and  the  Confederate  States  as 
two  Powers,  not,  indeed,  independent,  but  at 
war  with  each  other,  and  entitled  to  belliger¬ 
ent  rights.  England,  therefore,  occupies  tow¬ 
ards  each  of  them  the  position  of  a  neutral,  and 
is  bound  to  conduct  herself  with  perfect  impar¬ 
tiality  to  both  parties.  The  fact,  however, 
that  to  us  these  parties  occupy  such  a  position 
as  entitles  them  to  belligerent  rights,  does  not 
alter  the  relations  of  the  North  and  South  to 
each  other.  President  Lincoln  may  still  regard 
himself  as  President  of  the  thirty-three  United 
States  and  may  treat  Jefferson  Davis  and  his 
followers  as  traitors  and  rebels.  In  strict  law 
it  must  he  admitted  that  the  South  cannot  claim 


to  be  at  war  with  the  North ,  for  in  the  eyes  of 
the  Northern  constitutionalists  the  South  has  no 
independent  existence.  As  Lord  Kingsdown  said, 
whether  President  Lincoln  chooses  to  treat  the 
Southern  seceders  literally  as  rebels  must  be 
matter  for  his  own  consideration,  but  he  could 
not  help  thinking  that  to  act  upon  such  a  view 
would  be  to  have  recourse  to  a  piece  of  barbar¬ 
ity  which  would  raise  an  outcry  throughout  the 
whole  civilized  world.  If,  then,  President  Lin¬ 
coln  and  his  Cabinet  adopt  the  opinion  of  Lord 
Kingsdown,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  any 
citizen  of  a  Southern  State — although  a  rebel — 
will  be  entitled,  if  taken  by  the  North,  to  all 
the  rights  of  an  enemy. 

— London  Ncics. 


Doo.  1G9. 

BISHOP  WIIITTINGHAM’S  CIRCULAR. 

Reverend  and  Dear  Brother  :  I  have  learn¬ 
ed,  with  extreme  regret,  that  in  several  in¬ 
stances,  the  “  Prayer  for  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  all  in  Civil  authority,”  has 
been  omitted,  of  late,  in  the  performance  of 
divine  service  in  the  diocese. 

Such  omission,  in  every  case,  makes  the 
clergyman  liable  for  presentment  for  wilful  vio¬ 
lation  of  his  ordination  vow,  by  mutilation  of 
the  vrorship  of  the  Church,  and  I  shall  hold 
myself  bound  to  act  on  any  evidence  of  such 
offence  laid  before  me,  after  the  issue  of  this 
circular. 

I  beseech  my  brethren  to  remember  that 
current  events  have  settled  any  question  that 
might  have  been  started  concerning  citizenship 
and  allegiance.  Maryland  is  admitted  and  de¬ 
clared  by  the  Legislature  and  Governor  of  the 
State,  to  be  at  this  time  one  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  As  resident  in  Maryland, 
the  clergy  of  this  diocese  are  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  bound  to  the  recognition 
and  discharge  of  all  duties  appertaining  to  that 
condition.  It  is  clearly  such  a  duty  by  the  ex¬ 
press  word  of  God,  to  make  supplication  and 
prayer  for  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union, 
and  for  all  that  are  in  authority,  that  we  may 
lead  a  quiet  and  peaceable  life,  in  all  godliness 
and  honesty  ;  and  it  is  clearly  my  duty,  by  the 
same  direction,  to  put  those  whom  God  has 
committed  to  my  charge  in  mind  to  bo  subject 
to  principalities  and  powers,  to  obey  magis¬ 
trates,  to  speak  evil  of  no  man,  to  be  no 
brawlers. 

To  my  deep  distress  and  disgust  I  have  too 
much  reason  to  fear  that  in  at  least  one  in¬ 
stance  a  minister  of  Christ  may  have  so  far  for¬ 
got  himself,  his  place  and  his  duty,  as  actually 
to  commit  the  canonical  offcnco  known  as 
“  brawling  in  Church,”  while  venturing  to  do 
what  an  archangel  durst  not  do,  and  to  defend 
transgression  of  an  injunction  of  the  Word  of 
God. 

We  of  the  clergy  have  no  right  to  intrude 
our  private  views  of  the  questions  which  aro 


DOCUMENTS. 


253 


so  terribly  dividing  those  among  whom  we 
minister,  into  the  place  assigned  ns  that  wre 
may  speak  for  God,  and  minister  in  His  wor¬ 
ship.  Still  less  claim  have  we  to  assume  to 
frame  and  fashion  the  devotions  of  our  brethren 
by  our  private  notions,  and  to  that  end  muti¬ 
late  or  interpolate  the  service  of  the  Church. 
In  such  times  as  these  we  are  more  strictly 
than  ever  bound  to  adhere  to  the  precise  letter 
of  prescribed  form,  and  to  deserve  the  praise 
of  non-interference  with  others’  rights  by  the 
closest  seclusion  within  the  limits  of  our  own 
plain  duty. 

It  is  not  merely  my  advice,  dear  brother, 
but  it  is  the  solemn  injunction  and  caution  of  the 
AVord  of  God,  to  be  reverenced  and  regarded 
accordingly  as  you  believe  it  to  be  His :  “  My 
son,  fear  thou  the  Lord  and  the  King,  and  med¬ 
dle  not  with  them  that  are  given  to  change ; 
for  their  calamity  shall  rise  suddenly;  and  who 
knoweth  of  them  both  ?  These  things  belong 
to  the  wise.” 

Your  loving  friend  and  brother, 

AVm.  R.  WniTTINGIIAM, 
Bishop  of  Maryland. 

Baltimore,  May  15, 1861. 

— N.  7.  Times ,  May  21. 


Doc.  169^-. 

THE  TAKING  OF  POTOSI,  MO. 

The  Union  men  of  Washington  county  hav¬ 
ing  been  threatened  with  extermination,  and 
some  of  them  having  been  driven  from  Potosi, 
the  county  seat,  complaint  was  made  to  Gen. 
Lyon,  of  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal,  and  that  brave 
and  gallant  officer  determined  to  give  the 
Union  men  in  that  section  of  the  country  pro¬ 
tection.  Accordingly  an  expedition  was  plan¬ 
ned  and  put  under  the  command  of  Oapt.  Coles, 
of  company  A,  Fifth  Regiment  of  U.  S.  Volun¬ 
teers.  At  10  o’clock,  i*.  m.,  Tuesday,  May 
14th,  Capt.  Cole’s  command,  consisting  of  some 
150  men,  left  the  Arsenal  on  a  special  train  for 
their  destination.  They  arrived  at  Potosi  at  3 
o’clock,  a.  m.,  on  Wednesday,  and  immediately 
threw  a  chain  of  sentinels  around  the  entire 
town.  Guards  were  then  stationed  around  the 
dwellings  of  the  most  prominent  secessionists, 
and,  shortly  after  daylight,  some  150  men  found 
themselves  prisoners,  and  were  inarched  off  to 
the  Court  House.  Here  the  prisoners  were 
formed  in  line,  and  by  the  assistance  of  a  gen¬ 
tleman  who  had  been  driven  out  of  Potosi, 
who  knew  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  place,  the 
Union  men  were  recognized  and  released, 
amounting  to  over  half  of  those  taken  prisoners. 
Some  fifty  of  the  secessionists  were  also  re¬ 
leased,  on  parole  of  honor,  after  subscribing  to 
the  usual  oath,  not  to  take  up  arms  against  the 
United  States ,  and  nine  of  the  leaders  were 
marched  off  to  the  cars.  The  guard  then  made 
a  descent  on  a  secession  lead  manufactory, 
and  captured  near  four  hundred  pigs  of  that 
very  useful  article  in  time  of  war,  which  be¬ 
longed  to  a  man  who  had  been  furnishing  lead 
Documents — 18 


to  the  Southern  rebels.  The  man’s  name  is 
John  Dean,  and  he  is  now  a  prisoner  at  the 
Arsenal.  It  appears  he  was  not  satisfied  to 
simply  sell  the  lead  to  the  enemy,  in  defiance 
of  the  authority  of  the  Government,  but  was 
engaged  with  his  own  team  in  hauling  it  to 
near  the  Arkansas  line,  where  the  traitors 
could  get  possession  of  it  without  danger.  The 
guard  captured  several  pistols,  rifles,  shot  guns, 
and  a  quantity  of  secession  uniforms,  most  of 
them  unfinished,  and  some  uniform  cloth. 

After  being  furnished  with  breakfast  and 
dinner,  and  very  handsomely  treated  by  the 
Union  men  of  Potosi,  and  invited  to  stay  a 
month  in  that  place,  at  their  expense,  the  com¬ 
mand  started  for  home.  On  their  way  back, 
the  train  made  a  halt  at  De  Soto,  in  Jefferson 
county,  where  there  was  to  be  a  grand  seces¬ 
sion  “love  feast”  and  flag-raising.  Here  they 
found  a  company  of  secession  cavalry  drilling, 
for  the  occasion,  which  took  to  their  heels  as 
soon  as  they  got  a  sight  of  the  United  States 
troop.  In  their  flight,  the  cavalry  left  some  30 
of  their  horses,  which  were  captured  by  the 
troops  and  placed  under  guard.  The  pole,  one 
hundred  feet  high,  on  which  the  rebels  were 
going  to  fly  the  secession  flag,  was  soon  graced 
with  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  amid  the  wildest 
enthusiasm  of  the  Union  men  and  Government 
troops.  The  next  move  was  to  capture  the 
rebel  flag,  which  was  known  to  be  in  town, 
and  for  this  agreeable  duty,  Captain  Cole  de¬ 
tailed  a  guard  of  six  men,  under  command  of 
Sergeant  Walker,  accompanied  by  Dr.  Frank¬ 
lin, Surgeon  of  the  Fifth  Regiment.  The  guard 
surrounded  the  house  supposed  to  contain  the 
flag,  and  Dr.  Franklin  and  Sergeant  Walker  en¬ 
tered.  After  searching  in  vain  for  some  time, 
the  Doctor  thought  he  observed  the  lady  of  the 
house  sitting  in  rather  an  uneasy  position,  and 
lie  very  politely  asked  her  to  rise.  At  first  the 
lady  hesitated,  but  finding  the  Doctor’s  persua¬ 
sive  sauvity  irresistible,  she  rose  slowly,  and 
lo !  the  blood  red  stripe  of  the  rebel  ensign  ap¬ 
peared  below  the  lady’s  hoops.  The  Doctor, 
bowing  a  graceful  “  beg  pardon,  madam,” 
stooped  and  quietly  catching  hold  of  the  gaudy 
color,  carefully  delivered  the  lady  of  a  secession 
flag,  thirty  feet  long  and  nine  feet  wide.  The 
Doctor  bore  off  his  prize  in  triumph  to  the 
camp,  where  the  troops  greeted  him  with  wild 
shouts,  and  characterized  his  feat  as  the  crown¬ 
ing  glory  of  the  occasion.  Here  the  troops 
captured  another  rebel  leader,  and  after  placing 
thirty  men  under  Lieutenant  Murphy,  to  guard 
the  Union  flag,  and  the  thirty  horses,  Capt. 
Cole’s  command  started  on  their  way.  At 
Victoria,  the  train  stopped  a  moment,  when 
another  secessionist  came  up  hurrahing  for  Jeff. 
Davis,  and  quick  as  thought  the  ardent  rebel 
was  surrounded  by  a  half  dozen  bayonets,  and 
marched  into  the  cam  a  prisoner  of  war,  and 
the  train  moved  on.  They  arrived  at  the  Arsenal 
about  0  1-2  o’clock,  p.  m.,  where  a  crowd  of 
soldiers  and  visitors  awaited  them.  The  spoils 
were  unloaded,  and  the  prisoners  marched  to 


254 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-«1. 


9afe  and  comfortable  quarters. — Gen.  Lyon  re¬ 
ceived  them  in  the  spirit  of  a  true  soldier,  and 
the  troops  gave  three  cheers  for  Gen.  Lyon, 
three  for  Col.  Blair  and  three  for  the  Stars  and 
Stripes,  and  then  caught  the  Secession  flag  and 
tore  it  into  shreds  in  a  twinkling. 

— St.  Louis  Democrat,  May  17. 


Doc.  170. 

LETTER  OF  SENATOR  MASON 

OX  THE  VIRGINIA  ELECTION. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Winchester  Virginian : — 

The  question  has  been  frequently  put  to  me, 
What  position  will  Virginia  occupy,  should  the 
ordinance  of  secession  be  rejected  by  the  peo¬ 
ple  at  the  approaching  election  ?  And  the  fre¬ 
quency  of  the  question  may  be  an  excuse  for 
giving  publicity  to  the  answer. 

The  ordinance  of  secession  withdrew  the 
State  of  Virginia  from  the  Union,  with  all  the 
consequences  resulting  from  the  separation.  It 
annulled  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  within  the  limits  of  this  State, 
and  absolved  the  citizens  of  Virginia  from  all 
obligations  and  obedience  to  them. 

Hence  it  follows,  if  this  ordinance  be  rejected 
by  the  people,  the  State  of  Virginia  will  remain 
in  the  Union,  and  the  people  of  the  State  will 
remain  bound  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  obedience  to  the  Government  and 
the  laws  of  the  United  States  will  be  fully  and 
rightfully  enforced  against  them. 

It  follows,  of  course,  that  in  this  war  now 
carried  on  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  against  the  seceding  States,  Virginia 
must  immediately  change  sides ,  and,  under  the 
orders  of  that  Government,  turn  her  arms 
against  her  Southern  sisters. 

From  this  there  cau  be  no  escape.  As  a 
member  of  the  Union,  all  her  resources  of  men 
and  money  will  be  at  once  at  the  command 
of  the  Government  of  the  Union : 

Again :  For  mutual  defence,  immediately 
after  the  Ordinance  of  Secession  passed,  a 
treaty,  or  “  military  league  ”  was  formed  by 
the  Convention,  in  the  name  of  the  people  of 
Virginia,  with  the  Confederate  States  of  the 
South,  by  which  the  latter  were  bound  to 
march  to  the  aid  of  our  State,  against  the  inva¬ 
sion  of  the  Federal  Government.  And  we  have 
now  in  Virginia,  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  and  at 
Norfolk,  in  face  of  the  common  foe,  several 
thousand  of  the  gallant  sons  of  South  Carolina, 
of  Alabama,  of  Louisiana,  Georgia,  and  Missis¬ 
sippi,  who  hastened  to  fulfil  the  covenant  they 
made,  and  are  ready  and  eager  to  lay  down 
their  lives,  side  by  side,  with  our  sons  in  de¬ 
fence  of  the  soil  of  Virginia. 

If  the  Ordinance  of  Secession  is  rejected,  not 
only  will  this  “  military  league  ”  be  annulled, 
but  it  will  have  been  made  a  trap  to  inveigle 
our  generous  defenders  into  the  hands  of  their 
enemies. 

Virginia  remaining  in  the  Union,  duty  and 


loyalty  to  her  obligations  to  the  Union  will 
require  that  those  Southern  forces  shall  not  be 
permitted  to  leave  the  State,  but  shall  be  deliv¬ 
ered  up  to  the  Government  of  the  Union  ;  and 
those  who  refuse  to  do  so,  will  be  guilty  of 
treason,  and  be  justly  dealt  with  as  traitors. 

Treason  against  the  United  States  consists,  as 
well  “in  adhering  to  its  enemies  and  giving 
them  aid,”  as  in  levying  war. 

If  it  be  asked,  what  are  those  to  do  who  in 
their  consciences  cannot  vote  to  separate  Vir¬ 
ginia  from  the  United  States — the  answer  is 
simple  and  plain  :  honor  and  duty  alike  require 
that  they  should  not  vote  on  the  question ;  if  they 
retain  such  opinions,  they  must  leave  the  State. 

None  can  doubt  or  question  the  truth  of 
what  I  have  written,  and  none  can  vote  against 
the  ordinance  of  secession,  who  do  not  thereby 
(whether  ignorantly  or  otherwise)  vote  to  place 
himself  and  his  State  in  the  position  I  have  in¬ 
dicated.  J.  M.  Mason. 

Winchester,  Va.,  May  16, 1861. 

—  Winchester  Virginian,  May  22. 


Doo.  171. 

GENERAL  BUTLER’S  SPEECH, 

AT  WASHINGTON,  May  16,  1861. 

Fellow-Citizens: — Your  cheers  for  the  old 
Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  are  rightly 
bestowed.  Foremost  in  the  rank  of  those  who 
fought  for  the  liberty  of  the  country  in  the 
Revolution  were  the  men  of  Massachusetts. 
It  is  a  historical  fact,  to  which  I  take  pride  in 
now  referring,  that  in  the  Revolution,  Massa¬ 
chusetts  sent  more  men  south  of  Mason  and 
Dixon’s  Line  to  fight  for  the  cause  of  the  coun¬ 
try,  than  all  the  Southern  Colonies  put  to¬ 
gether  ;  and  in  this  second  war,  if  war  must 
come,  to  proclaim  the  Declaration  of  Independ¬ 
ence  anew,  and,  as  a  necessary  consequence, 
establish  the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  Mas¬ 
sachusetts  will  give,  if  necessary,  every  man 
in  her  borders — aye,  and  woman !  (Cheers.)  I 
trust  I  may  be  excused  for  speaking  thus  of 
Massachusetts ;  but  I  am  confident  there  are 
many  within  the  sound  of  my  voice,  whose  hearts 
beat  with  proud  memories  of  the  old  Common¬ 
wealth.  There  is  this  difference,  I  will  say, 
between  our  Southern  brothers  and  ourselves, 
that  while  we  love  our  State  with  the  true  love 
of  a  son,  wo  love  the  Union  and  the  Country 
with  an  equal  devotion.  (Loud  and  prolonged 
applause.)  We  place  no  “States’  rights  ”  be¬ 
fore,  above,  or  beyond  the  Union.  (Cheers.)  To 
us  our  country  is  first,  because  it  is  our  country, 
(three  cheers,)  and  our  State  is  next  and  second, 
because  she  is  a  part  of  our  country  and  our 
State.  (Renewed  applause.)  Our  oath  of  alle¬ 
giance  to  our  country,  and  our  oath  of  allegiance 
to  our  State,  are  interwreatbed  harmoniously, 
and  never  come  in  conflict  or  clash.  He  who 
does  his  duty  to  the  Union  does  his  duty  to  the 
State  ;  and  he  who  does  his  duty  to  the  State, 
does  his  duty  to  the  Union — “  one  and  insep- 


DOCUMENTS. 


255 


arable,  now  and  forever.”  (Renewed  applause.) 
As  I  look  upon  this  demonstration  of  yours,  I 
believe  it  to  be  prompted  by  a  love  of  the  com¬ 
mon  cause,  and  our  common  country — a  coun¬ 
try  so  great  and  good,  a  Government  so  kind, 
so  beneficent,  that  the  hand  from  which  we 
have  only  felt  kindness  is  now  for  the  first  time 
raised  in  chastisement.  (Applause.)  Many 
things  in  a  man’s  life  may  be  worse  than  death. 
So,  to  a  Government  there  may  be  many  things, 
such  as  dishonor  and  disintegration,  worse  than 
the  shedding  of  blood.  (Cheers.)  Our  fathers 
purchased  our  liberty  and  country  for  us  at  an 
immense  cost  of  treasure  and  blood,  and  by  the 
bright  heavens  above  us,  we  will  not  part  with 
them  without  first  paying  the  original  debt, 
and  the  interest  to  this  date !  (Loud  cheers.) 
We  have  in  our  veins  the  same  blood  as  they 
shed ;  we  have  the  same  power  of  endurance, 
the  same  love  of  liberty  and  law.  We  will  hold 
as  a  brother  him  who  stands  by  the  Union ; 
we  w'ill  hold  as  an  enemy  him  who  would  strike 
from  its  constellation  a  single  star.  (Applause.) 
But,  I  hear  some  one  say,  “  Shall  we  carry  on 
this  fratricidal  war  ?  Shall  we  shed  our  broth¬ 
ers’  blood,  and  meet  in  arms  our  brothers  in 
the  South  ?  ”  I  would  say,  “  As  our  fathers 
did  not  hesitate  to  strike  the  mother  country 
in  the  defence  of  our  rights,  so  we  should  not 
hesitate  to  meet  the  brother  as  they  did  the 
mother.”  (Sensation.)  If  this  unholy,  this 
fratricidal  war  is  forced  upon  us,  I  say,  “  Woe, 
woe  to  them  who  have  made  the  necessity. 
Our  hands  aro  clean,  our  hearts  are  pure ;  but 
the  Union  must  be  preserved,  (Gen.  Butler  was 
interrupted  here  by  an  intense  cheering.  When 
silence  was  restored,  he  continued :)  at  all  haz¬ 
ard  of  money,  and,  if  need  be,  of  every  life  this 
side  the  Arctic  Regions.”  (Cheers.)  If  the 
25,000  Northern  soldiers  who  are  here  aro  cut 
off,  in  six  weeks  50,000  will  take  your  place ; 
and  if  they  die  by  fever,  pestilence,  or  the 
sword,  a  quarter  of  a  million  wfill  take  their 
place,  till  our  army  of  the  reserve  will  be 
women  with  their  broomsticks,  to  drive 
every  enemy  in  the  Gulf.  (Cheers  and  laugh¬ 
ter.)  I  have  neither  fear  nor  doubt  of  the 
issue.  I  feel  only  horror  and  dismay  for  those 
who  have  made  the  war.  God  help  them !  we 
are  here  for  our  rights,  for  our  country,  for  our 
flag.  Our  faces  are  set  South,  and  there  shall 
be  no  footstep  backward.  (Immense  applause.) 
He  is  mistaken  who  supposes  we  can  be  intimi¬ 
dated  by  threats  or  cajoled  by  compromise. 
The  day  of  compromises  is  past. 

The  Government  must  be  sustained,  (cheers ;) 
and  when  it  is  sustained,  we  shall  give  every 
one  in  the  Union  his  rights  under  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  as  we  always  have,  and  every  one 
outside  of  the  Union  the  steel  of  the  Union,  till 
he  shall  come  under  the  Union.  (Cheers, 
and  cries  of  “  Good,  go  on.”)  It  is  impossible 
for  me  to  go  on  speech-making ;  but  if  you  will 
go  home  to  your  beds,  and  the  Government  will 
let  me,  I  will  go  South  fighting  for  the  Union, 
and  you  will  follow  me.  —N.  Y.  Times,  May  17. 


Doc.  172. 

JUDGE  SPRAGUE’S  CHARGE,  May  10. 

After  citing  provisions  from  the  laws  of  1790, 
1820,  1825,  1846,  and  1847,  as  to  what  consti¬ 
tutes  the  general  crime,  with  the  different  de¬ 
grees  of  penalty,  the  judge  remarks  that  these 
enactments  Avere  founded  upon  the  clause  in  the 
Constitution  which  gives  Congress  the  power 
to  define  and  punish  piracy.  But  the  consti¬ 
tutional  power  to  regulate  commerce  also  af¬ 
fords  a  basis  for  additional  penal  enactments, 
covering  all  possible  aggressions  and  depreda¬ 
tions  upon  our  commerce.  The  judge  then 
lays  doAvn  the  following  important  principles, 
the  bearing  of  which  will  be  sufficiently  evident 
in  the  present  crisis : — 

The  statutes,  being  enacted  pursuant  to  the 
Constitution,  are  of  paramount  authority,  and 
cannot  be  invalidated  or  impaired  by  the  action 
of  any  State  or  States ;  and  every  law,  ordinance, 
and  constitution  made  by  them  for  that  purpose, 
whatever  its  name  or  form,  is  wholly  nugatory 
and  can  afford  no  legal  protection  to  those  who 
act  under  it.  But  suppose  that  a  number  of 
States  undertake,  by  Revolution,  to  throAV  off 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  erect 
themselves  into  an  independent  nation,  and  as¬ 
sume  in  that  character  to  issue  commissions 
authorizing  the  capture  of  vessels  of  the  United 
States,  will  such  commissions  afford  protection 
to  those  acting  under  them  against  the  penal 
laws  of  the  United  States  ?  Cases  have  hereto¬ 
fore  arisen  Avhere  a  portion  of  a  foreign  empire 
— a  colon}' — has  undertaken  to  throw  off  the 
dominion  of  the  mother  country,  and  assumed 
the  attitude  and  claimed  the  rights  of  an  inde¬ 
pendent  nation,  and  in  such  cases  it  has  been 
held  that  the  relation  which  the  United  States 
should  hold  to  those  who  thus  attempt  and 
claim  to  institute  a  new  government,  is  a  po¬ 
litical  rather  than  a  legal  question;  that,  if 
those  departments  of  our  Government  which 
have  a  right  to  give  the  law,  and  which  regu¬ 
late  our  foreign  intercourse  and  determine  the 
relation  in  which  \xq  shall  stand  to  other  na¬ 
tions,  recognize  such  new  and  self-constituted 
government  as  having  the  rights  of  a  belligerent 
in  a  war  between  them  and  their  former  rulers, 
and  the  United  States  hold  a  neutral  position 
in  such  war,  then  the  judiciary,  following  the 
other  departments,  will,  to  the  same  extent,  re¬ 
cognize  the  new  nation.  But  if  the  legislative 
and  executive  departments  of  the  Government 
utterly  refuse  to  recognize  such  new  govern¬ 
ment,  or  to  acknowledge  it  as  having  any  bel¬ 
ligerent  or  national  rights,  and,  instead  of  tak¬ 
ing  a  neutral  attitude,  endeavor  by  force  to 
suppress  depredations  on  commerce  by  such 
assumed  government,  as  violating  the  rights 
and  infringing  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
then  the  judiciary  will  hold  that  such  depreda¬ 
tions  are  not  to  be  considered  as  belligerent, 
and  entitled  to  the  immunities  of  lawful  Avar, 
but  as  robbery  or  other  lawless  depredations, 
subject  to  the  penalties  denounced  by  our  law 


256 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


against  such  offences.  The  judiciary  certainly 
cannot  adopt  a  more  indulgent  rule  towards 
those  who  are  in  open  rebellion  against  the  au¬ 
thority  of  the  United  States,  or  towards  aliens 
co-operating  with,  and  acting  under,  the  as¬ 
sumed  authority  of  such  rebels.  While  the 
other  departments  of  the  Government  and  the 
nation  refuse  to  regard  any  State  or  association 
of  States  as  having  the  rights  of  a  belligerent, 
or  as  carrying  on  legitimate  war,  and  are  ex¬ 
erting  not  only  moral  but  physical  force  against 
them  as  rebels  and  lawless  aggressors  upon  the 
United  States  and  its  citizens,  the  courts  also 
must  so  regard  them,  and  cannot  admit  that 
any  legislation  or  assumption  of  power  by  such 
State  or  States  can  authorize  acts  in  violation 
of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  or  change  the 
character  of  offences  under  them.  There  is 
another  view.  Mere  rebellion  absolves  no  man 
from  his  allegiance.  Citizens  of  the  United 
States,  therefore,  may  not  only  be  subject  to 
the  penalties  of  treason,  but  if  they  commit 
hostilities  upon  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States,  under  a  commission  from  any  foreign 
nation,  even  the  oldest  and  best  established, 
such  as  England  or  France  for  example,  they 
may  be  dealt  with  as  pirates  by  the  express 
enactments  in  the  ninth  section  of  the  statute 
of  1790,  which  has  already  been  referred  to. 
And  aliens  who  are  subjects  or  citizens  of  any 
foreign  State  with  whom  we  have  a  treaty,  such 
as  is  described  in  the  statute  of  1847,  chapter 
51,  which  has  already  been  quoted ;  if,  in  vio¬ 
lation  of  such  treaty,  they  make  war  upon  the 
United  States,  or  cruise  against  our  vessels  or 
property  under  a  commission  from  any  foreign 
government,  however  long  acknowledged,  may, 
by  the  clear  provisions  of  that  statute,  be  dealt 
with  as  pirates.  If  aliens,  subjects  of  a  nation 
with  whom  we  have  no  such  treaty,  commit 
acts  of  hostility  upon  our  commerce,  under  the 
alleged  authority  or  commission  of  a  new  and 
self-created  government  claiming  to  be  inde¬ 
pendent,  it  may  be  material  to  inquire  whether 
such  government  is  to  be  regarded  as  having 
the  immunities  of  a  belligerent,  or  whether  such 
aliens  may  be  treated  as  robbers  on  the  seas, 
and  this  inquiry  will  be  governed  by  the  prin¬ 
ciples  which  I  have  already  stated. 

— Boston  Journal,  May  17. 


Doo.  173. 

THE  SECOND  REGIMENT  MAINE  S.  Y. 
The  following  are  the  officers  of  this  regiment: 
Colonel,  Chas.  D.  Jameson;  Lieut.-Colonel, 
C.  W.  Roberts;  Major,  George  Yarney;  Ad¬ 
jutant,  John  E.  Reynolds;  Quartermaster,  C. 
Vesey  Lord;  Assistant  Quartermaster,  L.  II. 
Pierce  ;  Sergeant-Major,  E.  L.  Appleton,  all  of 
Bangor;  Surgeon,  W.  H.  Allen,  Oror*>;  As¬ 
sistant  Surgeon,  A.  C.  Hamlin,  Bangor,  nephew 
of  the  Vice-President ;  Hospital  Steward,  A.  D. 
Palmer,  Orono ;  Chaplain,  A.  F.  Mines,  Bath. 

First  company,  Bangor  Light  Infantry,  Capt. 
Bartletts.  Second  company,  of  Bangor,  Capt. 


Chaplin.  Third  company,  Milo  Artillery,  Capt. 
Sampson.  Fourth  company,  Grattan  Guards, 
Capt.  Carroll.  Fifth  company,  Brewer  Ar¬ 
tillery,  Capt.  Jones.  Sixth  company,  Bangor 
Chasseurs,  Capt.  Meincke.  Seventh  company, 
of  Bangor,  Capt.  Emerson.  Eighth  company, 
of  Oldtown,  Capt.  Foss.  Ninth  company,  of 
Bangor,  Capt.  Sargeant.  Tenth  company, 
Castline  Light  Infantry,  Capt.  Ilevereux.  Each 
company  contains  78  men  and  officers. 

— N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  17. 


Doc.  174. 

CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  GOV.  AN¬ 
DREW  AND  GEN.  BUTLER. 

Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  J 

Executive  Department,  y 

Council  Chamber,  Boston,  April  25,  18G1.  ) 

General  : — I  have  received  through  Major 
Ames  a  despatch  transmitted  from  Perryville, 
detailing  the  proceedings  at  Annapolis  from 
the  time  of  your  arrival  off  that  port  until  the 
hour  when  Major  Ames  left  you  to  return  to 
Philadelphia.  I  wish  to  repeat  the  assurance 
of  my  entire  satisfaction  with  the  action  you 
have  taken,  with  a  single  exception.  If  1 
rightly  understood  the  telegraphic  despatch,  1 
think  that  your  action  in  tendering  to  Governor 
Hicks  the  assistance  of  our  Massachusetts  troops 
to  suppress  a  threatened  servile  insurrection 
among  the  hostile  people  of  Maryland  was  un¬ 
necessary.  I  hope  that  the  fuller  despatches, 
which  are  on  their  way  from  you,  may  show 
reasons  why  I  should  modify  my  opinion  con¬ 
cerning  that  particular  instance ;  but  in  general 
I  think  that  the  matter  of  servile  insurrection 
among  a  community  in  arms  against  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Union,  is  no  longer  to  bo  regarded  by  our 
troops  in  a  political,  but  solely  in  a  military 
point  of  view,  and  is  to  be  contemplated  as 
one  of  the  inherent  weaknesses  of  the  enemy, 
from  the  disastrous  operations  of  which  we 
are  under  no  obligation  of  a  military  char¬ 
acter  to  guard  them,  in  order  that  they  may 
be  enabled  to  improve  the  security  which 
our  arms  would  afford,  so  as  to  prosecute  with 
more  energy  their  traitorous  attacks  upon  the 
Federal  Government  and  Capital.  The  mode 
in  which  such  outbreaks  are  to  be  considered 
should  depend  entirely  upon  the  loyalty  or  dis¬ 
loyalty  of  the  community  in  which  they  occur; 
and,  in  the  vicinity  of  Annapolis,  I  can  on  this 
occasion  perceive  no  reason  of  military  policy 
why  a  force  summoned  to  the  defence  of  the 
Federal  Government,  at  this  moment  of  all 
others,  should  be  offered  to  be  diverted  from 
its  immediate  duty,  to  help  rebels  who  stand 
with  arms  in  their  hands,  obstructing  its  pro¬ 
gress  toward  the  city  of  Washington.  I  enter¬ 
tain  no  doubt  that  whenever  we  shall  have  an 
opportunity  to  interchange  our  views  person¬ 
ally  on  this  subject,  we  shall  arrive  at  entire 
concordance  of  opinion.  Yours  faithfully, 

John  A.  Andrew. 

To  Brigadier-General  Butler. 


DOCUMENTS. 


257 


Department  of  Annapolis,  ) 
Head-quarters,  Annapolis,  May  9,  1SG1.  ) 

To  Ills  Excellency ,  John  A.  Andrew ,  Governor 

and  Commander-in -  Chief. 

Sir  :  I  have  delayed  replying  to  your  Excel¬ 
lency’s  despatch  of  the  25th  April,  in  iny  other 
despatches,  because  as  it  involved  disapproba¬ 
tion  of  an  act  done,  couched  in  the  kindest  lan¬ 
guage,  I  supposed  the  interest  of  the  country 
could  not  suffer  in  the  delay ;  and  incessant 
labor  up  to  the  present  moment,  has  prevented 
me  giving  full  consideration  to  the  topic.  Tem¬ 
porary  illness,  which  forbids  bodily  activity, 
gives  me  now  a  moment’s  pause. 

The  telegraph,  with  more  than  usual  accuracy, 
had  rightly  informed  your  Excellency  that  I 
had  offered  the  services  of  the  Massachusetts 
troops  under  my  command  to  aid  the  authori¬ 
ties  of  Maryland  in  suppressing  a  threatened 
slave  insurrection.  Fortunately  for  us  all,  the 
rumor  of  such  an  outbreak  was  without  sub¬ 
stantial  foundation.  Assuming,  as  your  Excel¬ 
lency  does  in  your  despatch,  that  I  was  carrying 
on  military  operations  in  an  enemy’s  country, 
when  a  war  d  V entrance  was  to  be  waged,  my 
act  might  be  a  matter  of  discussion.  And  in 
that  view,  acting  in  the  light  of  the  Baltimore 
murders,  and  the  apparent  hostile  position  of 
Maryland,  your  Excellency  might,  without  ma¬ 
ture  reflection,  have  come  to  the  conclusion  of 
disapprobation  expressed  in  your  despatch.  But 
the  facts,  especially  as  now  aided  by  their  re¬ 
sults,  will  entirely  justify  my  act,  and  reinstate 
me  in  your  Excellency’s  good  opinion. 

True,  I  landed  on  the  soil  of  Maryland  against 
the  formal  protest  of  its  Governor  and  of  the 
corporate  authorities  of  Annapolis,  but  without 
any  armed  opposition  on  their  part,  and  expect¬ 
ing  opposition  only  from  insurgents  assembled 
in  riotous  contempt  of  the  laws  of  the  State. 
Before,  by  letter,  and  at  the  time  of  landing,  by 
personal  interview,  I  had  informed  Gov.  Hicks 
that  soldiers  of  the  Union,  under  my  command, 
were  armed  only  against  the  insurgents  and 
disturbers  of  the  peace  of  Maryland  and  of  the 
United  States.  I  received  from  Gov.  Hicks 
assurances  of  the  loyalty  of  the  State  to  the 
Union — assurances  which  subsequent  events 
have  fully  justified.  The  Mayor  of  Annapolis 
also  informed  me  that  the  city  authorities  would 
in  nowise  oppose  me,  but  that  I  was  in  great 
danger  from  the  excited  and  riotous  mobs  of 
Baltimore  pouring  down  upon  me,  and  in  num¬ 
bers  beyond  the  control  of  the  police.  I  assured 
both  the  Governor  and  the  Mayor  that  I  had 
no  fear  of  a  Baltimore  or  other  mob,  and  that, 
supported  by  the  authorities  of  the  State  and 
City,  I  should  repress  all  hostile  demonstrations 
against  the  laws  of  Maryland  and  the  United 
States,  and  that  I  would  protect  both  myself 
and  the  City  of  Annapolis  from  any  disorderly 
persons  whatsoever.  On  the  morning  follow¬ 
ing  my  landing  I  was  informed  that  the  City 
of  Annapolis  and  environs  were  in  danger  from 
an  insurrection  of  the  slave  population,  in  defi¬ 
ance  of  the  laws  of  the  State.  What  was  I  to 


do  ?  I  had  promised  to  put  down  a  white  mob 
and  to  preserve  and  enforce  the  laws  against 
that.  Ought  I  to  allow  a  black  one  any  prefer¬ 
ence  in  a  breach  of  the  laws  ?  I  understood 
that  I  was  armed  against  all  infractions  of  the 
laws,  whether  by  white  or  black,  and  upon  that 
understanding  I  acted,  certainly  with  prompt¬ 
ness  and  efficiency.  And  your  Excellency’s 
shadow  of  disapprobation,  arising  from  a  mis¬ 
understanding  of  the  facts,  has  caused  all  the 
regret  I  have  for  that  action.  The  question 
seemed  to  me  to  be  neither  military  nor  political, 
and  was  not  to  be  so  treated.  It  was  simply  a 
question  of  good  faith  and  honesty  of  purpose. 
The  benign  effect  of  my  course  was  instantly 
seen.  The  good  but  timid  people  of  Annapolis 
who  had  fled  from  their  houses  at  our  approach, 
immediately  returned ;  business  resumed  its  ac¬ 
customed  channels  ;  quiet  and  order  prevailed  in 
the  city ;  confidence  took  the  place  of  distrust, 
friendship  of  enmity,  brotherly  kindness  of  sec¬ 
tional  hate,  and  I  believe  to-day  there  is  no  city 
in  the  Union  more  loyal  than  the  City  of  An¬ 
napolis.  I  think,  therefore,  I  may  safely  point 
to  the  results  for  my  justification.  The  vote 
of  the  neighboring  County  of  Washington,  a 
few  days  since,  for  its  delegate  to  the  Legisla¬ 
ture,  wherein  4,000  out  of  5,000  votes  were 
thrown  for  a  delegate  favorable  to  the  Union, 
is  among  the  many  happy  fruits  of  firmness  of 
purpose,  efficiency  of  action,  and  integrity  of 
mission.  I  believe,  indeed,  that  it  will  not  re¬ 
quire  a  persoual  interchange  of  views,  as  sug¬ 
gested  in  your  despatch,  to  bring  our  minds  in 
accordance  ;  a  simple  statement  of  the  facts  will 
suffice. 

But  I  am  to  act  hereafter,  it  may  be,  in  an 
enemy’s  country,  among  a  servile  population, 
when  the  question  may  arise,  as  it  has  not  yet 
arisen,  as  well  in  a  moral  and  Christian,  as  in  a 
political  and  military  point  of  view.  What  shall 
I  do?  Will  your  Excellency  bear  with  me  a 
moment  while  this  question  is  discussed  ? 

I  appreciate  fully  your  Excellency’s  sugges¬ 
tion  as  to  the  inherent  weakness  of  the  rebels, 
arising  from  the  preponderance  of  their  servile 
population.  The  question,  then,  is — In  what 
manner  shall  we  take  advantage  of  that  weak¬ 
ness?  By  allowing,  and  of  course  arming,  that 
population  to  rise  upon  the  defenceless  women 
and  children  of  the  country,  carrying  rapine, 
arson,  and  murder — all  the  horrors  of  San  Do¬ 
mingo,  a  million  times  magnified,  among  those 
whom  wo  hope  to  reunite  with  us  as  brethren, 
many  of  whom  are  already  so,  and  all  who  are 
worth  preserving,  will  be,  when  this  horrible 
madness  shall  have  passed  away  or  be  threshed 
out  of  them?  Would  your  Excellency  advise 
the  troops  under  my  command  to  make  war  in 
person  upon  the  defenceless  women  and  children 
of  any  part  of  the  Union,  accompanied  with 
brutalities  too  horrible  to  be  named  ?  You  will 
say,  “God  forbid!”  If  we  may  not  do  so  in 
person,  shall  we  arm  others  so  to  do  over  whom 
we  can  have  no  restraint,  exercise  no  control, 
and  who,  when  once  they  have  tasted  blood, 


253 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


may  turn  the  very  arms  we  put  in  their  hands 
against  ourselves,  as  a  part  of  the  oppressing 
white  race  ?  The  reading  of  history  so  familiar 
to  your  Excellency,  will  tell  you  the  bitterest 
cause  of  complaint  which  our  fathers  had  against 
Great  Britain  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  was 
the  arming  by  the  British  Ministry  of  the  red 
man  with  the  tomahawk  and  the  scalping-knife 
against  the  women  and  children  of  the  colonies, 
so  that  the  phrase,  “  May  we  not  use  all  the 
means  which  God  and  nature  have  put  in  our 
power  to  subjugate  the  colonies?”  has  passed 
into  a  legend  of  infamy  against  the  leader  of 
that  Ministry  who  used  it  in  Parliament.  Shall 
history  teach  us  in  vain  ?  Could  we  justify  our¬ 
selves  to  ourselves?  Although  with  arms  in 
our  hands  amid  the  savage  wildness  of  camp 
and  field,  we  may  have  blunted  many  of  the 
finer  moral  sensibilities  in  letting  loose  four  mil¬ 
lions  of  worse  than  savages  upon  the  homes  and 
hearths  of  the  South.  Can  we  be  justified  to 
the  Christian  community  of  Massachusetts? 
Would  such  a  course  be  consonant  with  the 
teachings  of  our  holy  religion  ?  I  have  a  very 
decided  opinion  upon  the  subject,  and  if  any 
one  desires,  as  I  know  your  Excellency  does 
not,  this  unhappy  contest  to  be  prosecuted  in 
that  manner,  some  instrument  other  than  my¬ 
self  must  be  found  to  carry  it  on.  I  may  not 
discuss  the  political  bearings  of  this  topic.  When 
I  went  from  under  the  shadow  of  my  roof  free, 
I  left  all  politics  behind  me,  to  be  resumed  only 
when  every  part  of  the  Union  is  loyal  to  the 
flag,  and  the  potency  of  the  Government  through 
the  ballot  box  is  established. 

Passing  the  moral  and  Christian  view,  let  us 
examine  the  subject  as  a  military  question.  Is 
not  that  State  already  subjugated  which  re¬ 
quires  the  bayonets  of  those  armed  in  opposi¬ 
tion  to  its  rulers,  to  preserve  it  from  the 
horrors  of  a  servile  war?  As  the  least  experi¬ 
enced  of  military  men,  I  would  have  no  doubt 
of  the  entire  subjugation  of  a  State  brought  to 
that  condition.  When,  therefore — unless  I  am 
better  advised — any  community  in  the  United 
States,  who  have  met  me  in  honorable  warfare, 
or  even  in  the  prosecution  of  a  rebellious  war 
in  an  honorable  manner,  shall  call  upon  me  for 
protection  against  the  nameless  horrors  of  a 
servile  insurrection,  they  shall  have  it,  and 
from  the  moment  that  call  is  obeyed,  I  have  no 
doubt  we  shall  be  friends  and  not  enemies. 

The  possibilities  that  dishonorable  means  of 
defence  are  to  be  taken  by  the  rebels  against 
the  Government,  I  do  not  now  contemplate. 
If,  as  has  been  done  in  a  single  instance,  my 
men  are  to  be  attacked  by  poison,  or  ns  in  an¬ 
other,  stricken  down  by  the  assassin’s  knife, 
and  thus  murdered,  the  community  using  such 
weapons  may  be  required  to  be  taught  that  it 
holds  within  its  own  border  a  more  potent 
means  for  deadly  purposes  and  indiscriminate 
slaughter  than  any  which  it  can  administer 
to  us. 

Trusting  that  these  views  may  meet  your  Ex¬ 


cellency’s  approval,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

Bexj.  F.  Butler. 

— H.  Y.  Times ,  May  16. 

Doc.  174^. 

MR.  SEWARD’S  LETTER  ON  TREASON. 

The  following  important  letter  was  written 
by  the  Secretary  of  State : 

Department  of  State,  ) 
"Washington,  May  16, 1861.  J 

Sir:  I  have  received  your  letter  of  yester¬ 
day’s  date,  asking  me  to  give  you,  in  writing, 
my  reasons  for  considering  an  acceptance  on 
your  part  of  Governor  Letcher’s  proposition  to 
purchase  the  steamships  Yorktown  and  James¬ 
town,  recently  seized  by  his  orders  and  now  in 
his  possession,  an  act  of  treason.  With  this  re¬ 
quest  I  readily  comply.  An  insurrection  has 
broken  out  in  several  of  the  States  of  this  Union, 
including  Virginia,  designed  to  overthrow  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.  The  execu¬ 
tive  authorities  of  the  State  are  parties  to  that 
insurrection,  and  so  are  public  enemies.  Their 
action  in  seizing  or  buying  vessels  to  be  em¬ 
ployed  in  executing  that  design  is  not  merely 
without  authority  of  law,  but  is  treason.  It  is 
treason  for  any  person  to  give  aid  and  comfort 
to  public  enemies.  To  sell  vessels  to  them, 
which  it  is  their  purpose  to  use  as  ships-of-war, 
is  to  give  them  aid  and  comfort.  To  receive 
money  from  them  in  payment  for  vessels  which 
they  have  seized  for  these  purposes  would  be 
to  convert  the  unlawful  seizure  into  a  sale,  and 
would  subject  the  party  so  offending  to  the 
pains  and  penalties  of  treason,  and  the  Govern¬ 
ment  would  not  hesitate  to  bring  the  offender 
to  punishment.  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  ser¬ 
vant,  Wm.  II.  Seward. 

To  G.  Heixekex,  Esq.,  agent  New  York  and 
Virginia  Steamship  Company,  Washington. 

— N.  Y.  Herald,  May  18, 


Doc.  175. 

SUBMARINE  BOAT  AT  PHILADELPHIA. 
May  17,  1801. 

Never,  since  the  first  flush  of  the  news  of  the 
bombardment  of  Fort  Sumter,  has  there  been 
an  excitement  in  the  city  equal  to  that  which 
was  caused  in  the  upper  wards  this  morning, 
by  the  capture  of  a  mysterious  vessel  which 
was  said  to  be  an  infernal  machine,  which  was 
to  be  used  for  all  sorts  of  treasonable  purposes, 
including  the  trifling  pastime  of  scuttling  and 
blowing  up  Government  men-of-war. 

For  a  few  days  past  the  police  have  had  their 
attention  directed  to  the  movements,  not  of  a 
“long,  low,  black  schooner;”  but  of  an  iron 
submarine  boat,  to  which  very  extraordinary 
abilities  and  infernal  propensities  were  attrib¬ 
uted.  The  Harbor  Police,  under  the  direction 


DOCUMENTS. 


259 


of  Lieutenant  Benjamin  Edgar,  were  directed 
to  be  especially  spry,  and  they  kept  their  op¬ 
tics  wide  open  for  the  mysterious  stranger. 
Yesterday  afternoon  they  stumbled  upon  a 
queer  contrivance  which  lay  at  the  lower  end 
of  Smith’s  Island,  and  proved  to  be  the  subma¬ 
rine  monster  of  which  they  were  in  search. 

Externally  it  had  the  appearance  of  a  sec¬ 
tion  of  boiler  about  twenty  feet  long,  with 
tapered  ends,  presenting  the  shape  and  ap¬ 
pearance  of  an  enormous  cigar  with  a  boiler 
iron  wrapper,  and  for  all  the  world  like  "Wi¬ 
lmas’  celebrated  steamer  in  respect  to  shape. 
The  after  end  was  furnished  with  a  propeller, 
which  had  a  contrivance  for  protecting  it  from 
damage  from  coming  in  contact  with  external 
objects.  The  forward  end  was  sharkish  in  ap¬ 
pearance,  and  the  shark  idea  was  carried  out 
in  other  respects,  as  only  the  ridge  of  the  back 
was  above  water,  while  the  tail  and  snout 
were  submerged.  Near  the  forward  end  was 
the  hatchway  or  “  man-hole,”  through  which 
egress  and  ingress  were  obtained.  This  hole 
was  covered  with  a  heavy  iron  flap,  which 
was  made  air  tight,  and  which  was  secured  in 
its  place  by  numerous  powerful  screws  and 
hooks.  Two  tiers  of  glass  bull’s  eyes  along 
each  side  of  the  submarine  monster,  completed 
its  external  features,  afforded  light  to  the 
inside,  and  gave  it  a  particularly  wide  awake 
appearance. 

But  its  Argus  eyes  did  not  avail  to  save  it 
from  capture.  About  twelve  o’clock  last  night 
the  harbor  policemen  saw  a  skiff  loaded  with 
pig  lead  move  off  from  South  street  wharf,  in 
charge  of  two  young  men,  and  they  paid  a 
visit  to  the  submarine  ship,  in  which  a  portion 
of  the  same  description  of  lead  had  already  been 
placed.  The  submariners  with  their  skiff  and 
lead  were  seized  and  brought  to  the  city,  and 
at  about  two  o’clock  this  morning  their  iron 
pet  was  towed  to  town  and  moored  at  Noble 
street  wharf. 

The  news  of  the  capture  soon  flew  around, 
and  by  little  after  daylight,  the  rush  of  people 
to  tho  spot  commenced.  All  sorts  of  stories 
were  afloat,  and  thousands  upon  thousands 
gathered  at  the  wharves,  scaled  the  neighbor¬ 
ing  board  piles,  and  importuned  the  amphibious 
policemen,  who  had  the  monster  in  charge,  for 
permission  to  board  her  and  see  how  she  looked 
inside.  But  “  no  admission  ”  was  the  rule,  and 
the  interior  remained  invisible  to  the  million. 

The  harbor  men  very  courteously  offered  us 
a  peep  inside.  After  dropping  from  a  high 
wharf  into  a  skiff  and  then  jumping  a  few  feet, 
we  found  ourselves  upon  the  back  of  the  iron 
mystery.  After  much  unscrewing  and  unhook¬ 
ing.  the  top  of  the  man-hole  was  lifted  off,  and 
divesting  ourselves  of  coat  and  hat,  we  squeezed 
into  the  machine,  under  the  gaze  of  a  curious 
and  admiring  multitude  of  about  five  thousand 
people. 

We  suddenly  found  ourselves  squatting  inside 
of  a  cigar-shaped  iron  vessel,  about  four  feet  in 
diameter.  There  was  a  crank  for  the  purpose 


of  operating  upon  the  propeller  already  de¬ 
scribed,  apparatus  for  steering,  rods,  connecting 
with  fins  outside,  which  could  be  moved  at 
pleasure,  and  which  had  something  to  do  with 
steadying  and  sinking  the  craft.  There  was  a 
large  reel  of  wire  which  might  be  intended  for 
galvanic  purposes,  pumps,  brass  faucets,  pigs 
of  ballast  lead,  and  numerous  other  things, 
which  might  be  intended  for  either  infernal  or 
humane  purposes  for  aught  we  know.  The  in¬ 
terior  was  abundantly  lighted  by  means  of  the 
double  tier  of  bull’s  eyes  wre  have  described. 

By  making  inquiry  in  proper  quarters,  we 
learned  the  history  of  tho  machine.  It  seems 
that  it  is  the  invention  of  a  Frenchman  named 
De  Villeroi.  The  cash  for  building  it  is  said 
to  have  been  furnished  by  a  relative  of  the  late 
Stephen  Girard.  It  was  constructed  in  this 
city  about  two  years  ago,  and  since  that  time 
it  has  been  lying  at  New  Castle,  Marcus  Hook, 
and  Eancocas.  It  has  been  tried  frequently  at 
those  points,  and  marvellous  stories  are  told  of 
the  facility  with  which  it  can  be  sunk  beneath 
the  water,  again  raised  to  the  surface,  and  pro¬ 
pelled  and  steered  either  beneath  the  surface 
or  upon  it. 

After  visiting  the  submarine  affair,  we  had 
an  interview  with  the  submariners  at  the  Cen¬ 
tral  Station.  They  gave  their  names  as  Al¬ 
exander  Rhodes,  a  Frenchman,  aged  30,  and 
Henry  Kriner,  an  American,  aged  19.  In  re¬ 
ply  to  our  questions,  they  told  us  that  the  ves¬ 
sel  was  intended  for  all  submarine  purposes. 
It  had  been  under  water  for  three  hours  at  a 
time,  and  could  be  moved  about  at  pleasure. 
The  persons  in  it  could  leave  it  while  under 
water,  as  though  it  was  a  diving  bell.  They 
manufacture,  while  under  water,  they  said,  the 
supply  of  air  needed  for  respiration. 

They  informed  us  that  the  vessel  had  been 
lying  at  Rancocas  for  five  months  past,  and 
that  they  brought  it  away  from  there  on  Tues¬ 
day  last,  their  object  being  to  test  it  at  the 
Navy  Yard  here,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
a  patent  for  it.  They  stated  that  M.  de  Vil¬ 
leroi  had  got  permission  from  the  officers  of  the 
yard  to  make  the  trial.  Upon  the  other  hand, 
we  hear  from  the  police,  that  the  authorities 
at  the  yard  know  nothing  of  the  machine,  and 
that  no  such  arrangement  has  been  made.  The 
business  will  be  properly  investigated,  and  if 
the  submarine  craft  is  bound  upon  any  errand 
that  is  not  friendly  to  the  Union,  it  will  not  be 
likely  to  reach  its  destination  very  speedily. 
Under  any  circumstances,  its  appearance  in  the 
river  at  this  time,  and  its  capture,  have  created 
an  extraordinary  excitement. 

— Philadelphia  Evening  Bulletin ,  Moy  17. 


Doo.  175£. 

ARKANSAS  SECESSION  ORDINANCE. 

An  Ordinance  to  dissolve  the  Union  now  ex¬ 
isting  between  the  State  of  Arkansas  and 
the  other  States  united  with  her  under  the 


260 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18GO-G1. 


compact  entitled  “The  Constitution  of  the 

United  States  of  America.” 

Whereas ,  In  addition  to  the  well-founded 
cause  of  complaint  set  forth  by  this  Convention 
in  resolutions  adopted  on  the  11th  March,  A. 
D.  1SG1,  against  the  sectional  party  now  in 
power  at  Washington  City,  headed  by  Abra¬ 
ham  Lincoln,  he  has,  in  the  face  of  the  resolu¬ 
tions  passed  by  this  Convention,  pledging  the 
State  of  Arkansas  to  resist  to  the  last  extrem¬ 
ity  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  such  power  to 
coerce  any  State  that  seceded  from  the  old 
Union,  proclaimed  to  the  world  that  war  should 
be  waged  against  such  States,  until  they  should 
be  compelled  to  submit  to  their  rule,  and  large 
forces  to  accomplish  this  have  by  this  same 
power  been  called  out,  and  are  now  being  mar¬ 
shalled  to  carry  out  this  inhuman  design,  and 
longer  to  submit  to  such  rule  or  remain  in  the 
old  Union  of  the  United  States  would  be  dis¬ 
graceful  and  ruinous  to  the  State  of  Arkansas : 

Therefore,  we,  the  people  of  the  State  of 
Arkansas,  in  Convention  assembled,  do  hereby 
declare  and  ordain,  and  it  is  hereby  declared 
and  ordained,  that  the  “  ordinance  and  accept¬ 
ance  of  compact,”  passed  and  approved  by  the 
General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Arkansas  on 
the  18th  day  of  October,  A.  D.  1836,  whereby 
it  was  by  said  General  Assembly  ordained  that, 
by  virtue  of  the  authority  vested  in  said  Gen¬ 
eral  Assembly,  by  the  provisions  of  the  ordi¬ 
nance  adopted  by  the  Convention  of  delegates 
assembled  at  Little  Rock,  for  the  purpose  of 
forming  a  Constitution  and  system  of  Govern¬ 
ment  for  said  State,  the  propositions  set  forth 
in  “  an  act  supplementary  to  an  act  entitled  an 
act  for  the  admission  of  the  State  of  Arkansas 
into  the  Union,  and  to  provide  for  the  due  exe¬ 
cution  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States  within 
the  same,  and  for  other  purposes,  were  freely 
accepted,  ratified,  and  irrevocably  confirmed 
articles  of  compact  and  union  between  the  State 
of  Arkansas  and  the  United  States,”  and  all 
other  lawrs,  and  every  other  law  and  ordinance, 
whereby  the  State  of  Arkansas  became  a  mem¬ 
ber  of  the  Federal  Union,  be,  and  the  same  are 
hereby  in  all  respects,  and  for  every  purpose 
herewith  consistent,  repealed,  abrogated,  and 
fully  set  aside ;  and  the  union  now  subsisting 
between  the  State  of  Arkansas  and  the  other 
States  under  the  name  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  is  hereby  forever  dissolved. 

And  vre  do  further  hereby  declare  and  ordain 
that  the  State  of  Arkansas  hereby  resumes  to 
herself  all  rights  and  powrers  heretofore  dele¬ 
gated  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
of  America — that  her  citizens  are  absolved  from 
all  allegiance  to  said  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  she  is  in  full  possession  and 
exercise  of  all  the  rights  and  sovereignty  which 
appertain  to  a  free  and  independent  State. 

We  do  further  ordain  and  declare  that  all 
rights  acquired  and  vested  under  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  of  the  United  States  of  America,  or  of  any 
act  or  acts  of  Congress,  or  treaty,  or  under  any 


law  of  this  State,  and  not  incompatible  with 
this  ordinance,  shall  remain  in  full  force  and 
effect,  in  no  wise  altered  or  impaired,  and  have 
the  same  effect  as  if  this  ordinance  had  not 
been  passed. 

Adopted  and  passed  in  open  Convention  on 
tbe  6th  day  of  May,  Anno  Domini  1801. 

Elias  C.  Boudinot, 

Secretary  of  the  Arkansas  State  Convention. 

— X.  Y.  Tribune ,  Juue  5. 


Doo.  170. 

FOURTEENTH  NEW  YORK  REGIMENT. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers  of  the 
regiment : — 

Field. — Colonel,  A.  M.  Wood;  Lieutenant- 
Colonel,  E.  B.  Fowler;  Major,  James  Jourdan. 

Staff. — Adjutant,  A.  W.  II.  Gill;  Engineer, 
Captain  R.  Butt ;  Chaplain,  Captain  J.  S.  In¬ 
skip  ;  Surgeon,  Captain  J.  M.  Homeston  ;  First 
Assistant  Surgeon,  Lieutenant  J.  L.  Farley ; 
Second  Assistant  Surgeon,  F.  Swalm ;  Paymas¬ 
ter,  Lieutenant  A.  G.  Gaston  ;  Quartermaster, 
Lieutenant  A.  S.  Cassiday;  Commissary,  Lieu¬ 
tenant  H.  L.  Cranford. 

Non-commissioned  Staff. — Sergeant  Major, 
T.  Head ;  Sergeant  Standard  Bearer,  F.  Head  ; 
Quartermaster  Sergeant,  J.  Howard ;  Right 
General  Guide,  J.  Miller ;  Left  General  Guide, 
W.  A.  Burnett. 

Line. — Company  A. — Captain  R.  B.  Jordan ; 
First  Lieutenant,  J.  D.  McClaskey ;  Second 
Lieutenant,  John  II.  Styles. 

Company  B. — Captain,  George  Mallery ; 
First  Lieutenant,  J.  Uffendell;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  E.  E.  Pearce. 

Company  C. — Captain,  William  M.  Burnett ; 
First  Lieutenant,  David  Myers ;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Win.  II.  Burnett. 

Company  D. — Captain,  C.  F.  Baldwin  ;  First 
Lieutenant,  J.  Thornton ;  Second  Lieutenant, 
J.  Jones. 

Company  E. — Captain,  Wm.  L.  B.  Steers; 
First  Lieutenant,  W.  II.  Middleton;  Second 
Lieutenant,  George  S.  Elcock. 

Company  F. — Captain,  A.  G.  A.  Ilarnikell ; 
First  Lieutenant,  T.  Salters ;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  James  Jordan. 

Company  G. — Captain,  G.  Plass ;  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  L.  L.  Laidlaw ;  Second  Lieutenant,  R. 
A.  Goodenough,  Jr. 

Company  II. — Captain,  Wm.  II.  DeBevoice ; 
First  Lieutenant,  George  Davey  ;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Charles  II.  Morris. 

Sappers  and  Miners,  organized  as  a  howitzer 
company. — First  Lieutenant,  John  McLeer ; 
Second  Lieutenant,  II.  Kalt ;  First  Sergeant, 
Phil.  II.  Grogan. 

Leader  of  the  Band. — J.  n.  Fielding.  Ser¬ 
geant  of  the  Drum  Corps. — J.  Flint. 

— N.  Y.  Herald,  May  19. 


DOCUMENTS. 


261 


Doc.  177. 

ATTACK  OK  SEWELL’S  POINT, 

May  19,  1861. 

Tite  following  is  the  official  report  of  the  ac¬ 
tion  between  the  United  States  war-steamer 
Star  and  the  Sewell’s  Point  battery,  on  the 
19  th  inst. 

United  States  Steamer  Star,  May  19, 1801. 

Flag  Officer  S.  IT.  Stringham,  Commander  of 
the  Home  Squadron:— 

From  the  time  I  reported  to  you  yesterday  I 
kept  a  strict  watch  on  the  movements  of  the 
enemy  in  and  about  the  Sewell’s  Point  battery. 
Several  noises  were  heard  during  the  night,  but 
not  distinct  enough  for  me  to  trace  them.  At 
half-past  five,  p.  m.,  I  heard  distinct  blows,  as 
if  from  an  axe  securing  timber  platforms  for 
mm-carriages  inside  of  the  embrasures,  and  im¬ 
mediately  I  ordered  a  shot  to  be  fired  over 
them.  The  rebels  immediately  hoisted  a  white 
fiag,  with  some  design  on  it,  and  fired  a  shot 
that  cut  the  fore  spencer  guys  near  the  gaff.  I 
immediately  went  to  quarters,  and  returned  their 
fire,  which  was  continued  by  them.  I  expend¬ 
ed  fifteen  round  of  grape,  twelve  ten-inch  shot, 
thirty-two  ten-inch  shell,  ten  shell  for  thirty- 
two  pounders,  and  forty-five  thirty-two  pound 
shot ;  making  a  total  of  one  hundred  and  four¬ 
teen  shots,  which  I  think  did  seme  execution 
among  the  rebels.  I  only  desisted  foi  \\  ant 
of  ammunition,  having  only  five  eight-pound 
charges  remaining  for  the  pivot  gun.  I  regret 
that  want  of  ammunition  compelled  me  to  re¬ 
tire,  as  I  am  satisfied  I  could  have  silenced  the 
battery  in  a  short  time. 

I  cannot  too  highly  praise  the  courage  and 
patriotism  of  the  officers  and  men  under  my 
command.  They  acted  nobly,  and  with  great 
coolness,  as  the  repeated  firings  as  above  will 
show.  The  action  continued  from  5^30  to  6'45, 
p,  M.,  a  duration  of  one  hour  and  fifteen  min¬ 
utes. 

The  battery  is  masked,  thirteen  embrasures 
having  been  erected  behind  a  sand  bank.  The 
rebels”  had  three  rifled  cannons,  and  fired  sev¬ 
eral  volleys  of  Minie  balls,  which  struck  the 
ship.  The  ship  was  struck  five  times  by  the 
rifled  cannot  shot  in  the  hull  and  upper  works. 
The  damage  can  be  repaired  by  ourselves. 

I  herewith  enclose  the  report  of  the  medical 
officer  of  this  ship,  by  which  you  will  perceive 
that  two  men  were  slightly  wounded  during 

the  action.  . 

I  cannot  close  this  communication  without 
calling  the  attention  of  the  Flag  Officer  to  the 
valuable  services  of  Lieutenant  Daniel  L. 
Braine,  who  had  charge  of  our  pivot  gun,  and 
who  during  the  whole  action  displayed  great 
coolness  and  skill  in  the  management. 

Henry  Eagle,  Commander. 

—National  Intelligencer ,  May  27. 


REBEL  ACCOUNT. 

Norfolk,  May  20, 1601. 

The  ball  has  been  opened  in  this  neighbor¬ 
hood,  and  now  it  may  be,  the  war  will  com¬ 
mence  in  earnest. 

Last  Saturday  the  steamtug  Kahokee  took 
down  a  number  of  negro  laborers,  to  complete 
a  fortification  that  had  been  commenced  on 
Sewell’s  Point,  which  is  situated  immediately 
at  the  mouth  of  Elizabeth  River,  and  from 
which  the  entrance  into  James  River  may  be 
commanded.  The  enemy  had  an  improvised 
war  steamer,  the  Monticello,  stationed  off  the 
point.  The  Kahokee  perceiving  from  certain 
demonstrations  on  the  part  of  the  Monticello 
that  it  would  be  unsafe  to  proceed  to  her  desti¬ 
nation,  landed  her  men  at  Boush’s  bluff,  a  point 
some  two  miles  this  side  of  Sewell’s,  where  a 
small  battery  had  been  erected.  This  had 
hardly  been  accomplished,  before  the  Monti¬ 
cello  steamed  up  and  fired  two  shots,  both  of 
which  passed  over  the  tug  without  inflicting 
any  damage.  The  fire  was  responded  to  by  the 
battery  at  Boush’s  bluft,  which  had  the  eftect 
of  causing  the  Monticello  to  relinquish  the 
chase  of  the  Kahokee  and  dropping  to  her 
former  position.  She  opened  her  guns  mi  the 
incomplete  battery  at  Sewell’s  Point,  with  the 
intention  of  destroying  the  work.  She  filed 
in  all  about  thirty  shots,  only  two  of  which 
took  effect,  but  no  serious  damage  was  done.— 
Two  companies  of  soldiers  were  at  the  point, 
with  about  a  hundred  negro  laborers.  The 
soldiers  stood  their  ground  bravely  when  the 
shells  fell  about  them,  but  there  was  scamper¬ 
ing  among  the  darkies. 

During  the  night  several  heavy  pieces  of 
artillery  and  an  additional  force  of  laborers 
were  sent  down  by  land  from  this  place,  a  dis¬ 
tance  of  nine  miles.  By  4  o’clock  yesterday 
(Sunday)  afternoon,  three  short  32-pounders 
and  two  rifle  6-pounders  had  been  placed  in 
position  and  were  ready  for  action.  They  had 
not  long  to  wait.  Some  brushwood  by  which 
the  operations  had  been  masked,  was  removed, 
and  no  sooner  was  the  battery  exposed  to  view, 
than  at  once  the  Monticello  opened  on  it.  She 
mounts  six  guns  of  the  heaviest  calibre,  and  for 
about  two  hours  threw  shot  and  shell  about 
the  work  with  fearful  rapidity,  and  oftentimes 
with  great  precision.  Our  men  returned  the 
fire  with  spirit,  but,  wanting  experience,  the 
guns  were  served  with  no  great  skill.  Still 
several  shots  from  the  rifle  cannon  took  effect, 
and,  about  nightfall,  the  steamer  was  obliged  to 
draw  off,  evidently  in  a  disabled  state. 

The  second  shot  from  the  battery  struck 
near  the  water  line,  which  she  instantly  sig¬ 
nalized  to  the  war  vessels  in  the  Roads  by 
sending  up  a  rocket.  Later  in  the  conflict  she 
sent,  up  another  rocket,  when  two  steamtugs, 
the  Yankee  and  the  Young  America,  came  to 
her  assistance.  The  Yankee  took  part  in  the 
engagement,  but  receiving  a  shot  in  the  stern, 
which  raked  her  deck  and  carried  away  her 
flag-staff,  she  prudently  withdrew  to  a  safer 


262 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


distance.  Her  example  was  quickly  followed 
by  the  other  two  steamers,  the  Monticello  mak¬ 
ing  headway  very  slowly,  and  rolling  heavily, 
as  if  partially  tilled  with  water. 

1  hus  in  this  first  encounter  in  our  waters, 
victory  remains  with  us.  The  troops  that 
achieved  it  were  a  company  from  Columbus, 
Ga.,  Capt.  Colquitt,  and  the  Woodis  Rifles, 
from  this  place,  Capt.  Lamb.  A  detachment 
of  the  Junior  Rifles  of  this  place  were  also  in 
the.  work.  The  men,  all  accounts  agree,  ex¬ 
hibited  the  coolness  and  courage  of  veterans. 
No  troops  could  have  behaved  better. 

When  the  affair  was  ended,  Captains  Colquitt 
and  Lamb  both  made  speeches  to  the  command, 
and  .  complimented  them  on  their  gallant  and 
soldieily  bearing.  Gen.  Gwynn,  who  was  pres¬ 
ent  during  a  part. of  the  engagement,  also  spoke 
in  high  terms  of  the  bravery  that  the  troops 
exhibited. 

As  usual,  in  the  battles  that  have  thus  far 
occurred  during  the  present  singular  war 
“  nobody  was  hurt.”  That  is,  nobody  on  our 
side,  except  one  man  who  got  a  bruised  shin 
from  a  spent  fragment  of  a  shell,  and  Col.  Col¬ 
lier,  aid  to  Gen.  Gwynn,  who,  I  learn,  was 
rapped,  so  severely  over  the  knuckles  by  a  fly- 
ing  splinter,  as  to  damage  his  hand  somewhat. 
These,  I  believe,  are  the  only  casualties,  great 
or  small,  that  occurred  on  our  side. 

On  the  part  of  the  enemy,  the  list,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  presents  a  bloodier  appearance. 

Last  night,  four  of  the  heaviest  guns,  and  a 
foice  of  nearly  a  thousand  men,  were  moved 
down  to  the  point.  It  was  expected  that  warm 
work  would  occur  there  this  morning,  but  up 
to  the  present  writing  (10  a.  m.)  every  thina 
is  quiet.  J  6 

Among  the  troops  moved  last  night,  were 
the  five  Petersburg  companies  heretofore  sta¬ 
tioned  at  Ferry  Point,  and  the  Richmond  Grays, 
all  under  command  of  Col.  Weisiger.  Let  these 
boys  have  a  chance,  and  they  will  surely  give 
a  good  account  of  themselves.  They  marched 
with  the  greatest  alacrity,  and  shouted  when 
the  order  was  given.  They  all  have  the  proper 
mettle.  1 

Norfolk,  May  20,  9  p.m. 

All  is  quiet  here  to-night. 

Between  1,500  and  2,000  Confederate  troops 
ay  ere  concentrated  at  Sewell’s  Point  last  night, 
but  the  Yankee  mercenaries  did  not  return,  as 
apprehended,  and  our  men,  who  were  actually 
eager  for  the  fray,  had  nothing  to  do. 

The  steamer  West  Point,  Captain  Rowe,  be¬ 
longing  to  the  York  River  Railroad  line,  left 
the  railroad  wharf  at  Portsmouth,  to-day,  under 
a  flag  of  truce,  to  visit  the  Federal  fleet  off  Old 
1  oint  Comfort,  for  tho  purposo  of  carrying  to 
that  destination  all  the  women  and  children 
who  desire  to  join  their  Northern  friends. 
The  steamer  was  accompanied  by  Capt.  Thos. 

T.  Ilunt.er,  commander  of  the  Virginia  Navy. 

1  he  families  of  the  folloA\flng,  among  other 
persons,  left  in  the  steamer : 

James  Hepenstall,  L.  T.  Barnard,  J.  Lucas, 


Geo.  Richard  Boush,  John  Ilarbonner,  Jos.  D 
Rnapp,  Thomas  Nelson,  Robert  Gill,  John  But- 

G1^.  V,-5‘  Lewis’  and  James  H-  Hardwick. 

the  West  Point  having  accomplished  its 
mission,  has  returned. 

Captain  Hunter  reports  the  Monticello  as 
uning  faied  very  badly  in  her  engagement 
with  our  battery  at  Sewell’s  Point,  yesterday. 
I  lie  boat  is  seriously  damaged  in  both  hull  and 
machinery,  and  it  is  thought  that  it  will  be 
some  time  before  she  can  indulge  in  another 
bombardment. 

Six  men  were  killed  on  board,  and  several 
badly  wounded. 

We.bave  been  unable  to  learn  the  names  of 
the  killed,  or  the  extent  of  the  injuries  of 
the  maimed. 

— Richmond  Examiner ,  May  22. 


Doc.  178. 

MEETING  OF  THE  N.  Y.  BIBLE  SOCIETY 
May  19,  1861. 

Wm.  Allen  Butler,  Esq.,  presided  at  the 
meeting.  Alter  the  reading  of  selections  of  the 
Scripture,  and  prayer  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hastings, 
followed  by  the  singing  of  a  hymn  by  the  con¬ 
gregation,  Mr.  Butler  said  that  in  this  Christian 
land,  where  the  recruit  was  sworn  into  service 
upon  the  Bible,  there  needed  no  special  plea  to 
justify  an  effort  to  place  the  Gospel  in  the 
hands  of  every  soldier,  as  his  best  companion 
lor  the  war.  It  might  have  been  said  that 
there  were  other  things  with  which  our  troops 
should  be  supplied  rather  than  Bibles:  they 
needed  muskets  instead  of  Bibles.  He  agreed 
that  muskets  were  the  first  thing  needed.  The 
Society  he  represented  was  not  a  society  for 
the  suppression  of  muskets  or  any  weapons  of 
war  that  would  make  our  troops  victorious. 
When  liberty  was  first  imperilled  in  Massachu¬ 
setts,  her  men  seized  the  firelock,  and  did  not 
turn  back  even  for  their  Bibles.  He  believed 
that  men  who  loved  their  Bibles  most,  and  who 
a\  oi  e  upon  their  heart  of  hearts  its  most  sacred 
truths  the  most  deeply  graven,  would  be  the 
first  to  employ  those  Bibles  to  press  home  those 
bullets  which  were  to  be  fired  in  the  defence  of 
i  ights,  such  as  AA’ere  imperilled  to-day.  (Cheers.) 
But  no  such  necessity  existed.  We  were  able 
to  equip  our  army  as  became  a  Christian  people. 
Mistakes  in  this  direction  consequent  upon  haste 
w  ere  to  be  corrected.  When  the  foundations 
ot  truth  and  justice  were  to  be  re-established 
tor  a  thousand  generations,  there  would  be 
time  alloAved  for  preparation.  They  meant  to 
place  the  Lew  Testament  in  the  hand  of  every 
souher  as  the  very  best  manual  of  duty. 

Mi.  Pierson  then  made  a  statement  of  tho 
opei  ations  ot  the  Society,  from  which  it  ap¬ 
pealed  that  there  had  been  29  city  regiments 
nijJy  supplied,  and  5  in  the  course  of  supply, 
lo  these,  23,000  I estaments had  been  furnished, 
it  a\  as  pi  oposed  to  distribute  7,000  Testaments 
among  the  16  regiments  noAv  forming  in  the 
city,  which  will  bring  up  the  total  issues  of  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


263 


Society  to  volunteers,  by  the  second  week  in 
June,  to  30,000  copies.  Many  of  Ellsworth’s 
Fire  Zouaves  said,  on  receiving  the  Testaments, 

“  We  will  tight  for  the  hook,  sir ;  we  will  de¬ 
fend  it,  sir.” 

Mr.  Smythe  also  gave  an  account  of  liis  ex¬ 
perience  as  a  Bible  distributor.  lie  referred 
to  the  action  of  Miss  Brown,  and  said  how  de¬ 
lightful  it  was  to  think  that  at  the  moment  her 
father  was  preparing  to  meet  the  enemy  at 
Fort  Pickens,  she  was  going  about  at  Fort 
Hamilton,  like  an  angel  of  light,  offering  the 
gospel  to  the  soldiers. 

The  Bev.  Dr.  Hitchcock,  in  commencing  his 
address,  related  an  incident  of  one  of  the  Mas¬ 
sachusetts  troops,  who,  on  unbuttoning  his  coat, 
drew  from  one  pocket  a  Bible,  and  from  the 
other  a  revolver.  The  State  militant  should 
furnish  the  revolver,  and  the  church  militant 
should  furnish  the  Bible ;  that  was  a  union  of 
Church  and  State  which  he  thought  all  would 
agree  was  legitimate  and  necessary.  (Cheers.) 
The  grand  peril  of  our  armies  was  the  moral 
peril  they  were  to  encounter.  But  it  should 
be  understood  that  they  believed  in  war,  in 
such  a  war  as  the  present,  vindicating  the 
rights  of  man.  (Cheers.)  The  Bible  enforced 
righteous  war.  The  question  had  become  a 
very  simple  one :  Should  we  suffer  our  nation¬ 
ality  to  bo  assassinated,  or  should  we  strike 
down  the  assassin?  There  were  also  two 
questions  before  the  American  people :  the  first 
was,  Should  a  State  or  States  be  allowed  to  se¬ 
cede  violently!  The  people  were  answering  in 
indignant  thunder  tones,  No  !  (Cheers.)  The 
other  question  looming  in  the  horizon  was, 
Should  States  be  suffered  to  secede  by  peaceful 
means  ?  Until  recently  many  had  held  that  if 
States  were  determined  to  go  out,  and  adopted 
peaceful  measures  to  accomplish  their  purpose, 
they  must  bo  allowed  to  go.  But  a  Provi¬ 
dence  had  guided  us  more  wisely  than  we  could 
ourselves,  and  the  people  throughout  the  length 
and  breadth  of  the  land,  were  coming  to  say 
that  there  should  never  be  a  disruption  of  this 
Union  either  in  peace  or  by  war.  (Cheers.)  If 
a  division  were  allowed,  how  long  could  par¬ 
ties  live  beside  the  imaginary  line  without 
quarrelling?  War  in  such  case  would  come; 
and  we  might  as  well  meet  it  at  the  threshold. 
(Cheers.)  Suppose  Bhode  Island  should  want 
to  go.  We  could  afford  to  keep  that  State  for 
a  clam  bed,  but  wo  could  never  allow  another 
flag  to  wave  over  it  than  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 
(Cheers.)  So  we  could  afford  to  keep  Louisiana 
for  alligators,  but  no  other  flag  but  ours  should 
wave  over  it.  (Cheers.)  If  the  blood  of  thou¬ 
sands  upon  thousands  were  needed  to  seal  the 
issue,  with  bowed  heads  we  could  only  say,  Thy 
will,  O  God,  be  done. 

George  Douglas,  Esq.,  (who  gave  $1,000  to 
the  Society,)  said  he  believed  Providence  had 
appointed  General  Scott  to  be  the  leader  of  our 
forces  in  this  second  war  for  liberty,  as  He  had 
General  Washington  in  the  first. 

Dr.  S.  H.  Tyng  next  addressed  the  meeting : 


Never  were  a  people  brought  together  to  main¬ 
tain  dearer  rights  or  more  imperilled  and  im¬ 
portant  interests  than  those  involved  in  the 
present  contest.  He  could  not  take  a  pirate’s 
hand,  who  was  going  to  secure  a  prize  of  twenty 
dollars  a  head  for  every  man  he  murdered,  and 
put  a  Bible  in  his  hands,  as  a  sanction  for  his 
course.  What  kind  of  a  Union  would  that  be, 
where  the  chains  of  the  slave  should  sound 
from  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other,  and  the 
infernal  boast  be  realized  that  a  man  should 
count  the  roll  of  his  slaves  on  Bunker  Hill? 
This  was  not  a  war  of  sections ;  it  was  not  a 
civil  war.  He  would  dignify  it  by  no  such 
name.  There  were  hundreds  and  thousands 
in  the  Southern  land  praying  for  the  power 
which  should  give  them  help.  In  V  irginia, 
the  scene  of  eighteen  years  of  his  ministry, 
there  were  tens  of  thousands,  he  believed,  who 
were  anxiously  waiting  for  that  which  is  called 
the  army  of  the  North  to  deliver  them  from 
the  tyranny  that  had  been  usurped  over  them. 
He  would  not  descend  to  call  it  civil  warfare. 
He  would  not  meet  pirates  upon  the  deck,  and 
call  it  warfare.  He  would  hang  them  as  quick 
as  he  would  shoot  a  mad  dog.  (Cheers.) 

There  was  one  road  to  peace,  and  that  was 
absolute  and  entire  subjection.  (Cheers.)  Ho 
did  not  mean  the  subjection  of  the  South,  but 
of  the  riotous  mob  which  there  had  control  of 
affairs.  The  sword  of  justice  was  the  only  pen 
that  could  write  the  final  treaty.  Preferring  to 
the  troops  that  had  been  raised,  the  speaker 
asked  who  ever  saw  such  an  army  as  has  been 
gathered  in  our  land?  He  would  not  except 
the  rare  birds  of  Billy  Wilson’s  regiment.  He 
might  venture  to  say  of  them  that  their  salva¬ 
tion  might  lie  in  the  very  consecration  they 
have  made  of  themselves  to  their  country. 
(Cheers.)  Twenty-three  thousand  Bibles  had 
been  given  to  the  troops  who  go  to  fight  for 
their  country  ;  did  anybody  believe  there  were 
five  hundred  copies  in  the  army  of  renegades 
who  are  meeting  them  in  the  contest?  It 
would  scald  and  singe  their  polluted  hands. 
We  had  every  cause  to  be  proud  of  our  army. 
They  are  worthy  of  the  Bible.  How  their 
names  will  glisten  in  glory !  One  of  the 
noblest  results  he  looked  for  was  a  land  with¬ 
out  a  slave  upon  it.  (Cheers.)  A  nation  in 
which  no  more  shall  God’s  image  be  sold  upon 
the  block  by  the  auctioneer.  Said  a  gentleman, 
“  The  Bible  authorizes  human  slavery  ;  you 
must  acknowledge  that  slavery  is  a  Divine  in¬ 
stitution.”  The  old  minister  to  whom  the  re¬ 
mark  was  addressed,  gathered  himself  up  and 
replied,  “Yes,  sir  ;  in  the  same  sense  in  which 
hell  is.”  (Cheers.) 

— N.  y.  Tribune,  May  20. 


Doc.  179. 

NOBTH  CABOLINA  OBDINANCE  OF  SE¬ 
CESSION. 

We,  the  people  of  the  State  of  North  Caro¬ 
lina,  in  Convention  assembled,  do  declare  and 


264 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


ordain,  and  it  is  hereby  declared  and  ordained, 
that  the  ordinance  adopted  by  the  State  of 
North  Carolina,  in  the  convention  of  1789, 
whereby  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  ratified  and  adopted,  and  also  all  acts  and 
parts  of  acts  of  the  General  Assembly,  ratify¬ 
ing  and  adopting  amendments  to  the  said  Con¬ 
stitution,  are  hereby  repealed,  rescinded,  and 
abrogated. 

“  We  do  further  declare  and  ordain  that  the 
Union  now  subsisting  between  the  State  of 
North  Carolina  and  the  other  States,  under  the 
title  of  the  United  States  of  America,  is  hereby 
dissolved,  and  that  the  State  of  North  Caro¬ 
lina  is  in  the  full  possession  and  exercise  of  all 
those  rights  of  sovereignty  which  belong  and 
appertain  to  a  free  and  independent  State. 

‘‘  Done  at  Raleigh,  20th  day  of  May,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1861.” 

The  following  ordinance  was  also  passed  : 

“We,  the  people  of  North  Carolina,  in  Con¬ 
vention  assembled,  do  declare  and  ordain,  and 
it  is  hereby  declared  and  ordained,  that  the 
State  of  North  Carolina  does  hereby  assent  to 
and  ratify  the  ‘  Constitution  for  the  Provisional 
Government  of  the  Confederate  States  of  Amer¬ 
ica,  adopted  at  Montgomery,  in  the  State  of 
Alabama,  on  the  8th  of  February,  1861,  by  the 
Convention  of  Delegates  from  the  States  of 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama, 
Mississippi,  and  Louisiana,  and  that  North  Caro¬ 
lina  will  enter  into  the  federal  association  of 
States  upon  the  terms  therein  proposed,  when 
admitted  by  the  Congress  or  any  competent 
authority  of  the  Confederate  States. 

“  Done  at  Raleigh,  20th  day  of  May,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1861.” 

— 2V.  Y.  Times,  May  26. 


Doc.  180. 

SECOND  REGIMENT  N.  Y.  S.  M. 

TnE  following  are  the  officers  : — 

Col.,  S.  W.  B.  Tompkins ;  Lieut.-Col.,  John 
H.  Wilcox ;  Major,  J.  J.  Dimock ;  Adjutant, 
A.  V.  Rea;  Special  Aid,  Capt.  Joseph  Byrne; 
Quartermaster,  H.  R.  Foote ;  Assistant  Quar¬ 
termaster,  Clinton  Berry ;  Surgeon,  Alfred  Pow¬ 
ell  ;  Assistant  Surgeon,  George  Ferguson  ;  Com¬ 
missary,  - Coffin;  Ordnance  officer,  John 

Armour ;  Paymaster,  W.  II.  Newman  ;  Cap¬ 
tain  of  Engineers,  E.  H.  Sage ;  Chaplain,  W. 
H.  Reynolds  ;  Acting  Chaplain,  Alfred  Stevens. 

The  Company  officers  are  : — 

Company  A — Captain  Graham ;  1st  Lieut., 
Henry  A.  Maxwell ;  2d  Lieut.,  Julius  Hart. 

Company  B — Captain  Reed  ;  1st  Lieut., 
Thomas  W.  Baird ;  2d  Lieut.,  Richard  Camp¬ 
bell. 

Company  C — Captain  Sted  ;  1st  Lieut.,  John 
Bookhout ;  2d  Lieut., - Robinson. 

Company  D — Captain  Kennedy  ;  1st  Lieut., 
John  Vaughan  ;  2d  Lieut.,  not  appointed. 

Company  E — Captain  Houston ;  1st  Lieut., 
Robert  Burns ;  2d  Lieut.,  John  Murray. 


Company  F — Captain  Brady ;  1st  Lieut.,  J. 
Hughes ;  2d  Lieut.,  Jas.  Mullvehill. 

Company  G — Captain  Dowling  ;  1st  Lieut., 
S.  Meinbeir ;  2d  Lieut.,  Oscar  Hoefar. 

Company  H — Captain  De  Courcey ;  1st  Lieut., 
J.  W.  Dempsey  ;  2d  Lieut.,  not  appointed. 

Company  I — Captain  Delany  ;  1st  Lieut., 
Thomas  W.  Davis ;  2d  Lieut.,  Frank  Mott,  (son 
of  Dr.  Mott  of  this  city.) 

Company  K — Captain  Darrow ;  1st  Lieut., 
M.  Vaughan;  2d  Lieut.,  Wm.  Demock. 

Howitzer  corps — Capt.  Thaddeus  Mott ;  1st 
Lieut., - -  Downey. 

Engineer  corps — Captain  Sage;  1st  Lieut., 
J.  Vanderpoel.  —  n.  y.  World. 


Doc.  181. 

GOV.  MAGOFFIN’S  PROCLAMATION. 

Frankfort,  Ivt.,  Monday,  May  20. 

Proclamation  appended  to  a  preamble  declar¬ 
ing: 

Whereas,  Many  good  citizens  requested  him 
to  forbid  the  march  of  any  forces  over  Ken¬ 
tucky  to  attack  Cairo,  or  otherwise  disturb  the 
peaceful  attitude  of  Kentucky  with  reference  to 
the  deplorable  war  now  waging  between  the 
United  and  Confederate  States;  also,  stating 
that  the  same  citizens  requested  him  to  forbid 
the  march  of  any  United  States  force  over 
Kentucky  soil  for  the  occupation  of  any  post  or 
place  within  Kentucky ;  and  whereas,  every 
indication  of  public  sentiment  shows  a  deter¬ 
mined  purpose  of  the  people  to  maintain  a 
fixed  position  of  self-defence,  proposing  and  in¬ 
tending  no  invasion  or  aggression  towards  any 
other  State  or  States,  forbidding  the  quartering 
of  troops  upon  her  soil  by  either  hostile  sec¬ 
tion,  but  simply  standing  aloof  from  an  unnatu¬ 
ral,  horrid,  and  lamentable  strife,  for  the  ex¬ 
istence  whereof  Kentucky,  neither  by  thought, 
word,  nor  act,  is  in  anywise  responsible ;  and 
whereas,  this  policy  is,  in  judgment,  wise, 
peaceful,  safe,  and  honorable,  and  most  likely 
to  preserve  the  peace  and  amity  between  the 
neighboring  border  States  on  both  shores  of 
the  Ohio,  and  protect  Kentucky  from  deplora¬ 
ble  civil  war;  and  whereas,  the  arms  distributed 
to  the  Home  Guard  are  not  to  be  used  against 
the  Federal  or  Confederate  States,  but  to  resist 
and  prevent  encroachment  on  her  soil,  rights, 
honor,  and  sovereignty,  by  either  of  the  belli¬ 
gerent  parties,  and  hoping  Kentucky  may  be¬ 
come  a  successful  mediator  between  them,  and 
in  order  to  remove  a  founded  distrust  and  sus¬ 
picion  of  purposes  to  force  Kentucky  out  of  the 
Union  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  which  may 
have  been  strongly  and  wickedly  engendered  in 
the  public  mind  in  regard  to  my  own  position 
and  that  of  the  State  Guard ; 

Now,  therefore,  I  hereby  notify  and  warn  all 
other  States,  separated  or  united,  especially  the 
United  and  Confederate  States,  that  I  solemnly 
forbid  any  movement  upon  Kentucky  soil,  or 
occupation  of  any  post  or  place  therein  for  any 
purpose  whatever,  until  authorized  by  invita- 


DOCUMENTS. 


265 


tion  or  permission  of  tlie  legislative  and  execu¬ 
tive  authorities.  I  especially  forbid  all  citi¬ 
zens  of  Kentucky,  whether  incorporated  in  the 
State  Guard  or  otherwise,  making  any  hostile 
demonstrations  against  any  of  the  aforesaid 
sovereignties,  to  be  obedient  to  the  orders  of 
lawful  authorities,  to  remain  quietly  and  peace¬ 
ably  at  home,  when  off  military  duty,  and  re¬ 
frain  from  all  words  and  acts  likely  to  provoke 
a  collision,  and  so  otherwise  conduct  that  the 
deplorable  calamity  of  invasion  may  be  avert¬ 
ed;  but  meanwhile  to  make  prompt  and  effi¬ 
cient  preparation  to  assume  the  paramount  and 
supreme  law  of  self-defence,  and  strictly  of 
self-defence  alone. 

—At  Y.  Times,  May  21. 


Doc.  182. 

SECOND  TENNESSEE  REGIMENT. 

Tnn  following  are  the  commanding  officers : 
Colonel,  Wm.  B.  Bate;  Lieut.-Col.,  Goodall, 
Major,  Doak  ;  Quartermaster,  M.  W.  Cluskey; 
Surgeon,  Dr.  Kennedy  ;  Assistant  Surgeon, 
Dr.  Erskine. 

The  following  are  the  company  officers :  A, 
Capt.  Stephen  White ;  B,  Capt.  Anderson ;  C, 
Capt.  Chaney ;  D,  Capt.  Henry  Rutherford ; 
E,  Capt.  Hunt;  F,  Capt.  T.  D.  White;  G, 
Capt.  Erthman;  II,  Capt.  Dennison;  I,  Capt. 
Tyre;  J,  Capt.  Humphrey  Bate.  The  Carolina 
Grays  (Capt.  Hunt)  is  the  flag  company  of  the 
regiment. 

The  regiment  is  called  the  “Walker  Legion,” 
in  compliment  to  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  The  Colonel  is  from 
Gallatin  county,  is  a  distinguished  lawyer,  and 
a  man  of  undoubted  ability  ;  besides,  he  has  ac 
quired  fame  on  the  bloody  fields  of  Mexico. 
The  Lieutenant-Colonel  (of  Sumner  county) 
was  one  of  the  first  to  scale  the  walls  of  Mon¬ 
terey  at  the  siege  of  that  place  by  the  Ameri¬ 
cans.  Major  Doak  is  also  an  old  Mexican  vol¬ 
unteer,  and  a  member  of  the  Tennessee  Legis¬ 
lature.  M.  W.  Cluskey,  the  Quartermaster,  (of 
the  Memphis  Avalanche ,)  is  well  known  to  the 
whole  country  as  the  author  Of  the  “  Political 
Text  Book,”  and  former  Postmaster  of  the 
United  States  House  of  Representatives  ;  while 
the  surgeons  of  the  regiment  are  both  members 
of  the  Legislature,  and  leading  members  of 
their  profession.  The  regiment  is  made  up  of 
citizens  of  Davidson,  Rutherford,  Maury,  and 
Shelby  counties,  and  is  composed  of  the  very 
best  material.  They  came  here  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  going  to  Washington.  They  are  more 
than  willing  to  have  a  hand  in  driving  the 
Vandals  from  that  place. 

— Richmond  Examiner,  May  22. 


Doc.  1S3. 

DEBTORS  TO  U.  S.  CREDITORS. 

Tiie  following  is  the  text  of  the  act  on  this 
subject,  passed  at  the  last  session  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  Congress : 


An  Act  to  authorize  certain  Debtors  to  pay  the 
Amounts  due  by  them  into  the  Treasury  of 
the  Confederate  States : 

Section  1.  The  Congress  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America  do  enact,  that  all  persons  in 
any  manner  indebted  to  individuals,  or  corpo¬ 
rations,  in  the  United  States  of  America,  (ex¬ 
cept  the  States  of  Delaware,  Maryland,  Ken- 
tucky,  and  Missouri,  and  the  District  of  Colum¬ 
bia, )"be,  and  are  hereby,  prohibited  from  pay¬ 
ing  the  same  to  their  respective  creditors, _  or 
their  agents  or  assignees,  pending  the  existing 
war  waged  by  that  Government  against  the 
Confederate  States,  or  any  of  the  slaveholding 
States  before  named. 

Sec.  2.  Any  person  indebted  as  aforesaid 
shall  be,  and  is  hereby,  authorized  to  pay  the 
amount  of  his  indebtedness  into  the  Treasury 
of  the  Confederate  States,  in  specie  or  treasury 
notes,  and  shall  receive  from  the  Treasurer  a 
certificate,  countersigned  by  the  Register,  show¬ 
ing  the  amount  paid,  and  on  what  account,  and 
the  rate  of  interest  which  the  same  was  bear- 

ing.  . 

Seo.  3.  Such  certificate  shall  bear  like  inter¬ 
est  with  the  original  contract,  and  shall  be  re¬ 
deemable  at  the  close  of  the  war  and  the  resto¬ 
ration  of  peace,  in  specie  or  its  equivalent,  on 
presentation  of  the  original  certificate. 

Seo.  4.  All  laws  and  parts  of  laws  militating 
against  this  act,  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby, 
repealed.  Howell  Conn, 

President  of  the  Congress. 

Approved  May  21, 1861.  JEFFERSON  Davis. 

—AT.  Y.  Tribune,  June  30. 


Doc.  184. 

AMERICAN  AFFAIRS  IN  GERMANY. 

It  is  not  to  be  denied,  that,  from  a  military 
point  of  view,  the  rebels  in  the  United  States 
have  just  now  several  great  advantages  over 
the  Government.  They  have  an  ably  organ¬ 
ized  army,  which  has  been  trained  for  several 
months,  and  which  must  needs  fight  and  plun¬ 
der  in  order  to  be  kept  together;  while  the 
Government  can  oppose  to  their  attacks  only 
raw  and  undisciplined  troops.  Moreover,  as 
the  war  is  to  be  carried  on  in  the  border  slavo 
States  and  in  the  southern  ports,  the  Govern¬ 
ment  troops  will  suffer  from  the  summer  heats, 
which  do  not  so  affect  the  secessionists.  It  is, 
therefore,  quite  possible  that  the  first  results 
will  be  in  favor  of  the  rebels. 

We  have,  however,  no  doubt  that  intelli¬ 
gence  and  enduring  strength  are  on  the  side  of 
the  Government,  and  that  victory  cannot  but 
remain  with  the  loyal  side.  We  judge  from  the 
recent  news  that  the  people  of  the  North  have 
at  last  learned  to  recognize  and  value  justly  the 
objects  and  power  of  the  rebels,  who  threaten 
their  national  existence ;  and  we  believe  that 
the  North  is  now  determined  never  to  lay  down 
its  arms  till  the  authority  of  the  law  is  once 
more  restored  in  all  the  seceded  Sates,  and  the 


266 


REBELLION”  RECORD,  18G0— 61. 


political  power  of  slavery,  which  has  grown  to 
so  mischievous  a  strength,  is  destroyed.  Twen¬ 
ty-three  millions  of  people,  strengthened  by  all 
the  arts  of  peace,  and  possessed  of  inexhaust¬ 
ible  resources,  are  opposed  to  three  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  slaveholders,  four  millions 
of  slaves,  and  three  millions  of  poor  whites, 
who,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  cities,  are 
thinly  scattered  over  a  broad  space  of  country, 
and  are  accustomed  to  the  most  primitive  and 
unsocial  conditions  of  life. 

The  whole  civilized  world  has  an  interest  in 
this  war.  It  is  a  war  which  the  people  of  the 
Northern  States,  conservative  by  the  nature  of 
their  industrial  and  political  habits,  could  not 
longer  put  off ;  and  it  is  a  war  which  under 
perhaps  other  names  many  a  nation  of  Europe 
will  have  to  take  up  in  its  turn.  It  is  with 
them  (the  United  States)  as  with  us  :  the  feud¬ 
alism  of  the  middle  ages  is  arrayed  in  arms 
against  the  citizenship  of  the  nineteenth  cen¬ 
tury  ;  an  exploded  theory  of  society  is  lifting 
up  its  head  against  the  triumphs  of  our  think¬ 
ing  industrial  and  progressive  century ;  the 
'poverty -struck  Don  Quixotes  of  the  Southern 
plantations  gave  battle  to  the  roaring  wind¬ 
mills  and  smoking  chimneys  of  the  wealthy 
North.  It  is  the  supercilious  noble  in  arms 
against  the  spirit  of  the  century,  in  which  the 
citizen  is  supreme.  In  such  an  issue  we  can 
wish  success  only  to  the  constitutional  Govern¬ 
ment. 

— Cologne  Gazette ,  May  5. 

Doc.  185. 

SAM  HOUSTON’S  SPEECH 
At  Independence,  Texas,  May  10. 

The  troubles  which  have  come  upon  the 
community  are  neither  unexpected  to  me,  nor 
do  I  fail  to  realize  all  the  terrible  consequences 
yet  to  ensue.  Since  the  passage  of  the  Ne¬ 
braska  and  Kansas  bill,  I  have  had  but  little 
hope  of  the  stability  of  our  institutions.  The 
advantages  gained  to  the  North  by  that  meas¬ 
ure,  through  the  incentive  to  Anti-Slavery 
agitation  and  the  opening  of  a  vast  territory  to 
Free-Soil  settlement,  were  such  that  I  saw  that 
the  South  would  soon  be  overslaughed,  and  de¬ 
prived  of  equality  in  the  Government — a  state 
of  things  which  a  chivalrous  people  like  ours 
would  not  submit  to.  Yet  I  fostered  the  long¬ 
ing  hope  that  when  the  North  saw  the  dangers 
of  disunion,  and  beheld  the  resolute  spirit  with 
which  our  people  met  the  issue,  they  would 
abandon  their  aggressive  policy,  and  allow  the 
Government  to  be  preserved  and  administered 
in  the  same  spirit  with  which  our  forefathers 
created  it.  For  this  reason  I  was  conservative. 
So  long  as  there  -was  a  hope  of  obtaining  our 
rights,  and  maintaining  our  institutions,  through 
an  appeal  to  the  sense  of  justice  and  the  broth¬ 
erhood  of  the  Northern  people,  I  was  for  pre¬ 
serving  the  Union.  The  voice  of  hope  was 
weeks  since  drowned  by  the  guns  of  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter.  It  is  not  now  heard  above  the  tramp  of 


invading  armies.  The  mission  of  the  Union 
has  ceased  to  be  one  of  peace  and  equality,  and 
now  the  dire  alternative  of  yielding  tamely  be¬ 
fore  hostile  armies,  or  meeting  the  shock  like 
freemen,  is  presented  to  the  South.  Sectional 
prejudices,  sectional  hate,  sectional  aggrandize¬ 
ment,  and  sectional  pride,  cloaked  in  the  name 
of  the  Government  and  Union,  stimulate  the 
North  in  prosecuting  this  war.  Thousands  are 
duped  into  its  support  by  zeal  for  the  Union, 
and  reverence  for  its  past  associations ;  but  the 
motives  of  the  Administration  are  too  plain  to 
be  misunderstood. 

The  time  has  come  when  a  man’s  section  is 
his  country.  I  stand  by  mine.  All  my  hopes, 
my  fortunes,  are  centred  in  the  South.  When 
I  see  the  land  for  whose  defence  my  blood  has 
been  spilt,  and  the  people  whose  fortunes  have 
been  mine  through  a  quarter  of  a  century  of 
toil,  threatened  with  invasion,  I  can  but  cast 
my  lot  with  theirs  and  await  the  issue. 

For  years  I  have  been  denounced  on  account 
of  my  efforts  to  save  the  South  from  the  con¬ 
sequences  of  the  unhappy  measures  which  have 
brought  destruction  upon  the  whole  country. 
When,  in  the  face  of  almost  my  entire  section, 
and  a  powerful  Northern  strength,  I  opposed 
the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill,  the  bitterness 
of  language  was  exhausted  to  decry  and  vilify 
me.  When  I  pictured  the  consequences  of  that 
measure,  and  foretold  its  effects,  I  was  unheed¬ 
ed.  Now,  when  every  Northern  man  who  sup¬ 
ported  that  measure  is  demanding  the  subjuga¬ 
tion  of  the  South,  our  people  can  see  the  real 
feelings  which  actuate  them  in  supporting  it. 
Devoted  as  I  was  to  peace  and  to  the  Union,  I 
have  struggled  against  the  realization  even  of 
my  own  prophecies.  Every  result  I  foresaw  has 
already  occurred.  It  was  to  bring  peace  and 
strength  to  the  South.  It  has  brought  war, 
and  spread  free  soil  almost  to  the  northern  bor¬ 
der  of  Texas.  All  we  can  now  do  is  to  stand 
firm  by  what  wo  have,  and  be  more  wise  in  the 
future. 

The  trouble  is  upon  us ;  and  no  matter  how 
it  came,  or  who  brought  it  on,  we  have  to 
meet  it.  Whether  we  have  opposed  this  Seces¬ 
sion  movement  or  favored  it,  we  must  alike 
meet  the  consequences.  I  sought  calm  and 
prudent  action.  I  desired  a  united  and  pre¬ 
pared  South,  if  we  must  leave  the  Union.  En¬ 
tire  cooperation  may  not  now  be  possible,  but 
we  have  ample  strength  for  the  struggle  if  we 
husband  it  aright.  We  must  fight  now  whether 
we  are  prepared  or  not. 

My  position  was  taken  months  since.  Though 
I  opposed  secession,  for  the  reasons  mentioned, 

I  saw.  that  the  policy  of  coercion  could  not  be 
permitted.  The  attempt  to  stigmatize  and  crush 
out  this  revolution,  comprehending  States  and 
millions  of  people,  as  a  rebellion,  would  show 
that  the  Administration  at  Washington  did  not 
comprehend  the  vast  issues  involved,  or  refused 
to  listen  to  the  dictates  of  reason,  justice,  and 
humanity.  A  stubborn  resort  to  force  when 
moderation  was  necessary,  would  destroy  every 


DOCUMENTS. 


267 


hope  of  peace  and  the  reconstruction  of  the 
Union.  That  my  views  on  this  point  might 
not  be  misunderstood,  I  sent  to  the  Legisla¬ 
ture,  prior  to  the  passage  of  the  Secession  Ordi¬ 
nance  by  the  Convention,  a  message,  in  which  I 
said : 

“  Having  called  you  together  to  provide  for 
an  expression  of  the  sovereign  will  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  at  the  ballot-box,  I  also  deem  it  my  duty  to 
declare  that,  while  the  people  of  the  State  of 
Texas  are  deliberating  upon  this  question,  no 
impending  threats  of  coercion  from  the  people  of 
another  State  should  be  permitted  to  hang  over 
them,  without  at  least  the  condemnation  of 
their  representatives.  Whatever  that  sovereign 
will  may  be  when  fairly  expressed,  it  must  be 
maintained.  Texas,  as  a  man,  will  defend  it. 
While  the  Executive  would  not  counsel  foolish 
bravado,  he  deems  it  a  duty  we  owe  to  the 
people,  to  declare  that,  even  though  their  ac¬ 
tion  shall  bring  upon  us  the  consequences  which 
now  seem  impending,  we  shall  all  (be  our  views 
in  the  past  and  present  what  they  may)  be 
united.” 

Now  that  not  only  coercion,  but  a  vindic¬ 
tive  war  is  about  to  be  inaugurated,  I  stand 
ready  to  redeem  my  pledge  to  the  people. 
Whether  the  Convention  acted  right  or  wrong 
is  not  now  the  question.  Whether  I  was  treat¬ 
ed  justly  or  unjustly  is  not  now  to  be  consid¬ 
ered.  I  put  all  that  under  my  feet,  and  there 
it  shall  stay.  Let  those  who  have  stood  by  me 
do  the  same,  and  let  us  show  that  at  a  time 
when  peril  environs  our  beloved  land,  we  know 
how  to  be  patriots  and  Texans. 

Let  us  have  no  past,  except  the  glorious  past, 
whose  heroic  deeds  shall  stimulate  us  to  resist¬ 
ance  to  oppression  and  wrong,  and  burying  in 
the  grave  of  oblivion  all  our  past  difficulties, 
let  us  go  forward,  determined  not  to  yield  from 
the  position  which  the  people  have  assumed 
until  our  independence  is  acknowledged,,  or  it 
not  acknowledged,  wrung  from  our  enemies  by 
the  force  of  our  valor.  It  is  no  time  to  turn 
back  now — the  people  have  put  their  hands  to 
the  plough  ;  they  must  go  forward.  To  recede 
would  be  worse  than  ignominy.  Better  meet 
war  in  its  deadliest  shape  than  cringe  before 
an  enemy  whose  wrath  we  have  invoked.  I 
make  no  pretensions  as  to  myself.  I  have 
yielded  up  office  and  sought  retirement  to  pre¬ 
serve  peace  among  our  people.  My  services, 
perhaps,  are  not  important  enough  to  be  desir¬ 
ed.  Others  are  perhaps  more  competent  to 
lead  the  people  through  this  revolution.  I 
have  been  with  them  through  the  fiery  ordeal 
once,  and  I  know  that  with  prudence  and  dis¬ 
cipline  their  courage  will  surmount  all  ob¬ 
stacles.  Should  the  tocsin  of  war,  calling  forth 
the  people  to  resist  the  invader,  reach  the  re¬ 
tirement  to  which  I  shall  go,  I  will  heed  neither 
the  denunciations  of  my  enemies,  nor  the  charms 
of  my  own  fireside,  but  will  join  the  ranks  of  my 
countrymen  to  defend  Texas  once  again.  Then 
I  will  ask  those  who  have  pursued  me  with 


malignity,  and  who  have  denounced  me  as  a 
traitor  to  Texas  and  the  South,  to  prove  them¬ 
selves  more  true,  when  the  battle  shock  shall 
come.  Old  and  worn  as  I  am,  I  shall  not  be 
laggard.  Though  others  may  lead,  I  shall  not 
scorn  to  follow  ;  and  though  I  may  end  life  in 
the  ranks,  where  I  commenced  it,  I  shall  feel 
that  the  post  of  duty  is  the  post  of  honor. 

We  have  entered  upon  a  conflict  which  will 
demand  all  the  energies  of  the  people.  Not 
only  must  they  be  united,  but  all  of  the  heroic 
virtues  which  characterize  a  free  people  must 
be  brought  into  requisition.  There  must  be 
that  sacrificing  spirit  of  patriotism  which  will 
yield  the  private  desires  for  the  public  good. 
There  must  be  that  fortitude  which  will  antici¬ 
pate  occasional  reverses  as  the  natural  conse¬ 
quences  of  war,  and  meet  them  with  becoming 
pride  and  resignation ;  but,  above  all,  there 
must  be  discipline  and  subordination  to  law  and 
order.  Without  this,  armies  will  be  raised  in 
vain,  and  carnage  will  be  wasted  in  hopeless 
enterprises.  The  South,  chivalric,  brave,  and 
impetuous  as  it  is,  must  add  to  these  attributes 
of  success  thorough  discipline,  or  disaster  will 
come  upon  the  country.  The  Northern  people 
by  their  nature  and  occupation  are  subordinate 
to  orders.  They  are  capable  of  great  endurance 
and  a  high  state  of  discipline.  A  good  motto 
for  a  soldier  is,  Never  underrate  the  strength  of 
your  enemy.  The  South  claims  superiority 
over  them  in  point  of  fearless  courage.  Equal 
them  in  point  of  discipline,  and  there  will  be 
no  danger.  Organize  your  forces ;  yield  obe¬ 
dience  to  ordei’s  from  head-quarters.  Do  not 
waste  your  energies  in  unauthorized  expedi¬ 
tions;  but  in  all  things  conform  to  law  and  or¬ 
der,  and  it  will  be  ten  times  better  than  run¬ 
ning  hither  and  thither,  spending  money  and 
time,  without  accomplishing  any  of  the  plans 
of  a  campaign  which  your  leaders  have  marked 
out.  Once  organized,  stay  organized. 

Do  not  be  making  companies  to-day  and  un¬ 
making  them  to-morrow.  It  you  are  dissatis¬ 
fied  with  your  captain,  wait  until  the  battle- 
day  comes,  and  he  gets  killed  oft,  then  you  can 
get  another.  It  is  better  to  fight  up  to  him 
and  get  rid  of  him  in  that  way  than  to  split  olf, 
and  make  a  new  company  to  be  spilt  up  in  the 
same  way.  I  give  this  advice  as  an  old  soldier. 
I  know  the  value  of  subordination  and  disci¬ 
pline.  A  good  citizen,  who  has  been  obedient 
to  law  and  civil  authority,  always  makes  a  good 
soldier.  I  have  ever  been  conservative,  was 
conservative  as  long  as  the  Union  lasted — am  a 
conservative  citizen  of  the  Southern  Confeder¬ 
acy,  and  giving  to  the  constituted  authorities 
of  the  country,  civil  and  military,  and  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  which  a  majority  of  the  people  have 
approved  and  acquiesced  in,  an  honest  obe¬ 
dience,  I  feel  that  I  should  do  less  than  my 
duty  did  I  not  press  upon  others  the  impor¬ 
tance  of  regarding  this  the  first  duty  of  a  good 
citizen.  —  y.  Y.  Tribune,  May  31. 


268 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Doc.  186. 

SPEECH  OF  HOWELL  COBB, 

At  Atlanta,  Geop.gia,  Hay  22. 

Fellow-Citizens  : — I  feel  that  I  cannot  com¬ 
pensate  you  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken  to 
call  me  out.  You,  as  citizens  of  Atlanta,  know 
that  there  has  been  no  instance  of  my  being 
called  upon  by  you,  in  which  I  failed  to  respond, 
unless  for  the  very  good  reason  that  I  had  noth¬ 
ing  to  say ;  and  this  evening  I  must  offer  this 
excuse  for  failing  to  address  you  at  length.  I 
presume  that  a  curiosity  to  know  what  we  have 
been  doing  in  the  Congress  recently  assembled 
at  Montgomery,  has  induced  you  to  make  this 
call  upon  me. 

We  have  made  all  the  necessary  arrange¬ 
ments  to  meet  the  present  crisis.  Last  night 
we  adjourned  to  meet  in  Richmond  on  the  20tli 
of  July.  I  will  tell  you  why  we  did  this.  The 
“Old  Dominion,”  as  you  know,  has  at  last 
shaken  off  the  bonds  of  Lincoln,  and  joined 
her  noble  Southern  sisters.  Her  soil  is  to  be 
the  battle-ground,  and  her  streams  are  to  be 
dyed  with  Southern  blood.  We  felt  that  her 
cause  was  our  cause,  and  that  if  she  fell  we 
wanted  to  die  by  her.  (Cheers.)  We  have 
sent  our  soldiers  on  to  the  posts  of  danger,  and 
we  wanted  to  be  there  to  aid  and  counsel  our 
brave  “  boys.”  In  the  progress  of  the  war  fur¬ 
ther  legislation  may  be  necessary,  and  we  will 
be  there,  that  when  the  hour  of  danger  comes, 
we  may  lay  aside  the  robes  of  legislation, 
buckle  on  the  armor  of  the  soldier,  and  do  bat¬ 
tle  beside  the  brave  ones  who  have  volunteered 
for  the  defence  of  our  beloved  South.  (Loud 
cheers.) 

The  people  are  coming  up  gallantly  to  the 
work.  When  the  call  -was  made  for  twelve 
months’  volunteers,  thousands  were  offered ;  but 
when  it  was  changed  to  the  full  term  of  the  war, 
the  numbers  increased  !  The  anxiety  among  our 
citizens  is  not  as  to  who  shall  go  to  the  wars, 
but  who  shall  stay  at  home?  No  man  in  the 
whole  Confederate  States — the  gray-haired  sire 
down  to  the  beardless  youth — in  whose  veins 
was  one  drop  of  Southern  blood,  feared  to 
plant  his  foot  upon  Virginia’s  soil,  and  die  fight¬ 
ing  for  our  rights. 

In  Congress,  the  other  day,  I  told  them  that 
if  no  other  arm  was  raised  to  defend  Virginia, 
noble  old  Georgia — proud  in  her  love  of  inde¬ 
pendence — would  rise  up  to  a  man,  and  crossing 
to  the  southernmost  bound  of  Abolitionism, 
would  say  to  Lincoln  and  his  myrmidons,  “Thus 
far,  traitor!  shalt  thou  come;  but  no  farther  I'1'1 
(Tremendous  applause.)  This  good  old  Com¬ 
monwealth — solitary  and  alone,  if  need  be — 
will  fight  until  she  sees  the  last  foul  invader  in 
his  grave !  And  I  know,  fellow-citizens,  that 
there  is  no  loyal  son  of  Georgia  before  me, 
whose  heart  does  not  beat  a  warm  response  to 
this  pledge.  (Cries  of,  “  We  will !  we  will!  ”) 

But  we  not  only  need  soldiers,  we  must  have 
treasure  to  carry  on  this  war.  Private  contri¬ 
butions  have  been  offered  to  a  vast  amount.  I 


will  mention  an  instance  which  occurred  on  the 
Mississippi  a  few  days  ago.  An  aged  man — 
whose  gray  hairs  and  tottering  limbs  forbade 
his  entering  the  ranks,  and  whose  children  of 
the  first  and  second  generations  were  in  the 
ranks  of  his  country’s  defenders — was  asked 
how  much  he  would  give  to  carry  on  the  war. 
The  spirit  of  the  old  man  rose  up  in  him — 
“Tell  them,”  he  said,  “that  my  yearly  crop  of 
1,000  bales  of  cotton  they  may  have.  Only  give 
me  enough  to  sustain  me,  and  let  the  balance 
go  to  my  country!”  Offers  of  this  sort  come 
pouring  in  upon  the  Government  from  all  parts 
of  the  country. 

But  the  Government  does  not  require  contri¬ 
butions  from  individuals;  she  has  the  means 
within  herself  of  sustaining  this  war.  No  do¬ 
nations  are  necessary,  except  for  the  equipment 
of  your  own  volunteers,  and  those  you  can  and 
will  provide  for.  But  I  tell  you  what  you  may 
do.  Those  of  you  who  raise  large  crops  of  cot¬ 
ton,  when  your  cotton  is  ready  for  market,  give 
it  to  your  Government  at  its  market  value,  re¬ 
ceive  in  return  its  bonds,  and  let  it  sell  your 
produce  to  Europe  for  the  specie  to  sustain  our 
brave  “boys”  in  Virginia.  This  was  agreed  on 
at  Montgomery,  and  we  promised  to  throw  out 
the  suggestion,  that  the  people  might  think 
about  it. 

I  raise  some  cotton,  and  every  thing  above 
my  necessary  expenses  my  Government  shall 
have.  When  this  was  proposed  in  Congress,  a 
gentleman  from  Mississippi  rose  up  and  said 
that  he  did  not  raise  cotton ;  it  was  his  misfor¬ 
tune  not  to  be  able  to  help  liis  country  in  that 
manner.  “But,”  said  he,  “I  will  go  home  and 
canvass  my  section,  and  every  man  that  I  meet, 
who  raises  cotton,  sugar,  and  rice,  I  will  per¬ 
suade  him  to  sell  it  to  his  Government.” 

But  this  patriotism  is  not  confined  to  the 
men ;  the  women,  with  warm  hearts  and  busy 
fingers,  are  helping  the  soldiers.  I  will  give 
you  an  instance  that  happened  at  Montgomery. 
A  message  was  received  on  Friday  evening  that 
a  thousand  sand-bags  were  wanted,  with  which 
to  build  batteries  to  protect  our  men  at  Pensa¬ 
cola.  What  could  be  done?  Some  one  sug¬ 
gested  that  the  ladies  be  made  acquainted  with 
our  wants.  It  was  done  on  Saturday  morning. 
Monday  evening  I  received  notice  to  attend  a 
meeting  to  be  held  at  5  o’clock  in  the  Methodist 
church.  Between  the  reception  of  the  message 
and  5  o’clock  that  evening,  the  money  had 
been  raised,  the  cloth  purchased,  and  the  lovely 
women  of  that  city,  with  their  own  delicate 
hands,  at  their  homes  and  in  the  sanctuary  of 
the  living  God,  were  making  bags;  and  on 
Tuesday  I  saw  the  sand-bags  start  for  Pensa¬ 
cola,  to  protect  our  brave  soldiers!  (Cheers.) 
Talk  about  subjugating  us!  Why,  we  might 
lay  aside  the  men,  and  all  Abolitiondom 
couldn't  run  down  the  icomen  even  !  (Prolonged 
applause.) 

They  say  at  the  North  that  wo  arc  alarmed. 
What  cause  have  we  to  be  so?  When  the  Con¬ 
gress  assembled  at  Montgomery  thero  were 


DOCUMENTS. 


269 


only  six  States  represented.  Now  there  are 
nine,  and  every  breeze  that  conies  from  Tennes¬ 
see  hears  ns  news  that  her  people  are  rising  up 
unanimously  against  the  usurpations  of  Lincoln. 
North  Carolina — the  State  of  my  parentage, 
and  I  love  her  with  a  love  next  to  my  native 
State — she,  too,  is  aroused,  and  her  Conven¬ 
tion  has  unanimously  adopted  the  ordinance  of 
secession ;  and  these  States  will  soon  shine  as 
bright  stars  in  our  galaxy.  With  such  aids  as 
these,  and  with  so  many  brave  hearts  in  our 
land,  we  can  never  be  conquered! 

I  have  spoken  enthusiastically,  but  pardon 
me.  I  can  say  nothing  more.  (Cries  of,  “Go 
on!”)  You  will  excuse  me,  as  I  have  been 
speaking  at  every  town  on  the  road,  and  am 
quite  hoarse. 

—  Ohio  Statesman,  May  20. 


Doc.  187. 

SECRETARY  CAMERON’S  LETTER. 

War  Department,  Washington,  May  22, 1S61. 

Dear  Sir  : — By  reference  to  General  Orders, 
No.  15,  of  the  War  Department,  appended,  a 
copy  of  which  I  herewith  forward  you,  giving 
the  plan  of  the  organization  of  the  volunteer 
forces  called  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States  by  the  President,  you  will  perceive  that 
all  regimental  officers  of  those  volunteers,  from 
Colonels  down  to  Second  Lieutenants,  inclusive, 
are  appointed  by  the  Governors  of  States. 

Having  thus  confided  to  you  the  appointment 
of  all  these  officers  for  the  regiments  furnished 
by  your  State,  you  will,  I  trust,  excuse  this  De¬ 
partment  for  impressing  upon  you  in  advance 
the  necessity  of  absolute  adherence  in  your  ap¬ 
pointments,  to  the  following  suggestions,  which 
are  deemed  of  the  highest  importance  by  the 
General-in-Chief,  under  whose  advice  they  are 
submitted  to  you : 

First. — To  commission  no  one  of  doubtful 
morals  or  patriotism,  and  not  of  sound  health. 

Second. — To  appoint  no  one  to  a  Lieutenancy, 
Second  or  First,  who  has  passed  the  age  of  22 
years;  or  to  a  Captaincy  over  30  years;  and  to 
appoint  no  Field-officers,  Major,  Lieutenant, 
or  Colonel,  unless  a  graduate  of  the  United 
States  Military  Academy,  or  is  known  to  pos¬ 
sess  military  knowledge  and  experience,  who 
has  passed  the  respective  ages  of  35,  40,  and  45 
years. 

This  Department  feels  assured  it  will  not  he 
deemed  offensive  to  your  Excellency  to  add  this 
general  counsel,  that  the  higher  the  moral  char¬ 
acter  and  general  intelligence  of  the  officers  so 
appointed,  the  greater  the  efficiency  of  the 
troops  and  the  resulting  glory  to  their  re¬ 
spective  States. 

1  am,  sir,  respectfully, 

Simon  Cameron, 
Secretary  of  War. 

— National  Intelligencer,  Mny  24. 


Doc.  188. 

SECOND  REGIMENT  N.  Y.  S.  Y. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers :  Colonel, 
Joseph  B.  Carr;  Lieutenant-Colonel,  R.  Wells 
Kenyon;  Major,  Richard  D.  Bloss;  Adjutant, 
Timothy  Quinn  ;  Surgeon,  Reed  B.  Bontecou ; 
Surgeon’s  Mate,  Leroy  McLean ;  Quartermaster, 
C.  L.  McArthur;  Chaplain,  Y.  B.  Lewis;  Ser¬ 
geant-Major,  L.  G.  Benedict;  Quartermaster- 
Sergeant,  J.  P.  Donnelly ;  Drum-Major,  Thomas 
E.  Bulger. 

Company  A,  Captain,  J.  W.  Armifogc;  First 
Lieutenant,  Calvin  IV.  Link ;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  George  W.  Hitchcock.  Company  B, 
Captain,  Win.  A.  Olmsted  ;  First  Lieutenant,  T. 
C.  Haddock;  Second  Lieutenant,  Lee  Churchill. 
Company  C,  Captain,  Geo.  II.  Otis;  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Lee  Perkins;  Second  Lieutenant,  W.  II. 
Pitt.  Company  D,  Captain,  Michael  Cassidy ; 
First  Lieutenant,  John  Maguire;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  John  McCaffrey.  Company  E,  Captain, 
Geo.  W.  Wilson;  First  Lieutenant,  John  II. 
Quackenbush ;  Second  Lieutenant,  C.  Wilson. 
Company  F,  Captain,  S.  W.  Park ;  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  James  Cross;  Second  Lieutenant,  Wm. 
II.  Harrison.  Company  G,  Captain,  W.  B.  Tid¬ 
bits;  First  Lieutenant,  James  Savage;  Second 
Lieutenant,  Wm.  Sullivan.  Company  II,  Cap¬ 
tain,  J.  G.  McNutt;  First  Lieutenant,  Wm. 
O’Brien;  Second  Lieutenant,  IV.  II.  McFeeters. 

Company  I,  Captain,  -  McConilie;  First 

Lieutenant,  Jos.  Lafuira;  Second  Lieutenant, 
George  Taft.  Company  K,  Captain,  John 
Arts;  First  Lieutenant,  Henry  Jansen;  Second 

Lieutenant,  Auguste  Kalbe. 

— xV.  Y.  Herald,  May  20. 


Doc.  18S|. 

SPEECH  OF  DR.  McCLINTOCK, 

At  Exeter  Hall,  London. 

(From  the  Methodist.) 

“Exeter  Hall  was  probably  never  the  scene 
of  greater  enthusiasm  than  on  the  occasion  of 
the  address  of  our  corresponding  editor.  For¬ 
mally  the  speech  was  in  behalf  of  the  cause  of 
missions,  but  in  point  of  fact,  it  became  an  ap¬ 
peal  for  the  American  people  and  the  American 
Government  grappling  with  a  formidable  re¬ 
bellion.  Dr.  McClintock  said : 

*  *  *  “I  don’t  know  whether  any  of  you 
read  the  Times  or  not,  but  I  do  sometimes;  and 
the  Times  has  been  trying  to  persuade  the 
British  people  recently  that  there  is  no  Amer¬ 
ican  republic  any  more;  that  it  has  all  sunk 
fathoms  deep.  I  do  not  know  but  that  this 
man  ‘from  the  country  ’  has  got  hold  of  an  old 
copy  of  the  Times  with  that  in.  (Loud  laugh¬ 
ter.)  The  Times  said,  the  day  before  yesterday, 
just  in  the  words  that  I  will  now  quote:  ‘The 
great  republic  is  no  more; ’  and  Gervase  Smith 
left  us  out  of  his  speech !  Shall  I  go  home  and 
tell  my  friends  that  I  don’t  know  whether  you 
believe  with  the  Times  or  not?  I  am  inclined 
to  think  you  do  not,  but  if  you  have  the  slight- 


^ccuxients — 19 


270 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-01 


est  disposition  to  believe  any  such  doctrine  as 
that  let  me  tell  you,  ‘lay  not  the  flattering 
unction  to  your  soul.’  No,  I  don’t  believe  that 
Britons  will  rejoice  to  see  the  day  when  the 
‘Great  Republic’  shall  be  no  more.  (Tremen¬ 
dous  cheering.)  But,  if  they  shall,  let  me  tell 
you  the  day  of  their  rejoicing  is  very  far  away. 
(Cheers.)  What  sort  of  a  prophet  would  that 
have  been  who,  just  at  the  beginning  of  the 
conflict  of  the  American  Revolution,  when 
Great  Britain  was  going  to  fight  her  rebellious 
colonies,  should  have  said  Great  Britain  was  no 
more. 

“What  would  have  been  thought  of  the  man 
who  would  have  said,  after  you  had  given  up 
the  American  colonies — a  far  bigger  territory 
than  any  you  had  left  at  that  time — what  would 
have  been  thought  of  the  newspaper  that 
should  have  said,  at  that  moment,  ‘  The  great 
power  of  the  British  Crown  is  no  more,  the 
British  empire  is  defunct?’  He  would  have 
been  a  splendid  prophet,  would  he  not?  Sup¬ 
pose,  too,  that  we  in  New  York,  editing  papers 
(and  I  have  tried  my  hand  at  that  business  my¬ 
self,  in  a  religious  sort  of  way)  at  the  time  of 
your  rebellion  in  the  East  Indies,  should  have 
made  use  of  such  an  expression  as  that — I  am 
not  afraid  of  talking  about  the  Times,  because 
I  am  not  an  Englishman — and  if  we  had  printed 
for  two  or  three  days  that  Great  Britain  was  no 
more,  and  the  diadem  was  about  to  fall  from 
the  head  of  Victoria,  because  there  was  a  re¬ 
bellion  in  India,  it  would  have  been  quite  a 
parallel  case. 

*  *  *  “Now,  whatever  the  Times  tells 
you,  don’t  you  say  that  the  republic  is  drowned. 
(Hear,  hear.)  Now,  I  just  want  to  cut  another 
point  out  of  the  countryman’s  speech ;  and  that 
is  the  hit  about  the  slave.  I  do  not  think  there 
was  a  single  thing  in  that  great  speech  of  Mr. 
Smith’s  that  took  with  this  audience  more  than 
the  part  about  the  slave.  Now,  let  me  say  to 
you,  Mr.  President,  and  this  vast  audience  of 
Wesleyan  ministers,  and  good,  sensible,  intelli¬ 
gent  people,  do  not  let  your  political  news¬ 
papers,  or  your  politicians,  debauch  your  in¬ 
tellects  or  morals  upon  the  present  exciting 
American  question.  For  the  first  time  in  the 
whole  history  of  the  human  race,  a  people  to 
the  extent  of  twenty  millions  have  risen  up  to 
say:  ‘We  will  forfeit  our  prestige  before  the 
world;  we  will  jeopard  our  name  even  as  a 
great  republic;  we  will  run  the  risk  even  of  a 
terrible  civil  war,  such  as  the  world  has  never 
seen;  we  will  do  all  this  sooner  than  we  will 
suffer  that  human  slavery  shall  be  extended  one 
inch.’  (Tremendous  cheering.)  I  am  in  earn¬ 
est  about  that  point,  and  I  do  not  want  you  to 
forget  it,  and  if  you  read  the  Times  you  will 
need  to  remember  it. 

“  When  I  took  up  the  Times  at  breakfast  this 
morning,  and  read  the  first  fifteen  or  twenty 
lines,  it  stopped  my  appetite  for  breakfast — I 
could  not  get  on — I  had  to  vent  myself  in  a  few 
angry  words  to  my  wife  before  I  could  get  my 
appetite  back  again.  (Laughter.)  I  had  a  pa¬ 


per  put  into  my  hands  called  the  Telegraph, 
which  they  tell  me  has  a  larger  circulation  than 
the  Times  now;  it  seemed  a  capitally  written 
paper,  though  I  did  not  like  the  doctrines  of  it. 
What  did  I  read  in  that  one  article  on  American 
affairs?  This  sentence:  ‘Are  the  Americans 
going  to  cut  each  other’s  throats  about  a  mis¬ 
erable  question  of  the  liberty  of  blackamoors?  ’ 
That  in  the  city  of  London — not  in  any  pro¬ 
slavery  paper  in  New  York  or  Charleston,  but 
in  the  city  of  London,  in  a  newspaper  that  is 
said  to  be  read  by  more  people  than  the  Times. 
Now,  if  you  read  either  of  these  papers,  I  hope 
you  will  read  between  the  lines  hereafter. 
(Laughter.) 

“  Bo  far  at  least  as  this  congregation  is  con¬ 
cerned,  I  hope  you  will  not  be  debauched.  Wo 
used  to  think,  years  ago,  we  heard  voices  com¬ 
ing  across  the  great  Atlantic,  such  voices  as  this 
man,  Gervase  Smith’s,  telling  us  to  be  brave  for 
the  slaves;  and  three  or  four  years  ago,  when  I 
was  here,  I  was  abused  in  newspapers  printed 
in  the  city  of  London  because  I  was  a  pro-slavery 
man ;  it  was  said — not  enough  of  an  abolitionist ; 
and  we  thought  that  Britain  was  in  earnest  in  this. 
And  yet,  if  we  were  to  believe  these  newspapers, 
all  these  professions  have  been  a  sham  and  a 
humbug,  and  all  your  anti-slavery  feeling  has 
been  simply  fanaticism  !  God  preserve  us,  for 
I  am  sure  the  newspapers  never  will.  (Loud 
cllCGl’S.) 

— N  Y.  Evening  Post ,  May  123. 

Doc.  189. 

SPEECH  OF  A.  II.  STEPHENS, 

At  Atlaxta,  Geougia,  May  23. 

My  Fellow-Citizens: — The  time  for  speech¬ 
making  has  passed.  The  people  have  heard  all 
that  can  be  said.  The  time  for  prompt,  vig¬ 
orous,  decisive  action  is  upon  us,  and  we  must 
do  our  duty.  Upon  the  surface,  affairs  appear 
to  be  quiet,  and  I  can  give  you  no  satisfaction 
as  to  their  real  condition.  It  is  true  that  threats 
of  an  attack  on  Pensacola  have  been  made,  but 
it  is  uncertain  whether  any  attack  will  be  made. 
As  you  know,  an  attack  was  made  on  Sewell’s 
Point,  near  Norfolk,  but  the  vessel  making  it 
was  repulsed  and  disabled.  But  the  general 
opinion  and  indications  are  that  the  first  de¬ 
monstration  will  be  at  Harper’s  Ferry,  and  that 
there,  where  John  Brown  inaugurated  his  work 
of  slaughter,  will  be  fought  a  fierce  and  bloody 
battle.  As  for  myself,  I  believe  that  there  the 
war  will  begin  ;  and  that  the  first  boom  of  can¬ 
non  that  breaks  upon  our  cars  will  come  from 
that  point.  But  let  it  begin  where  it  will,  and 
be  as  bloody  and  prolonged  as  it  may,  we  are 
prepared  for  the  issue  ! 

Some  think  there  will  be  no  war;  as  to  that 
I  know  not.  But  whatever  others  wanted,  the 
object  of  the  Confederate  Government  is  peace. 
Come  peace  or  war,  however,  it  is  determined 
to  maintain  our  position  at  every  hazard  and  at 
every  cost,  and  to  drive  back  the  myrmidons  of 


DOCUMENTS. 


271 


Abolitionism.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Lincoln 
will  perceive  his  error  and  cease  his  warlike 
preparations.  The  war  is  against  all  the  prin¬ 
ciples  on  which  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  is  based.  The  arrest  of  Loss  Winans, 
by  the  order  of  President  Lincoln,  is  an  act  of 
despotism  which  the  autocrat  of  Russia,  with  all 
his  absolute  power,  never  thought  of  exceeding. 
It.  is  an  assumption  of  power  on  the  part  of  the 
Executive  which  even  Congress  had  never  dared 
to  usurp;  for  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  expressly  provides  that  no  citizen  thereof 
shall  bo  deprived  of  his  life,  liberty,  or  prop¬ 
erty,  except  as  a  punishment  for  crimes,  and 
after  a  fair  trial  by  his  peers. 

The  proclamation  declaring  our  ports  in  a  state 
of  blockade,  is  in  violation  of  the  oath  taken  by 
Lincoln  when  he  was  inaugurated  President  of 
the  United  States;  for  he  swore  to  maintain  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  de¬ 
clares  that  “  no  preference  shall  be  given  by  any 
regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the  ports 
of  one  State  over  those  of  another  State ;  ”  and 
he  considers  us  a  part  of  the  United  States;  yet 
the  ports  of  Boston  and  New  York  were  open 
to  the  world,  while  Charleston  and  other 
Southern  ports  were  declared  to  bo  in  a  stato 
of  blockade.  How  dare  he  issue  such  an  ukase  ? 
How  dare  he,  with  the  oath  upon  his  lips  to 
support  the  Constitution,  trample  that  instru¬ 
ment  in  the  dust?  But  he  declared,  shortly 
after  his  inauguration,  that  he  had  an  “oath 
registered  in  high  Heaven.”  By  this  ho  means 
that  he  has  sworn  the  subjugation  of  the  South 
to  the  legions  of  Abolitiondom.  Well,  let  them 
come.  We  are  prepared  for  them. 

The  acts  of  Lincoln  exhibit  the  spirit  of  an¬ 
archy  which  is  abroad  in  the  North,  and  total 
disregard  of  all  constitutional  obligations  and 
limits  by  the  Abolition  despot  now  in  power. 
The  North  is  fast  drifting  to  anarchy  and  an 
established  despotism.  On  you,  therefore,  as 
citizens  of  the  Confederate  States,  depend  tho 
success  and  perpetuation  of  constitutional  lib¬ 
erty;  for  the  day  is  not  far  off  when  freedom 
will  exist  only  south  of  Mason  &  Dixon’s  line, 
and  your  stout  arms  and  brave  hearts  her  only 
support  on  all  this  continent. 

We  prefer  and  desire  peace  if  we  can  have 
it ;  but  if  we  cannot,  w'e  must  meet  the  issuo 
forced  upon  us.  We  must  meet  Lincoln  and 
his  myrmidons  on  their  own  ground,  and  on 
their  own  terms — on  constitutional  principles. 

So  far,  our  progress  has  been  all  that  wo 
could  expect.  A  Government  has  been  organ¬ 
ized,  Executive  Departments  and  offices  sup¬ 
plied,  all  needful  laws  passed,  and  all  necessary 
arrangements  made  to  meet  any  contingency. 
At  tho  head  of  our  Government  is  President 
Davis — who  led  tho  Mississippi  Rifles  at  Buena 
Vista — and  whose  flag  never  yet  trailed  in 
the  dust.  This  noblo  and  true  son  of  the  South 
goes  to  Richmond,  to  take  command  in  person 
of  our  soldiers  there,  and  to  lead  them  upon  the 
battle  field  against  all  tho  military  power  and 


talent  they  can  summon — even  to  their  veteran 
chieftain,  General  Scott  himself. 

Whether  brought  to  a  bloody  conflict  or  not, 
we  are  prepared.  Our  people  everywhere  are 
full  of  enthusiasm,  and  strong  in  their  determi¬ 
nation  never  to  submit  to  the  rule  of  Lincoln. 
Fathers,  and  mothers,  and  sisters  are  all  ready, 
and  doing  all  they  can  in  aid  of  the  cause.  Wo 
are  in  the  right;  and  justice  is  upon  our  side. 
We  must  succeed.  The  same  God  who  guided 
our  fathers  in  tho  bloody  Revolution,  and  who 
made  tho  glory  of  the  late  United  States,  is  yet 
upon  the  side  of  right  and  justice.  Relying 
upon  Him  who  holds  the  destinies  of  all  nations 
in  His  hands,  we  will  go  forth  to  battle,  resolved 
to  conquer  or  die ! 

— Ohio  Statesman ,  May  30. 


Doc.  190. 

FIFTH  REGIMENT  N.  Y.  VOLUNTEERS. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  tho  officers  of  tho 
5th  Volunteers:  Colonel,  A.  Duryea ;  Lieut- 

Colonel,  E.  K.  Warren;  Major, - Davies; 

Adjutant,  Joseph  Hamlin;  Surgeon,  Dr.  R.  II. 
Gilbert ;  Assistant  Surgeon,  Dr.  B.  E.  Martin  ; 
Chaplain,  the  Rev.  G.  Winslow. 

Company  A,  Capt.,  H.  D.  Hull ;  Lieut.,  W.  T. 
Partridge ;  Ensign,  J.  W.  Patten. 

Company  B,  Capt.,  R.  S.  Dumont;  Lieut., 
Gouv.  Carr;  Ensign,  T.  S.  Demart.  * 

Company  C,  Capt.,  Hy.  E.  Davis;  Lieut.,  G.  D. 
Florence ;  ’Ensign,  Chas.  II.  Seymour. 

Company  D,  Capt.,  J.  L.  Wall ;  Lieut., - 

Lewis ;  Ensign, - Corcoran. 

Company  E,  Capt.,  II.  Duryea ;  Lieut.,  G.  Dur¬ 
yea;  Ensign,  II.  II.  Burnett. 

Company  F,  Capt.,  II.  A.  Swartout;  Lieut.,  A. 
Wctmoro;  Ensign,  Carlisle  Boyd. 

Company  G,  Capt.,  A.  Teneyek;  Lieut.,  Jacob 
Duryea;  Ensign,  Jos.  II.  Bradley. 

Company  II,  Capt.,  G.  Gilpatrick ;  Lieut.,  S.  S.. 
Cambreling;  Ensign,  Jas.  Miller. 

Company  J,  Capt.,  Chas.  C.  Bartlett;  Lieut., 
Jas.  S.  York;  Ensign,  S.  Hayward  Whitmore. 
Company  IC,  Capt.,  Cleaveland  Winslow ; 

Lieut.,  W.  II.  White;  Ensign, - -  Ferguson. 

— N.  T.  Tribune ,  May  24. 


Doc.  1901. 

FIRST  AND  SECOND  OHIO  REGIMENTS. 

Tite  officers  of  tho  First  regiment  are :  A.  D. 
McCook,  Colonel ;  E.  S.  Parrott,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  ;  J.  Hughes,  Major ;  J.  S.  Parrott,  Ad¬ 
jutant;  J.  Mclvinsey,  Sergeant  Major;  Jas. 
Hill,  Quartermaster ;  M.  Steele,  Quartermaster 
Sergeant ;  C.  G.  Smyth,  Color  Sergeant. 

Companies. — Co.  A,  Lancaster  Guard.  Capt. 
Stafford ;  Co.  B,  Dayton  Lafayette  Yagers, 
Capt.  Doisher ;  Co.  C,  Dayton  Light  Guard, 
Capt.  Pease ;  Co.  D,  Dayton  Montgomery 
Guard,  Capt.  Crowe ;  Co.  E,  Cleveland  Grays, 


972 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1SG0-G1. 


Capt.  Paddock;  Co.  F,  Franklin  Blues,  Capt. 
Kell ;  Co.  G,  Light  Guard,  Capt.  Bayley  ;  Co. 
II,  Zanesville  Guard,  Capt.  Hazlett;  Co.  I, 
Mansfield  Guard,  Capt.  McLaughlin;  Co.  K, 
Jackson  Guard,  Capt.  Brook.  This  Regiment 
is  accompanied  by  the  Cleveland  Brass  Band. 

The  officers  of  the  Second  Regiment  are  Col. 
Wilson,  Lieut.-Col.  Mason,  and  Major  Perry. 

Companies. — Co.  A,  Rover  Guard,  Capt. 
Finch  ;  Co.  B,  Columbus  Videttes,  Capt.  Sprall; 
Co.  C,  State  Fencihles,  Capt  Mitchell ;  Co.  D, 
Cincinnati  Zouaves,  Capt.  Baldwin  ;  Co.  E, 
Lafayette  Guard,  Capt.  Haldenhoff;  Co.  F, 
Springfield  Zouaves,  Capt.  Mason  ;  Co.  G,  Pick¬ 
away  Guard,  Capt.  Black ;  Co.  II,  Steubenville 
Guard,  Capt.  Cook ;  Co.  I,  Harris  Guard  ot 
Cincinnati,  Capt.  Harrold ;  Co.  K,  Baldwin 
Riiles  of  Urbana,  Capt.  Baldwin.  The  Hillsboro 
Band  is  with  this  Regiment. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  May  24-27. 


Doc.  191. 

TRE  THIRD  CONNECTICUT  REGIMENT. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers  :  Col¬ 
onel,  J.  Arnold  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel,  A.  P.  Bra¬ 
dy  ;  Major,  A.  Warner;  Adjutant,  T.  J.  Peck; 
Quartermaster,  R.  Halcomb ;  Surgeon,  J.  Mc¬ 
Gregor  ;  Assistant  Surgeon,  M.  T.  Newton ; 
Sergeant  Major,  W.  E.  Brady  ;  Assistant  Quar¬ 
termaster,  J.  II.  Alexander;  Drum  Major,  L. 

B.  Fannin;  Fife  Major,  W.  R.  Miller;  Infantry 
company  A,  Captain  D.  Famber;  Rifle  com¬ 
pany  B,  Captain  J.  R.  Cook  ;  Infantry  company 

C,  Captain  S.  J.  Roat ;  Infantry  company  D, 
Captain  F.  Frye  ;  Rifle  company  E,  Captain  J. 
A.  Nelson  ;  Rifle  company  F,  Captain  A.  Ste¬ 
vens ;  Rifle  company  A,  Captain  G.  N.  Lewis; 
Rifle  company  I),  Captain  E.  Harlaiul. 

—  Washington  National  Republican,  May  27. 


Doc.  192. 

INSTRUCTIONS  TO  PRIVATEERS. 

1.  The  tenor  of  your  commission,  under  the 
act  of  Congress  entitled  “  An  act  recognizing 
the  existence  of  war  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Confederate  States,  and  concerning 
letters  of  marque,  prizes,  and  prize  goods,”  a 
copy  of  which  is  hereto  annexed,  will  be  kept 
constantly  in  your  view.  The  high  seas  referred 
to  in  your  commission,  you  will  understand 
generally  to  refer  to  the  low-water  mark,  but 
with  the  exception  of  the  space  within  one 
league,  or  three  miles,  from  the  shore  of  coun¬ 
tries  at  peace  with  the  United  States  and  the 
Confederate  States.  You  nevertheless  execute 
your  commission  within  the  distance  of  the 
shore  of  the  nation  at  war  with  the  United 
States,  and  even  on  the  waters  within  the  ju¬ 
risdiction  of  such  nation,  if  permitted  to  do  so. 

2.  You  are  to  pay  the  strictest  regard  to  the 
rights  of  neutral  Powers  and  the  usages  of  civ¬ 
ilized  nations,  and  in  all  your  proceedings  tow¬ 


ards  neutral  vessels  you  are  to  give  them  as  lit¬ 
tle  molestation  or  interruption  as  will  consist 
with  the  right  of  ascertaining  their  neutral 
character,  and  of  detaining  and  bringing  them 
in  for  regular  adjudication  in  the  proper  cases. 
You  are  particularly  to  avoid  even  the  appear¬ 
ance  of  using  force  or  seduction  with  the  view 
to  deprive  such  vessels  of  their  crews  or  the 
passengers,  other  than  persons  in  the  military 
service  of  the  enemy. 

3.  Towards  enemy  vessels  and  their  crews 
you  are  to  proceed,  in  exercising  the  rights  of 
war,  with  all  the  justice  and  humanity  which 
characterize  this  Government  and  its  citizens. 

4.  The  master,  and  one  or  more  of  the  prin¬ 
cipal  persons  belonging  to  the  captured  vessels, 
are  to  be  sent,  as  soon  after  the  capture  as  may 
be,  to  the  Judge  or  Judges  of  the  proper  court 
in  the  Confederate  States,  to  be  examined  upon 
oath  touching  the  interest  or  property  of  the 
captured  vessel  and  her  lading,  and  at  the  same 
time  are  to  be  delivered  to  the  Judge  or  Judges 
all  papers,  charter  parties,  bills  of  lading,  letters, 
and  other  documents  and  writings  found  on 
board  ;  and  the  said  papers  to  be  proved  by  the 
affidavit  of  the  commander  of  the  captured  ves¬ 
sel,  or  some  other  person  present  at  the  capture, 
to  be  produced  as  they  were  received,  without 
fraud,  addition,  subtraction,  or  embezzlement. 

5.  Property,  even  of  the  enemy,  is  exempt 
from  seizure  on  neutral  vessels,  unless  it  be 
contraband  of  war.  If  goods  contraband  of 
war  are  found  on  any  neutral  vessel,  and  the 
commander  thereof  shall  offer  to  deliver  them 
up,  the  offer  shall  be  accepted,  and  the  vessel 
left  at  liberty  to  pursue  its  voyage,  unless  the 
quantity  of  contraband  goods  shall  be  greater 
than  can  be  conveniently  received  on  board 
your  vessel,  in  which  case  the  neutral  vessel 
may  be  carried  into  port,  for  the  delivery  of 
the  contraband  goods. 

The  following  articles  are  declared  by  this 
Government  contraband  of  war,  as  well  as  all 
others  that  are  so  declared  by  the  laws  of  na¬ 
tions,  viz. :  All  arms  and  implements  serving 
for  the  purpose  of  war  by  land  or  sea,  such  as 
cannons,  mortars,  guns,  muskets,  rifles,  pistols, 
petards,  bombs,  grenades,  balls,  shot,  shell, 
pikes,  swords,  bayonets,  javelins,  lances,  horse 
furniture,  holsters,  belts,  and  generally  all  other 
implements  of  war.  Also,  timber  for  ship¬ 
building,  pitch,  tar,  rosin,  copper  in  sheets, 
sails,  hemp,  cordage,  and  generally  whatever 
may  servo  directly  to  the  equipment  of  vessels, 
wrought-iron  and  planks  only  excepted. 

Neutral  vessels  conveying  enemies’  despatches 
or  military  persons  in  the  service  of  the  enemy 
forfeit  their  neutral  character,  and  are  liable  to 
capture  and  condemnation.  But  this  rule  does 
not  apply  to  neutral  vessels  bearing  despatches 
from  the  public  ministers  or  ambassadors  of  the 
enemy  residing  in  neutral  countries. 

By  the  command  of  the  President  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  States.  Robert  Toombs, 

Secretary  of  State. 

National  Intelligencer ,  May  27. 


DOCUMENTS. 


273 


Doo.  193. 

SEVENTH  N.  Y.  VOLUNTEER  REGIMENT. 

The  following  are  the  officers  of  the  regi¬ 
ment  : 

Colonel,  John  E.  Bendix ;  Lieut.-Colonel, 
Ed.  Ivapf;  Major,  C.  Heller  ;  Adjutant,  Schaff- 
ner;  Sergeant  Major,  Emil  Bodicker ;  Surgeon, 
Eisenlard  ;  Assistant  Surgeon,  Jaeckel ;  Chap¬ 
lain,  Rev.  Dr.  Foersch.  Company  A,  77  men : 
Capt.,  F.  A.  Gaebel ;  1st  Lieut.,  Ed.  Becker ; 
2d  Lieut.,  Thibault.  Company  B,  77  men : 
Capt.,  II.  Baecht;  1st  Lieut.,  Ch.  Karbaum ; 
2d  Lieut.,  H.  Rotlie.  Company  C,  77  men : 
Capt.,  Charles  Brestel;  1st  Lieut.,  Victor  Trax- 
marer;  2d  Lieut.,  Chas.  Hensler.  Company  D, 
77  men :  Capt.,  E.  Pfeiffer ;  1st  Lieut.,  Anton 
Herman ;  2d  Lieut.,  William  Krager.  Com¬ 
pany  E,  77  men :  Capt.,  Rud  Anselm ;  1st 
Lieut.,  Oscar  Van  Ilerringen ;  2d  Lieut.,  Fred. 
Mosebach.  Company  F,  77  men :  Capt.,  Louis 
Ilochheim  ;  1st.  Lieut.,  Gustav  Von  Branssen  ; 
2d  Lieut.,  C.  Von  Hohenhausen.  Company  G, 
77  men:  Capt.,  Sixtus  Kapp  ;  1st  Lieut.,  Wm. 
Dietz ;  2d  Lieut.,  Emil  Edler.  Company  II, 
77  men  :  Capt.,  Jacob  Schoenleber;  1st  Lieut., 
Augustus  Feilon;  2d  Lieut.,  Theo.  Glaubens- 
klee.  Company  I,  77  men :  Capt.,  Charles  Be- 
thon ;  1st  Lieut.,  Theo.  Schaedle ;  2d  Lieut., 
Joseph  Allen.  Company  K.,  77  men :  Capt., 
Edward  Wratislaw ;  1st  Lieut.,  Louis  Wieder- 
liold  ;  2d  Lieut.,  Julius  de  Boeshe. 

This  regiment  is  composed  of  German  rifle¬ 
men.  Previous  to  their  departure  they  were 
presented  with  a  stand  of  colors  by  Judge  Daly 
of  New  York,  who,  at  the  presentation,  de¬ 
livered  the  following  speech  : 

“  Colonel  Bendix :  The  flags  which  I  have 
the  honor  to  offer  for  the  acceptance  of  your 
regiment  are  the  gifts  of  women,  members  of 
some  of  our  oldest  families,  whose  ancestors 
came  from  Germany  and  settled  in  this  country 
before  the  Revolution.  Though  separated  by 
several  generations  from  those  of  German  birth, 
the  German  blood  still  running  in  their  veins 
recognizes  the  promptitude  with  which  the 
countrymen  of  their  ancestors  have  taken  up 
arms  when  the  unity  of  these  States  is  threat¬ 
ened. 

“  The  principle  of  national  unity  is  a  deeply- 
implanted  German  sentiment.  Gibbon  tells  us 
that  when  the  ancestors  of  the  present  Ger¬ 
mans  first  appeared  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Maine,  they  were  made  up  of  distinct  tribes, 
who  gradually  coalesced  into  a  great  and  per¬ 
manent  nation,  calling  themselves  by  the  name 
of  Allemanni,  or  all  kinds  of  men,  to  denote 
their  various  lineage  and  common  bravery. 
From  that  united  condition  they  became  broken 
into  small  nationalities ;  and  to  bring  them 
back  again,  to.unite  all  speaking  the  German 
tongue  in  one  confederated  Germany,  is  an  ob¬ 
ject  for  which  German  patriots  have  struggled 
for  three  hundred  years,  and  struggled  in  vain. 

“  The  American  people  have  presented  a 
similar  spectacle  on  this  side  of  the  water — a 
Documents — 20 


new  Allemanni — a  people  composed  of  many 
races  confederated  together  in  one  nationality, 
and  having  hitherto  a  common  destiny.  By 
the  establishment  of  the  Constitution  and  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  United  States  we  made  our¬ 
selves  a  nation,  and  those  who  raise  the  flag  of 
secession  would  make  us  what  Germany  now 
is — a  body  of  contiguous  but  several  States^ 
with  no  other  tie  than  a  common  language. 
The  present  condition  of  Germany  is  the  work 
of  her  aristocracy,  and  those  who  would  ac¬ 
complish  a  similar  work  here  proclaim  to  the 
world  that  they  are  the  aristocracy  of  the 
country. 

“  You  are  not  the  first  of  the  German  race 
who  have  taken  up  arms  in  defence  of  this 
country.  On  that  balcony  before  you,  arrayed 
in  the  old  Continental  uniform  of  a  Major- 
General,  is  the  portrait  of  that  noble  German 
soldier  whose  honored  name  you  bear.  The 
aide-de-camp  of  Frederick  the  Great,  and  pro¬ 
foundly  skilled  in  the  art  of  war,  acquired 
under  the  leadership  of  his  great  commander, 
Baron  Steuben  quitted  a  life  of  luxurious  ease, 
and  came  to  this  country  at  a  critical  period  to 
offer  his  services  as  a  volunteer.  He  was  tha 
tactician  of  our  Revolution.  As  Inspector-Gen¬ 
eral  of  the  American  armies  he  revised  our  im¬ 
perfectly  disciplined  troops,  and  taught  them 
the  art  of  war.  His  name  is,  and  ever  will  be, 
associated  with  Monmouth  and  Valley  Forgo, 
and  with  the  heights  of  Yorktown  ;  and  when 
the  Revolution  was  over  he  selected  our  coun¬ 
try  as  his  home,  and  his  body  lies  buried  in  its 
soil.  At  this  time,  when  officers  of  the  United 
States  army  hold  so  lightly  to  the  obligation 
of  their  honor  and  their  oath,  it  may  be  well  to 
remember  how  Steuben  regarded  this  class  of 
traitors.  When  acting  as  Inspector-General  in 
Virginia,  he  heard  among  the  roll  of  recruits 
the  name  of  Arnold.  He  ordered  the  young 
man  to  the  front,  and  said :  ‘  I  cannot,  sir,  en¬ 
list  you  by  the  name  of  a  traitor.’  ‘  It  is  not 
my  fault,’  said  the  recruit,  ‘  what  other  name 
can  I  take  ?  ’  ‘  Take  mine,’  was  the  reply,  and 

the  soldier  enlisteu  by  the  name  of  Steuben. 
This  detestation  of  traitors  is  an  old  intrinsic 
German  feeling.  Tacitus  tells  us  that  the  Ger¬ 
man  tribes  regarded  as  among  the  highest  of 
crimes,  and  as  a  disgrace  which  could  never  ba 
wiped  out,  the  voluntary  abandonment  by  a 
soldier  of  his  shield. 

“  What  was  true  then  is  true  now ;  for  no 
soldiers  have  surpassed  the  Germans  in  fidelity. 
Steuben  was  preeminently  distinguished  for  this 
German  virtue,  and  as  a  mark  of  especial  merit 
received  the  cross  of  the  Order  of  Fidelity.  It 
was  the  only  one  of  his  decorations  that  ho 
ever  valued.  It  was  the  one  he  always  wore, 
and  by  his  request  it  was  buried  with  him. 

“  The  ladies  whom  I  represent  thought  that 
you  could  carry  no  worthier  symbol  than  Steu¬ 
ben’s  Cross  of  Fidelity.  They  have  accordingly- 
had  it  copied  from  the  portrait  in  the  City- 
Hall,  and  emblazoned  on  this  small  flag,  which 
I  now  present  you. 


274 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1SG0-G1. 


“  I  commit  also  to  your  charge  this  flag  of 
the  United  States,  with  its  clustered  stars  and 
its  many  memories.  It  now  depends  upon  you, 
and  all  arrayed  like  you  in  defence  of  the 
Union,  whether  a  star  shall  be  effaced  or  not 
from  its  blue  field.  You  are  American  citi¬ 
zens  ;  you  arc  soldiers ;  you  are  Germans ; 
you  require  no  exhortation  from  me  to  stand 
faithfully  by  your  colors.  The  history  of  your 
country  for  seventeen  hundred  years  answers 
for  you.” 

— N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  25. 


Doc.  194. 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS’  PROCLAMATION 

TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  TILE  CONFEDERATE  STATES. 

Witen  a  people  who  recognize  their  depend¬ 
ence  upon  God,  feel  themselves  surrounded 
by  peril  and  difficulty,  it  becomes  them  to 
humble  themselves  under  the  dispensation  of 
Divine  Providence,  to  recognize  Ilis  righteous 
government,  to  acknowledge  His  goodness  in 
times  past,  and  supplicate  His  merciful  protec¬ 
tion  for  the  future. 

The  manifest  proofs  of  the  Divine  blessing 
hitherto  extended  to  the  efforts  of  the  people 
of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  to  main¬ 
tain  and  perpetuate  public  liberty,  individual 
rights,  and  national  independence,  demand  their 
devout  and  heartfelt  gratitude.  It  becomes 
them  to  give  public  manifestation  of  this  grati¬ 
tude,  and  of  their  dependence  upon  the  Judge 
of  all  the  earth,  and  to  invoke  the  continuance 
of  Ilis  favor.  Knowing  that  none  but  a  just 
and  righteous  cause  can  gain  the  Divine  favor, 
we  would  implore  the  Lord  of  Hosts  to  guide 
and  direct  our  policy  in  the  paths  of  right, 
duty,  justice,  and  mercy,  to  unite  our  hearts 
and  our  efforts  for  the  defence  of  our  dearest 
rights  ;  to  strengthen  our  weakness,  crown  our 
arms  with  success,  and  enable  us  to  secure  a 
speedy,  just,  and  honorable  peace. 

To  these  ends,  and  in  conformity  with  the 
request  of  Congress,  I  invite  the  people  of  the 
Confederate  States  to  the  observance  of  a  day 
of  fasting  and  prayer  by  such  religious  services 
as  may  be  suitable  for  the  occasion,  and  I  re¬ 
commend  Thursday,  the  13th  day  of  June  next, 
for  that  purpose,  and  that  we  may  all,  on  that 
day,  with  one  accord,  join  in  humble  and  rev¬ 
erential  approach  to  Him  in  whose  hands  we 
are,  invoking  Him  to  inspire  us  with  a  proper 
spirit  and  temper  of  heart  and  mind  to  bear  our 
evils,  to  bless  us  with  His  favor  and  protec¬ 
tion,  and  to  bestow  His  gracious  benediction 
upon  our  Government  and  country. 

Jefferson  Davis. 

By  the  President : 

R.  Toombs,  Secretary  of  State. 

— N.  O.  Picayune,  May  28. 


Doc.  195. 

THE  MARCH  INTO  VIRGINIA. 

Friday,  May  24. 

Thursday  night  was  a  stirring  one.  Through 
the  day  and  evening  the  reports  of  contem¬ 
plated  military  movements  kept  the  people  on 
the  qui  vive,  to  which  excitement  fresh  fuel 
was  added  on  its  being  whispered  that  various 
regiments  had  been  ordered  to  prepare  for  im¬ 
mediate  service ;  the  words  dropped  also  by 
Gen.  Thomas  at  the  Seventh  Regiment  camp, 
to  the  effect  that  the  storm  was  about  to  burst, 
indicated  that  a  decisive  move  was  to  be  taken. 
The  general  idea  among  the  troops  was  that  an 
advance  was  to  be  made  into  Virginia,  but 
nobody  seemed  to  be  advised  as  to  the  exact 
purposes  entertained  at  head-quarters. 

At  11  o’clock  we  pushed  off  for  the  Long 
Bridge  to  see  what  was  developing  there¬ 
abouts.  Me  found  the  vigilant  sentries  of  the 
Washington  Light  Infantry  (company A)  posted 
some  distance  up- Maryland  avenue,  and  a  por¬ 
tion  of  the  same  company  somewhat  lower 
down.  A  squad  of  the  Infantry  had  also  been 
detailed  to  a  point  near  the  monument,  to  keep 
an  eye  on  any  boats  going  out  of  the  canal. 
Near  the  bridge  and  on  the  bridge  were  the 
Infantry,  a  company  of  Rhode  Islanders,  a 
Massachusetts  company,  a  United  States  caval¬ 
ry  company,  a  company  of  United  States  artil¬ 
lery,  (two  pieces,)  the  Putnam  Rifles,  the  Tur¬ 
ner  Rifles,  National  Rifles,  Metropolitan  Rifles, 
and  company  F,  Union  Volunteers ;  while  com¬ 
pany  E,  Washington  Light  Infantry,  (Capt. 
Powell’s  Zouaves,)  and  the  Constitutional 
Guards,  occupied  the  Virginia  end  of  the 
bridge. 

A  full  moon  looked  peacefully  down,  and 
perfect  quiet  reigned  on  all  the  neighboring 
shores.  But  this  was  to  give  place  very  speed¬ 
ily  to  more  stirring  movements.  Somewhat 
after  midnight  Capt.  Smead’s  company,  the 
National  Rifles,  and  Capt.  Powell’s  company 
were  advanced  across  the  bridge  to  the  neigh¬ 
borhood  of  Roach’s  Spring.  Scouts  were  sent 
out  in  all  directions,  who  managed  to  get  past 
the  line  of  the  Virginia  pickets.  Somewhat 
later  the  Virginia  pickets,  getting  the  alarm, 
set  spurs  to  their  horses  and  made  off  down  the 
road  towards  Alexandria  in  hot  haste. 

The  Constitutional  Guards,  Capt.  Digges, 
about  eighty  strong,  were  on  duty  over  the 
bridge.  Col.  Stone,  of  the  District  of  Colum¬ 
bia  volunteers,  asked  them  if  they  had  any  ob¬ 
jections  to  go  beyond  the  District,  as  they 
were  very  close  to  Alexandria.  The  men  an¬ 
swered  unanimously  in  favor  of  going  any¬ 
where  ;  and  they  were  accordingly  advanced 
along  the  road  and  through  the  country  down 
as  far  as  the  Four-mile  Run.f  The  Virginia 
picket  guard  stationed  near  Roach’s  Spring  ran, 
and  about  an  hour  after  the  alarm  bells  were 
rung  in  Alexandria. 

This  (Friday)  morning,  at  two  o’clock,  in 
pursuance  of  orders  previously  given,  a  large 


DOCUMENTS. 


275 


body  of  United  States  troops  crossed  the  Poto¬ 
mac  from  Washington  and  its  neighborhood  into 
Virginia.  Ellsworth’s  Zouaves,  in  two  steam¬ 
ers,  with  the  steamer  James  Guy  as  accom¬ 
panying  tender,  left  their  camp  on  the  Eastern 
Branch  and  made  directly  for  Alexandria  by 
water.  The  Michigan  Regiment,  under  Col. 
Wilcox,  accompanied  by  a  detachment  of  Unit¬ 
ed  States  cavalry,  and  two  pieces  of  Sherman’s 
battery,  under  command  of  Lieut.  Ransom, 
proceeded  by  way  of  the  Long  Bridge  directly 
for  Alexandria. 

The  Seventh  New  York  Regiment  halted 
under  orders  at  Hughes’  tavern,  at  the  Virginia 
end  of  the  Long  Bridge;  the  Second  Mew  Jer¬ 
sey  Regiment  is  at  Roach’s  Spring,  half  a  mile 
from  the  end  of  the  bridge;  the  Mew  York 
Twenty-fifth,  and  one  cavalry  company,  and 
the  New  York  Twelfth,  and  the  Third  and 
Fourth  Mew  Jersey  Regiments  proceeded  to 
the  right,  after  crossing  the  bridge,  for  the  oc¬ 
cupation  of  the  Heights  of  Arlington.  They 
were  joined  by  other  troops  which  crossed  at 
the  Georgetown  Aqueduct. 

At  four  o’clock,  a.  m.,  at  about  the  same 
moment,  the  Zouaves  landed  at  Alexandria 
from  the  steamers,  and  the  troops  before  named, 
who  proceeded  by  the  bridge,  reached  that 
town.  As  the  steamers  drew  up  near  the 
wharf,  armed  boats  left  the  Pawnee,  whose 
crews  leaped  upon  the  wharves  just  before  the 
Zouaves  reached  the  shore.  The  crews  of  the 
Pawnee’s  boats  were  fired  upon  by  the  few 
Virginia  sentries  as  the  boats  left  the  steam¬ 
ship,  by  way  of  giving  the  alarm,  when  these 
sentries  instantly  fled  into  the  town.  Their 
fire  was  answered  by  impromptu  shots  from 
some  of  the  Zouaves  on  the  decks  of  the  steam¬ 
ers  bearing  them.  Immediately  on  landing 
Col.  Ellsworth  marched  the  Zouaves  up  into 
the  centre  of  the  town,  no  resistance  whatever 
to  their  progress  being  offered. 

Thus  quiet  possession  was  taken  of  that  part 
of  Alexandria  in  the  name  of  the  United  States, 
by  the  portion  of  the  troops  immediately  com¬ 
manded  by  Col.  Ellsworth. 

Those  commanded  by  Col.  Wilcox,  at  about 
the  same  moment,  as  explained  above,  marched 
into  the  town  by  the  extension  of  the  AVash- 
ington  turnpike,  the  cavalry  and  artillery 
marching  in  two  or  three  streets  below.  The 
destination  of  both  these  detachments  was  the 
depot  of  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad, 
which  they  instantly  seized.  They  also  found 
near  by  a  disunion  company  of  cavalry,  com¬ 
manded  by  Capt.  Ball,  (thirty-five  men  and  as 
many  horses,)  who  were  made  prisoners,  not 
having  heard  the  alarm  made  by  the  firing  of 
the  sentries  below. 

Every  thing  found  in  the  depot,  in  the  way 
of  rolling  stock,  etc.,  is,  of  course,  in  the  hands 
of  the  Government  troops  holding  it. 

A  number  of  secession  officers  were  captured 
in  the  Marshall  House.  They  are  held  as  pris¬ 
oners. 

At  four  o’clock  in  the  morning,  a  number  of 


Government  wagons  went  across  the  Long 
Bridge  loaded  with  picks,  shovels,  and  all  man¬ 
ner  of  tools  of  that  description,  and  accom¬ 
panied  by  a  full  corps  of  carpenters  and  work¬ 
men.  The  United  States  forces  are  now  busily 
engaged  in  throwing  up  fortifications  on  the 
heights  of  the  Virginia  bank  of  the  Potomac. 

The  whole  of  Sherman’s  battery  (six  pieces) 
crossed  the  Long  Bridge  in  the  advance  during 
the  night,  two  pieces  going  to  Alexandria,  and 
four  pieces  turning  off  to  the  right,  Arlington 
way.  At  noon  to-day  Rickett’s  Light  Artillery 
(six  pieces)  also  went  over  the  river  from  here. 

Col.  Wilcox,  of  the  Michigan  Regiment,  is 
now  in  command  at  Alexandria. 

The  citizens  of  Alexandria  appeared  terrified. 
Many  of  the  Union  men  shouted  for  joy  at  the 
success  of  the  military  demonstration,  declaring 
that  free  speech  and  free  institutions  were 
again  established  there. 

—  Washington  Star ,  May  24. 

THE  MOVEMENT  UPON  VIRGINIA. 

The  Government,  at  last,  has  moved  in  force 
upon  Virginia.  On  the  night  of  Thursday,  ten 
thousand  men  crossed  the  Potomac  at  Wash¬ 
ington,  captured  Alexandria  without  resistance, 
while  a  detachment  pushed  forward  to  seize 
the  point  of  junction  of  the  Manasses  Gap, 
with  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad,  to 
cut  off  all  communication  between  Richmond 
and  the  Northern  portion  of  the  State.  This 
movement,  if  successful,  completely  breaks  the 
lines  of  the  rebels,  isolates  Harper’s  Ferry  from 
the  base  of  their  operations,  and  involves  either 
the  dispersion  or  capture  of  the  forces  at  that 
point.  AVe  also  learn  that  a  body  of  Ohio 
troops  is  moving  from  Wheeling  by  way  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  upon  the  same 
point.  We  had  no  intelligence  yesterday  from 
Fort  Monroe,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  troops 
concentrated  at  that  fortress  under  Gen.  But¬ 
ler,  have  moved  in  the  direction  of  Richmond, 
so  that  every  important  point  on  the  enemy’s 
lines  will,  at  the  same  instant,  be  either  threat¬ 
ened  or  attacked. 

AA7e  could  not  wish  for  a  more  favorable 
opening  of  the  campaign.  We  desire  to  see  all 
the  secession  forces  upon  the  soil  of  Virginia. 
The  rebellion  is  brought  within  reach  of  the 
most  effective  blows  we  can  deal.  We  can 
move  our  forces  into  that  State  in  one-fourth 
of  the  time,  and  at  one-fourth  of  the  expense 
at  which  the  secessionists  can  place  their  own 
there.  We  could  not  well  follow  them  to 
Georgia,  Alabama,  or  Mississippi.  The  inhos¬ 
pitable  climates  of  those  States  would  prove 
more  fatal  than  the  arms  of  the  rebels.  But 
in  Virginia  we  have  an  acceptable  and  healthy 
battle-field,  where  we  can  concentrate  and  put 
forth  our  whole  power. 

There  is  another  reason  why  Virginia  should 
be  the  battle-field  of  all  the  seceding  States. 
She  has  been  the  greatest  offender.  She,  more 
than  any  other  State,  is  responsible  for  the 
great  rebellion.  Her  spirit  is  the  most  vindic- 


276 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


tive  and  intolerant  of  all.  _  A  just  retribution  is 
already  upon  her.  In  a  few  days  more  than  a 
hundred  thousand  fighting  men  will  be  on  her 
soil  which  will  be  devastated  by  the  terrible 
storm  of  war,  her  people  driven  from  their 
homes,  their  fields  blasted,  their  property  de¬ 
stroyed,  and  their  great  institution  at  the  mercy 
of  their  foes.  Virginia  should  never  have  been 
a  slave  State.  For  the  first  time  in  her  his¬ 
tory,  it  is  in  our  power  to  make  it  a  free  one. 

In  support  of  the  advance  upon  the  State, 
there  must  now  be  nearly  40,000  troops  in  or 
near  Washington.  Of  these  30,000  could  be 
made  available  for  offensive  operations.  The 
number  is  daily  and  rapidly  augmented  by  the 
constant  arrival  of  regiments  from  every  por¬ 
tion  of  the  Northern  States.  This  is  a  very 
formidable  force,  much  larger  we  believe  than 
can  be  opposed  to  it,  should  Harper’s  Ferry 
and  Norfolk  be  attacked  or  threatened  by  com¬ 
petent  forces  at  the  same  time.  We  possess 
great  advantages,  not  only  in  the  superiority  of 
numbers,  but  in  our  means  of  concentration 
against  any  menaced  points.  In  a  very  few 
days  our  active  forces  could  be  accumulated 
either  at  Washington  or  Fort  Monroe.  It 
would  take  as  many  weeks  for  the  rebels  to 
make  a  similar  movement.  Our  position  con¬ 
trols  the  entire  field,  with  unlimited  means  for 
transportation,  while  the  enemy  must  move 
upon  its  exterior,  which,  for  a  portion  of  the 
distance,  is  without  either  railroad  or  water¬ 
line.  Such  an  advantage  ought  to  be  conclu¬ 
sive  of  the  issue— as  it  fulfils  the  grand  condi¬ 
tion  of  success  in  military  affairs — superior 
forces  at  point  of  contact. 

We  trust  the  present  movement  is  the  signal 
for  efficient  offensive  operations.  If  the  posi¬ 
tions  already  taken  are  held,  an  important  ad¬ 
vantage  has  been  gained.  Our  capital  has  been 
freed  from  the  possibility  of  an  attack.  Up  to 
yesterday  the  enemy,  from  Arlington  Heights, 
might  have  shelled  every  part  of  the  city. 
Northern  Virginia  has  been  completely  cut  off 
from  the  Southern  portion  of  it.  Such  advan¬ 
tages  should  be  instantly  followed  up.  We 
need,  if  we  can  achieve  it,  an  early  success. 
The  rebellion  takes  its  character  from  the 
future  fortune  it  meets.  If  successful,  it  is 
elevated  to  the  dignity  of  a  national  contest. 
If  unsuccessful  it  is  only  a  conspiracy  of  a  fac- 
tiop.  We  must  expect  foreign  Governments  to 
shape  their  policy  by  the  same  tests.  If  Eng¬ 
land  sees  us  masters  of  the  occasion,  she  will 
either  maintain  neutrality  or  side  with  us.  If 
we  are  defeated,  we  must  expect  her  hostility. 
It  is,  therefore,  of  the  utmost  importance  that 
we  make  an  early  and  decided  demonstration. 
We  cannot  in  the  end  fail  to  triumph,  and  we 
should  instantly  put  forth  every  effort  to  such 
a  result.  The  rebels  will  never  give  in  so  long 
as  there  is  the  shadow  of  hope  of  foreign  inter¬ 
ference  in  their  favor.  By  destroying  this 
hope,  we  put  an  end  to  the  contest. 

—N.  Y.  Times. 


TIIE  SOUTHERN  PRESS  ON  TOE  OCCUPATION  OF 
ALEXANDRIA. 

The  Rubicon  has  been  passed.  Yesterday  a 
column  of  five  thousand  Federal  troops  cross¬ 
ed  the  Potomac,  and  took  formal  military  pos¬ 
session  of  the  unprotected  town  of  Alexandria. 

This  is  the  first  response  of  the  Lincoln  des¬ 
potism  to  the  shouts  for  freedom  and  independ¬ 
ence  which  went  up  on  Thursday  from  every 
portion  of  Virginia. 

Alexandria  has  been  declared  by  the  Wash¬ 
ington  tyrants  a  portion  of  the  District  of  Co¬ 
lumbia,  and  as  she  gave,  in  the  very  face  of  the 
Federal  army,  an  overwhelming  majority  for 
Secession,  Lincoln  has  sent  his  troops  there  to 
develop  and  protect  a  Union  sentiment. 

Do  these  besotted  fanatics  flatter  themselves 
that  Alexandria  is  to  be  kept  in  chains  like 
those  which  bind  poor  Baltimore  to  the  car  of 
the  Federal  despotism? 

We  congratulate  the  people  of  Virginia  that 
the  last  flimsy  pretext  of  the  Rump  Govern¬ 
ment  at  Washington,  of  regard  for  constitu¬ 
tional  laws,  has  been  thrown  aside.  The  sov- 
reign  State  of  Virginia  has  been  invaded  by 
the  Federal  hirelings,  without  authority  of 
Congress,  which  alone  has  the  war-making 
power.  Heretofore,  the  pretence  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  Federal  Government  to  repos¬ 
sess  itself  of  the  forts  and  arsenals  in  the  seced¬ 
ed  States,  has  been  put  forward  to  justify  the 
aggressive  movements  of  Federal  troops.  But 
in  the  present  case  there  is  no  such  pretence ; 
no  forts,  or  arsenals,  or  other  Federal  property 
have  been  seized  at  Alexandria.  The  “  bloody 
and  brutal  ”  purposes  of  the  Abolitionists,  to 
subjugate  and  exterminate  the  Southern  people, 
stands  confessed  by  this  flagrant  outrage  upon 
Virginia  soil. 

Virginians,  arise  in  your  strength  and  wel¬ 
come  the  invader  with  “bloody  hands  to  hos¬ 
pitable  graves.”  The  sacred  soil  of  Virginia, 
in  wffiich  repose  the  ashes  of  so  many  of  the 
illustrious  patriots  who  gave  independence  to 
their  country,  has  been  desecrated  by  the  hos¬ 
tile  tread  of  an  armed  enemy,  wrho  proclaims 
his  malignant  hatred  of  Virginia  because  she 
will  not  bow  her  proud  neck  to  the  humiliating 
yoke  of  Yankee  rule.  Meet  the  invader  at  the 
threshold.  Welcome  him  with  bayonet  and 
bullet.  Svrear  eternal  hatred  of  a  treacherous 
foe,  whose  only  hope  of  safety  is  in  your  defeat 
and  subjection. 

It  is  not  in  the  occupation  of  Alexandria  that 
any  cause  for  mortification  exists — that  has 
been  for  some  time  expected  by  those  who 
were  careful  observers  of  events.  It  is  in  the 
continuance  of  the  enemy  upon  our  soil  that 
w7e  shall  have  cause  for  mortification.  It  is 
the  fault  of  the  enemy  that  he  has  invaded 
Virginia;  it  will  be  our  fault  if  he  does  not 
pay  the  penalty  of  his  rashness.  An  army  full 
of  strength  and  power  went  from  France  to 
Moscow7 ;  a  broken  remnant  of  starving  and 
miserable  meu  returned  to  France  to  tell  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


277 


6ad  tale  of  disaster  and  defeat.  Virginia  will 
be  the  Moscow  of  the  Abolitionists — our  armies 
are  gathering  to  the  prey,  and  so  surely  as  the 
patriot  freemen  of  the  Southern  army  come  in 
conflict  with  the  mercenary  hordes  of  the 
North,  so  surely  will  they  give  the  world 
another  example  of  the  invincibility  of  a  free 
people  fighting  on  their  own  soil  for  all  that  is 
dear  tO  man.  —Richmond.  Enquirer. 

Virginia  is  invaded.  That  horde  of  thieves, 
robbers,  and  assassins  in  the  pay  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  commonly  known  as  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  have  rushed  into  the  peaceful 
streets  of  a  quiet  city  of  the  State,  and  stained 
the  hearth  of  Virginia  homes  with  the  blood 
of  her  sons.  Alexandria  had  been  captured 
without  resistance,  for  none  had  been  prepared. 

The  city  was  left  (perhaps  with  strategic 
reason)  without  a  picket  guard,  and  no  attempt 
has  ever  been  made  to  blow  up  or  batter  down 
the  bridge  across  the  Potomac  River,  over 
which  the  troops  of  Lincoln  marched  to  it. 

One  trait  of  true  heroism  has  signalized  this 
unhappy  affair.  A  citizen  of  Alexandria,  named 
Jackson,  lacked  the  prudence  to  haul  down  the 
flag  of  his  country,  which  streamed  over  his 
dwelling.  That  band  of  execrable  cut-throats 
and  jail-birds,  known  as  the  “  Zouaves  of  New 
York,”  under  the  chief  of  all  scoundrels,  called 
Col.  Ellsworth,  surrounded  the  house  of  this 
Virginian,  and  broke  open  the  door  to  tear 
down  the  flag  of  the  South.  The  courageous 
owner  of  that  house  neither  fled  nor  submitted. 
He  met  the  favorite  hero  of  every  Yankee  there 
in  his  hall,  he  alone,  against  thousands,  and 
shot  him  through  the  heart !  As  a  matter  of 
course,  the  magnanimous  soldiery  surrounded 
him,  and  hacked  him  to  pieces  with  sword 
bayonets,  on  the  spot,  in  his  own  violated 
home.  But  he  died  a  death  which  Emperors 
might  envy,  and  his  memory  will  live  in  his¬ 
tory,  and  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen, 
through  endless  generations.  Here,  indeed, 
was  courage !  lie  stood  by  his  flag,  he  fell 
alone  in  defence  of  his  hearth,  and  taught  the 
invader  what  soil  he  trod  on. 

Apart  from  the  sufferings  of  our  devoted 
countrymen  in  Alexandria,  the  capture  of  the 
city  in  itself  is  not  important. 

— Richmond  Examiner. 

The  intelligence  of  yesterday,  that  the  myr¬ 
midons  of  Federal  power  had  advanced  upon 
the  soil  of  Virginia,  produced  an  electrifying 
effect  in  our  community,  and  among  the  sol¬ 
diery.  Every  eye  brightened,  and  every  heart 
beat  with  stern  delight  that  the  hour  of  ven¬ 
geance  is  at  hand.  If  Virginia  can  be  overrun 
by  a  host  of  Northern  militiamen,  if  one  man 
in  defence  of  his  fireside  is  not  equal  to  two 
invaders,  then  this  onward  movement  of  our 
detestable  enemy  is  founded  in  wisdom.  But 
when  that  day  comes,  it  will  be  a  new  day  in 
the  history  of  nations,  and  one  which  will 
prove  that  we  deserved  to  be  conquered.  It 
has  been  given  out  repeatedly  of  late  by  the 


Lincoln  press,  that  Gen.  Scott  desired  to  delay 
an  advance  till  cool  weather,  and  till  his  army 
was  fully  organized.  But  they  could  not  brook 
the  whole  delay  recommended  by  the  only  Gen¬ 
eral  in  their  ranks  that  deserves  the  name,  and 
the  Republican  papers  at  Washington  pro¬ 
nounced  Scott  behind  the  times.  They  will 
discover  before  long  that  it  would  have  been 
well  for  them  to  take  his  counsel.  They  disre¬ 
garded  his  advice  once  before  in  their  attempt 
to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter,  and  they  will  find  a 
worse  result  from  their  present  contempt  of  his 
military  experience  and  judgment.  This  fero¬ 
cious  and  vile  attempt  to  subjugate  Virginia 
will  be  crushed  at  very  point  where  it  is  made, 
and  there  is  not  a  man  in  the  Commonwealth 
who  does  not  rejoice  that  it  is  made  now,  when 
the  season  and  other  advantages  which  it  is 
unnecessary  to  mention  will  unite  to  consign  it 
to  a  speedy  disaster  aud  annihilation. 

— Richmond  Dispatch. 

ASSASSINATION'  OF  EI.LSWOIITIT. 

The  special  correspondent  of  the  N.  Y.  Tri¬ 
bune,  writing  from  Washington,  gives  the  fol¬ 
lowing  account  of  this  occurrence : — “  I  have 
already  given  by  telegraph  a  brief  account  of 
the  successful  movement  of  to-day,  and  of  our 
sorrowful  calamity,  and  I  hasten  to  send  such 
details  as  my  own  observation  enables  me  to 
supply.  The  part  of  the  expedition  with  which 
I  moved  was  that  under  command  of  the  late 
Col.  Ellsworth.  His  regiment  of  Zouaves  was 
certainly  the  most  actively  employed,  and  was 
the  earliest  upon  the  hostile  ground;  and  with 
him  were  associated  the  most  startling  events 
of  the  day.  Of  the  general  forces  which  are 
now  assembled  in  Alexandria,  others  can  speak 
better  than  I,  for  their  operations  were  wholly 
distinct,  until  the  time  of  the  junction,  when  they 
were  combined  under  one  command.  The  exact 
nature  of  the  inroad,  as  well  as  the  means  by 
which  it  was  to  be  effected,  were  of  course  with¬ 
held  from  the  public  up  to  the  latest  hour,  and 
the  only  sure  method  of  gaining  accurate  knowl¬ 
edge  of  the  result  was  by  joining  what  seemed 
likely  to  be  the  leading  body  in  the  movement. 

It  was  generally  understood  in  Washington, 
on  Thursday  evening,  that  an  advance  of  some 
sort  was  contemplated,  though  the  rumors  fixed 
no  exact  time  or  point  of  assault.  But  as  the 
night  advanced,  the  slight  fever  of  excitement 
which  the  half-authorized  intelligence  created, 
wore  away,  and  the  city  fell  into  its  usual  tran¬ 
quillity.  The  contrast  between  its  extreme  quiet 
and  the  bustle  which  pervaded  some  of  the  ex¬ 
pectant  camps,  was  very  remarkable.  I  crossed 
the  Potomac,  from  Seventh  street,  in  a  little 
boat,  and  before  I  had  half  reached  the  Zouave 
camp,  unusual  indications  of  busy  preparation 
came  echoing  over  the  water.  The  night  was 
peculiarly  still  and  clear,  and  the  moon  so  full 
and  lustrous,  that  the  camp  was  almost  visible 
from  the  opposite  shore.  Above  the  slight 
murmur  caused  by  the  rustle  of  arms  and  the 
marching,  a  song  would  occasionally  be  heard, 


278 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


and  once  the  whole  regiment  burst  out  into 
‘  Columbia,  the  Gem  of  the  Ocean,’  with  all  the 
fervor  they  could  bring  to  it.  It  was  not  early 
when  I  reached  the  camp,  but  the  exercise  was 
still  progressing  under  the  vigilance  of  the  Col¬ 
onel,  who  threw  in  now  and  then  clear  and 
energetic  counsels  for  the  guidance  of  his  men 
in  the  morning’s  work.  Before  midnight  every 
thing  needful  had  been  done,  and  the  troops 
were  scattered  to  their  tents  for  two  hours  of 
rest.  The  Colonel  did  not  sleep  until  much  later. 
He  sat  at  his  table  completing  the  official  ar¬ 
rangements  which  remained  to  him,  and  setting 
carefully  before  his  subordinates  the  precise 
character  of  the  duties  they  were  to  be  charged 
with.  After  this  he  was  alone,  and  I  thought, 
as  I  entered  his  tent  a  little  before  he  turned  to 
his  straw  and  blankets,  that  his  pen  was  fulfill¬ 
ing  a  tenderer  task  than  the  rough  planning  of 
a  dangerous  exploit.  He  was  so  much  a  stran¬ 
ger  to  fear,  this  brave  little  Colonel,  that  his 
friends  sometimes  wondered  at  him ;  hut  it 
seemed,  then,  that  he  was  not  insensible  to  the 
awful  hazards  of  his  station.  I  hope  that  those 
who  were  nearest  to  him  will  find  a  touch  of 
consolation  in  the  assurance  that  the  last  mo¬ 
ments  he  passed  alone  wrere  given  to  them. 

For  more  than  an  hour  the  encampment  was 
silent.  Then  it  began  to  stir  again,  and  pres¬ 
ently  was  all  alive  with  action.  At  2  o’clock, 
steamboats  appeared  off  the  shore,  from  one  of 
which  Capt.  Dahlgren,  the  commander  of  the 
Navy  Yard,  came  to  announce  that  all  was 
ready  for  the  transportation.  The  men  marched 
forward  in  line,  and  were  drawn  up  by  com¬ 
panies  to  the  beach.  At  this  time,  the  scene 
was  animated  in  the  highest  degree.  The  vivid 
costumes  of  the  men — some  being  wrapt  from 
head  to  foot  in  their  great  red  blankets,  but  most 
of  them  clad  in  their  gray  jackets  and  trowsers 
and  embroidered  caps  ;  the  peaks  of  the  tents, 
regularly  distributed,  all  glowing  like  huge  lan¬ 
terns  from  the  fires  within  them  ;  the  glittering 
rows  of  rifles  and  sabres  ;  the  woods  and  hills, 
and  the  placid  river,  which  here  meet  in  exqui¬ 
site  proportion,  enfolding  all — and  all  these  suf¬ 
fused  with  the  broad  moonlight,  were  blended 
in  such  novel  picturesqueness  that  no  man 
among  the  throng  could  fail  to  be  moved  by  it. 
The  embarkation  was  rapidly  conducted,  and, 
although  the  spot  chosen  was  not  apparently 
the  most  advantageous,  was  completed  in  less 
than  two  hours.  The  entire  regiment,  except¬ 
ing  the  small  guard  necessarily  left  behind, 
nearly  one  thousand  men,  were  safely  bestowed 
and  on  their  way  down  the  river  by  4  o’clock, 
just  as  the  dawn  began  to  shine  over  the  hills 
and  through  the  trees. 

The  night  had  passed  without  any  noteworthy 
incident.  It  had  been  thought  possible  that  the 
rebels,  who  could  by  some  means  undoubtedly 
have  gained  premonition  of  the  movement, 
might  fire  the  bridge  by  which  other  regiments 
were  to  advance  upon  them,  and  thus  diminish 
the  attacking  force  for  a  time.  Nothing  of  this 
kind,  however,  had  been  attempted,  and  as  we 


steamed  down  the  river,  (very  slowly,  for  the 
boats  were  heavily  laden,)  there  was  no  sign 
that  we  were  expected,  or  that  any  inroad  was 
provided  against.  This  seemed  at  first  suspi¬ 
cious,  especially  as  on  nearing  Alexandria  we 
found  it  sharing  the  same  appearance  of  repose. 
It  could  hardly  be  credited  that  at  least  a  rumor 
of  warning  should  not  have  reached  them.  But 
if  it  had,  it  would  appear  that  their  enormous 
self-confidence  was  not  to  be  even  thus  dis¬ 
turbed,  for  it  afterward  was  found  that  no  pre¬ 
parations  either  for  resistance  or  for  evacuation 
had  been  made  until  early  in  the  morning,  when, 
if  I  am  rightly  informed,  the  sloop-of-war  Paw¬ 
nee  had  sent  ashore  a  summons  to  surrender 
the  town,  which  I  believe  the  garrison  were 
considering,  or  had  partially  assented  to,  when 
we  arrived.  It  was  not  until  our  boats  were 
about  to  draw  up  to  the  wharf  that  our  ap¬ 
proach  was  noticed  in  any  way  ;  but  at  the  lat¬ 
est  minute  a  few  sentinels,  whom  we  had  long 
before  discerned,  fired  their  muskets  in  the  air 
as  a  warning,  and,  running  rapidly  into  the 
town,  disappeared.  Two  or  three  of  the  Zou¬ 
aves,  fancying  that  the  shots  were  directed  tow¬ 
ard  them,  (which  they  certainly  were  not,)  dis¬ 
charged  their  rifles  after  the  retreating  forms, 
but  no  injury  to  any  body  followed.  The  town 
was  thus  put  on  its  guard,  but  yet  so  early  was 
the  hour,  and  so  apparently  unlooked-for  our 
arrival,  that  when  we  landed,  about  half-past 
5  o'clock,  the  streets  were  as  deserted  as  if  it 
had  been  midnight. 

Before  our  troops  disembarked,  a  boat,  filled 
with  armed  marines,  and  carrying  a  flag  of  truce, 
put  off  from  the  Pawnee,  and  landed  ahead  of 
us.  From  the  officer  in  charge  we  learned  that 
the  Pawnee  had  already  proposed  terms  of  sub¬ 
mission  to  the  town,  and  that  the  Rebels  had 
consented  to  vacate  within  a  specified  time. 
This  seemed  to  settle  the  question  of  a  contest 
in  the  negative ;  but  in  the  confusion  of  muster¬ 
ing  and  forming  the  men,  the  intelligence  was 
not  well  understood,  and  received  but  little  at¬ 
tention.  Indeed,  I  am  quite  sure  that  the  Paw¬ 
nee’s  officer  did  not  seek  Col.  Ellsworth,  to  com¬ 
municate  with  him,  and  that  the  Colonel  only' 
obtained  a  meagre  share  of  information  by  seek¬ 
ing  it  directly  from  the  bearer  of  the  flag  of  truce 
himself.  No  doubt  this  omission  arose  from 
the  confused  condition  in  which  affairs  then 
stood.  But  it  would  have  caused  no  difference 
in  the  Colonel's  military  plans.  No  attack 
was  meditated,  except  in  case  of  a  forcible  re¬ 
sistance  to  his  progress.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  idea  of  the  place  being  under  a  truce  seemed 
to  banish  every  suspicion  of  a  resistance  either 
from  multitudes  or  individuals.  It  was  just 
possibly  this  consideration  that  led  Col.  Ells¬ 
worth  to  forego  the  requisite  personal  precau¬ 
tions,  which,  if  taken,  would  have  prevented 
his  unhappy  death.  But  I  am  sure  none  of  us 
at  that  time  estimated  the  probability  of  the 
danger  which  afterward  menaced  us.  Perhaps 
the  thought  of  actual  bloodshed  and  death  in 
war  was  too  foreign  to  our  experiences  to  be 


DOCUMENTS. 


rightly  weighed.  But  it  certainly  did  not  en¬ 
ter  our  minds  then,  as  poor  Ellsworth’s  fate 
has  since  taught  us  it  should  have  done,  that  a 
town  half  waked,  half  terrified,  and  under  truce, 
could  harbor  any  peril  for  us.  So  the  Colonel 
gave  some  rapid  directions  for  the  interruption 
of  the  railway  course,  by  displacing  a  few  rails 
near  the  depot,  and  then  turned  toward  the 
centre  of  the  town,  to  destroy  the  means  of 
communication  southward  by  the  telegraph ; 
a  measure  which  h<f  appeared  to  regard  as  very 
seriously  important.  He  was  accompanied  by 
Mr.  11.  J.  Winser,  Military  Secretary  to  the 
liegiment,  the  Chaplain,  the  Rev.  E.  W.  Dodge, 
and  myself.  At  first  he  summoned  no  guard 
to  follow  him,  but  he  afterward  turned  and 
called  forward  a  single  squad,  with  a  sergeant 
from  the  first  company.  We  passed  quickly 
through  the  streets,  meeting  a  few  bewildered 
travellers  issuing  from  the  principal  hotel, 
which  seemed  to  be  slowly  coming  to  its  daily 
senses,  and  were  about  to  turn  toward  the  tele¬ 
graph  office,  when  the  Colonel,  first  of  all, 
caught  sight  of  the  secession  flag,  which  has 
so  long  swung  insolently  in  full  view  of  the 
President’s  House.  He  immediately  sent  back 
the  sergeant,  with  an  order  for  the  advance  of 
the  entire  first  company,  and,  leaving  the  mat¬ 
ter  of  the  telegraph  office  for  a  while,  pushed 
on  to  the  hotel,  which  proved  to  be  the  Mar¬ 
shall  House,  a  second-class  inn.  On  entering 
the  open  door  the  Colonel  met  a  man  in  his 
shirt  and  trowsers,  of  whom  he  demanded 
what  sort  of  flag  it  was  that  hung  above  the 
roof.  The  stranger,  who  seemed  greatly 
alarmed,  declared  lie  knew  nothing  of  it,  and 
that  he  was  only  a  boarder  there.  Without 
questioning  him  further  the  Colonel  sprang  up 
stairs,  and  we  all  followed  to  the  topmost  story, 
whence,  by  means  of  a  ladder,  he  clambered  to 
the  roof,  cut  down  the  flag  with  A\  inser’s  knife, 
and  brought  it  from  its  staff.  There  were  two 
men  in  bed  in  the  garret  whom  we  had  not  ob¬ 
served  at  all  when  we  entered,  their  position 
being  somewhat  concealed,  but  who  now  rose 
in  great  apparent  amazement,  although  I  ob¬ 
served  that  they  were  more  than  half  dressed. 
We  at  once  turned  to  descend,  Private  Brow¬ 
nell  leading  the  way,  and  Colonel  Ellsworth 
immediately  following  him  with  the  flag.  As 
Brownell  reached  the  first  landing-place,  or 
entry,  after  a  descent  of  some  dozen  steps,  a 
man  jumped  from  a  dark  passage,  and  hardly 
noticing  the  private,  levelled  a  double-barrelled 
gun  square  at  the  Colonel’s  breast.  Brownell 
made  a  quick  pass  to  turn  the .  weapon  aside, 
but  the  fellow’s  hand  was  firm,  and  he  dis- 
ch  irged  one  barrel  straight  to  its  aim,  the 
slugs  or  buckshot  with  which  it  was  loaded  en¬ 
tering  the  Colonel’s  heart,  and  killing  him  at 
the  instant.  I  think  my  arm  was  resting  on 
poor  Ellsworth’s  shoulder  at  the  moment.  At 
any  rate,  he  seemed  to  fall  almost  from  my  own 
grasp.  He  was  on  the  second  or  third  step 
from  the  landing,  and  he  dropped  forward  with 
that  heavy,  horrible,  headlong  weight  which 


always  comes  of  sudden  death  inflicted  in  this 
manner,  llis  assailant  had  turned  like  a  flash 
to  give  the  contents  of  the  other  barrel  to 
Brownell,  but  either  he  could  not  command 
his  aim  or  the  Zouave  was  too  quick  with  him, 
for  the  slugs  went  over  his  head,  and  passed 
through  the  panels  and  wainscot  of  a  door 
which  sheltered  some  sleeping  lodgers.  Siinul- 
taneously  with  this  second  shot,  and  sounding 
like  the  echo  of  the  first,  Brownell’s  rifle  was 
heard  and  the  assassin  staggered  backward. 
He  was  hit  exactly  in  the  middle  of  the  face,  and 
the  wound,  as  I  afterward  saw  it,  was  the  most 
frightful  I  ever  witnessed.  Of  course  Brownell 
did  not  know  how  fatal  his  shot  had  been,  and 
so  before  the  man  dropped,  he  thrust  his  sabre 
bayonet  through  and  through  the  body,  the 
force  of  the  blow  sending  the  dead  man  vio¬ 
lently  down  the  upper  section  of  the  second 
flight  of  stairs,  at  the  foot  of  which  he  lay 
with  his  face  to  the  floor.  Winser  ran  from 
above  crying,  “  Who  is  hit?  ”  but  as  he  glanced 
downward  by  our  feet,  he  needed  no  answer. 

Bewildered  for  an  instant  by  the  suddenness 
of  this  attack,  and  not  knowing  what  more 
might  be  in  store,  we  forbore  to  proceed,  and 
gathered  together  defensively.  There  were  but 
seven  of  us  altogether,  and  one  was  without  a 
weapon  of  any  kind.  Brownell  instantly  re¬ 
loaded,  and  while  doing  so  perceived  the  door 
through  which  the  assailant’s  shot  had  passed, 
beginning  to  open.  He  brought  his  rifle  to  the 
shoulder,  and  menaced  the  occupants,  two  trav¬ 
ellers,  with  immediate  death  if  they  stirred. 
The  three  other  privates  guarded  the  pas¬ 
sages,  of  which  there  were  quite  a  number  con¬ 
verging  to  the  point  where  we  stood,  while 
the  Chaplain  and  Winser  looked  to  the  stair¬ 
case  by  which  we  had  descended,  and  the  ad¬ 
joining  chambers.  I  ran  down  stairs  to  see  it 
any  thing  was  threatened  from  the  story  below, 
but  it  soon  appeared  there  was  no  danger  from 
that  quarter.  However,  we  were  not  at  all 
disposed  to  move  from  our  position.  From  the 
opening  doors,  and  through  the  passages,  we 
discerned  a  sufficient  number  of  forms  to  assure 
us  that  we  were  dreadfully  in  the  minority.  I 
think  now  that  there  was  no  danger,  and  that 
the  single  assailant  acted  without  concert  with 
anybody;  but  it  is  impossible  to  know  accu¬ 
rately,  and  it  was  certainly  a  doubtful  ques¬ 
tion  then.  The  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to 
look  to  our  dead  friend  and  leader.  He  lvad 
fallen  on  his  face,  and  the  streams  of  blood 
that  flowed  from  his  wound  had  literally  flood¬ 
ed  the  way.  The  Chaplain  turned  him  gently 
over,  and  I  stooped  and  called  his  name  aloud, 
at  which  I  thought  then  he  murmured  inartic¬ 
ulately.  I  presume  I  was  mistaken,  and  I  am 
not  sure  that  he  spoke  a  word  after  being 
struck,  although  in  my  despatch  I  repeated  a 
single  exclamation  which  I  had  belieyed  he  ut¬ 
tered.  It  might  have  been  Brownell,  or  the 
Chaplain,  who  was  close  behind  me.  Winser 
and  I  lifted  the  body  with  all  the  care  wo  could 
apply,  and  laid  it  upon  a  bed  in  a  room  near 


280 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


by.  The  rebel  flag,  stained  with  his  blood,  and 
purified  by  this  contact  from  the  baseness  of 
its  former  meaning,  we  laid  about  his  feet.  It 
was  at  first  difficult  to  discover  the  precise  lo¬ 
cality  of  his  wound,  for  all  parts  of  his  coat 
were  equally  saturated  with  blood.  By  cau¬ 
tiously  loosening  his  belt  and  unbuttoning  his 
coat  we  found  where  the  shot  had  penetrated. 
None  of  us  had  any  medical  knowledge,  but  we 
saw  that  all  hope  must  be  resigned.  Never¬ 
theless,  it  seemed  proper  to  summon  the  sur¬ 
geon  as  speedily  as  possible.  This  could  not 
easily  be  done ;  for,  secluded  as  we  were  in  that 
part  of  the  town,  and  uncertain  whether  an 
ambush  might  not  be  awaiting  us  also,  no  man 
could  volunteer  to  venture  forth  alone  ;  and  to 
go  together,  and  leave  the  Colonel’s  body  be¬ 
hind,  was  out  of  the  question.  We  wondered 
at  the  long  delay  of  the  first  company,  for  the 
advance  of  which  the  Colonel  had  sent  back 
before  approaching  the  hotel ;  but  we  subse¬ 
quently  learned  that  they  had  mistaken  a  street, 
and  gone  a  little  out  of  their  way.  Before 
they  arrived  we  had  removed  some  of  the  un¬ 
sightly  stains  from  the  Colonel’s  features,  and 
composed  his  limbs.  His  expression  in  death 
was  beautifully  natural.  The  Colonel  was  a 
singularly  handsome  man,  and,  excepting  the 
pallor,  there  was  nothing  different  in  his  coun¬ 
tenance  now  from  what  all  his  friends  had  so 
lately  been  accustomed  to  gladly  recognize. 
The  detachment  was  heard  approaching  at  last, 
a  reenforcement  was  easily  called  up,  and  the 
surgeon  was  sent  for.  Ilis  arrival,  not  long 
after,  of  course  sealed  our  own  unhappy  belief. 
A  sufficient  guard  was  presently  distributed 
over  the  house,  but  meanwhile  I  had  remem¬ 
bered  the  Colonel’s  earnestness  about  the  tele¬ 
graph  seizure,  and  obtained  permission  to  guide 
a  squad  of  Zouaves  to  the  office,  which  was 
found  to  be  entirely  open,  with  all  the  doors 
ajar,  yet  apparently  deserted.  It  looked  like  an¬ 
other  chance  of  a  surprise.  The  men  remained 
in  charge.  I  presume  it  was  not  wholly  in  or¬ 
der  for  me,  a  civilian,  to  start  upon  this  mis¬ 
sion  ;  but  I  was  the  only  person  who  knew  the 
whereabouts  of  the  office,  and  the  Colonel  had 
been  very  positive  about  the  matter.  When  I 
returned  to  the  hotel,  there  was  a  terrible  scene 
enacting.  A  woman  had  run  from  a  lower 
room  to  the  stairway  where  the  body  of  the 
defender  of  the  secession  flag  lay,  and  recogniz¬ 
ing  it,  cried  aloud  with  an  agony  so  heart-rend¬ 
ing  that  no  person  could  witness  it  without 
emotion.  She  flung  her  arms  in  the  air,  struck 
her  brow  madly,  and  seemed  in  every  way  ut¬ 
terly  abandoned  to  desolation  and  frenzy.  She 
offered  no  reproaches — appeared  indeed  almost 
regardless  of  our  presence,  and  yielded  only  to 
her  own  frantic  despair.  It  was  her  husband 
that  had  been  shot.  He  was  the  proprietor  of 
the  hotel.  Ilis  name  was  James  T.  Jackson. 
Winser  was  confident  it  was  the  same  man  who 
met  us  at  the  door  when  we  entered,  and  told 
us  he  was  a  boarder.  Ilis  wife,  as  I  said,  was 
wild  almost  to  insanity.  Yet  she  listened 


when  spoken  to,  and  although  no  consolation 
could  be  offered  her  by  us  for  what  she  had 
lost,  she  seemed  sensible  to  the  assurance  that 
the  safety  of  her  children,  for  whom  she  ex¬ 
pressed  fears,  could  not  possibly  be  endangered. 

It  is  not  from  any  wish  to  fasten  obloquy 
upon  the  slayer  of  Col.  Ellsworth,  but  simply 
because  it  struck  me  as  a  frightful  fact,  that  I 
say  the  face  of  the  dead  man  wore  the  most  re¬ 
volting  expression  of  rage  and  hatred  that  I  ever 
saw.  Perhaps  the  nature  of  his  wound  added 
to  this  effect,  and  the  wound  was  something  so 
appalling  that  I  shall  not  attempt  to  describe  it, 
as  it  impressed  me.  It  is  probable  that  such  a 
result  from  a  bullet-wound  could  not  ensue  once 
in  a  thousand  times.  Either  of  Brownell’s 
onslaughts  would  have  been  instantaneously 
fatal.  The  saber-wound  was  not  less  effective 
than  that  of  the  ball.  The  gun  which  Jackson 
had  fired  lay  beneath  him,  clasped  in  his  arms, 
and  as  we  did  not  at  first  all  know  that  both 
barrels  had  been  discharged,  it  was  thought 
necessary  to  remove  it,  lest  it  should  be  sud¬ 
denly  seized  and  made  use  of  from  below.  In 
doing  this,  his  countenance  was  revealed. 

As  the  morning  advanced,  the  townspeople 
began  to  gather  in  the  vicinity,  and  a  guard 
was  fixed,  preventing  ingress  and  egress.  This 
was  done  to  keep  all  parties  from  knowing  what 
had  occurred,  for  the  Zouaves  were  so  devoted 
to  their  Colonel  that  it  was  feared  if  they  all 
were  made  acquainted  with  the  real  fact,  they 
would  sack  the  house.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
was  not  thought  wise  to  let  the  Alexandrians 
know  thus  early  the  fate  of  their  townsman. 
The  Zouaves  were  the  only  regiment  that  had 
arrived,  and  their  head  and  soul  was  gone. 
Besides,  the  duties  which  the  Colonel  had  hur¬ 
riedly  assigned  before  leaving  them  had  scat¬ 
tered  some  companies  in  various  quarters  of 
the  town.  Several  persons  sought  admission 
to  the  Marshall  House,  among  them  a  sister  of 
the  dead  man,  who  had  heard  the  rumor,  but 
who  was  not  allowed  to  know  the  true  state 
of  the  case.  It  was  painful  to  hear  her  re¬ 
mark,  as  she  went  away,  that  “  of  course  they 
wouldn’t  shoot  a  man  dead  in  his  own  house 
about  a  bit  of  old  bunting.”  Many  of  the  lodg¬ 
ers  were  anxious  to  go  forth,  but  they  were 
detained  until  after  I  had  left.  All  sorts  of 
arguments  and  persuasions  were  employed,  but 
the  Zouave  guards  were  inexorable. 

At  about  7  o’clock,  a  mounted  officer  rode 
up,  and  informed  us  that  the  Michigan  1st  bad 
arrived,  and  had  captured  a  troop  of  rebels, 
who  had  at  first  demanded  time  for  reflection, 
but  who  afterward  concluded  to  yield  at  dis¬ 
cretion.  Not  long  after  this,  the  surgeon  made 
arrangements  for  the  conveyance  of  Col.  Ells¬ 
worth's  body  to  Washington.  It  was  properly 
veiled  from  sight,  and,  with  great  tenderness, 
taken  by  a  detachment  of  the  Zouaves  and  the 
71st  New  York  Regiment  (a  small  number  of 
whom,  I  neglected  to  state,  embarked  in  the 
morning  at  the  Navy  Yard,  and  came  down 
with  us)  to  the  steamboat,  by  which  it  was 


DOCUMENTS. 


281 


brought  to  the  Navy  Yard.  It  now  remains  in 
the  care  of  Capt.  Dahlgren. 

Washington  is  greatly  excited  over  the  strange 
news,  and  there  seems  to  be  much  doubt  among 
the  citizens  as  to  what  has  really  been  accom¬ 
plished.  I  am  as  yet  ignorant  of  the  move¬ 
ments  of  other  troops  sent  to  occupy  the  place, 
but  there  can  be  no  question  but  that  an  ample 
force,  for  all  the  purposes  we  need  to  carry  out, 
is  now  there.  I  only  attempt  to  furnish  a  re¬ 
cord  of  that  part  of  the  expedition  which  I  wit¬ 
nessed,  and  to  supply  the  particulars,  which 
would  surely  be  sought  alter,  of  the  bereave¬ 
ment  which  has  caused  our  grievous  sorrow. 

I  am  sure  that  no  young  officer  in  our  Northern 
land  could  be  more  sincerely  and  universally 
mourned  than  Col.  Ellsworth  will  be.  Perhaps 
none  so  much  so,  for  his  name  was  a  familiar 
token  for  all  that  was  brave,  and  loyal,  and 
true.  There  is  not  a  town  that  did  not  know 
him,  and  could  not  speak  of  him  to  his  honor. 
His  friends,  while  lamenting  his  early  fall,  may 
assure  themselves  that  lie  perished  in  perform¬ 
ing  a  daring  and  courageous  action — in  resent¬ 
ing  a  shameful  and  long-unredressed  insult  to 
his  Government  and  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  his 
country.  It  may  be  said  that  his  deed  was  rash, 
but  I  should  not  like  to  hear  this  reproach  too 
hardly  urged  against  him.  He  was  young,  and 
ardent,  and  full  of  ambition,  and  perhaps  knew 
not  that  sense  of  caution  which  a  colder  nature 
would  possess.  But  it  would  be  well  for  many 
of  us  if  we  were  as  free  from  faults,  and  as  rich 
in  manly  virtues,  as  was  this  gallant,  noble,  and 
devoted  soldier. 

I  find  that  I  have  been  free  in  speaking  of 
my  own  very  slight  connection  with  the  events 
of  this  morning.  It  certainly  was  not  from  any 
anxiety  on  my  part  to  do  so ;  but  because  I 
could  not,  in  making  a  rapid  and  yet  particular 
narration  of  a  matter  in  which  so  few  persons 
acted,  avoid  alluding  to  each  incident  precisely 
as  it  occurred,  without  pausing  to  consider  at 
this  time  the  question  of  personality. 

— iV.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  20. 

COL.  ELLSWORTH  TO  niS  PARENTS. 

Head-quarters  First  Zouaves,  ) 
Camp  Lincoln,  Washington,  Map  23,  1801-  j" 

My  dear  Father  and  Mother  : — The  regi¬ 
ment  is  ordered  to  move  across  the  river  to¬ 
night.  We  have  no  means  of  knowing  what 
reception  we  are  to  meet  with.  I  am  inclined 
to  the  opinion  that  our  entrance  to  the  city  of 
Alexandria  will  be  hotly  contested,  as  I  am  just 
informed  that  a  large  force  have  arrived  there 
to-day.  Should  this  happen,  my  dear  parents, 
it  may  be  my  lot  to  be  injured  in  some  manner. 
Whatever  may  happen,  cherish  the  consolation 
that  I  was  engaged  in  the  performance  of  a 
sacred  duty,  and  to-night,  thinking  over  the 
probabilities  of  the  morrow  and  the  occurrences 
of  the  past,  I  am  perfectly  content  to  accept 
whatever  my  fortune  may  be,  confident  that 
He  who  noteth  even  the  fall  of  a  sparrow  will 
have  some  purpose  even  in  the  fate  of  one  like 


me.  My  darling  and  ever-loved  parents,  good¬ 
bye.  God  bless,  protect,  and  care  for  you. 

Elmer. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  May  29. 


Doc.  19G. 

FIRST  REGIMENT  OF  N.  Y.  VOLUNTEERS. 

At  half-past  four  o’clock,  the  regiment^  em¬ 
barked  on  the  Staten  Island  boat  for  New  York. 
On  the  passage,  the  soldiers  sang  numerous 
stirring  songs,  suited  to  the  occasion,  and  the 
full-voiced  music  rolled  over  the  heaving  bil¬ 
lows  like  a  refrain  from  some  far  distant  isle, 
inhabited  by  the  genius  of  song  and  the  spirit 
of  patriotism.  Arriving  at  the  Battery,  they 
found  a  large  and  enthusiastic  congregation  of 
people  waiting  for  their  coming ;  and  as  they 
stepped  from  the  boat,  they  were  received  with 
three  uproarious  cheers.  But  the  enthusiasm 
had  just  commenced.  Marching  up  Broadway 
preceded  by  a  band  of  music,  they  were  re¬ 
ceived  with  a  continual  ovation  of  cheers  and 
shouts.  Every  tongue  gave  a  welcome ;  and 
hats  waved  in  enthusiastic  greeting.  It  was 
enough.  The  gallant  boys  knew  that  they  were 
departing  upon  a  mission  in  which  the  heart 
of  New  York  went  with  them  ;  and  the  proud 
step  and  mantling  cheek  showed  that  they  ap¬ 
preciated  the  eminent  position. 

On  arriving  at  the  Astor  House,  the  regiment 
formed  in  line,  and  Major-General  Dix,  accom¬ 
panied  by  Dr.  A.  B.  Mott,  passed  along  the  cn- 
tiro  length,  for  review,  with  heads  uncovered. 
The  officers  were  called  to  the  front,  and  the 
following  letter  was  read  to  them  : 

“  Col.  Allen,  First  Regiment  N.Y. Volunteers : 
In  the  conviction  that  the  regiment  in  your 
command,  will  prove  worthy  of  the  great  cause 
to  which  they  have  sworn  fidelity,  knowing 
that  the  requisites  of  so  large  a  body  of  men 
generally  exceed  the  outfit  allowed  by  the  Gov¬ 
ernment,  we  desire  to  offer  our  services  in  pre¬ 
paring  any  garments  you  may  need,  either  at 
the  present  time  or  a  later  period  of  the  war. 
A  note  stating  your  necessities,  addressed  to 
any  of  the  undersigned,  will  meet  with  prompt 
attention. 

“Arabella  P.  Mott,  209  Tenth  street. 
Georgiana  S.  Peters,  19  E.  15th  street. 
Eleanor  F.  Strong  38  E.  22d  street. 
Ella  Coles,  298  Fifth  avenue, 

Mary  Benkard,  96  Fifth  avenue.” 

Colonel  Allen  replied  with  some  difficulty,  as 
he  was  suffering  from  a  severe  cold.  The  offi¬ 
cers  then  entered  a  room  in  the  Astor  House, 
where  the  ladies  were,  and  Dr.  Mott  said : 

“  Col.  Allen  and  officers  of  tho  First  Regi¬ 
ment  : — The  ladies  present,  are  those  who  have 
attached  their  names  to  the  letter  read  to  you, 
offering  their  services  to  contribute  whatever 
is  necessary  for  tho  use  of  the  regiment.  It 
would  take  too  long  a  time  to  introduce  them 
to  you  personally,  but  the  occasion  calls  for  a 


282 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-61 


fervent  expression  of  feeling,  which  I  am  phys¬ 
ically  unable  to  express,  and  will  therefore  let 
Major  Turner,  to-day,  say  for  me  what  I  wish. 
He  will  be  kind  enough  to  express  our  kind 
feelings  and  intentions. 

Major  Turner  then  spoke  as  follows  : 

“  In  obedience,  ladies,  to  the  request  made  by 
the  colonel,  and  equally  for  myself,  I  can  utter 
but  one  sentiment  expressing  that  entertained 
by  my  associate  officers.  It  is  indeed  a  source 
of  consolation  for  us  to  know,  that  in  leaving 
our  homes,  there  are  those  behind  coming  for¬ 
ward,  as  you  have,  representing  a  large  and 
formidable  body  of  strong  hearts,  that  have 
produced  soldiers,  and  can  cheer  them  in  action 
— sustain  them  in  the  trials  of  life,  and  in  the 
last  and  best,  make  them  to  know  that  you  will 
assist  those  whom  they  leave  behind  them. 

“For  myself — and  it  is  the  sentiment  enter¬ 
tained  by  the  officers  of  this  regiment — I  can 
say  that  they  are  more  than  grateful.  AVe  can 
promise  you,  that  inasmuch  as  we  have  the 
honor  to  be  the  First  Regiment  of  New  York 
Volunteers,  we  will  pledge  ourselves  to  sustain 
the  high  position  that  we  hold  ;  and  permit  me 
to  assure  you,  ladies,  that  in  our  absence,  you  at 
home,  when  you  hear  of  us,  shall  have  no  oc¬ 
casion  to  regret  having  proffered  the  valuable 
services  you  have  tendered. 

“  We  should  not  be  indifferent  to  the  fact  that, 
on  going  to  the  field,  we  are  not  going  to  meet 
a  foreign  foe,  but  we  are  going  to  quell  a  rebel¬ 
lion  at  home.  We  are  going  to  put  down  trea¬ 
son  against  the  best  interests  of  our  country. 
We  are  going  to  preserve  the  liberties  that  we 
were  born  in  possession  of,  and  we  will  do  more 
than  that ;  we  will  prove  to  the  world  that  we 
are  not  only  the  First  Regiment  numbered  in 
the  position  of  our  army,  but  that  we  are  the 
first  nation  on  this  earth.  I  thank  you,  ladies, 
in  behalf  of  my  associates.  Let  me  assure  you, 
ladies,  there  are  many  hearts  throbbing  in  uni¬ 
son  with  those  that  are  here. 

“  We  will  endeavor  to  discharge  our  duty,  con¬ 
scious  that  those  who  set  us  in  the  field  had 
confidence  in  us.  Again,  ladies,  let  me,  in  the 
names  of  the  officers  of  the  First  Regiment,  re¬ 
turn  our  sincere  and  most  grateful  thanks.” 

The  following  impromptu  lines,  by  E.  T.  P. 
Beach,  were  presented  to  Col.  Allen  : 

HAIL  TO  OUR  BANNER  1 

ITai!  to  the  Banner  that  waveth  in  glory  1 
Hail  to  the  Flag  of  our  dear  cherished  land  1 

Ilail  to  the  standard  long  honored  in  story  I 
Boldly  defend  it,  my  brave,  gallant  hand. 

Hail  to  the  donors  fair, 

Who  in  their  country’s  eharo 
Ever  stand  ready  in  peril  or  need  ; 

Hail  to  each  tender  heart, 

Break  though  it  may  part, 

Bravely  will  own  their  dearest  “  God  speed.” 

Gnard  well  the  Banner  wo  give  to  your  keeping, 

It  shieideth  your  honor,  your  fair,  and  your  land ; 

Let  the  bright  eyes  that  in  farewells  are  weeping, 

Behold  it  in  glory  return  with  your  band  1 
Ilail  to  the  Banner  bold  ! 

Guard  well  each  precious  fold  1 

Cherish  our  starry -gemmed  red,  white,  and  blue  ; 

God  will  uphold  the  right  1 

Bravely,  then,  to  the  fight — 

God  speed  the  noble  First,  bravo  hearts  and  true  t 


The  officers  then  returned  to  the  regiment, 
and  soon  after  it  proceeded  up  Broadway,  re¬ 
ceiving  again  a  great  amount  of  cheering.  Win¬ 
dows  were  beautified  by  the  faces  of  the  fair, 
who  waved  their  handkerchiefs  to  the  passing 
regiment.  At  length  it  turned  down  Canal 
street,  and  embarked  on  hoard  the  State  of 
Georgia. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers  of  the 
regiment : 

Staff. — Wm.  II.  Allen,  Colonel ;  Garrett 
Dyckman,  Lieutenant-Colonel ;  James  M.  Tur¬ 
ner,  Major;  AY alter  Scott,  Adjutant;  J.  Law¬ 
rence  Hicks,  M.  D.,  Surgeon;  John  Howe,  M. 
D.,  Surgeon’s  mate;  Robt.  S.  Wonnsley,  Quar¬ 
termaster. 

Non-Commissioned  Staff. — Benjamin  Page, 
Sergeant-Major ;  James  C.  Briscoe,  Color-Ser¬ 
geant  ;  Robert  B.  Montgomery,  Quartermaster- 
Sergeant  ;  James  Murray,  Officers’  Mess-Stew¬ 
ard  ;  John  S.  Brush,  Right  General  Guide ; 
Richard  J.  Perry,  Brum-Major ;  Richard  AATillis, 
Fife-Major. 

Co.  A,  Captain,  Leon  Barnard ;  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  John  0.  Campbell;  Second  Lieutenant, 
N.  S.  Mareemus.  Co.  B,  Captain,  James  Clancy ; 
First  Lieutenant,  George  W.  Bnncan;  Second 
Lieutenant,  Wm.  T.  Allen.  Co.  C,  Captain, 
AVm.  L.  Coles;  First  Lieutenant,  James  C.  Shaw ; 
Second  Lieutenant,  David  E.  Carpenter.  Co. 
D,  Captain,  Henry  M.  Burleigh  ;  First  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Chas.  Ingersoll ;  Second  Lieutenant,  John 
C.  Horton.  Co.  E,  Captain,  Timothy  AYaters; 
First  Lieutenant,  Jos.  Yeomans;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Henry  E.  Ayers.  Co.  F,  Captain,  Da¬ 
vid  Tuomey ;  First  Lieutenant,  Jas.  F.  Hyde; 
Second  Lieutenant,  Jas.  Dolan.  Co.  G,  Captain, 
AYm.  H.  Underhill ;  First  Lieutenant,  Geo.  S. 
Melville  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Henry  S.  Hether- 
inger.  Co.  H,  Captain,  Jas.  II.  Brennan  ;  First 
Lieutenant,  N.  C.  Hamilton ;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  0.  M.  Martin.  Co.  J,  Captain,  Ole  P.  Ball¬ 
ing  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Christian  T.  Christian- 
seji ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Alfred  Furhorg.  Co. 
Iv,  Captain,  AYiner  Bjing ;  First  Lieutenant, 
Nicholas  Crosbeek  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  John 
Allen. 

— A”.  Y.  Times ,  May  27. 


‘  Doo,  197. 

MAJOR  SPRAGUE’S  LETTER. 

San  Antonio,  Texas,  April  24, 1SC1. 

Deae  Sir  : — Since  my  last  letter  events  have 
culminated  here  so  rapidly  it  is  impossible  for 
me  to  narrate  them  in  detail.  To  myself,  the 
most  important  event  is  my  arrest  as  a  prisoner 
of  war.  The  decided  measures  adopted  in 
AYashington  towards  the  Confederate  States 
alarmed  the  authorities  at  Montgomery,  when 
orders  were  transmitted  to  arrest  and  disarm, 
the  United  States  troops  en  route  out  of  Texas, 
under  the  agreement  made  by  Gen.  Twiggs, 
and  to  arrest  the  United  States  officers  on  duty 
in  San  Antonio,  “  as  prisoners  of  war.”  The 
sacred  engagement  made  by  Texas  that  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


283 


entire  command  serving  in  that  State  should 
pass  out  unmolested  has  been  disregarded,  and 
Texas,  through  her  recently  acknowledged  gov¬ 
ernment,  has  participated  in  this  most  graceless 
act.  Fifteen  officers  have  been  arrested  and 
marched  through  the  streets  of  San  Antonia, 
surrounded  by  a  guard  of  Texas  volunteers. 
Most  of  these  officers  have  served  from  live  to 
ten  years  protecting  the  frontier.  When  com¬ 
ing  into  the  seceding  States,  in  February  last, 
on  my  way  to  New  Mexico,  I  had  serious  ap¬ 
prehensions  of  the  present  result,  and  endeav¬ 
ored  by  timely  application  to  the  proper 
authorities  to  avoid  it,  but  was  unsuccessful, 
and  here  I  am,  “  a  prisoner  of  war.”  If  taken 
in  conflict,  or  in  any  honorable  mode  of  war¬ 
fare,  I  would  not  grumble ;  but  to  be  crushed 
in  this  manner,  a  victim  to  the  treachery  of 
others,  is  more  than  man  can  bear.  I  have 
served  for  twenty-two  years  under  our  flag, 
and  seen  it  go  up  and  down  with  the  rising  and 
setting  sun,  and  have  witnessed  its  blessings, 
with  a  proud  heart,  in  all  parts  of  our  country. 
To  this  Union  I  am  devoted,  and  though  for  a 
time  my  sword  may  rest  in  its  scabbard,  yet  my 
tongue,*  heart,  intellect,  and  pen  shall  be  de¬ 
voted  to  an  eternal  warfare  against  those  who, 
with  vindictive  spleen  and  pretended  wrongs, 
would  destroy  this  Government,  under  which 
we  have  lived  and  prospered  so  many  years. 

Political  parties  and  questions  are  now  at  an 
end ;  the  negro  has  gone  under,  neck  and  heels, 
and  it  becomes  every  man  who  cherishes  his 
home  to  stand  by  the  Union.  We  have  paroles 
offered  obligating  us  not  to  bear  arms  during 
what  they,  the  enemy,  call  the  war,  unless  ex¬ 
changed,  or  to  remain  close  prisoners  of  war. 
All  communication  with  the  States,  by  mail  or 
otherwise,  is  cut  off,  and  the  entire  country  is 
under  the  control  of  ranging  volunteers.  The 
officers  and  men,  though  removed  from  all  con¬ 
nection  with  the  Government,  and  entreated  by 
the  agents  of  the  Confederate  States  to  join 
their  cause,  with  the  prospect  of  increased  rank 
and  pay,  have  remained  true  to  their  colors,  in 
the  firm  conviction  in  the  ability  and  patriot¬ 
ism  of  the  people  to  redress  our  wrongs.  Shall 
we  remain  here  as  prisoners,  or  take  a  parole 
and  trust  to  luck  ?  That  is  the  question. 

I  give  you  a  few  of  the  heavy  items  received 
by  the  last  mail  from  New  Orleans,  which  are 
certainly  not  encouraging  to  prisoners  of  war 
in  a  foreign  land,  viz.:  President  Lincoln  fled 
from  Washington;  Gen.  Scott  resigned  and 
joined  the  Confederate  States;  Tennessee,  Ken¬ 
tucky,  Maryland,  and  Virginia  out  of  the  Union ; 
the  Seventh  New  York  Regiment  cut  up  en 
route  through  Baltimore  for  Washington ;  fifty 
thousand  men  from  the  South  surrounding 
Washington,  and  the  women  and  children  noti¬ 
fied  to  leave ;  Gosport  navy-yard  taken  by  Vir¬ 
ginia  after  a  sharp  conflict — forty  Union  men 
killed.  How  true  the  foregoing  is  we  are  yet 
to  learn,  doubtful  if  we  ever  know  the  truth  if 
depending  upon  the  newspapers  received  here. 
It  is  thus  that  the  citizens  of  this  section  are 


taught  to  believe  that  the  Government  of  tho 
United  States  is  at  an  end.  I  send  this  by  a 
friend,  who  will  put  it  in  the  first  reliable  post- 
office — probably  St.  Louis. 

Another  item  has  just  come  to  hand  through 
the  stage  way-bill  from  Indianola,  on  the  coast, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  distant.  The  Star 
of  the  West,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  United 
States  troops  to  embark  to  New  York,  lias  been 
stolen  by  the  Secessionists,  and  the  troops  under 
Major  Sibley,  while  on  board  lighters  off  the 
bar,  have  been  surrounded  by  two  armed 
steamers  from  New  Orleans  containing  six 
hundred  men,  with  artillery,  and  made  prison¬ 
ers  of  war.  The  officers  and  men,  it  is  said, 
have  taken  paroles.  Here  again  the  attempt 
was  made  to  seduce  them  from  their  colors  by 
rank  and  pay,  but  without  success.  It  is  thus 
events  accumulate  around  us,  sad  and  disastrous 
indeed,  but  our  faith  is  firm  We  may  he  dis¬ 
couraged,  treated  with  indignity,  our  Govern¬ 
ment  derided,  even  our  allegiance,  under  these 
disasters,  ridiculed ;  still  there  is  an  unwavering 
fidelity  to  our  Union  among  the  officers  and 
soldiers  of  the  army  in  this  quarter  which  can¬ 
not  be  questioned  nor  surpassed.  It  looks 
rather  dark  at  present,  but  daylight  is  break¬ 
ing,  even  in  this  remote  and  foreign  land.  I 
never  thought  the  time  would  come  when  I 
should  be  a  stranger  among  my  own  country¬ 
men.  I  fear  there  is  a  worm  planted  within 
our  bosoms  that  will  never  die. 

As  ever,  truly  yours, 

J.  T.  Sprague. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  May  27. 


Doc.  197J. 

JOSEPH  HOLT’S  LETTER 

ON  THE  PENDING  REVOLUTIO  N.* 
-Washington,  May  31, 1861. 

J.  F.  Speed,  Esq.  : 

My  Dear  Sir: — The  recent  overwhelming 
vote  in  favor  of  the  Union  in  Kentucky  has 
afforded  unspeakable  gratification  to  all  true 
men  throughout  the  country.  That  vote  indi¬ 
cates  that  the  people  of  that  gallant  State  have 
been  neither  seduced  by  the  arts  nor  terrified 
by  the  menaces  of  the  revolutionists  in  their 
midst,  and  that  it  is  their  fixed  purpose  to  re¬ 
main  faithful  to  a  Government  which,  for  nearly 
seventy  years,  has  remained  faithful  to  them. 
Still  it  cannot  be  denied  that  there  is  in  the 
bosom  of  that  State  a  band  of  agitators,  who, 
though  few  in  number,  are  yet  powerful  from 
the  public  confidence  they  have  enjoyed,  and 
who  have  been,  and  doubtless  will  continue  to 
be,  unceasing  in  their  endeavors  to  force  Ken¬ 
tucky  to  unite  her  fortunes  with  those  of  the 
rebel  Confederacy  of  the  South.  In  view  of 
this  and  of  the  well-known  fact  that  several  of 
the  seceded  States  have  by  fraud  and  violence 
been  driven  to  occupy  their  present  false  and 

*  Printed  from  tho  Louisville  odition. 


284 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


fatal  position,  I  cannot,  even  with  the  encour¬ 
agement  of  her  late  vote  before  me,  look  upon 
the  political  future  of  our  native  State  without 
a  painful  solicitude.  Never  have  the  safety 
and  honor  of  her  people  required  the  exercise 
of  so  much  vigilance  and  of  so  much  courage  on 
their  part.  If  true  to  themselves,  the  Stars 
and  Stripes,  which  like  augels’  wings,  have  so 
long  guarded  their  homes  from  every  oppres¬ 
sion,  will  still  be  theirs;  but  if,  chasing  the 
dreams  of  men’s  ambition,  they  shall  prove 
false,  the  blackness  of  darkness  can  but  faintly 
predict  the  gloom  that  awaits  them.  The  Leg¬ 
islature,  it  seems,  has  determined  by  resolution 
that  the  State,  pending  the  present  unhappy 
war,  shall  occupy  neutral  ground.  I  must  say, 
in  all  frankness  and  without  designing  to  reflect 
upon  the  course  or  sentiments  of  any,  that  in 
this  struggle  for  the  existence  of  our  Govern¬ 
ment,  I  can  neither  practise,  nor  profess,  nor 
feel  neutrality.  I  would  as  soon  think  of  being 
neutral  in  a  contest  between  an  officer  of  jus¬ 
tice  and  an  incendiary  arrested  in  an  attempt 
to  fire  the  dwelling  over  my  head;  for  the 
Government  whose  overthrow  is  sought,  is  for 
me  the  shelter  not  only  of  home,  kindred,  and 
friends,  but  of  every  earthly  blessing  which  I 
can  hope  to  enjoy  on  this  side  of  the  grave.  If, 
however,  from  a  natural  horror  of  fratricidal 
strife,  or  from  her  intimate  social  and  business 
relations  with  the  South,  Kentucky  shall  deter¬ 
mine  to  maintain  the  neutral  attitude  assumed 
for  her  by  her  Legislature,  her  position  will 
still  be  an  honorable  one,  though  falling  far 
short  of  that  full  measure  of  loyalty  which  her 
history  has  so  constantly  illustrated.  Her  Ex¬ 
ecutive,  ignoring,  as  I  am  happy  to  believe,  alike 
the  popular  and  legislative  sentiment  of  the 
State,  has,  by  proclamation,  forbidden  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  United  States  from  marching 
troops  across  her  territory.  This  is,  in  no 
sense,  a  neutral  step,  but  one  of  aggressive 
hostility.  The  troops  of  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment  have  as  clear  a  constitutional  right  to  pass 
over  the  soil  of  Kentucky  as  they  have  to 
march  along  the  streets  of  Washington,  and 
could  this  prohibition  be  effective  it  would 
not  only  be  a  violation  of  the  fundamental  law, 
but  would,  in  all  its  tendencies,  be  directly  in 
advancement  of  the  revolution,  and  might,  in 
an  emergency  easily  imagined,  compromise  the 
highest  national  interests.  I  was  rejoiced  that 
the  Legislature  so  promptly  refused  to  endorse 
this  proclamation  as  expressive  of  the  true 
policy  of  the  State.  But  I  turn  away  from 
even  this  to  the  ballot-box,  and  find  an  abound¬ 
ing  consolation  in  the  conviction  it  inspires, 
that  the  popular  heart  of  Kentucky,  in  its  de¬ 
votion  to  the  Union,  is  far  in  advance  alike  of 
legislative  resolve  and  of  Executive  procla¬ 
mation. 

But  as  it  is  well  understood  that  the  late 
popular  demonstration  has  rather  scotched  than 
killed  rebellion  in  Kentucky,  I  propose  inquir¬ 
ing,  as  briefly  as  practicable,  whether,  in  the 
recent  action  or  present  declared  policy  of  the 


Administration,  or  in  the  history  of  the  pend¬ 
ing  revolution,  or  in  the  objects  it  seeks  to  ac¬ 
complish,  or  in  the  results  which  must  follow 
from  it  if  successful,  there  can  be  discovered 
any  reasons  why  that  State  should  sever  the 
ties  that  unite  her  with  a  Confederacy  in  whose 
councils  and  upon  whose  battle-fields  she  has 
won  so  much  fame,  and  under  whose  protection 
she  has  enjoyed  so  much  prosperity. 

For  more  than  a  month  after  the  inaugura¬ 
tion  of  President  Lincoln  the  manifestation 
seemed  unequivocal  that  his  Administration 
would  seek  a  peaceful  solution  of  our  unhappy 
political  troubles,  and  would  look  to  time  and 
amendments  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  adopt¬ 
ed  in  accordance  with  its  provisions,  to  bring 
back  the  revolted  States  to  their  allegiance.  _  So 
marked  was  the  effect  of  these  manifestations 
in  tranquillizing  the  Border  States  and  reassur¬ 
ing  their  loyalty,  that  the  conspirators  who  had 
set  this  revolution  on  foot  took  the  alarm. 
While  affecting  to  despise  these  States  as  not 
sufficiently  intensified  in  their  devotion  to  Afri¬ 
can  servitude,  they  knew  they  could  never  suc¬ 
ceed  in  their  treasonable  enterprise  without  their 
support.  Hence  it  was  resolved  to  precipitate 
a  collision  of  arms  with  the  Federal  authorities, 
in  the  hope  that,  under  the  panic  and  exasper¬ 
ation  incident  to  the  commencement  of  civil 
war,  the  Border  States,  following  the  natural 
bent  of  their  sympathies,  would  array  them¬ 
selves  against  the  Government.  Fort  Sumter, 
occupied  by  a  feeble  garrison,  and  girdled  by 
powerful  if  not  impregnable  batteries,  afforded 
convenient  means  for  accomplishing  their  pur¬ 
pose,  and  for  testing  also  their  favorite  theory 
that  blood  was  needed  to  cement  the  new  Con¬ 
federacy.  Its  provisions  were  exhausted,  and 
the  request  made  by  the  President  in  the  inter¬ 
ests  of  peace  and  humanity,  for  the  privilege 
of  replenishing  its  stores,  had  been  refused.  The 
Confederate  authorities  were  aware — for  so  the 
gallant  commander  of  the  fort  had  declared  to 
them — that  in  two  days  a  capitulation  from 
starvation  must  take  place.  A  peaceful  surren¬ 
der,  however,  would  not  have  subserved  their 
aims.  They  sought  the  clash  of  arms  and  the 
effusion  of  blood  as  an  instrumentality  for  im¬ 
pressing  the  Border  States,  and  they  sought  the 
humiliation  of  the  Government  and  the  dishonor 
of  its  flag  as  a  means  of  giving  prestige  to  their 
own  cause.  The  result  is  known.  Without  the 
slightest  provocation  a  heavy  cannonade  was 
opened  upon  the  fort,  and  borne  by  its  helpless 
garrison  for  hours  without  reply,  and  when,  in 
the  progress  of  the  bombardment,  the  fortifica¬ 
tion  become  wrapped  in  flames,  the  besieging 
batteries  in  violation  of  the  usages  of  civilized 
warfare,  instead  of  relaxing  or  suspending,  re¬ 
doubled  their  fires.  A  more  wanton  or  wicked 
war  was  never  commenced  on  any  Government 
whose  history  has  been  written.  Contempo¬ 
rary  with  and  following  the  fall  of  Sumter,  the 
siege  of  Fort  Pickens  was  and  still  is  actively 
pressed ;  the  property  of  the  United  States 
Government  continued  to  be  seized  wherever 


DOCUMENTS. 


285 


found,  and  its  troops,  by  fraud  or  force,  cap¬ 
tured  in  tlie  State  of  Texas  in  violation  of  a 
solemn  compact  with  its  authorities  that  they  | 
should  be  permitted  to  embark  without  moles-  | 
tation.  This  was  the  requital  which  the  lone 
star  State  made  to  brave  men  who,  through  j 
long  years  of  peril  and  privation,  had  guarded 
its  frontiers  against  the  incursions  of  the  sav¬ 
ages.  In  the  midst  of  the  most  active  and  ex¬ 
tended  warlike  preparations  in  the  South,  the 
announcement  was  made  by  the  Secretary  or 
War  of  the  seceded  States,  and  echoed  with 
taunts  and  insolent  bravadoes  by  the  Southern 
press,  that  Washington  City  was  to  be  invaded 
and  captured,  and  that  the  flag  ot  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  would  soon  float  over  the  dome  of 
its  Capitol.  Soon  thereafter  there  followed  an 
invitation  to  all  the  world — embracing  neces¬ 
sarily  the  outcasts  and  desperadoes  of  every 
sea — to  accept  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal, 
to  prey  upon  the  rich  and  unprotected  com¬ 
merce  of  the  United  States. 

In  view  of  these  events  and  threatenings, 
what  was  the  duty  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  of 
the  Republic?  He  might  have  taken  counsel 
of  the  revolutionists  and  trembled  under  the 
menaces ;  he  might,  upon  the  fall  ol  Sumter, 
have  directed  that  Fort  Pickens  should  be  sur¬ 
rendered  without  firing  a  gun  in  its  defence, 
and  proceeding  yet  further,  and  meeting  fully 
the  requirements  of  the  “  let-us-alone  policy 
insisted  on  in  the  South,  he  might  have  ordered 
that  the  Stars  and  Stripes  should  be  laid  in  the 
dust  in  the  presence  of  every  bit  of  rebel  bunt- 
in1^  that  might  appear.  But  he  did  none  of 
these  things,  or  could  he  have  done  them 
without  forgetting  his  oath  and  betrayiflg  the 
most  sublime  trust  that  has  ever  been  confided 
to  the  hands  of  man.  With  a  heroic  fidelity  to 
his  constitutional  obligations,  feeling  justly  that 
these  obligations  charged  him  with  the  pro¬ 
tection  of  the  Republic  and  its  Capital  against 
the  assaults  alike  of  foreign  and  domestic  ene¬ 
mies,  he  threw  himself  on  the  loyalty  of  the 
country  for  support  in  the  struggle  upon  which 
he  was  about  to  enter,  and  nobly  has  That  ap- 
T)6nl  been  responded  to.  btates  containing  nil 
aggregate  population  of  nineteen  millions  have 
answered  to  the  appeal  as  with  the  v  oice  ot 
one  man,  offering  soldiers  without  number,  and 
treasure  without  limitation,  for  the  service  ot 
the  Government.  In  these  States  fitteen  hun¬ 
dred  thousand  freemen  cast  their  votes  in  favor 
of  candidates  supporting  the  rights  of  the  South, 
at  the  last  Presidential  election,  and  yet  every¬ 
where,  alike  in  popular  assemblies  and  upon 
the  tented  field,  this  million  and  a  half  of 
voters  are  found  yielding  to  none  in  the  zeal 
with  which  they  rally  to  their  country’s  flag. 
They  arc  not  less  the  friends  ot  the  boutli  than 
before  ;  but  they  realize  that  the  question  now 
presented  is  not  one  of  administrative  policy,  or 
of  the  claims  of  the  North,  the  South,  the  East, 
or  the  West ;  but  is,  simply,  whether  nineteen 
millions  of  people  shall  tamely  or  ignobly  pei- 
mit  five  or  six  millions  to  overthrow  and  destroy 


institutions  which  are  the  common  property, 
and  have  been  the  common  blessings  and  glory 
of  all.  The  great  thoroughfares  of  the  North, 
the  East,  and  the  AVest,  are  luminous  with  the 
banners  and  glistening  with  the  bayonets  of 
citizen  soldiers  marching  to  the  Capital,  or  to 
other  points  of  rendezvous;  but  they  come  in 
no  hostile  spirit  to  the  South.  If  called  to  press 
her  soil,  they  will  not  ruffle  a  flower  of  her  gul¬ 
dens,  nor  a  blade  of  grass  of  her  field  in  un¬ 
kindness.  No  excesses  will  mark  the  footsteps 
of  the  armies  of  the  Republic  ;  no  institution  ot 
'  the  States  will  be  invaded  or  tampered  with, 
no  rights  of  persons  or  of  property  will  be  vio¬ 
lated.  The  known  purposes  of  the  Adminis¬ 
tration,  and  the  high  character  of  the  troops  em¬ 
ployed,  alike  guarantee  the  truthfulness  of  tins 
statement.  When  an  insurrection  wras  appie- 
hended  a  few  weeks  since  in  Maryland,  the  Mas¬ 
sachusetts  regiment  at  once  o tiered  their  ser¬ 
vices  to  suppress  it.  These  volunteers  have  been 
denounced  by  the  press  of  the  South  as  knar  os 
and  vagrants,”  “  the  dregs  and  offscourings  of 
the  populace,”  who  would  “rather  filch  a 
handkerchief  than  fight  an  enemy  in  manly  com¬ 
bat;  ”  yet  we  know  here,  that  their  discipline 
and  bearing  are  most  admirable,  and,  I  pre¬ 
sume,  it  may  be  safely  affirmed,  that  a  larger 
amount  of  social  position,  culture,  fortune,  and 
elevation  of  character,  has  never  been  found  in 
so  large  an  army  in  any  age  or  country.  It 
they  go  to  the  South,  it  will  be  as  friends  and 
protectors,  to  relieve  the  Union  sentiment  of 
I  the  seceded  States  from  the  cruel  domination 
|  by  which  it  is  oppressed  and  silenced,  to  unfurl 
'  the  Stars  and  Stripes  in  the  midst  of  those  who 
Jong  to  look  upon  them,  and  to  restore  the  flag 
that  bears  them  to  the  forts  and  arsenals  fioin 
which  disloyal  hands  have  torn  it.  Their  mis¬ 
sion  will  be  one  of  peace,  unless  wicked  and 
blood-thirsty  men  shall  unsheath  the  sword 

across  their  pathway.  . 

It  is  in  vain  for  the  revolutionists  to  exc  laim 
that  this  is  “  subjugation.”  It  is  so,  precisely, 
in  the  sense  in  winch  you  and  I  and  all  the  law- 
abiding  citizens  are  subjugated.  The  people  of 
the  South  are  our  brethren,  and  while  we  obey 
the  laws  enacted  by  our  joint  authority,  and 
keep  a  compact  to  which  we  are  all  parties,  we 
only  ask  that  they  shall  be  required  to  do  the 
same.  AATe  believe  that  their  safety  demands 
this:  we  know  that  ours  does.  AVe  impose  no 
burden  which  we  ourselves  do  not  bear ;  we 
claim  no  privilege  or  blessing  which  ourbreatli- 
ren  of  the  South  shall  not  equally  share.  Their 
country  is  our  country,  and  ours  is  theirs ;  and 
that  unity  both  of  country  and  Government 
which  the  providence  of  God  and  the  compacts 
of  men  have  created,  we  could  not  ourselves, 
without  self-immolation,  destroy,  nor  can  we 
permit  it  to  be  destroyed  by  others. 

Equally  vain  is  it  for  them  to  declare  that 
they  only  wish  “  to  be  let  alone,”  and  that,  in 
establishing  the  independence  of  the  seceded 
States,  they  do  those  which  remain  in  the 
old  Confederacy  no  harm.  The  free  States,  if 


286 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


allowed  the  opportunity  of  doing  so,  will  un¬ 
doubtedly  concede  every  guarantee  needed  to 
afford  complete  protection  to  the  institutions 
of  the  South,  and  to  furnish  assurances  of  her 
perfect  equality  in  the  Union ;  but  all  such 
guarantees  and  assurances  are  now  openly 
spurned,  and  the  only  Southern  right  now  in¬ 
sisted  on  is  that  of  dismembering  the  republic. 
It  is  perfectly  certain  that  in  the  attempted  ex¬ 
ercise  of  this  right  neither  States  nor  statesmen 
will  be  “  let  alone.”  Should  a  ruffian  meet  me 
in  the  streets,  and  seek  with  his  axe  to  hew  an 
arm  or  a  leg  from  my  body,  I  would  not  the 
less  resist  him  because,  as  a  dishonored  and 
helpless  trunk,  I  might  perchance  survive  the 
mutilation.  It  is  easy  to  perceive  what  fatal 
results  to  the  old  Confederacy  would  follow 
should  the  blow  now  struck  at  its  integrity 
ultimately  triumph.  We  can  well  understand 
what  degradation  it  would  bring  to  it  abroad 
and  what  weakness  at  home  ;  what  exhaustion 
from  incessant  war  and  standing  armies,  and 
from  the  erection  of  fortifications  along  the 
thousands  of  miles  of  new  frontier ;  what  em¬ 
barrassments  to  commerce  from  having  its 
natural  channels  encumbered  or  cut  off ;  what 
elements  of  disintegration  and  revolution  would 
be  introduced  from  the  pernicious  example; 
and,  above  all,  'what  humiliation  would  cover 
the  whole  American  people  for  having  failed  in 
their  great  mission  to  demonstrate  before  the 
world  the  capacity  of  our  race  for  self-govern¬ 
ment. 

While  a  far  more  fearful  responsibility  has 
fallen  upon  President  Lincoln  than  upon  any  of 
his  predecessors,  it  must  be  admitted  that  he 
has  met  it  with  promptitude  and  fearlessness. 
Cicero,  in  one  of  his  orations  against  Catiline, 
speaking  of  the  credit  due  to  himself  for  having 
suppressed  the  conspiracy  of  that  arch-traitor, 
said,  “  if  the  glory  of  him  who  founded  Rome 
was  great,  how  much  greater  should  be  that  of 
him  who  had  saved  it  from  overthrow  after  it  had 
grown  to  be  the  mistress  of  the  world  ?  ”  So  it 
may  be  said  of  the  glory  of  that  statesman  or 
chieftain  who  shall  snatch  from  the  vortex  of 
revolution  this  republic,  now  that  it  has  ex¬ 
panded  from  ocean  to  ocean,  has  become  the  ad¬ 
miration  of  the  world,  and  has  rendered  the 
fountains  of  the  lives  of  thirty  millions  of  people 
fountains  of  happiness. 

The  vigorous  measures  adopted  for  the  safety 
of  Washington  and  the  Government  itself  may 
seem  open  to  criticism,  in  some  of  their  details, 
to  those  who  have  yet  to  learn  that  not  only  has 
war  like  peace  its  laws,  but  that  it  has  also  its 
privileges  and  its  duties.  Whatever  of  severity, 
or  even  of  irregularity,  may  have  arisen,  will 
find  its  justification  in  the  pressure  of  the  ter¬ 
rible  necessity  under  which  the  Administration 
has  been  called  to  act.  When  a  man  feels  the 
poignardof  the  destroyer  at  his  bosom,  he  is  not 
likely  to  consult  the  law  books  as  to  the  mode 
or  measure  of  his  right  of  self-defence.  What 
is  true  of  individuals  is  in  this  respect  equally 
true  of  governments.  The  man  who  thinks  he 


has  become  disloyal  because  of  what  the  Ad¬ 
ministration  has  done,  will  probably  discover, 
after  a  close  self-examination,  that  he  was  dis¬ 
loyal  before.  But  for  what  has  been  done, 
Washington  might  ere  this  have  been  a  smoul¬ 
dering  heap  of  ruins. 

They  have  noted  the  course  of  public  affairs 
to  little  advantage  who  suppose  that  the  election 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  reql  ground  of  the  revo¬ 
lutionary  outbreak  that  has  occurred.  The 
roots  of  the  revolution  may  be  traced  back  for 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  an  unholy 
lust  for  power  is  the  soil  out  of  which  it  sprang. 
A  prominent  member  of  the  band  of  agitators 
declared  in  one  of  his  speeches  at  Charleston, 
last  November  or  December,  that  they  had 
been  occupied  for  thirty  years  in  the  work 
of  severing  South  Carolina  from  the  Union. 
When  General  Jackson  crushed  nullification,  he 
said  it  would  revive  again  under  the  form  of 
the  slavery  agitation  :  and  we  have  lived  to  see 
his  prediction  verified.  Indeed,  that  agitation, 
during  the  last  fifteen  or  twenty  years,  lias 
been  almost  the  entire  stock  in  trade  of  South¬ 
ern  politicians.  The  Southern  people,  known 
to  be  as  generous  in  their  impulses  as  they  are 
chivalric,  were  not  wrought  into  a  frenzy  of 
passion  by  the  intemperate  words  of  a  few 
fanatical  abolitionists ;  for  these  words,  if  left 
to  themselves,  would  have  fallen  to  the  ground 
as  pebbles  into  the  sea,  and  would  have  been 
heard  of  no  more.  But  it  was  the  echo  of  those 
words,  repeated  with  exaggerations  for  the 
thousandth  time  by  Southern  politicians,  in 
the  halls  of  Congress,  and  in  the  deliberative 
and  popular  assemblies,  and  through  the  press 
of  the  South,  that  produced  the  exasperation 
that  has  proved  so  potent  a  lever  in  the  hands 
of  the  conspirators.  The  cloud  was  fully 
charged,  and  the  juggling  revolutionists  who 
held  the  wires  and  could  at  will  direct  its 
lightnings,  appeared  at  Charleston,  broke  up 
the  Democratic  Convention  assembled  to  nomi¬ 
nate  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  thus 
secured  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  Hav¬ 
ing  thus  rendered  this  certain,  they  at  once 
set  to  work  to  bring  the  popular  mind  of  the 
South  to  the  point  of  determining  in  advance, 
that  the  election  of  a  Republican  President 
would  be,  per  se ,  cause  for  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  They  were  but  too  successful,  and  to 
this  result  the  inaction  and  indecision  of  the 
Border  States  deplorably  contributed.  When 
the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  wras  announced, 
there  was  rejoicing  in  the  streets  of  Charles¬ 
ton,  and  doubtless  at  other  points  in  the 
South  ;  for  it  was  believed  by  the  conspirators 
that  this  had  brought  a  tide  in  the  current  of 
their  machinations  which  would  bear  them  on 
to  victory.  The  drama  of  secession  wras  now 
open,  and  State  after  State  rapidly  rushed  out 
of  the  Union,  and  their  members  withdrew  from 
Congress.  The  revolution  was  pressed  on  with 
this  hot  haste  in  order  that  no  time  should  be 
allowed  for  reaction  in  the  Northern  mind,  or 
for  any  adjustment  of  the  slavery  issues  by  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


287 


action  of  Congress  or  of  the  State  Legislatures. 
Had  the  Southern  members  continued  in  their 
seats,  a  satisfactory  compromise  would,  no 
doubt,  have  been  arranged  and  passed  before 
the  adjournment  of  Congress.  As  it  was,  after 
their  retirement,  and  after  Congress  had  become 
Republican,  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
was  adopted  by  a  two-thirds  vote,  declaring 
that  Congress  should  never  interfere  with 
slavery  in  the  States,  and  declaring,  further, 
that  this  amendment  should  be  irrevocable. 
Thus  was  falsified  the  clamor  so  long  and  so 
insidiously  rung  in  the  ears  of  the  Southern 
people,  that  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  States 
was  the  ultimate  aim  of  the  Republican  party. 
But  even  this  amendment,  and  all  others  which 
may  be  needed  to  furnish  the  guarantees  de¬ 
manded,  are  now  defeated  by  the  secession  of 
eleven  States,  which,  claiming  to  be  out  of  the 
Union,  will  refuse  to  vote  upon,  and  in  effect 
will  vote  against,  any  proposal  to  modify  the 
Federal  Constitution.  There  are  now  thirty- 
four  States  in  tlie  Confederacy,  three-fourths 
of  which,  being  twenty-six,  must  concur  in  the 
adoption  of  any  amendment  before  it  can  be¬ 
come  a  part  of  the  Constitution  ;  but  the  seces¬ 
sion  of  eleven  States  leaves  but  twenty-three 
whose  vote  can  possibly  be  secured,  which  is 
less  than  the  constitutional  number. 

Thus  we  have  the  extraordinary  and  dis¬ 
creditable  spectacle  of  a  revolution  made  by 
certain  States  professedly  on  the  ground  that 
guarantees  for  the  safety  of  their  institutions 
are  denied  them  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  in¬ 
stead  of  cooperating  with  their  sister  States  in 
obtaining  these  guarantees,  they  designedly  as¬ 
sume  a  hostile  attitude,  and  thereby  render  it 
constitutionally  impossible  to  secure  them. 
This  profound  dissimulation  shows  that  it  was 
not  the  safety  of  the  South,  but  its  severance 
from  the  Confederacy,  which  was  sought  from 
the  beginning.  Contemporary  with,  and  in 
some  instances  preceding  these  acts  of  seces¬ 
sion,  the  greatest  outrages  were  committed 
upon  the  Government  of  the  United  States  by 
the  States  engaged  in  them.  Its  forts,  arsenals, 
arms,  barracks,  custom-houses,  post-offices, 
moneys,  and,  indeed,  every  species  of  property 
within  the  limits  of  these  States,  were  seized 
and  appropriated,  down  to  the  very  hospital 
stores  for  the  sick  soldiers.  More  than  half  a 
million  of  dollars  was  plundered  from  the  mint 
at  New  Orleans.  United  States  vessels  were 
received  from  the  defiled  hands  of  their  officers 
in  command  ;  and,  as  if  in  the  hope  of  conse¬ 
crating  official  treachery  as  one  of  the  public 
virtues  of  the  age,  the  surrender  of  an  entire 
military  department  by  a  General,  to  the  keep¬ 
ing  of  whose  honor  it  had  been  confided,  was 
deemed  worthy  of  the  commendation  and 
thanks  of  the  conventions  of  several  States. 
All  these  lawless  proceedings  were  well  under¬ 
stood  to  have  been  prompted  and  directed  by 
men  occupying  seats  in  the  Capitol,  some  of 
whom  were  frank  enough  to  declare  that  they 
could  not  and  would  not,  though  in  a  minority, 


live  under  a  Government  which  they  could  not 
control.  In  this  declaration  is  found  the  key 
which  unlocks  the  whole  of  the  complicated 
machinery  of  this  revolution.  The  profligate 
ambition  of  public  men,  in  all  ages  and  lands, 
has  been  the  rock  on  which  republics  have 
been  split.  Such  men  have  arisen  in  our  midst 
— men  who,  because  unable  permanently  to 
grasp  the  helm  of  the  ship,  are  willing  to  de¬ 
stroy  it  in  the  hope  to  command  some  one  of 
the  rafts  that  may  float  away  from  the  wreck. 
The  effect  is  to  degrade  us  to  a  level  with  the 
military  bandits  of  Mexico  and  South  America, 
who,  when  beaten  at  an  election,  fly  to  arms, 
and  seek  to  master  by  the  sword  what  they 
have  been  unable  to  control  by  the  ballot-box. 

The  atrocious  acts  enumerated  were  acts  of 
war,  and  might  all  have  been  treated  as  such 
by  the  late  Administration ;  hut  the  President 
patriotically  cultivated  peace,  how  anxiously, 
and  how  patiently,  the  country  well  knows. 
While,  however,  the  revolutionary  leaders  greet¬ 
ed  him  with  all  hails  to  his  face,  they  did  not 
the  less  diligently  continue  to  whet  their  swords 
behind  his  back.  Immense  military  prepara¬ 
tions  were  made,  so  that  when  the  moment  for 
striking  at  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
arrived,  the  revolutionary  States  leaped  into 
the  contest  clad  in  full  armor. 

As  if  nothing  should  be  wanting  to  darken 
this  page  of  history,  the  seceded  States  have 
already  entered  upon  the  work  of  confiscating 
the  debts  due  from  their  citizens  to  the  North 
and  North-west.  The  millions  thus  gained  will 
doubtless  prove  a  pleasant  substitute  for  those 
guarantees  now  so  scornfully  rejected.  To 
these  confiscations  will  probably  succeed  soon 
those  of  lands  and  negroes  owned  by  the  citi¬ 
zens  of  loyal  States ;  and,  indeed,  the  appre¬ 
hension  of  this  step  is  already  sadly  disturbing 
the  fidelity  of  non-resident  proprietors.  For¬ 
tunately,  however,  infirmity  of  faith  springing 
from  such  a  cause,  is  not  likely  to  be  conta¬ 
gious.  The  wrar  begun  is  being  prosecuted  by 
the  Confederate  States  in  a  temper  as  fierce 
and  unsparing  as  that  which  characterizes  con¬ 
flicts  between  the  most  hostile  nations.  Let¬ 
ters  of  marque  and  reprisal  are  being  granted 
to  all  who  seek  them,  so  that  our  coasts  will 
soon  swarm  with  these  piratical  cruisers,  as  the 
President  has  properly  denounced  them.  Ev¬ 
ery  buccaneer  who  desires  to  rob  American 
commerce  upon  the  ocean,  can,  for  the  asking, 
obtain  a  warrant  to  do  so,  in  the  name  of  the 
new  republic.  To  crown  all,  large  bodies  of  In¬ 
dians  have  been  mustered  into  the  service  of 
the  revolutionary  States,  and  are  now  con¬ 
spicuous  in  the  ranks  of  the  Southern  army.  A 
leading  North  Carolina  journal,  noting  their 
stalwart  frames  and  unerring  marksmanship, 
observes,  with  an  exultation  positively  fiendish, 
that  they  are  armed,  not  only  with  the  rifle, 
but  also  with  scalping  knife  and  tomahawk. 

Is  Kentucky  willing  to  link  her  name  in  his¬ 
tory  with  the  excesses  and  crimes  which  have 
sullied  this  revolution  at  every  step  of  its  pro- 


288 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


gress  ?  Can  she  soil  her  pure  hands  with  its 
booty?  She  possesses  the  noblest  heritage  that 
God  lias  granted  to  his  children ;  is  she  pre¬ 
pared  to  barter  it  away  for  that  miserable  mess 
of  pottage,  which  the  gratification  of  the  un¬ 
holy  ambition  of  her  public  men  would  bring 
to  her  lips?  Can  she,  without  laying  her  face 
in  the  dust  for  very  shame,  become  a  partici¬ 
pant  in  the  spoliation  of  the  commerce  of  her 
neighbors  and  friends,  by  contributing  her  star, 
hitherto  so  stainless  in  its  glory,  to  light  the 
corsair  on  his  way?  lias  the  war-whoop, 
which  used  to  startle  the  sleep  of  our  frontiers, 
so  died  away  in  her  ears  that  she  is  willing  to 
take  the  red-handed  savage  to  her  bosom  as 
the  champion  of  her  rights  and  the  representa¬ 
tive  of  her  spirit?  Must  she  not  first  forget 
her  own  heroic  sons  who  perished,  butchered 
and  scalped,  upon  the  disastrous  field  of  Rai- 
sin  ? 

The  object  of  the  revolution,  as  avowed  by 
all  who  are  pressing  it  forward,  is  the  perma¬ 
nent  dismemberment  of  the  Confederacy.  rlhe 
dream  of  reconstruction — used  during  the  last 
winter  as  a  lure  to  draw  the  hesitating  or  the 
hopeful  into  the  movement — has  been  formally 
abandoned.  If  Kentucky  separates  lierselt  from 
the  Union,  it  must  be  upon  the  basis  that  the 
separation  is  to  be  final  and  eternal.  Is  there 
aught  in  the  organization  or  administration  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  justify, 
on  our  part,  an  act  so  solemn  and  so  perilous  ? 
Could  the  wisest  of  her  lawyers,  if  called  upon, 
find  material  for  an  indictment  in  any  or  in  all 
the  pages  of  the  history  of  the  Republic  ? 
Could  the  most  leprous-lipped  of  its  calumnia¬ 
tors  point  to  a  single  State  or  Territory,  or 
community,  or  citizen,  that  it  has  wronged  or 
oppressed?  It  would  be  impossible.  So  far 
as  the  Slave  States  are  concerned,  their  protec¬ 
tion  has  been  complete,  and  if  it  has  not  been, 
it  has  been  the  fault  of  their  statesmen,  who 
have  had  the  control  of  the  Government,  since 
its  foundation. 

The  census  returns  show  that  during  the 
year  1860  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  executed 
more  faithfully  and  successfully  than  it  had 
been  during  the  preceding  ten  years.  Since 
the  installation  of  President  Lincoln  not  a  case 
has  arisen  in  which  the  fugitive  has  not  been 
returned,  and  that,  too,  without  any  opposition 
from  the  people.  Indeed,  the  fidelity  with 
which  it  was  understood  to  be  the  policy  of 
the  present  Administration  to  enforce  the  pro¬ 
visions  of  this  law,  has  caused  a  perfect  panic 
among  the  runaway  slaves  in  the  free  States, 
aud  they  have  been  escaping  in  multitudes  into 
Canada,  unpursued  and  unreclaimed  by  their 
masters.  Is  there  found  in  this  reason  for  a 
dissolution  of  the  Union  ? 

That  the  slave  States  are  not  recognized  as 
equals  in  the  Confederacy  has,  for  several  years, 
been  the  cry  of  demagogues  and  conspirators. 
But  what  is  the  truth  ?  Not  only  according  to 
the  theory,  but  the  actual  practice  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment,  the  slave  States  have  ever  been,  and 


still  are,  in  all  respects,  the  peers  of  the  free. 
Of  the  fourteen  Presidents  who  have  been 
elected,  seven  were  citizens  of  slave  States, 
and  of  the  seven  remaining,  three  represented 
Southern  principles,  and  received  the  votes  of 
the  Southern  people ;  so  that,  in  our  whole 
history,  but  four  Presidents  have  been  chosen 
who  can  be  claimed  as  the  special  champions 
of  the  policy  and  principles  of  the  free  States, 
and  even  these  so  only  in  a  modified  sense. 
Does  this  look  as  if  the  South  had  ever  been 
deprived  of  her  equal  share  of  the  honors  and 
powers  of  the  Government?  The  Supreme 
Court  has  decided  that  the  citizens  of  the  slave 
States  can,  at  will,  take  their  slaves  into  all  the 
Territories  of  the  United  States:  and  this  de¬ 
cision,  which  has  never  been  resisted  or  inter¬ 
fered  with  in  a  single  case,  is  the  law  of  the 
land,  and  the  whole  power  of  the  Government 
is  pledged  to  enforce  it.  That  it  will  be  loyally 
enforced  by  the  present  Administration,  1  en¬ 
tertain  no  doubt.  A  Republican  Congress,  at 
the  late  session,  organized  three  new  Territo¬ 
ries,  and  in  the  organic  law'  of  neither  was 
there  introduced,  or  attempted  to  be  intro¬ 
duced,  the  slightest  restriction  upon  the  right 
of  the  Southern  emigrant  to  bring  his  slaves 
with  him.  At  this  moment,  therefore, —and  I 
state  it  w'ithout  qualification — there  is  not  a 
Territory  belonging  to  the  United  States  into 
which  the  Southern  people  may  not  introduce 
their  slaves  at  pleasure,  and  enjoy  their  com¬ 
plete  protection.  Kentucky  should  consider 
this  great  and  undeniable  fact,  before  which  all 
the  frothy  rant  of  demagogues  and  disunionists 
must  disappear  as  a  bank  of  fog  before  the 
wind.  But  were  it  otherwise,  and  did  a  defect 
exist  in  our  organic  law',  or  in  the  practical  ad¬ 
ministration  of  the  Government,  in  reference  to 
the  rights  of  Southern  slaveholders  in  the  Ter¬ 
ritories,  still  the  question  would  be  a  mere  ab¬ 
straction,  since  the  laws  of  climate  forbid  the 
establishment  of  slavery  in  such  latitudes ;  and 
to  destroy  such  institutions  as  ours  for  such  a 
cause,  instead  of  patiently  trying  to  remove  it, 
would  be  little  short  of  national  insanity.  It 
would  be  to  burn  the  house  down  over  our 
heads  merely  because  there  is  a  leak  in  the 
roof ;  to  scuttle  the  ship  in  mid-ocean  merely 
because  there  is  a  difference  of  opinion  among 
the  crew  as  to  the  point  of  the  compass  to 
which  the  vessel  should  be  steered ;  it  would 
be,  in  fact,  to  apply  the  knife  to  the  throat,  in¬ 
stead  of  to  the  cancer  of  the  patient. 

But  what  remains?  Though,  say  the  dis¬ 
unionists,  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  is  honestly 
enforced,  and  though,  under  the  shelter  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  we  can  take  our  slaves  into 
the  Territories,  yet  the  Northern  people  will 
persist  in  discussing  the  institution  of  slavery, 
and  therefore  we  will  break  up  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  It  is  true  that  slavery  has  been  very  in- 
temperately  discussed  in  the  North,  and  it  is 
equally  true  that  until  we  have  an  Asiatic  des¬ 
potism,  crushing  out  all  freedom  of  speech  and 
of  the  press,  this  discussion  will  probably  con- 


DOCUMENTS. 


289 


tinuo.  In  this  age  and  country  all  institutions, 
human  and  divine,  are  discussed,  and  so  they 
ought  to  be ;  and  all  that  cannot  bear  discus¬ 
sion  must  go  to  the  wall,  where  they  ought  to 
go.  It  is  not  pretended,  however,  that  the  dis¬ 
cussion  of  slavery,  which  has  been  continued  in 
our  country  for  more  than  forty  years,  has  in 
any  manner  disturbed  or  weakened  the  founda¬ 
tion  of  the  institution.  On  the  contrary,  we 
learn  from  the  press  of  the  seceded  States  that 
their  slaves  were  never  more  tranquil  or  obe¬ 
dient.  There  are  zealots — happily  few  in  num¬ 
ber — both  North  and  South,  whose  language 
upon  this  question  is  alike  extravagant  and 
alike  deserving  our  condemnation.  Those  who 
assert  that  slavery  should  be  extirpated  by  the 
sword  and  those  who  maintain  that  the  great 
mission  of  the  white  man  upon  earth  is  to  en¬ 
slave  the  black,  are  not  far  apart  in  the  folly 
and  atrocity  of  their  sentiments. 

Before  proceeding  further,  Kentucky  should 
measure  well  the  depth  of  the  gulf  she  is  ap¬ 
proaching,  and  look  well  to  the  feet  of  her 
guides.  Before  forsaking  a  Union  in  which 
her  people  have  enjoyed  such  uninterrupted 
and  such  boundless  prosperity,  she  should  ask 
herself,  not  once,  but  many  times,  why  do  I 
go,  and  where  am  I  going?  In  view  of  what 
has  been  said,  it  would  be  difficult  to  answer 
the  first  branch  of  the  inquiry,  but  to  answer 
the  second  part  is  patent  to  all,  as  are  the  con¬ 
sequences  which  would  follow  the  movement. 
In  giving  her  great  material  and  moral  re¬ 
sources  to  the  support  of  the  Southern  Confed¬ 
eracy,  Kentucky  might  prolong  the  desolating 
struggle  that  rebellious  States  are  making  to 
overthrow  a  Government  which  they  have 
known  only  in  its  blessings ;  but  the  triumph 
of  the  Government  would  nevertheless  be  cer¬ 
tain  in  the  end.  She  would  abandon  a  Govern¬ 
ment  strong  and  able  to  protect  her,  for  one 
that  is  weak,  and  that  contains,  in  the  very 
elements  of  its  life,  the  seeds  of  destruction  and 
early  dissolution.  She  would  adopt,  as  the  law 
of  her  existence,  the  right  of  secession — a  right 
which  has  no  foundation  in  jurisprudence,  or 
logic,  or  in  our  political  history  ;  which  Madi¬ 
son,  the  father  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  de¬ 
nounced  ;  which  has  been  denounced  by  most 
of  the  States  and  prominent  statesmen  now  in¬ 
sisting  upon  its  exercise  ;  which,  in  introducing 
a  principle  of  indefinite  disintegration,  cuts  up 
all  confederate  governments  by  the  root,  and 
gives  them  over  a  prey  to  the  caprices,  and 
passions,  and  transient  interests  of  their  mem¬ 
bers,  as  autumnal  leaves  are  given  to  the  winds 
which  blow  upon  them.  In  1814,  the  Rich¬ 
mond  Enquirer,  then,  as  now,  the  organ  of 
public  opinion  in  the  South,  pronounced  seces¬ 
sion  to  be  treason,  and  nothing  else,  and  such 
was  then  the  doctrine  of  Southern  statesmen. 
"What  was  true  then  is  equally  true  now.  The 
prevalence  of  this  pernicious  heresy  is  mainly 
the  fruit  of  that  farce  called  “  State  rights,” 
which  demagogues  have  been  so  long  playing 
under  tragic  mask,  and  which  has  done  more 
Documents — 21 


than  all  things  else  to  unsettle  the  foundations 
of  the  republic,  by  estranging  the  people  from 
the  Federal  Government,  as  one  to  be  distrust¬ 
ed  and  resisted,  instead  of  being,  what  it  is, 
emphatically  their  own  creation,  at  all  times 
obedient  to  their  will,  and  in  its  ministrations 
the  grandest  reflex  of  the  greatness  and  benefi¬ 
cence  of  popular  power  that  has  ever  ennobled 
the  history  of  our  race.  Said  Mr.  Clay :  “  I 
owe  a  supreme  allegiance  to  the  General  Gov¬ 
ernment,  and  to  my  State  a  subordinate  one.” 
And  this  terse  language  disposes  of  the  whole 
controversy  which  has  arisen  out  of  the  seces¬ 
sion  movement  in  regard  to  the  allegiance  of 
the  citizen.  As  the  power  of  the  State  and 
Federal  Governments  are  in  perfect  harmony 
with  each  other,  so  there  can  be  no  conflict 
with  the  allegiance  due  to  them ;  each,  while 
acting  within  the  sphere  of  its  constitutional 
authority,  is  entitled  to  be  obeyed ;  but  when  a 
State,  throwing  off  all  constitutional  restraints, 
seeks  to  destroy  the  General  Government,  to 
say  that  its  citizens  are  bound  to  follow  in  this 
career  of  crime,  and  discard  the  supreme  alle¬ 
giance  they  owe  to  the  government  assailed,  is 
one  of  the  shallowest  and  most  dangerous  fal¬ 
lacies  that  has  ever  gained  credence  among 
men. 

Kentucky,  occupying  a  central  position  in 
the  Union,  is  now  protected  from  the  scourge 
of  foreign  war,  however  much  its  ravages  may 
waste  the  towns  and  cities  upon  our  coasts  or 
the  commerce  upon  our  seas :  but,  as  a  member 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  she  would  be  a 
frontier  State,  and  necessarily  the  victim  of 
those  border  feuds  and  conflicts  which  have  be¬ 
come  proverbial  in  history  alike  for  their  fierce¬ 
ness  and  frequency.  The  people  of  the  South 
now  sleep  quietly  in  their  beds,  while  there  is 
not  a  home  in  infatuated  and  misguided  Vir¬ 
ginia  that  is  not  filled  with  the  alarms  and  op¬ 
pressed  by  the  terrors  of  war.  In  the  fate  of 
this  ancient  Commonwealth,  dragged  to  the 
altar  of  sacrifice  by  those  who  should  have  stood 
between  her  bosom  and  every  foe,  Kentucky 
may  read  her  own.  No  wonder,  therefore, 
that  she  has  been  so  coaxingiy  besought  to 
unite  her  fortune  with  those  of  the  South,  and 
to  lay  down  the  bodies  of  her  chivalric  sons  as 
a  breast-work,  behind  which  the  Southern  peo¬ 
ple  may  be  sheltered.  Even  as  attached  to  the 
Southern  Confederacy  she  would  be  weak  for 
all  the  purposes  of  self-protection  as  compared 
with  her  present  position.  But  amid  the  mu¬ 
tations  incident  to  such  a  helpless  and  self-dis¬ 
integrating  league,  Kentucky  would  probably 
soon  find  herself  adhering  to  a  mere  fragment 
of  the  Confederacy,  or  it  may  bo  standing  en¬ 
tirely  alone,  in  the  presence  of  tiers  of  free 
States  with  populations  exceeding  by  many 
millions  her  own.  Feeble  States,  thus  separ¬ 
ated  from  powerful  and  warlike  neighbors  by 
ideal  boundaries,  or  by  rivers  as  easily  trav¬ 
ersed  as  rivulets,  are  as  insects  that  feed  upon 
the  lion’s  lip — liable  at  every  moment  to  be 
crushed.  The  recorded  doom  of  multitudes  of 


290 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


such  has  left  us  a  warning  too  solemn  and  im¬ 
pressive  to  be  disregarded. 

Kentucky  now  scarcely  feels  the  contribu¬ 
tion  she  makes  to  support  the  Government  of 
the  United  States ;  but  as  a  member  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy,  of  whose  policy  free- 
trade  will  he  a  cardinal  principle,  she  will  he 
burdened  with  direct  taxation  to  the  amount 
of  double,  or  it  may  be  triple,  or  quadruple  that 
which  she  now  pays  into  her  own  treasury. 
Superadded  to  this  will  be  required  from  her 
her  share  of  those  vast  outlays  necessary  for 
the  creation  of  a  navy,  the  erection  of  forts  and 
custom-houses  along  a  frontier  of  several  thou¬ 
sand  miles,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  that 
large  standing  army  which  will  be  indispensa¬ 
ble  at  once  for  her  safety,  and  for  imparting  to 
the  new  government  that  strong  military  char¬ 
acter  which,  it  has  been  openly  avowed,  the 
peculiar  institutions  of  the  South  will  inexora¬ 
bly  demand. 

Kentucky  now  enjoys  for  her  peculiar  insti¬ 
tutions  the  protection  of  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law,  loyally  enforced  by  the  Government ;  and 
it  is  this  law,  effective  in  its  power  of  recapture, 
but  infinitely  more  potent  in  its  moral  agency 
in  preventing  the  escape  of  slaves,  that  alone 
saves  that  institution  in  the  Border  States  from 
utter  extinction.  She  cannot  carry  this  law 
with  her  into  the  new  Confederacy.  She  will 
virtually  have  Canada  brought  to  her  doors  in 
the  form  of  Free  States,  whose  population,  re¬ 
lieved  of  all  moral  and  constitutional  obligations 
to  deliver  up  fugitive  slaves,  will  stand  with 
open  arms  inviting  and  welcoming  them,  and 
defending  them,  if  need  be,  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  Under  such  influences,  slavery  will 
perish  rapidly  away  in  Kentucky,  as  a  ball  of 
snow  melts  in  a  summer’s  sun. 

Kentucky  in  her  soul  abhors  the  African 
slave  trade,  and  turns  away  with  unspeakable 
horror  and  loathing  from  the  red  altars  of 
Dahomey.  But  although  the  traffic  has  been 
temporarily  interdicted  by  the  seceded  States, 
it  is  well  understood  that  this  step  has  been 
taken  as  a  mere  measure  of  policy  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  impressing  the  Border  States,  and  of 
conciliating  the  European  powers.  The  ulti¬ 
mate  legalization  of  this  trade,  by  a  Republic 
professing  to  be  based  upon  African  servitude, 
must  follow  as  certainly  as  does  the  conclusion 
from  the  premises  of  a  mathematical  proposition. 
Is  Kentucky  prepared  to  see  the  hand  upon  the 
dial-plate  of  her  civilization  rudely  thrust  back 
a  century,  and  to  stand  before  the  world  the 
confessed  champion  of  the  African  slave -hunter  ? 
Is  she,  with  her  unsullied  fame,  ready  to  be¬ 
come  a  pander  to  the  rapacity  of  the  African 
slave-trader,  who  burdens  the  very  winds  of 
the  sea  with  the  moans  of  the  wretched  cap¬ 
tives  whose  limbs  he  has  loaded  with  chains, 
and  whose  hearts  he  has  broken.  I  do  not,  I 
cannot,  believe  it. 

For  this  catalogue  of  what  Kentucky  must 
suffer  in  abandoning  her  present  honored  and 
secure  position,  and  becoming  a  member  of  the 


Southern  Confederacy,  what  will  be  her  indem¬ 
nity?  Nothing,  absolutely  nothing.  The  ill- 
woven  ambition  of  some  of  her  sons  may  pos¬ 
sibly  reach  the  Presidency  of  the  new  Republic ; 
that  is  all.  Alas!  alas!  for  that  dream  of  the 
Presidency  of  a  Southern  Republic,  which  has 
disturbed  so  many  pillows  in  the  South,  and 
perhaps  somo  in  the  West  also,  and  whose  lurid 
light,  like  a  demon’s  torch,  is  leading  a  nation 
to  perdition. 

The  clamor,  that  in  insisting  upon  the  South 
to  obey  the  Laws,  the  great  principle  that  all 
popular  Governments  rest  upon,  the  consent 
of  the  governed,  is  violated,  should  not  receive 
a  moment’s  consideration.  Popular  govern¬ 
ment  does,  indeed,  rest  upon  the  consent  of  the 
governed,  but  it  is  upon  the  consent,  not  of  all , 
but  of  a  majority  of  the  governed.  Criminals 
are  every  day  punished  and  made  to  obey  the 
laws,  certainly  against  their  will,  and  no  man 
supposes  that  the  principle  referred  to  is  thereby 
invaded.  A  bill  passed  by  a  Legislature,  by  the 
majority  of  a  single  vote  only,  though  the  con¬ 
stituents  of  all  who  voted  against  it  should  be 
in  fact,  as  they  are  held  to  be  in  theory,  op¬ 
posed  to  its  provisions,  still  is  not  the  less  oper¬ 
ative  as  a  law,  and  no  right  of  self-government 
is  thereby  trampled  upon.  The  clamor  alluded 
to  assumes  that  the  States  are  separate  and  in¬ 
dependent  governments,  and  that  laws  enacted 
under  the  authority  of  all  may  be  resisted  and 
repealed  at  the  pleasure  of  each.  The  people 
of  the  United  States,  so  far  as  the  powers  of 
the  General  Government  are  concerned,  are 
a  unit,  and  laws  passed  by  it  majority  of  all  are 
binding  upon  all.  The  laws  and  Constitution, 
however,  which  the  South  now  resists,  have 
been  adopted  by  her  sanction,  and  the  right 
she  now  claims  is  that  of  a  feeble  minority  to 
repeal  what  a  majority  has  adopted.  Nothing 
could  be  more  fallacious. 

Civil  war,  under  all  circumstances,  is  a  terri¬ 
ble  calamity,  and  yet,  from  the  selfish  ambition 
and  wickedness  of  men,  the  best  governments 
have  not  been  ablo  to  escape  it.  In  regarding 
that  which  has  been  forced  upon  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States,  Kentucky  should 
not  look  so  much  at  the  means  which  may  be 
necessarily  employed  in  its  prosecution,  as  at 
the  machinations  by  which  this  national  trag¬ 
edy  has  been  brought  upon  us.  When  I  look 
upon  this  bright  land,  a  few  months  since  so 
prosperous,  so  tranquil,  and  so  free,  and  now 
behold  it  desolated  by  war,  and  the  firesides  of 
its  thirty  millions  of  people  darkened,  and  their 
bosoms  wrung  with  anguish,  and  know,  as  I 
do,  that  all  this  is  the  work  of  a  score  or  two 
of  men,  who,  over  all  this  national  ruin  and 
despair,  are  preparing  to  carve  with  the  sword 
their  way  to  seats  of  permanent  power,  I  can¬ 
not  but  feel  that  they  are  accumulating  upon 
their  souls  an  amount  of  guilt  hardly  equalled 
in  all  the  atrocities  of  treason  and  of  homicide, 
that  have  degraded  the  annals  of  our  race  from 
the  foundations  of  the  world.  Kentucky  may 
rest  well  assured  that  this  conflict,  which  is 


DOCUMENTS. 


291 


one  of  self-defence,  will  be  pursued  on  the  part 
of  the  Government  in  the  paternal  spirit  in 
which  a  father  seeks  to  reclaim  his  erring  off¬ 
spring.  No  conquest,  no  effusion  of  blood  is 
sought.  In  sorrow,  not  in  anger,  the  prayer 
of  all  is,  that  the  end  may  be  reached  without 
loss  of  life  or  waste  of  property.  Among  the 
most  powerful  instrumentalities,  relied  on  for 
re-establishing  the  authority  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment,  is  that  of  the  Union  sentiment  of  the 
South,  sustained  by  a  liberated  press.  It  is  now 
trodden  to  the  earth  under  a  reign  of  terrorism 
which  has  no  parallel  but  in  the  worst  days  of 
the  French  Revolution.  The  presence  of  the 
Government  will  enable  it  to  rebound  and  look 
its  oppressors  in  the  face.  At  present  we  are 
assured  that,  in  the  seceded  States,  no  man  ex¬ 
presses  an  opinion  opposed  to  the  revolution  but 
at  the  hazard  of  his  life  and  property.  The  only 
light  which  is  admitted  into  political  discussion 
is° that  which  flashes  from  the  sword  or  gleams 
from  glistening  bayonets.  A  few  days  since, 
one  of  the  United  States  Senators,  from  Vir¬ 
ginia  published  a  manifesto,  in  which  he  an¬ 
nounces,  with  oracular  solemnity  and  severity, 
that  all  citizens  who  would  not  vote  for  seces¬ 
sion,  but  were  in  favor  of  the  Union — not  should 
or  ought  to — but  “must  leave  the  State.” 
These  words  have  in  them  decidedly  the  crack 
of  the  overseer’s  whip.  The  Senator  evidently 
treats  Virginia  as  a  great  negro  quarter,  in 
which  the  lash  is  the  appropriate  emblem  of 
authority,  and  the  only  argument  he  will  con¬ 
descend  to  use.  However  the  freemen  of  other 
parts  of  the  State  may  abase  themselves  under 
the  exercise  of  this  insolent  and  proscriptive 
tyranny,  should  the  Senator,  with  this  scourge 
of  slaves,  endeavor  to  drive  the  people  of  West¬ 
ern  Virginia  from  their  homes,  I  will  only  say, 
in  the  language  of  the  narrative  of  Gilpin’s 
ride : 

“  May  I  bo  there  to  see.” 

It  would  certainly  prove  a  deeply  interesting 
spectacle. 

It  is  true  that  before  this  deliverance  of  the 
popular  mind  of  the  South  from  the  threaten- 
ings  and  alarm  which  have  subdued  it  can  be 
accomplished,  the  remorseless  agitators  who 
have  made  this  revolution,  and  now  hold  its 
reins,  must  be  discarded  alike  from  the  public 
confidence  and  the  public  service.  The  country 
in  its  agony  is  feeling  their  power,  and  we  well 
understand  how  difficult  will  be  the  task  of 
overthrowing  the  ascendency  they  have  secur¬ 
ed.  But  the  Union  men  of  the  South — believed 
to  be  in  the  majority  of  every  seceded  State, 
except,  perhaps,  South  Carolina — aided  by  the 
presence  of  the  Government,  will  be  fully  equal 
to  the  emergency.  Let  these  agitators  perish, 
politically,  if  need  be,  by  scores ; 

“  A  breath  can  unmake  them,  as  a  breath  has  made.” 

but  destroy  this  Republic  and — 

“  Where  is  that  Promethean  heat, 

That  can  its  light  relume?” 


Once  entombed,  when  will  the  Angel,  of  the 
Resurrection  descend  to  the  portals  ot  its  sep¬ 
ulchre  ?  There  is  not  a  voice  which  comes  to 
us  from  the  cemetery  of  nations  that  does  not 
answer :  “  Never,  never !  ”  Amid  the  tor¬ 
ments  of  perturbed  existence,  wo  may  ha,ve 
glimpes  of  rest  and  of  freedom  as  the  maniac 
has  glimpses  of  reason  between  the  paroxysms 
of  his  madness,  but  we  shall  attain  to  neither 
national  dignity  nor  national  repose.  We  shall 
be  a  mass  of  jarring,  warring,  fragmentary 
States,  enfeebled  and  demoralized,  without 
power  at  home,  or  respectability  abroad,  and, 
like  the  republics  of  Mexico  and  South  Amer¬ 
ica,  we  will  drift  away  on  a  shoreless  and 
ensanguined  sea  of  civil  commotion,  from  which, 
if  the  teachings  of  history  are  to  be  trusted,  we 
shall  be  finally  rescued  by  the  iron  hand  of 
some  military  wrecker,  who  will  coin  the  shat¬ 
tered  elements  of  our  greatness  and  of  our 
strength  into  a  diadem  and  a  throne.  Said  M. 
Fould,  the  great  French  statesman  to  an  Amer¬ 
ican  citizen,  a  few  weeks  since:  “Tour  Repub¬ 
lic  is  dead,  and  it  is  probably  the  last  the 
world  will  ever  see.  You  will  have  a  reign  of 
terrorism,  and  after  that  two  or  three  mon¬ 
archies.”  All  this  may  be  verified,  should  this 
revolution  succeed. 

Let  us  then  twine  each  thread  of  the  glorious 
tissue  of  our  country’s  flag  about  our  heart¬ 
strings,  and  looking  upon  our  homes  and  catch¬ 
ing  the  spirit  that  breathes  upon  us  from  the 
battle-fields  of  our  fathers,  let  us  resolve  that, 
come  weal  or  woe,  we  will  in  life  and  in  death, 
now  and  forever,  stand  by  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 
They  have  floated  over  our  cradles,  let  it  be 
our  prayer  and  our  struggle  that  they  shall  float 
over  our  graves.  They  have  been  unfurled 
from  the  snows  of  Canada  to  the  plains  of  New 
Orleans,  and  to  the  halls  of  the  Montezumas, 
and  amid  the  solitudes  of  every  sea ;  and  every¬ 
where,  as  the  luminous  symbol  of  resistless  and 
beneficent  power,  they  have  led  the  brave  and 
the  free  to  victory  and  to  glory.  It  has  been 
my  fortune  to  look  upon  this  flag  in  foreign 
lands  and  amid  the  gloom  of  an  oriental  des¬ 
potism,  and  right  well  do  I  know,  by  contrast, 
how  bright  are  its  stars,  and  how  sublime  are 
its  inspirations!  If  this  banner,  the  emblem 
for  us  of  all  that  is  grand  in  human  history, 
and  of  all  that  is  transporting  in  human  hope, 
is  to  be  sacrificed  on  the  altars  of  a  Satanic  am¬ 
bition,  and  thus  disappear  forever  amid  the 
night  and  tempest  of  revolution,  then  will  I  feel 
— and  who  shall  estimate  the  desolation  of  that 
feeling? — that  the  sun  has  indeed  been  stricken 
from  the  sky  of  our  lives,  and  that  henceforth 
we  shall  be  wanderers  and  outcasts,  with 
nought  but  the  bread  of  sorrow  and  of  penury 
for  our  lips,  and  with  hands  ever  outstretched 
in  feebleness  and  supplication,  on  which,  in  any 
hour,  a  military  tyrant  may  rivet  the  fetters  of 
a  despairing  bondage.  May  God  in  his  infinite 
mercy  save  you  and  me,  and  the  land  we  so 
much  love,  from  the  doom  of  such  a  degradation. 

No  contest  so  momentous  as  this  has  arisen 


292 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


in  human  history,  for,  amid  all  the  conflicts  of 
men  and  of  nations,  the  life  of  no  such  govern¬ 
ment  as  ours  has  ever  been  at  stake.  Our  fa¬ 
thers  won  our  independence  by  the  blood  and 
sacrifice  of  a  seven  years’  war,  and  we  have  main¬ 
tained  it  against  the  assaults  of  the  greatest 
power  upon  the  earth ;  and  the  question  now  is, 
whether  we  are  to  perish  by  our  own  hands, 
and  have  the  epitaph  of  suicide  written  upon 
our  tomb.  The  ordeal  through  which  we  are 
passing  must  involve  immense  suffering  and 
losses  for  us  all,  but  the  expenditure  of  not 
merely  hundreds  of  millions  but  of  billions  of 
treasure  will  be  well  made,  if  the  result  shall 
be  the  preservation  of  our  institutions. 

Could  my  voice  reach  every  dwelling  in  Ken¬ 
tucky,  I  would  implore  its  inmates — if  they 
would  not  have  the  rivers  of  their  prosperity 
shrink  away,  as  do  unfed  streams  beneath  the 
summer  heats — to  rouse  themselves  from  their 
lethargy,  and  fly  to  the  rescue  of  their  country 
before  it  is  everlastingly  too  late.  Man  should 
appeal  to  man,  and  neighborhood  to  neighbor¬ 
hood,  until  the  electric  fires  of  patriotism  shall 
flash  from  heart  to  heart  in  one  unbroken  cur¬ 
rent  throughout  the  land.  It  is  a  time  in 
which  the  workshop,  the  office,  the  counting- 
house,  and  the  field  may  well  be  abandoned  for 
the  solemn  duty  that  is  upon  us,  for  all  these 
toils  will  but  bring  treasure,  not  for  ourselves, 
but  for  the  spoiler,  if  this  revolution  is  not  ar¬ 
rested.  We  are  all,  with  our  every  earthly  in¬ 
terest,  embarked  in  mid  ocean  on  the  same 
common  deck.  The  howl  of  the  storm  is  in  our 
ears,  and  “  the  lightning’s  red  glare  is  painting 
hell  on  the  sky,”  and  while  the  noble  ship 
pitches  and  rolls  under  the  lashings  of  the 
waves,  the  cry  is  heard  that  she  has  sprung 
a  leak  at  many  points,  and  that  the  rushing 
waters  are  mounting  rapidly  in  the  hold.  The 
man  who,  in  such  an  hour,  will  not  work  at 
the  pumps,  is  either  a  maniac  or  a  monster. 

Sincerely  yours, 

J.  Dolt. 


Doo.  198. 

EXPORTATION  OF  COTTON. 

AN  ACT  TO  PROHIBIT  THE  EXPORTATION  OF  COT¬ 
TON  FROM  THE  CONFEDERATE  STATES,  EXCEPT 
THROUGH  THE  SEAPORTS  OF  SAID  STATES,  AND 
TO  PUNISn  PERSONS  OFFENDING  THEREIN. 

Section  1.  The  Congress  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America  do  enact,  that,  from  and  after 
the  1st  day  of  June  next,  and  during  the  ex¬ 
istence  of  the  blockade  of  any  of  the  ports  of 
the  Confederate  States  of  America  by  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  United  States,  it  shall  not  be 
lawful  for  any  person  to  export  any  raw  cotton 
or  cotton  yarn  from  the  Confederate  States  of 
America,  except  through  the  seaports  of  the 
said  Confederate  States ;  and  it  shall  be  the 
duty  of  all  the  marshals  and  revenue  officers  of 
the  said  Confederate  States  to  prevent  all  vio¬ 
lations  of  this  act. 


Sec.  2.  If  any  person  shall  violate,  or  attempt 
to  violate  or  evade  the  provisions  of  the  fore¬ 
going  sections,  he  shall  forfeit  all  the  cotton  or 
cotton  yarn  thus  attempted  to  be  illegally  ex¬ 
ported,  for  the  use  of  the  Confederate  States ; 
and  in  addition  thereto,  he  shall  be  guilty  of  a 
misdemeanor,  and  on  conviction  thereof  shall 
be  fined  in  a  sum  not  exceeding  five  thousand 
dollars,  or  else  imprisoned  in  some  public  jai! 
or  penitentiary  for  a  period  not  exceeding  six 
months,  at  the  discretion  of  the  court,  after  a 
conviction  upon  trial  by  a  court  of  competent 
jurisdiction. 

Sec.  3.  Any  person  informing  as  to  a  viola¬ 
tion  or  attempt  to  violate  the  provisions  of 
this  act,  shall  be  entitled  to  one-half  the  pro¬ 
ceeds  of  the  article  forfeited,  by  reason  of  his 
information. 

Sec.  4.  Any  justice  of  the  peace  on  informa¬ 
tion  under  oath  from  any  person,  of  a  violation 
or  attempt  to  violate  this  act,  may  issue  his 
warrant,  and  cause  the  cotton  or  cotton  yarn 
specified  in  the  affidavit,  to  be  seized  and  re¬ 
tained  until  an  investigation  can  be  had  before 
the  court  of  the  Confederate  States. 

Seo.  5.  Every  steamboat  or  railroad  car  which 
shall  be  used  with  the  consent  of  the  owner  or 
person  having  the  same  in  charge  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  violating  this  act,  shall  be  forfeited  in 
like  manner  to  the  use  of  the  Confederate 
States.  But  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  so 
construed  as  to  prohibit  the  exportation  to 
Mexico,  through  its  coterminous  frontier. 

Congress  C.  S.  A.,  May  21,  1861. 

I,  J.  J.  Hooper,  Secretary  of  the  Congress  of 
the  Confederate  States  of  America,  do  hereby 
certify  that  the  foregoing  is  a  true  and  correct 
copy  of  an  act  “  To  prohibit  the  exportation  of 
cotton  from  the  Confederate  States,  except 
through  the  seaports  of  said  States,  and  to 
punish  persons  offending  therein,”  which  passed 
Congress,  and  was  approved  on  the  21st  day  ot 
May,  1861. 

J.  J.  noopER,  Secretary. 

— Mobile  Register. 

Doo.  198£. 

BISHOP  POTTER’S  LETTER 

TO  A  SECESSIONIST. 

Philadelphia,  May  13, 1861. 

My  Dear  Sir  : — You  “  beg  me  to  explain  how 
it  is  possible  that  (I)  could,  under  the  circum¬ 
stances,  give  so  much  sanction  and  encourage¬ 
ment  to  those  engaged  in  this  unholy ,  unpro¬ 
voked, ,  wanton  attempt  to  destroy  us  and  all 
that  is  dear  to  us." 

Your  misconception  is  so  radical  that  I  al¬ 
most  despair  of  correcting  it.  What  you  re¬ 
gard  as  an  “  attempt  to  destroy  you.  and  all 
that  is  dear  to  you,”  is  considered  by  us  as 
simply  an  attempt  to  defend  ourselves  and  the 
capital  of  our  country  from  threatened  inva¬ 
sion,  our  Constitution  from  destruction,  and 
even  our  Southern  brethren  from  that  which  is 


DOCUMENTS. 


293 


the  surest  destruction  of  themselves  and  their 
peculiar  institutions.  From  the  secession  of 
South  Carolina  to  the  storming  of  Fort  Sumter, 
the  General  Government  remained  all  but  pas¬ 
sive.  It  then  became  indispensable  that  we 
should  know  whether  it  was  a  Government, 
whether  it  could  retain  its  hold  of  Washington, 
and  whether  the  whole  system  that  AYashing- 
ton  and  his  compeers  inaugurated  in  1789  was 
not  a  delusion  and  imposture.  This,  my  dear 
sir,  is  the  whole  story.  Your  theory  not  only 
disregards  your  own  obligations  under  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  but  it  leaves  to  us  no  Government 
except  in  name — opening  the  door  for  perpetual 
discord  and  for  secession  without  end..  I  do 
not  believe  that  at  the  North  one  man  in  fifty 
desires  an  invasion  of  your  soil  or  the  destruc¬ 
tion  of  your  social  system.  They  simply  de¬ 
sire  that  you  should  not  break  up  the  Union  by 
your  method  of  leaving  it,  but  refer  all  subjects 
of  complaint  to  a  Convention  of  all  the  States 
which  will  be  either  competent  to  redress  all 
grievances,  or  to  provide  a  way  in  which  you 
can  retire  from  the  Union  without  dissolving 
the  whole  fabric  of  our  General  Government. 

Under  the  present  exasperated  state  of  the 
sections,  it  is  impossible  to  say  to  what  lengths 
this  conflict  may  go.  But  I  assure  you  that  in 
the  few  lines  above,  you  have  the  whole  ani¬ 
mus  of  the  loyal  States,  and  of  the  Union  men 
everywhere.  Only  the  smallest  number  of  fa¬ 
natics  think  or  talk  of  slavery.  The  whole  ques¬ 
tion  is  one  of  self-defence,  and  of  Government 
or  no  Government.  Yours  sincerely, 

Alonzo  Pottek. 


your  opinion,  although  the  many  agencies 
brought  to  bear  upon  you  by  the  rebels  were 
well  known.  You  have  now  shown,  under  the 
most  adverse  circumstances,  that  'the  great 
mass  of  the  people  of  Western  Virginia  are  true 
and  loyal  to  that  beneficent  Government  under 
which  we  and  our  fathers  have  lived  so  long. 
As  soon  as  the  result  of  the  election  was  known, 
the  traitors  commenced  their  work  of  destruc¬ 
tion.  The  General  Government  cannot,  close 
its  ears  to  the  demands  you  have  made  for  as¬ 
sistance.  I  have  ordered  troops  to  cross  the 
river.  They  come  as  your  friends  and  your 
brothers — as  enemies  only  to  the  armed  rebels 
who  are  preying  upon  you.  Your  homes,  your 
families,  and  your  property  are  safe  under  our 
protection.  All  your  rights  shall  be  religiously 
respected. 

Notwithstanding  all  that  has  been  said  by 
the  traitors  to  induce  you  to  believe  that  our 
advent  among  you  will  be  signalized  by  inter¬ 
ference  with  your  slaves,  understand  one  thing 
clearly — not  only  will  we  abstain  from  all  such 
interference,  but  we  will,  on  the  contrary, 
with  an  iron  hand,  crush  any  attempt  at  insur¬ 
rection  on  their  part.  Now,  that  we  are  in 
your  midst,  I  call  upon  you  to  fly  to  arms  and 
support  the  General  Government.  Sever  the 
connection  that  binds  you  to  traitors — proclaim 
to  the  world  that  the  faith  and  loyalty  so  long 
boasted  by  the  Old  Dominion,  are  still  pre¬ 
served  in  AVestern  Virginia,  and  that  you  re- 
main  true  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 

G.  B.  McClellan, 
Major-General  Commanding. 


— Louisville  Journal,  J uue  12. 


Doo.  199. 

GEN.  McCLELLAN’S  PROCLAMATION 

TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  WESTEP.N  VIRGINIA. 

Dead-quarters,  Dep’t  of  the  Ohio,  I 
Cincinnati,  May  26,  1861.  j 

To  the  Union  Men  of  Western  Virginia : 

Virginians  : — The  General  Government  has 
long  endured  the  machinations  of  a  tew  fac¬ 
tious  rebels  in  your  midst.  Armed  traitors 
have  in  vain  endeavored  to  deter  you  from  ex¬ 
pressing  your  loyalty  at  the  polls  ;  having 
failed  in  this  infamous  attempt  to  deprive  you 
of  the  exercise  of  your  dearest  rights,  they  now 
seek  to  inaugurate  a  reign  of  terror,  and  thus 
force  you  to  yield  to  their  schemes,  and  submit 
to  the  yoke  of  the  traitorous  conspiracy,  dig¬ 
nified  by  the  name  of  Southern  'Confederacy. 
They  are  destroying  the  property  of  citizens  of 
your  State,  and  ruining  your  magnificent  rail- 
wavs.  The  General  Government  has  hereto¬ 
fore  carefully  abstained  from  sending  troops 
across  the  Ohio,  or  even  from  posting  them 
along  its  banks,  although  frequently  urged  by 
many  of  your  prominent  citizens  to  do  so.  It 
determined  to  await  the  result  ot  the  late  elec¬ 
tion,  desirous  that  no  one  might  be  able  to  say 
that  the  slightest  effort  had  been  made  from 
this  side  to  influence  the  free  expression  of 
Documents — 22 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  VOI.UNTEER  ARMY. 

Head-quarters,  Department  of  the  Onio,  ? 

UivotwATi  Mav  1 S61 .  \ 


Soldiers  : — You  are  ordered  to  cross .  the 
frontier  and  enter  upon  the  soil  of  Virginia. 
Your  mission  is  to  restore  peace  and  confidence, 
to  protect  the  majesty  of  the  law,  and  to  res¬ 
cue  our  brethren  from  the  grasp  of  armed  trai¬ 
tors.  You  are  to  act  in  concert  with  the  Vir¬ 
ginia  troops  and  to  support  their  advance. 

I  place  under  the  safeguard  of.  your  honor 
the  persons  and  property  of  the  Virginians.  I 
know  that  you  will  respect  their  feelings  and 
all  their  rights.  Preserve  the  strictest  disci¬ 
pline  ;  remember  that  each  one  of  you  holds  in 
his  keeping  the  honor  of  Ohio  and  of  the 
Union. 

If  you  are  called  upon  to  overcome  armed 
opposition,  I  know  that  your  courage  is  equal 
to  the  task  ;  but  remember  that  your  only  foes 
are  the  armed  traitors, — and  show  mercy  even 
to  them  when  they  are  in  your  power,  for 
many  of  them  are  misguided.  AVhen,  under 
your  protection,  the  loyal  men  of  AVestern  Vir¬ 
ginia  have  been  enabled  to  organize  and  arm, 
they  can  protect  themselves,  and  you  can  then 
return  to  your  homes,  with  the  proud  satisfac¬ 
tion  of  having  preserved  a  gallant,  people  from 
destruction.  G.  B.  McClellan, 

Major-General  Commanding. 

—Ohio  Statesman,  May  30. 


294 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Doc.  200. 

FIRST  NEW  HAMPSHIRE  REGIMENT. 

Tnis  regiment,  which  for  the  past  month  has 
been  encamped  in  Camp  Union,  at  Concord,  N. 
H.,  struck  their  tents  on  Saturday  morning, 
and  at  8  a.  m.  started  by  special  train  to  Nor¬ 
wich,  Connecticut,  where  they  embarked  on 
the  steamers  Commodore  and  Connecticut  for 
New  York.  Their  progress  through  Massachu¬ 
setts  and  Connecticut  was  an  ovation,  crowds 
assembling  at  all  the  stations  to  greet  them. 
The  Connecticut  arrived  at  Pier  No.  39  North 
River,  at  10  a.  m.  on  Sunday,  May  20,  with  the 
first  detachment,  and  the  Commodore  with  the 
second  detachment  on  board  arrived  at  the  Pier 
at  11  a.  m.  The  disembarkation  took  place  in 
an  orderly  and  expeditious  manner,  when  the 
regiment  headed  by  the  Regimental  Board  and 
a  Committee  of  the  sons  of  New  Hampshire  in 
New  York,  marched  through  Vestry  street  and 
Canal  street  to  the  Brandreth  House,  where  an 
American  flag  was  presented  by  the  Commit¬ 
tee.  On  presenting  the  banner,  Judge  Bonney 
made  an  eloquent  address,  in  which  he  reviewed 
the  history  of  the  support  which  the  State  of 
New  Hampshire  has  always  given  the  Consti¬ 
tution,  at  its  adoption,  as  well  as  whenever  it 
has  been  menaced  since. 

Col.  Tappan  responded  in  a  short  and  patri¬ 
otic  speech  in  which  he  pledged  himself  and  his 
regiment  to  maintain  the  Constitution  and  to 
avenge  the  insults  which  have  been  heaped 
upon  that  glorious  flag,  (pointing  to  the  banner 
presented.)  The  regiment  then  resumed  the 
line  of  march  to  the  Division  Arsenal,  corner 
of  Elm  and  White  streets,  where  the  Committee 
had  made  arrangements  for  temporarily  quar¬ 
tering  the  men,  and  where  they  partook  of  a 
dinner,  the  army  rations  being  served  to  the 
men. 

The  officers  then  proceeded  to  the  Astor 
House  with  the  Committee,  where  they  dined 
and  spent  several  hours  in  company  with  their 
friends,  who  flocked  there  eagerly  to  see  them. 
When  the  funeral  cortege  of  the  late  Col.  Ells¬ 
worth  approached  the  Astor  House,  on  its  way 
to  Courtlandt  street,  Col.  Tappan  and  staff 
mounted  their  horses  and  joined  the  escort. 
The  1st  Regiment  is  more  completely  equipped 
than  any  regiment  that  has  left  our  city  or 
passed  through  it.  The  men  are  fully  armed 
and  equipped,  and  in  addition  to  the  United 
States  musket  and  bayonet,  nearly  all  the  sol¬ 
diers  were  presented  with  revolvers  by  their 
friends  on  their  departure.  Beside  the  full  sup¬ 
ply  of  rations  for  the  journey  to  Washington, 
they  have  a  baggage  train  of  seventeen  wag¬ 
ons,  with  four  horses  to  each  wagon.  The 
wagons  are  loaded  with  provisions,  ammunition, 
engineers’  and  sappers’  and  miners’  tools,  tents 
and  camp  equipage;  and  one  is  loaded  with 
extra  uniforms  for  the  soldiers.  Each  company 
in  the  regiment  is  accompanied  by  four  female 
nurses,  who  have  volunteered  for  the  war.  The 
Regimental  Band  is  composed  of  Baldwin’s 


Band  of  Manchester,  and  consists  of  25  perform¬ 
ers,  who  have  volunteered  for  the  war. 

The  uniform  is  plain  dark  gray,  with  red  cord 
facings,  and  the  regulation  gray  cap,  with  a  red 
band.  The  men  are  not  above  the  ordinary 
height,  but  are  all  young,  hardy,  and  active. 
They  execute  all  their  movements  with  great 
activity.  They  are  composed  principally  of 
mechanics,  who  are  not  afraid  of  work,  and 
accustomed  to  exposure.  They  are,  in  fact,  the 
bone  and  sinew  of  New  Hampshire. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  staff  and  line 
officers,  and  the  localities  from  which  they 
hail : 

Staff. — Colonel,  M.  W.  Tappan,  of  Brad¬ 
ford  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel,  Thos.  J.  Whipple,  of 
Laconia ;  Major,  A.  F.  Stevens,  of  Nashua ;  Ad¬ 
jutant,  E.  Q.  Fellows,  of  Sandwich ;  Quarter¬ 
master,  R.  A.  Batchelder,  of  Manchester ;  Staff- 
Secretary,  Chas.  L.  Brown,  of  Manchester ; 
Surgeon,  A.  B.  Crosby,  of  Hanover;  Assistant- 
Surgeon,  II.  C.  Shaw,  of  Hanover ;  Chaplain, 
L.  G.  Abbot,  of  Bradford. 

Non-Commissioned  Staff. — Sergeant  Major, 
Geo.  Y.  Lawyer,  of  Nashua ;  Quartermaster 
Sergeant,  A.  Lull,  of  Nashua;  Fife  Major,  Frs. 
II.  Pike,  of  Manchester ;  Drum  Major,  Win. 
Carr ;  Paymaster,  Moses  K.  Hagleton. 

Line-Officers. — Company  A,  of  Dover — 
Captain,  L.  Bell  of  Farmington ;  Lieut.,  Geo. 
W.  Colliath,  of  Dover ;  Ensign,  O.  M.  Clark,  of 
Dover. 

Company  B,  of  Dover — Captain,  D.  R. 
Kenny,  of  Laconia ;  Lieut.,  Chas.  W.  Sawyer, 
of  Dover ;  Ensign,  J.  G.  Wallace,  of  Dover. 

Company  C,  of  Manchester — Captain,  J.  L. 
Kelly ;  Lieut.,  M.  V.  B.  Richardson ;  Ensign, 
Chas.  O.  Jennison. 

Company  I),  of  Newport—  Captain,  J.  McL. 
Barton ;  Lieut.,  E.  Nettleton ;  Ensign,  Dexter 
Reed. 

Company  E,  of  Nashua — Captain,  O.  F. 
Greenleaf ;  Lieut.,  W.  L.  Greeley ;  Ensign,  J. 
W.  Thompson. 

Company  F,  of  Nashua — Captain,  A.  S. 
Edgerly ;  Lieut.,  G.  W.  Hanley ;  Ensign,  C. 
H.  Drummer. 

Company  G,  of  Keene — Captain,  A.  J.  Sar¬ 
gent  ;  Lieut.,  H.  T.  H.  Pierce  ;  Ensign, - . 

Company  II,  of  Salem — Captain,  J.  I). 
Drew;  Lieut.,  J.  M.  Clough;  Ensign,  J.  Drew. 

Company  I,  of  Concord — Captain,  E.  E. 
Sturtevant;  Lieut.,  H.  W.  Fuller;  Ensign,  E. 
W.  Goss. 

Company  .K,  of  Manchester — Captain,  G. 
E.  Sleeper ;  Lieut.,  E.  Q.  Fellows ;  Ensign,  II. 
O.  Dudley. 

Ten  companies,  'T7  men  each,  which,  with 
staff  officers  and  band,  make  nearly  850  men. 

About  six  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  the  men 
wero  ordered  under  arms,  and  proceeded  to  the 
Jersey  Ferry,  and  at  8  o’clock  departed  on  a 
special  train  of  twenty  cars,  beside  a  long  train 
of  freight  cars  for  the  wagons  and  horses,  for 
Washington,  through  Baltimore. 

In  consequence  of  the  impossibility  of  at 


DOCUMENTS. 


295 


once  supplying  rations  for  all  the  men,  the 
Messrs.  Leland  entertained  a  company  at  the 
Metropolitan,  free  of  charge.  Mr.  Wm  b. 
Dinsmore,  at  liis  own  expense,  provided  tor 
another  company  at  the  St.  Nicholas. 

—N.  Y.  Tribune,  May  27. 


Doc.  201. 

JUDGE  THOMPSON’S  PROCLAMATION 

AT  WIIEELIXG,  YA.,  MAY  28. 

I  George  W.  Thompson,  one  of  the  Judges 
of  the  Circuit  Court,  acting  under  the  Consti¬ 
tution  and  the  laws  of  Virginia,  and  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  by  my 
oath  of  office,  imposed  on  me  by  the  State  ol 
Virginia,  in  virtue  of  the  obligation  voluntarily 
and°solemnlv  assumed  by  the  State  in  her  rati¬ 
fication  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Union  to  de¬ 
clare  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  the  su¬ 
preme  law  of  the  land,  “  any  thing  in  the  Con¬ 
stitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding;”  (Art.  VI.,  sections  2  and 
3  •)  and  being  by  the  laws  ot  the  State,.  a  con¬ 
servator  of  the  peace,  and  desirous  and  intend¬ 
in'”'  to  maintain  both  Constitutions  and  the 
laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  by  the.  faith¬ 
ful  discharge  of  my  duties,  I  hereby,  in  the 
names  of  those  Constitutions  and  the  laws  made 
in  pursuance  thereof,  in  times  of  peace  and 
prosperity,  an<l  with,  the  consent  of  all  the  goo 
people  of  the  Commonwealth,  as  necessary  loi 
the  protection  of  life,  liberty,  property,  and 
the  lawful  pursuit  of  happiness,  do  call  on  alt 
the  good  citizens  to  obey  these  wise  and  salu- 
tary  laws,  and  to  aid  me  in  their  firm  and  salu- 
ary  enforcement  by  obedience  themselves,  and 
for  the  punishment  of  the  lawless. 

It  is  only  in  obedience  to  Constitutions 
that  families  are  safe  in  life,  liberty,  or  prop¬ 
erty  ;  and  no  majorities,  cabals,  mobs,  however 
numerous  they  may  be,  or  by  whatever  motive 
they  may  be  actuated,  are  above  these  exalted 
safeguards  of  human  welfare  and  piospenty ; 
and  under  these,  individuals  and  minorities  aro 
entitled  to  protection.  If  majorities,  acting 
lawlessly,  are  above  them,  then  majorities  in 
States,  regardless  of  the  Constitutions,  will 
rule ;  but  this  may  not  be  until  the  reign  ol 
lawlessness  and  violence  is  inaugurated.  And 
I  call  upon  all  citizens,  in  virtue  of  these  su¬ 
preme  laws  of  the  land,  to  stand  by  the  faith¬ 
ful  and  impartial  administration  of  the  laws. 
To  those  citizens  of  West  Virginia  whose  large 
majority  against  Secession  show  a  firm  deter¬ 
mination  to  maintain  and  defend  their  constitu¬ 
tional  obligations,  I  appeal  to  maintain  the  law 
and  order  which  both  of  these  instruments 
guarantee  and  enforce.  If  one  is  a  matter  ol 
conscience  and  of  law,  so.  is  the  other  ;  and,  in 
maintaining  all  these  obligations  to  the  utmost 
extent  possible,  in  times  like  the  present,  we 
show  ourselves  worthy  of  peace,  and  the  order 
and  the  protection  of  those  laws  whose  sov¬ 


ereignty  we  have  vindicated  by  our  recent  vote, 
or  become  obnoxious  to  their  just  punishment. 

To  those  citizens  in  Western  Virginia,  who 
claim  the  right  of  secession,  in  like  manner  ! 
appeal  to  lay  down  their  arms  against  their 
brethren  and  fathers,  and  submit  to  the  ju  g- 
ment  and  wish  of  their  own  people,  in  so  large 
a  portion  of  the  State  as  West  Virginia.  It  it 
is  right  for  one  portion  of  the  people  in  mass 
to  violate  or  set  aside  the  Constitution,  so  as  to 
free  themselves  from  political  intercourse  with 
other  portions  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  surely  it  should  be  permitted  to  so  large 
a  body  of  people  as  West  Virginia,  exercising 
their  sovereignty  in  a  lawful  manner  under  the 
Constitution  and  in  support  of'  the  Constitu¬ 
tion,  to  choose  their  destinies.  This,  at  the 
late  election,  they  have  done  in  no  equivocal 
manner.  They  should  be  permitted,,  and  espe¬ 
cially  by  you,  their  brethren,  exercising  with 
such  unanimity  this  sovereign  and  constitu¬ 
tional  right,  to  stand  by  the  Constitution  and 
the  laws  in  peace;  to  maintain  the  solemn  in¬ 
tegrity  of  the  institutions  under  which  they 
have  grown  and  prospered.  By  this  vote  they 
have  solemnly  said  they  have  no  cause  ot  revo¬ 
lution  ;  they  are  satisfied ;  let  them  remain  in 
peace.  If  you  are  dissatisfied,  go  in  peace ;  go 
where  you  will  have  the  support  and  sym- 
pathy  of  those  whose  cause  you  espouse ;  and 
in  God’s  name,  in  the  name  of  our  ancient 
friendships  and  fireside  relations ;  in  the  name 
of  that  peace,  the  skirts  of  whose  robe  will 
be  dabbled  in  blood,  if  you  remain  in. arms; 
in  virtue  of  the  holy  ties  of  relationship,  and 
for  the  preservation  of  whatever  of  constitu¬ 
tions  and  the  laws  are  left,  while  yet  the  rum 
has  not  reached  you  and  us;  while  the  ven¬ 
geance  of  civil  war  has  not  broken  up  all  do¬ 
mestic  ties,  and  the  sword  of  private  revenge 
has  not  crossed  your  own  thresholds  and  spi  mk- 
led  them  with  blood,  and  left  your  homes  and 
your  households  in  ruin ;  by  all  the  solergu 
memories  of  the  past  and  the  obligations  of  the 
present  to  recognize  the  wishes  of  the  people 
of  West  Virginia,  to  seek  their  own  happiness 
and  welfare  in  a  lawful  and  peaceful  manner ; 
in  the  solemn  majesty  of  those  laws,  and  in  a 
higher  appeal  of  justice  and  the  cry,  depait, 
depart  in  peace,  and  give  not  up  West  Virginia* 
which  otherwise  will  remain  in  safety,  it  not 
repose,  to  the  horrors  of  a  terrible  war.  With 
such  a  large  majority,  neither  Eastern  Virginia 
nor  the  South  will  be  disposed,  to  coerce  us  to 
their  own  local  and  peculiar  policy.  With  such 
a  position  as  West  Virginia  occupies,  separated 
by  vast  mountain  ranges  from  old  Virginia,  ac¬ 
cessible  to  the  whole  West,  and  the  whole 
North,  the  whole  will  be  a  unit  in  our  defence. 
West  Virginia  never  can  be  coerced  or  con¬ 
quered.  Her  streams  may  run  blood,  and  her 
households  may  be  desolated,  and  if  this  shall 
be  so,  it  will  be  the  work  of  those  in  West 
Virginia,  who  remain  in  arms  to  oppose 
and  resist  the  wishes  of  the  majority  ol  her 
people.  Retire,  disband,  and  let  us  alone  in 


296 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


peace,  under  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  and 
do  not  require  those  laws  and  Constitution  to 
he  maintained  here  at  this  mighty  sacrifice. 

—  Wheeling  (  Va.)  Intelligencer ,  May  28. 


Doo.  202. 

COL.  DURYEA’S  PROCLAMATION-. 

Fort  Monroe,  Va.,  May  27th,  1861. 

Special  Orders  No.  5. — Col.  A.  Duryea, 
Fifth  Regiment  Volunteers,  will  at  once  assume 
command  of  the  camp  of  the  two  New  York 
regiments,  Mr.  Segar’s  farm,  and  issue  such 
orders  and  make  such  regulations,  consistent 
with  the  Articles  of  War,  as  will  insure  good 
order  and  a  thorough  system  of  instruction  and 
discipline ;  he  will  see  that  a  proper  guard  is 
posted  each  night  over  the  well  and  on  and 
near  the  bridge  leading  toward  the  fort,  in  such 
manner  that  there  can  be  no  danger  of  harm  to 
them.  Any  depredations  committed  upon  the 
property  of  citizens,  or  any  unnecessary  incon¬ 
venience  imposed  upon  them  by  any  number  of 
the  command,  must  be  promptly  noticed  and 
reported  in  writing  to  the  Major-General  com¬ 
manding  the  Department. 

By  command  of  Major-General  Butler. 

Grier  Talmadge, 

Acting  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 

To  the  Inhabitants  of  Hampton  and  vicinity  : 

Having  been  placed  by  order  of  Major-Gen. 
Butler,  in  command  of  the  troops  in  this  vicin¬ 
ity, outside  of  the  walls  of  Fort  Monroe  :  hereby 
notify  all,  that  their  rights  of  person  and  prop¬ 
erty  will  be  entirely  respected ;  that  their  co¬ 
operation  in  maintaining  law  and  order  is  ex¬ 
pected,  both  by  reporting  every  violation  of 
them,  when  committed  by  any  one  attached  to 
the  camp,  and  by  preserving  local  order  and 
restraining  such  of  their  fellow-citizens  as  may 
entertain  perverted  intentions. 

You  can  rely  that  all  offences  against  you 
will  be  severely  punished ;  that  no  effort  will 
be  spared  to  detect  the  guilty,  and  that  you, 
as  a  community,  will  also  be  held  responsible 
for  every  act  committed  by  any  one  of  your 
numbers,  where  the  particular  offender  is”  not 
surrendered. 

Be  assured  that  we  are  here  in  no  war,  against 
you,  your  liberty,  your  property,  or  even  your 
local  customs ;  but  to  keep  on  high  that  flag  of 
which  your  own  great  son  was  the  bearer;  to 
sustain  those  institutions  and  those  laws  made 
by  our  ancestors  and  defended  by  their  common 
blood. 

Remember  all  these  things,  and  if  there  be 
those  among  you  who,  maddened  by  party  feel¬ 
ing,  misled  by  wilful  falsehoods  or  a  mistaken 
sense  of  duty,  have  thought  to  obliterate  the 
national  existence,  let  them  at  least  pause  till 
they  learn  the  true  value  of  what  they  have 
imperilled,  and  the  nature  of  that  into  which 
they  are  asked  to  plunge.  We  have  all  confi¬ 
dence  that,  in  Virginians  in  arms  against  us,  wo 


have  honorable  foes,  whom  wo  hope  yet  to 
make  our  friends. 

Col.  A.  Duryea,  Acting  Brigadier-General. 

AT.  Y.  Times,  May  31. 

Doc.  203. 

TWENTIETH  REGIMENT  N.  Y.  S.  V. 

TnE  officers  of  the  Twentieth  are  as  follows: 
— Colonel,  Louis  Blenker  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
Julius  S  tali  el ;  Major,  Andrew  Lutz;  Quarter¬ 
master,  D.  Shultze  ;  Adjutant,  Drschack.  Com¬ 
pany  A,  Captain,  Ilammerstein  ;  First  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Matzann ;  Second  Lieutenant,  G.  Struve. 
Company  B,  Captain,  Bocorni ;  First  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Mengersen;  Second  Lieutenant,  Henkel. 
Company  C,  Captain,  Stumpf;  First  Lieutenant, 
Herzberg;  Second  Lieutenant,  Claus.  Com¬ 
pany  D,  Captain,  Rust;  First  Lieutenant,  Koer- 
ner;  Second  Lieutenant,  Thenerkauf.  Com¬ 
pany  E,  Captain,  Forstner;  First  Lieutenant, 
Ivuchenbacker ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Schultz. 
Company  F,  Captain,  Gellman ;  First  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Coburger,  Second  Lieutenant,  Baum.  Com¬ 
pany  G,  Captain,  Thum  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Gei¬ 
ger  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Bossart.  Company 
II,  Captain,  Kron ;  First  Lieutenant,  Engels ; 
Second  Lieutenant,  Pauls.  Company  I,  Cap¬ 
tain,  Iledferich  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Moller;  Sec¬ 
ond  Lieutenant,  Brandt.  Company  K,  Captain, 
VY  utschell ;  First  Lieutenant,  Schuhmacker; 
Second  Lieutenant,  Weil. 

There  are  1,046  men  in  the  regiment,  all  told, 
but  those  that  did  not  go  wait  to  be  equipped, 
and  will  probably  be  sent  off  on  Saturday.  The 
officers  all  equipped  themselves  at  their  own 
individual  expense. 

Company  K  is  the  artillery  corps,  and  its 
captain  (\V  utschell)  has  had  considerable  ex¬ 
perience  in  the  Austrian  army.  Col.  Blenker 
has  had  a  thorough  military  education,  and  has 
served  in  Greece,  seeing  there  a  great  deal  of 
active  service,  He  also  fought  with  distinction 
throughout  the  German  Revolution  of  1848. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Stahel  is  a  Hungarian,  and 
was  in  the  Austrian  army,  which  he  left  to 
fight  the  battles  of  his  native  land  under  Kos¬ 
suth  and  Gorgey.  He  bears  the  scars  of  many 
a  hard-contested  field  upon  his  person.  Sev¬ 
eral  of  the  captains  and  subalterns  have  like¬ 
wise  borne  the  brunt  of  actual  war,  and  many 
of  the  men  are  European  veterans. 

—At  lr.  Tribune. 

Doc.  204. 

WESTERN  VIRGINIA. 

THE  ADVANCE  OF  FEDERAL  TROOPS. 

TnE  passage  of  the  troops  who  left  for  West¬ 
ern  \  irginia  has  been  one  continued  ovation, 
ns  far  as  they  have  gone.  We  went  down  on 
the  train  carrying  the  troops  from  Camp  Car¬ 
lisle,  the  Ohio  Regiment  coming  soon  after. 
Those  who  witnessed  the  parting  scenes  at  the 
depot  will  not  soon  forget  them.  Some  of 


DOCUMENTS. 


297 


them  were  very  touching.  At  Benwood,  one 
mother,  who  had  come  out  to  exchange  the 
parting  word  with  her  son,  said,  with  tears 
standing  in  her  eyes,  as  the  train  rolled  away, 

“  Go ;  you  leave  sore  hearts  behind  you,  but 
all  will  be  well  when  you  return.”  And  a  gray- 
liaired  sire,  at  the  same  place,  hobbling  on  a 
cane,  shouted  after  the  train  as  it  moved  away : 

“  I  have  three  sons  with  you  now,  and  I  wish 
I  could  go  myself.”  Such  was  the  spirit  mani¬ 
fested  everywhere,  and  a  corresponding  feeling 
pervaded  the  hearts  of  the  men. 

All  the  way  out  through  Marshall  the  utmost 
enthusiasm  was  awakened  by  the  appearance 
of  the  soldiers.  They  had  not  known  them  to 
be  coming,  but  they  divined  at  once  theii  mis¬ 
sion,  and  the  most  joyful  excitement  was  every¬ 
where  exhibited.  Owing  to  the  alarming  le- 
ports  of  the  night  before,  rumors  that  Southern 
troops  were  approaching,  we  found  crowds  at 
every  stopping  place,  who  cheered  the  trains 
as  they  passed,  with  wild  vehemence.  At  Glen 
Easton  we  found  a  company  of  twenty-five  or 
thirty-eight  riflemen,  and  further  on  passed 
another  company  of  them  numbering  perhaps 
forty,  all  marching  towards  Cameron,  which 
they  heard  was  to  be  attacked  and  burnt  by 
State  troops.  At  Cameron  we  found  a  crowd 
assembled  of  some  three  hundred,  perhaps,  who 
insisted  in  standing  out  in  a  pelting  rain  and 
cheering  the  soldiers  nearly  all  the  time  they 
were  there.  The  report  of  the  advance  of  South¬ 
ern  troops  had  been  received  the  night  before, 
and  a  hundred  riflemen  had  been  under  arms, 
guarding  the  town  all  night ;  and  at  this  time 
men  with  rifles  on  their  shoulders  were  coming 
in  from  all  directions,  word  having  been  sent 
out  the  night  before.  It  really  looks  just  like 
what  we  read  of  as  having  taken  place  in  the 
days  of  ’78,  when  men  left  the  plough  standing 
in  the  furrow,  dropped  the  uplifted  hammer, 
and  rushed  to  the  defence  of  their  country.  At 
every  station  and  every  house  people  greeted 
the  soldiers  with  cheering  and  the  waving  ol 
hats  and  handkerchiefs,  and  the  women  and 
girls,  when  they  had  no  handkerchiefs,  waved 
their  bonnets  and  aprons.  The  men  returned 
all  the  salutations,  and  enjoyed  the  demonstra- 
tion  immensely.  At  one  house  by  the  roadside 
an  old  lady,  who  seemed  excited  to  the  highest 
pitch,  waved  her  hand  till  the  trains  were  en¬ 
tirely  past,  and  then  gave  vent  to  her  over¬ 
wrought  feelings  by  yielding  to  a  flood  of  tears. 
Such  °was  the  exuberant  joy  with  which  the 
people,  alarmed  but  the  hour  before  by  unde¬ 
fined  apprehension,  welcomed  the  appearance 
of  their  defenders. 

Our  trains  reached  Mannington  a  little  after 
noon,  and  the  appearance  of  the  troops  there, 
as  everywhere  else,  took  the  people  completely 
by  surprise.  They  had  heard,  however,  that  a 
train  was  coming  from  the  West,  and,  as  this 
was  unusual  since  the  burning  of  the  bridges,  a 
considerable  crowd  was  at  the  depot  waiting. 
As  the  trains  rolled  in,  they  displayed  the  Amer¬ 
ican  flag,  and  with  that,  and  the  gleaming  of  a 


thousand  bayonets,  the  people  almost  went  wild 
with  enthusiasm.  In  a  very  few  minutes  the 
whole  town  was  there,  and  the  gladdest  set  ot 
people  a  man  ever  laid  eyes  on.  I  heir  joy 
scarcely  know  bounds.  Hardly  had  the  soldieis 
been  there  five  minutes,  till  they  had  arrested 
and  under  guard  as  many  secessionists,  viz. : 
a  tavern-keeper  named  Wells;  Mr.  Knotts,  a 
merchant ;  Charles  Mathews,  superintendent 
on  that  section  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail¬ 
road;  Dr.  Grant,  defeated  secession  candidate 
for  the  Legislature,  and  one  Zeke  Snodgrass,  a 
constable,  who  tried  to  give  leg  bail,  but  didn  t 
succeed  quite  sufficiently  to  save  his  bacon. 
They  were  arraigned  before  Col.  Kelly,  who 
released  Wells,  Knotts,  and  Grant,  on  their 
taking  the  oath  of  fidelity,  but  retained  Mathews 
and  Snodgrass. 

The  train  soon  after  moved  on  down  to  the 
first  burned  bridge,  where  the  men  disembarked 
and  paraded  in  a  meadow.  Col.  Kelly  then 
detailed  six  companies  and  started  for  I  aiming- 
ton,  a  notorious  secession  nest,  some  three  miles 
below,  from  which  it  was  said  the  men  who 
burnt  the  bridges  had  come,  and  where  it  was 
stated  some  fifty  armed  secession  troops  were 
stationed.  Meanwhile,  the  remainder  of  the 
troops  stacked  arms,  after  throwing  out  pickets 
and  sconts  on  the  neighboring  hills,  with  orders 
to  bring  in  any  persons  they  might  find.  In  less 
than  ten  minutes  after  their  arrival,  they  brought 
in  six,  some  of  whom,  it  was  positively  asseited 
by  some  Union  men  from  the  country  around, 
were  accessory  to  the  destruction  ot  the  biidges. 
Squads  of  men  continued  to  go  out  in  different 
directions,  and  to  bring  in  prisoners,  until  they 
must  have  had  at  least  a  dozen  under  guard  at 
once.  Several  of  them  were  released  alter  an 
examination  by  the  officers,  but  at  least  six  or 
eight  were  retained  until  the  return  of  Col. 
Kelly.  It  was  rather  exciting  to  see  the  scouts, 
or  “  Snake  Hunters,”  as  they  stylo  themselves, 
on  a  trail.  As  certainly  as  they  would  spy  a 
man  anywhoro  in  sight,  a  squad  of  them  would 
seize  their  guns,  and  start  after  him  on  a  run, 
and  before  very  long,  would  bring  him  in ;  for 
they  were  sure  of  their  game  if  they  got  eyes 
on  it.  The  prisoners  were  all  treated  with  the 
utmost  courtesy,  but  nevertheless  some  of  them 

looked  terribly  frightened.  _ 

In  the  evening  the  companies  returned  irom 
Farmington,  bringing  with  them  several  pris¬ 
oners,  and  reporting  that  their  scouts  had  killed 
one  secessionist  and  wounded  another.  When 
they  reached  Farmington  they  found  it  almost 
entirely  deserted,  the  secessionists  having  got 
wind  of  their  approach  through  the  offices  of 
one  Jolliffe,  who,  when  the  trains  entered  Man¬ 
nington,  mounted  a  horse  and  galloped  off  in 
hot  haste  to  Farmington,  to  warn  tlio  seces¬ 
sionists  of  their  danger. 

Finding  the  town  deserted,  Col.  Kelly  or¬ 
dered  his  men  to  scour  the  woods  surrounding 
it,  and  it  was  not  long  till  they  had  unearthed 
several  of  the  fugitives,  most  of  whom  they  cap¬ 
tured.  The  men  who  were  shot  were  running 


298 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


from  their  pursuers,  who  called  out  to  them  to 
surrender.  Not  heeding  this,  they  were  told 
that  they  would  be  shot  unless  they  did.  No 
attention  was  paid  to  the  command,  and  sev¬ 
eral  shots  were  fired,  killing  one  instantly,  and 
wounding  another. 

The  bridges  burned  were  over  Buffalo  Creek, 
and  were  common  open  railroad  pier  bridges, 
all  iron  except  the  sills  and  the  cross-ties  of  "the 
track,  both  ot  which  were  consumed.  The 
upper  one  is  about  four  miles  below  Manning- 
ton,  and  the  other  some  quarter  of  a  mile  below 
it.  It  is  feared  that  others  are  destroyed  be¬ 
tween  there  and  Grafton.  The  anxiety  about 
the  splendid  iron  bridge  over  the  Monongahela 
is  especially  very  great. 

t  Sunday  night  several  bridges  between  Man¬ 
nington  and  Glover’s  Gap  were  guarded  by  the 
citizens  ot  the  former  place.  At  the  same  time 
they  had  need  of  guarding  their  town,  for  the 
gang  at  Farmington  had  threatened  to  burn  it 
to  the  ground,  and  there  were  various  rumors 
afloat  about  accessions  to  their  number. 

Glover’s  Gap  is  a  way  station  several  miles 
above  Mannington,  inhabited  by  but  one  or  two 
families,  but  surrounded  by  a  secession  country, 
which  polled  some  sixty  or  seventy  secession 
votes.  Ihese  men  live  around  among  the  hills 
and  are  almost  inaccessible.  That  part  of  the 
road  will  bear  watching.  As  the  train  came 
west  this  morning,  the  telegraph  was  found  cut 
not  half  a  mile  from  this  place. 

Ihe  Ohio  Regiment  reached  Mannington 
Monday  evening,  just  at  dark,  having  felt  their 
way  over  the  road,  examining  all  the  bridges 
to  see  that  they  had  not  been  injured.  The 
whole  town  assembled  to  receive  them.  They 
paraded  in  the  street,  while  their  band,  a  supe¬ 
rior  one,  played  the  “  Star  Spangled  Banner  ” 
and  other  airs.  At  the  conclusion,  the  crowd 
ga\  e  three  cheers  for  Ohio,  which  compliment 
was  returned  by  the  Ohio  men,  who  gave  three 
for  tho  citizens  of  Mannington.  The  citizens 
then  proffered  their  houses  for  quarters  for  the 
soldiers.  Some  were  put  in  the  church,  some 
in  the  Odd  Fellows’  Hall,  others  at  the  hotel, 
others  in  private  houses,  until  they  were  all 
provided  for,  the  people  all  manifesting  the 
most  cordial  feeling  for  them. 

And  well  they  merited  such  treatment ;  for, 
besides  that  they  came  here  to  protect  us,  they 
aic  a  splendid  set  of  fellows — tall,  handsome, 
and  soldier-like  in  appearance,  and  dignified 
and  gentlemanly  in  demeanor.  They  were  im¬ 
mensely  pleased  with  their  reception  all  along 
the  load,  and  particularly  with  the  substantial 
compliments  ot  the  good  people  of  Cameron 
and  Belton.  Tho  citizens  of  Cameron  were 
,v€:!L,y  surprise  by  the  train  that  convevTed 
the  \\  heeling  Regiment,  but  learning  that  more 
were  on  the  way,  they  went  to  work  and  got 
together  all  the  provisions  in  the  place,  bread, 
pies,  cakes,  a  barrel  of  crackers,  meat,  butter, 
and  eggs,  and  had  them  all  boxed  up  and  ready 
f  >r  them.  By  the  time  the  Ohio  men  reached 
Cameron  there  had  collected  from  tho  surround¬ 


ing  country  some  eight  hundred  or  a  thousand 
people,  who  received  them  with  enthusiastic 
demonstrations. 

—  II heeling  (Fa.)  Intelligencer ,  Mny  29. 


Doo.  204J. 

SPEECH  OF  SENATOR  DOUGLAS. 

ms  LAST  WOEDS  FOR  TIIE  UNION. 

Senator  Douglas  and  wife  reached  Chicago 
Ill.,  on  their  return  from  Washington,  on  the 
en’ng  °f  tbo  1st  day  oi  May,  and  were  met  at 
the  depot  by  an  immense  assemblage  of  citi¬ 
zens  ot  all  parties,  who  insisted  on  escorting 
Mr.  Douglas  in  procession  to  the  great  Wig- 
wam,  which  was  already  packed  with  ten 
thousand  persons.  Room  having  been  made 
for  the  admission  of  Mr.  Douglas,  he  was  ad¬ 
dressed  by  Thomas  B.  Bryan,  in  behalf  of  Chi¬ 
cago.  Mr.  Douglas  replied: 

Mr.  Chairman:— I  thank  you  for  the  kind 
terms  in  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  wel¬ 
come  me.  I  thank  the  Committee  and  citizens 
of  Chicago  for  this  grand  and  imposing  recep¬ 
tion.  I  beg  you  to  believe  that  I  will  not  do 
you  nor  myseff  the  injustice  to  believe  this 
magnificent  ovation  is  personal  homage  to  my¬ 
self.  I  lejoice  to  know  that  it  expresses  your 
devotion  to  the  Constitution,  the  Union  and 
the  flag  of  our  country.  (Cheers.) 

I  will  not  conceal  gratification  at  the  uncon- 

tiov  ertible  test  this  vast  audience  presents _ 

that  what  political  differences  or  party  ques¬ 
tions  may  have  divided  us,  yet  you  all  had  a 
conviction  that  when  the  country  should  be  in 
danger,  my  loyalty  could  be  relied  on.  That 
the  present  danger  is  imminent,  no  man  can 
conceal.  If  war  must  come— if  the  bayonet 

must  be  used  to  maintain  the  Constitution _ I 

can  say  before  God  my  conscience  is  clean.  I 
have  struggled  long  for  a  peaceful  solution  of  the 
difficulty  I  have  not  only  tendered  those 
btates  what  was  theirs  of  right,  but  I  have 
gone  to  the  very  extreme  of  magnanimity. 

The  return  we  receive  is  war,  armies  marched 
upon  our  capital,  obstructions  and  dangers  to 
our  navigation,  letters  of  marque  to  invite  pi¬ 
rates  to  prey  upon  our  commerce,  a  concerted 
movement  to  blot  out  the  United  States  of 
America  from  the  map  of  the  globe.  Tho 
question  is,  Are  we  to  maintain  the  country  of 
oui  lathers,  or  allow  it  to  be  stricken  down  by 
those  who,  when  they  can  no  longer  govern 
threaten  to  destroy  ? 

.  ^  cause,  what  excuse  do  disunionists 
give  us  for  breaking  up  the  best  Government 
on  which  the  sun  of  heaven  ever  shed  its  rays? 
ihey  are  dissatisfied  with  tho  result  of  a  Presi¬ 
dential  election.  Did  they  never  get  beaten 
before  ?  Are  wo  to  resort  to  the  sword  when 
wo  get  defeated  at  tho  ballot-box.  I  under¬ 
stand  it  that  the  voice  of  the  people  expressed 
in  the  mode  appointed  by  tho  Constitution 
must  command  the  obedience  of  everv  citizen, 
they  assume,  on  tho  election  of  a  particular 


DOCUMENTS. 


299 


candidate,  that  their  rights  are  not  safe  in  the 
Union.  What  evidence  do  they  present  ot 
this?  I  defy  any  man  to  show  any  act  on 
which  it  is  based.  What  act  has  been  omitted 
to  bo  done  ?  I  appeal  to  these  assembler 
thousands  that  so  far  as  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  Southern  States,  I  will  say  the 
constitutional  rights  of  slaveholders,  are  con¬ 
cerned,  nothing  has  been  done,  and  nothing 
omitted,  of  which  they  can  complain. 

There  has  never  been  a  time  from  the  day 
that  Washington  was  inaugurated  first  1  resi¬ 
dent  of  these  United  States,  when  the  rights  ol 
the  Southern  States  stood  firmer  under  1 10 
laws  of  the  land  than  they  do  now;  there 
never  was  a  time  when  they  had  not  as  good  a 
cause  for  disunion  as  they  have  to-day. 
good  cause  have  they  now  that  has  not  existed 
under  every  Administration  ? 

If  they  say  the  Territorial  question— now, 
for  the  lirst  time,  there  is  no  act  of  Congress 
prohibiting  slavery  anywhere.  If  it  be  the 
non-enforcement  of  the  laws,  the  only  com¬ 
plaints  that  I  have  heard  have  been  of  the  too 
vigorous  and  faithful  fulfilment  ot  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law.  Then  what  reason  have  they  ? 

The  slavery  question  is  a  mere  excuse.  The 
election  of  Lincoln  is  a  mere  pretext.  The 
present  secession  movement  is  the  result  ot  an 
enormous  conspiracy  formed  more  than  a  year 
since,  formed  by  leaders  in  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy  more  than  twelve  months  ago. 

They  use  the  Slavery  question  as  a  means  to 
aid  the  accomplishment  of  their  ends.  They 
desired  the  election  of  a  Northern  candidate,  by 
a  sectional  vote,  in  order  to  show  that  the  two 
sections  cannot  live  together.  When  the  his¬ 
tory  of  the  two  years  from  the  Lecompton 
charter  down  to  the  Presidential  election 
shall  be  written,  it  will  be  shown  that  the 
scheme  was  deliberately  made  to  break  up  this 

Union.  _  , ,  . 

They  desired  a  Northern  Republican  to  be 
elected  by  a  purely  Northern  vote,  and  then 
assign  this  fact  as  a  reason  why  the  sections 
may  not  longer  live  together.  If  the  disunion 
candidate  in  the  late  Presidential  contest  had 
carried  the  united  South,  their  scheme  was,  the 
Northern  candidate  successful,  to  seize  the 
Capitol  last  spring,  and  by  a  united  South  and 
divided  North  hold  it.  That  scheme  was  de¬ 
feated  in  the  defeat  of  the  disunion  candidate 
in  several  of  the  Southern  States. 

But  this  is  no  time  for  a  detail  of  causes. 
The  conspiracy  is  now  known.  Armies.  hai  e 
been  raised,  war  is  levied  to  accomplish,  it. 
There  are  only  two  sides  to  the  question. 
Every  man  must  be  for  the  United  States  or 
against  it.  There  can  bo  no  neutrals  in  this 
war  ;  only  patriots— or  traitors 

Thank  God  Illinois  is  not  divided  on  this 
question.  (Cheers.)  I  know  they  expected  to 
present  a  united  South  against  a  divided  North. 
They  hoped  in  the  Northern  States,  party  ques¬ 
tions  would  bring  civil  Avar  betiveen  Democrats 
and  Republicans,  when  the  South  would  step  m 


with  her  cohorts,  aid  one  party  to  conquer  the 
other,  and  then  make  easy  prey  of  the  victors. 
Their  scheme  Avas  carnage  and  civil  war  in  tho 

North.  T  ,,,. 

There  is  but  one  way  to  defeat  this.  In  Illi¬ 
nois  it  is  being  so  defeated  by  closing  up  the 
ranks.  War  will  thus  be  prevented  on  our 
OAvn  soil.  While  there  was  a  hope  .of  peace 
was  ready  for  any  reasonable  sacrifice  or  com¬ 
promise  to  maintain  it.  But  when  the  ques¬ 
tion  comes  of  Avar  in  the  cotton-fields  ot  the 
South  or  the  corn-fields  of  Illinois,  I  say  tho 
farther  off  the  better. 

We  cannot  close  our  eyes  to  the  sad  and 
solemn  fact  that  war  does  exist.  The  Gov¬ 
ernment  must  be  maintained,  its  enemies  over¬ 
thrown,  and  the  more  stupendous  our  prepa¬ 
rations  tho  less  tho  bloodshed,  and  the  shorter 
the  struggle.  But  we  must  remember  certain 
restraints  on  our  action  even  in  time  of  Avar. 
We  are  a  Christian  people,  and  the  war  must 
bo  prosecuted  in  a  manner  recognized  by  Chris¬ 
tian  nations.  .  . 

We  must  not  invade  Constitutional  rights. 
The  innocent  must  not  suffer,  nor  Avomen  and 
children  be  the  victims.  Savages  must  not  bo 
let  loose.  But  while  I  sanction  no  war  on  the 


rio-hts  of  others,  I  will  implore  my  countrymen 
not  to  lay  down  their  arms  until  our  own 
rights  are  recognized.  (Cheers.) 

The  Constitution  and  its  guarantees  are  our 
birthright,  and  I  am  ready  to  enforce  that  in¬ 
alienable  right  to  the  last  extent.  W  e  cannot 
recognize  secession.  Recognize  it  once,  and 
you  have  not  only  dissolved  government,  but 
vou  have  destroyed  social  order,  upturned  the 
foundations  of  society.  You  have  inaugurated 
anarchy  in  its  worst  form  and  will  short  y  ex¬ 
perience  all  the  horrors  of  the  French  Revolu- 

Then  wo  have  a  solemn  duty — to  maintain 
the  Government.  The  greater  our  unanimity 
the  speedier  the  day  of  peace  We  have  preju¬ 
dices  to  overcome  from  the  feiv  short  months 
since  of  a  fierce  party  contest.  Y et  these  must 
be  allayed.  Let  us  lay  aside  all .  criminations 
and  recriminations  as  to  the  origin  of  these 
difficulties.  When  we  shall  have  again  a  coun¬ 
try  with  the  United  States  flag  floating  over  it, 
and  respected  on  every  inch  of  American  soi , 
it  will  then  be  time  enough  to  ask  Avho  and 
what  brought  all  this  upon  us. 

I  have  said  more  than  I  intended  to  say. 
(Cries  of  “  Go  on.”)  It  is  a  sad  task  to  discuss 
questions  so  fearful  as  civil  war ;  but  sad  as  it 
is  bloody  and  disastrous  as  I  expect  it  aviII  be, 
I  Express  it  as  my  conviotion  before  God,  that 
it  is  the  duty  of  every  American  citizen  to  rally 
round  the  flag  of  his  country. 

I  thank  you  again  for  this  magnificent  dem¬ 
onstration.  By  it  you  show  you  haATe  laid 
aside  party  strife.  Illinois  has  a  proud  posi¬ 
tion— United,  firm,  determined  never  to  per¬ 
mit  tho  Government  to  be  destroyed.  (Pro¬ 
longed  cheering.)  _  t 

°  D  '  _at,  Y.  Tribune,  June  13.  . 


300 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Doc.  205. 

THE  WASHINGTON  ARTILLERY. 

Tiie  following  is  a  list  of  tlie  officers : 

Staff— Major  J.  B.  Walton;  Adjutant,  Lieut. 

M  AnrAn.  Qii  T  \ T?  C  7\ _  _ 


W.  M.  Owen ;  Surgeon,  Dr.  E.  S.  Drew ;  Quar 
termaster,  Lieut.  C.  II.  Slocoinb. 

JVon-  Commissioned  Staff. — Sergeant-Major,  C. 
L.  C.  Dupuy ;  Color  Sergeant,  Louis  M.  Mont¬ 
gomery  ;  Quartermaster  Sergeant,  S.  Kennedy. 

Color  Guard. — Corporals  George  W.  Wood, 
E.  J.  Jewell,  A.  II.  Peale,  and  J.  II  Dearie. 

First  Company. — Capt.  M.  M.  Isaacson ; 
First  Lieutenant,  J.  B.  Richardson,  Jr. ;  Second 
Lieutenant,  II.  G.  Geiger. 

Second  Company.— First  Lieutenant,  C.  C. 
Lewis,  commanding;  First  Lieutenant,  Samuel 
J.  McPherson;  Second  Lieut.,  C.  H.  Slocomb. 

Third  Company. — Captain  M.  B.  Miller;  1st 
Lieutenant,  J.  B.  Whittington ;  2d  Lieutenant, 
L.  A.  Adam;  1st  Sergeant,  Frank  McElroy; 
2d  do.,  A.  Y.  Hero ;  3d  do.,  L.  Prados ;  4th  do., 
J.  T.  Handy ;  1st  Corporal,  E.  J.  Jewell ;  2d 
do.,  A.  II,  Peale ;  3d  do.,  W.  II.  Ellis ;  4th  do., 
Collins. 

Fourth  Company.— Captain,  B.  F.  Eshleman  ; 
1st  Lieutenant,  Jos.  Norcom ;  2d  Lieutenant, 
Harry  A.  Battles  ;  2d  Sergeant,  \V.  J.  Behan  ; 
3d  do.,  G.  E.  Apps ;  4th  do.,  J.  D.  Reynolds ; 
1st  Corporal,  George  Wood ;  2d  do.,  J.  W.  Dearn. 

DK.  PALilEIj’s  6EEMON  TO  THE  WASHINGTON 
AETILLEEY. 

The  following  is  a  report  of  the  eloquent 
and  patriotic  exhortation  of  Dr.  Palmer  to  the 
Washington  Artillery,  delivered  from  the  por¬ 
tico  ot  the  City  Hall  to  the  troops  just  before 
marching  to  the  depot,  on  their  departure  for 
the  scene  of  war  in  Virginia.  Besides  the 
military,  there  were  not  less  than  five  thousand 
citizens  present  on  this  interesting  occasion : 
Gentlemen  of  the  Washington  Artillery : 

At  the  sound  of  the  bugle  you  are  here,  with¬ 
in  one  short  hour  to  bid  adieu  to  cherished 
homes,  and  soon  to  encounter  the  perils  of  bat¬ 
tle  on  a  distant  field.  It  is  fitting  that  here,  in 
the  heart  of  this  great  city— here,  beneath  the 
shadow  of  this  Hall,  over  which  floats  the  flag 
of  Louisiana’s  sovereignty  and  independence, 
you  should  receive  a  public  and  a  tender  fare¬ 
well.  It  is  fitting  that  religion  herself  should 
with  gentle  voice  whisper  her  benediction  upon 
your  Hag  and  your  cause.  Soldiers,  history 
reads  to  us  of  wars  which  have  been  baptized 
as  holy  ;  but  she  enters  upon  her  records  none 
that  is  holier  than  this  in  which  you  have  em¬ 
barked.  It  is  a  war  of  defence  against  wicked 
and  cruel  aggression — a  war  of  civilization 
against  a  ruthless  barbarism  which  would  dis¬ 
honor  the  dark  ages — a  war  of  religion  against  a 
blind  and  bloody  fanaticism.  It  is  a  war  for  your 
homes  and  firesides — for  your  wives  and  chil¬ 
dren — forthe  land  which  the  Lord  has  given  us 
for  a  heritage.  It  is  a  war  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  broadest  principle  for  which  a  free  peo¬ 
ple  can  contend — the  right  of  self-government. 


Eighty-five  years  ago  our  fathers  fought  in 


defence  ot  the  chartered  right  of  Englishmen, 
that  taxation  and  representation  are  correlative. 
We,  their  sons,  contend  to-day  for  the  great 
American  principle  that  all  just  government 
derives  its  powers  from  the  will  of  the  governed. 
It  is  the  corner-stone  of  the  great  temple  which, 
on  this  continent,  has  been  reared  to  civil  free¬ 
dom  ;  and  its  denial  leads,  ns  the  events  of  the 
past  two  months  have  clearly  shown,  to  des¬ 
potism,  the  most  absolute  and  intolerable,  a 
despotism  more  grinding  than  that  of  the  Turk 
or  Russian,  because  it  is  the  despotism  of  the 
mob,  unregulated  by  principle  or  precedent, 
drifting  at.  the  will  of  an  unscrupulous  and 
irresponsible  majority.  The  alternative  which 
the  North  has  laid  before  her  people  is  the  sub¬ 
jugation  of  the  South,  or  what  they  are  pleased 
to  call  absolute  anarchy.  The  alternative  be¬ 
fore  us  is,  the  independence  of  the  South  or  a 
despotism  which  will  put  its  iron  heel  upon  all 
that  the  human  heart  can  hold  dear.  This 
mighty  issue  is  to  be  submitted  to  the  ordeal 
ot  battle,  with  the  nations  of  the  earth  as  spec¬ 
tators,  and  with  the  God  of  Heaven  as  umpire. 
The  theatre  appointed  for  the  struggle  is  the 
soil  of  Virginia,  beneath  the  shadow  of  her 
own  Alleghanies.  Comprehending  the  import 
of  this  great  controversy  from  the  first,  Vir¬ 
ginia  sought  to  stand  between  the  combatants, 
and  pleaded  for  such  an  adjustment  as  both 
the  civilization  and  the  religion  of  the  age  de¬ 
manded.  When  this  became  hopeless,  obeying 
the  instincts  of  that  nature  which  has  ever 
made  her  the  Mother  of  Statesmen  and  of  States, 
she  has  opened  her  broad  bosom  to  the  blows 
ot  a  tyrant’s  hand.  Upon  such  a  theatre,  with 
such  an  issue  pending  before  such  a  tribunal, 
we  have  no  doubt  of  the  part  which  will  be 
assigned  you  to  play ;  and  when  we  hear  the 
thunders  of  your  cannon  echoing  from  the 
mountain  passes  of  Virginia,  will  understand 
that  you  mean,  in  the  language  of  Cromwell  at 
the  castle  of  Drogheda,  “  to  cut  this  war  to  the 
heart.” 

It  only  remains,  soldiers,  to  invoke  the  bless¬ 
ing  of  Almighty  God  upon  your  honored  flag. 

It  waves  in  brave  hands  over  the  gallant  de¬ 
fenders  of  a  holy  cause.  It  will  be  found  in  the 
thickest  of  the  fight,  and  the  principles  which  it 
represents  you  will  defend  to  “  the  last  of  your 
breath  and  of  your  blood.”  May  victory  perch 
upon  its  staff  in  the  hour  of  battle,  and  peace 
— an  honorable  peace — be  wrapped  within  its 
folds  when  you  shall  return. 

It  is  little  to  say  to  you  that  you  will  be  re¬ 
membered.  And  should  the  frequent  fate  of 
the  soldier  befall  you  in  a  soldier’s  death,  you 
shall  find  your  graves  in  thousands  of  hearts, 
and  the  pen  of  history  shall  write  the  story 
ot  your  martyrdom.  Soldiers,  farewell !  and 
may  the  Lord  of  Hosts  be  round  about  you  as 
a  wall  of  fire,  and  shield  your  heads  in  the  day 
of  battle ! 

— N.  O.  Picayur>».  May  28. 

— N.  O.  Delta,  May  29, 


DOCUMENTS. 


301 


Doc.  206. 


NINTH  REGIMENT  N.  Y.  S.  M. 


The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers  of  this 

regiment:  .  ,  „  .  , 

Colonel,  J.  W.  Stiles;  Lieutenant-Colonel 
W.  H.  Hallook ;  Major,  E.  L.  Stone ;  Adjutant, 

J.  B.  Coppinger  ;  Surgeon,  J.  W.  Fisher ;  Quar¬ 
termaster,  Alex.  Henriques ;  Chaplain,  Rev. 
Mr.  Phillips;  Commissary,  H.  L.  Stephens, 
Assistant  Quartermaster,  A.  L.  Squires.  _  Com¬ 
pany  A— Captain,  J.  J.  Morrison  ;  First  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  John  Dalrymple ;  Second  Lieutenant,  L. 
II.  Andrews.  Company  B— Captain,  John 
Deppeler ;  First  Lieutenant,  Louis  Bellow's; 
Second  Lieutenant,  Frederick  Guyer.  Com- 
nanv  C — Lieutenant  Provost,  Commanding , 
Second  Lieutenant,  E.  II.  Miller.  Company 
D-Captain,  J.  W.  Davis;  First  Lieutenant, 
F  Van  Buren ;  Second  Lieutenant,  J.  W.  hielu. 
Company  E-Captain,  Henry  C.  Smith;  First 
Lieutenant,  Henry  Brooks ;  Second  Lieutenant, 
T.  Galbraith.  Company  F— Captain  Allen 

Rutherford;  First  Lieutenant,  G.  W.  Braind  ; 
Second  Lieutenant,  vacant.  Company  G— 
Captain,  Win.  Atterbury ;  First  Lieutenant, 
W.  Hendrickson;  Second  Lieutenant,  Joseph 
Wickham.  Company  H— Captain,  F.  E.  lut- 
hill ;  First  Lieutenant, - Dockman ;  Second 

Lieutenant,  J.  Tuthill.  .  , 

The  artillery  corps  attached  to  tins  regiment 
did  not  leave  yesterday,  owing  to  the  fact  ot 
their  battery  not  being  in  readiness.  .  -Next 
Monday  they  expect  to  be  en  route  to  join  then- 
comrades.  The  corps  is  officered  as  follows : 
First  Lieutenant,  H.  V .  Cramer ;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Eugene  Durnin ;  Third  Lieutenant, 
John  Dolan.  _A-  y  rimeSj  May  28. 

Doc.  207. 

CASE  OF  GEN.  CADWALLADER. 


tary,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  officer  to  deliver  him 
over  immediately  to  the  civil  authoi  y, 
dealt  with  according  to  law. 

“I  forbore  yesterday  to  state  orally  the 
provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  which  make  these  principles  the  funda¬ 
mental  law  of  the  Union,  because  an  oral  state¬ 
ment  might  he  misunderstood  in  some  portions 

of  it,  and  I  shall  therefore  put  my  opinion  m 

writing,  and  file  it  in  the  office  of  the  Clerk  of 
the  Circuit  Court  in  the  course  of  this  v  eek\ 
The  Judge  added  that  the  military  authority 
was  always  subordinate  to  civil.  That ,  un  ei 
ordinary  circumstances,  it  would  be  the  dut) 
of  the  Marshal  to  proceed  with  posse  comitatus 
and  bring  the  party  named  in  the  writ  into 
Court ;  but  from  the  notoriously  superior  toice 
that  he  would  encounter,  this  would  be  impos¬ 
sible.  He  said  the  Marshal  had  done  all  m  Ins 

power  to  discharge  his  duty. 

During  the  week  he  should  prepare  Ins  opin¬ 
ion  in  the  premises,  and  forward  it  to  the  Pres¬ 
ident,  calling  upon  him  to  perform  Ins  const a- 
tutional  duty,  and  see  that  the  laws  be  fai 
fully  executed,  and  enforce  the  decrees  of  this 

Court.  _i\-  Y.  Times,  Mny  29. 


General  Cadwalladee  having  declined  ac¬ 
ceding  to  the  demand  for  the  body  of  Merri- 
man,  until  lie  could  hear  from  Washington,  a 
writ  of  attachment  was  issued  against  him, 
for  contempt  of  court.  The  Marshal  reported 
that,  on  going  to  Fort  McHenry  to  serve  the 
writ,  he  was  refused  admittance. 

Chief- Justice  Taney  then  read  the  following 

statement :  ,  ,  ,  ,  , 

u  I  ordered  the  attachment,  yesterday,  be¬ 
cause  upon  the  face  of  the  return  the  deten¬ 
tion  of  the  prisoner  was  unlawful,  upon  two 

^^First.— The  President,  under  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  and  law's  of  the  United  States,  cannot  sus¬ 
pend  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus , 
nor  authorize  any  military  officer  to  do  so. 

“  Second.— A.  military  officer  has  no  right  to 
arrest  and  detain  a  person,  nor  subject  him  to 
the  Rules  and  Articles  of  War  for  an  offence 
against  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  except  in 
aid  of  the  judicial  authority,  and  subject  to  its 
control ;  and  if  the  party  is  arrested  by  the  mili- 


Doc.  207£. 

BRITISH  RELATIONS  WITH  AMERICA. 

House  of  Commons,  Tuesday,  May  28. 

Lord  J.  Russell  brought  up  copies  of  a  cor¬ 
respondence  with  the  Government  of  the  Lmted 
States  of  America.  The  noble  lord  said .  In 
moving  that  this  correspondence  should  lie ^upon 
the  table,  it  may  be  convenient  to  the  House 
and  especially  so  to  the  commercial  mteiests  in 
hi  country,  that  I  should  state  the  substance 
of  the  correspondence  which  has  lately  taken 
place  with  the  Government  ot  the  United 
States  of  America  with  regard  to  Hie  blockade. 
On  the  19th  of  April,  the  President  of  tlie  Unit¬ 
ed  States  issued  a  notification  that  it  was  in 
|  tended  to  institute  a  blockade  of  the  ports  of 
1  the  seven  States  which  had  seceded ;  and  on 
the  27th  of  April  another  notification  was  is¬ 
sued,  announcing  that  it  was  intended  to  bloc  '- 
ade  the  ports  of  North  Carolina  and  Virginia. 
When  Lord  Lyons  applied  for  an  official  notifi¬ 
cation  of  the  establishment  and  commencement 
of  the  blockade,  he  was  told  by  the  Secretary 
of  State  that  it  was  not  usual  to  make  such  a 
notification,  but  that  it  would  be  made  by  the 
different  naval  commanders  at  the  several  poi  t 
when  the  blockade  was  instituted.  It  results 
from  the  correspondence  that  the  blockade  is  to 
be  notified  in  that  manner,  and  that. one  block¬ 
ade  has  already  been  so  notified— viz.,  that  ot 
the  ports  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  hj 
the  Hag  officer  Prendergast,  who  has  declaie 
that  he  is  in  a  situation  to  make  an  efficient 
blockade  of  those  ports.  There  has  been  no 
notification  of  a  similar  kind  with  regaid  to 
ports  of  the  other  States  which  it  w  as  declared 
were  also  to  be  blockaded.  The  rules,  so  far  as 


302 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Lord  Lyons  has  been  able  to  ascertain  them, 
and  of  which  he  lias  given  an  account  to  Ad¬ 
miral  Milne,  commanding  the  squadron  in  those 
waters,  are,  first,  that  the  notification  is  in  each 
place  to  be  made  by  the  naval  officer  command¬ 
ing  the  squadron  or  the  ships  which  institute 
the  blockade ;  and,  in  the  next  place,  that  fif¬ 
teen  days  are  to  be  allowed,  after  the  estab¬ 
lishment  of  the  blockade,  for  vessels  to  come 
out  of  the  ports.  It  appears  that  whether  they 
were  loaded  or  not  at  the  time  the  blockade 
was  established,  provided  they  come  out  with¬ 
in  fifteen  days,  their  passage  is  to  be  allow¬ 
ed.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  permitted  by 
the  United  States  Government  that  vessels 
should  be  sent  to  ports  which  are  blockaded 
for  the  purpose  of  bringing  away  the  property 
of  British  subjects,  or  the  vessels  or  property 
of  other  nations.  An  application  for  such  per¬ 
mission  was  made,  to  which  the  Secretary  of 
State  replied  that  if  such  a  facility  were  grant¬ 
ed  it  would  be  used  by  American  citizens  wish¬ 
ing  to  bring  away  property.  Lord  Lyons  ends 
his  communication  to  Admiral  Milne  very  prop¬ 
erly.  lie  says  that  if  the  blockade  is  carried 
into  effect  according  to  the  rules  established  by 
the  law  of  nations,  we  must  of  course  conform 
to  it ;  and  that  we  can  only  see  that  the  block¬ 
ade  is  sufficient  and  regular.  (Hear,  hear.) 

Mr.  T.  Duncombe. — I  think  that  the  noble 
lord  ought  to  inform  the  House  what  means  he 
has  taken  to  give  protection  to  British  subjects 
and  British  property  in  the  Slave  States  of 
America.  I  understand  that  the  greatest  out¬ 
rages  are  being  committed  upon  British  sub¬ 
jects  in  these  States.  The  noble  lord  may  have 
no  information  upon  the  subject,  but  I  have 
this  morning  received  letters  from  persons  upon 
whom  I  can  depend,  and  who  have  requested 
me  to  ask  what  the  Government  are  doing  or 
intend  to  do  in  this  matter.  There  is  not  the 
least  complaint  made  against  the  Government 
of  the  free  States.  But  in  the  Confederate 
States  neither  life  nor  property  is  safe,  and 
British  subjects  who  went  there  with  wholly 
different  objects,  and  under  very  different  cir¬ 
cumstances,  are  compelled  to  take  up  arms  and 
fight  in  the  Pro-Slavery  ranks.  The  noble  lord 
took  great  credit  to  himself  for  having  issued  a 
proclamation,  and  for  declaring  that  the  For¬ 
eign  Enlistment  act  will  be  put  in  force.  But 
if  that  be  so,  all  persons  engaged  in  this  war 
under  such  circumstances  will  be  treated  as 
pirates.  The  mercantile  marine  of  America, 
particularly  of  the  Southern  States,  is  chiefly 
manned  by  Irishmen  and  Englishmen,  and 
others  from  our  own  colonies,  who  will  now 
be  compelled  to  remain  and  to  enter  the  ranks 
of  the  belligerents,  and  if  taken,  though  they 
may  be  loyal  subjects  of  the  Queen  who  wanted 
to  get  away,  but  had  not  the  means  of  doing 
so,  under  the  noble  lord’s  proclamation  they  will 
be  treated  as  pirates.  We  talk  of  our  neutral¬ 
ity  ;  we  boast  of  it.  A  letter  which  I  have  re¬ 
ceived  from  a  gentleman  asks :  “  Is  it  nothing 
that  a  British  officer,”  the  captain  of  a  mer^ 


chant  vessel,  “  has  been  tarred  and  feathered  ?  ” 
(Laughter.)  It  is  all  very  well  for  honorable 
gentlemen  to  laugh,  but  I  foresee  that  these 
ai  e  questions  \\  Inch  will  involve  us  in  difficulty 
before  long.  (Hear,  hear.)  “Is  it  nothing,” 
this  gentleman  asks,  “  that  a  British  subject 
has  been  tarred  and  feathered ;  nothing  that 
free  men  of  color,  British  subjects,  are  impris¬ 
oned  ;  nothing  that  men  of  colonial  birth  are 
forced  to  sea  in  an  open  boat ;  others  held  as 
prisoners,  and  that  Englishmen  should  be  com¬ 
pelled  to  fight  in  Pro-Slavery  ranks?  At  this 
moment  thero  is  an  advertisement  in  the  news¬ 
papers  of  the  Slave  States,  offering,  on  the  part 
of  the  Confederate  States,  $20  for  every  person 
killed  aboard  an  American  vessel.  What  a 
set  of  savages  they  must  be!  Who  would 
care  for  going  to  war  with  such  a  peo- 
ple?  Do  you  suppose  the  people  of  Canada 
will  submit  to  have  their  fellow-subjects  drag- 
ged  away,  and  compelled  to  fight  for  Slavery? 
They  will  stand  no  nonsense,  and  after  a  time 
your  very,  neutrality  will  lead  you  into  war. 
The.  question  which  I  have  been  requested  to 
ask  is,  whether  it  is  not  intended  immediately 
to  increase  the  British  squadron  on  the  South- 
ei  n  coast,  and  to  have  every  vessel  examined, 
60  that  Englishmen,  Irishmen,  and  subjects  of 
oui  colonial  empire,  who  may  be  serving  com¬ 
pulsorily  on  board  American  vessels,  shall  have 
an  opportunity  of  getting  away  in  case  they 
wish  to  do  so.  I  have  received  letters  from 
men  on  whom  I  can  depend,  and  they  all  state 
that  occurrences  such  as  I  have  adverted  to  have 
already  taken  place,  and  more  will  undoubtedly 
follow,  unless  England  adopts  a  more  decided 
tone.  We  have  no  right  to  sit  down  and 
occupy  ourselves  exclusively  in  quarrelling 
about  the.  paper  duties,  (laughter,)  while  our 
fellow-subjects  are  suffering  by  hundreds  and 
thousands  in  the  hands  of  these  savages. 

Mi .  L.  Osborne. — I  must,  at  this  early  stage, 
protest  against  the  language  made  use  of  and 
the  sentiments  expressed  by  my  honorable  friend 
the  member  for  Finsbury,  (hear,  hear,)  who  has 
altogether  prejudged  this  question.  He  talks 
of  leliable  information  which  he  has  received 
from  certain  friends  of  his ;  but  I  am  also  in 
possession  of  reliable  information  which  gives 
the  direct  lie  to  the  statements  made  by  the 
non.  gentleman.  (Laughter.)  I  am  not  only 
in  a  position  to  deny  that  any  of  those  out¬ 
rages  have  been,  committed  in  the  South¬ 
ern  States;  but,  if  this  were  the  proper  time, 

I  could  point  to  outrages  committed  by  the 
militia  of  FTeiv  York  in  one  of  the  Southern 
States  occupied  by  them,  where  the  general 
commanding,  on  the  pretext  that  one  of  his 
men  had  been  poisoned  by  strychnine,  issued 
an  order  of  the  day  threatening  to  put  a  slave 
into  every  man’s  house  to  incite  the  slaves  to 
muider  their  masters.  Such  was  the  general 
order  issued  by  Gen.  Butler.  Therefore,  don’t 
let  us  be  ed  away  by  old  wives’  tales  into  ap¬ 
peals  to  that  very  powerful  and  very  dangerous 
element  in  this  House — I  mean  the  Exeter  Hall 


DOCUMENTS. 


303 


feeling  (Hear,  hear.)  I  do  hope  the  feeling 
of  the"  House  will  be  strongly  expressed  against 
any  thing  like  a  debate  upon  this  subject  at  the 
present  moment,  (general  cries  of  “  Hear, 
hear ;  ”)  and  the  lion,  gentleman  will  not  be 
tempted  to  follow  my  lion,  friend,  but  will 
rather  imitate  the  judicious  silence  which  the 
noble  lord  has  always  maintained  on  this  point. 

(“  Hear,”  and  a  laugh.) 

Mr.  Bright.— I  think  nothing  could  be  more 
injudicious  or  more  unfortunate  than  to  read 
from  private  letters  accounts  of  particular  out¬ 
rages  said  to  be  committed  in  America.  VV  e 
know,  before  war  is  terminated,  there  or  any¬ 
where  else,  there  will  be  outrages  enough ;  but 
of  this  I  think  we  may  be  quite  assured,  that 
in  the  North  as  well  as  in  the  South,  and  in 
the  South  quite  as  much  as  in  the  North,  there 
will  be  the  greatest  possible  disposition  to 
avoid  any  thing  which  can  bring  about  a  quar¬ 
rel  with  this  country.  (Hear,  hear.)  Nothing 
could  be  more  unfortunate  for  the  South, 
nothing  could  be  more  unfortunate  for  the 
North,  whatever  quarrels  there  may  be  be¬ 
tween  the  two  sections  of  the  American  Re¬ 
public,  than  that  the  quarrel  should  extend  to 
this  country.  I  feel  confident  that  we  are  not 
more  anxious  to  remain  at  peace  with  both  the 
sections  than  they  are  to  continue  on  good 
terms  with  us.  In  the  policy  which  the  noble 
lord  lias  announced — that  ot  strict  neutrality— 

I  a  •Tree  as  cordially  as  any  other  member  of  this 
House;  and  I  think  it  would  be  well  if  that 
policy  were  not  confined  merely  to  the  Govern¬ 
ment,  but  if  individual  members  of  the  House 
were  as  far  as  possible  to  adopt  the  same  line 
of  action.  (Hear,  hear.)  It  is  an  unhappy 
thing  that  these  dissensions  should  have  arisen  , 
but  let  us  hope,  and  I  hope  still,  that  among  a 
population  more  extensively  educated,  proba¬ 
bly  than  the  population  of  any  other  country  in 
the  world,  it  may  yet  be  possible  to  surmount 
the  vast  difficulties  which  have  arisen  in  that 
country  without  those  extensive  cruelties 
which  always  accompany  a  civil  war.  with 
that  expression  of  opinion  I  wish  to  make  a  re- 
quost — and  the  House,  I  am  sure,  will  feel  that 
I  am  only  asking  what  is  reasonable  and  pru¬ 
dent — that  we  should  avoid,  as  much  as  possi¬ 
ble,  discussions  on  matters  which  I  believe  we 
cannot  influence  for  good,  (hear,  hear,)  but  with 
regard  to  which  we  may  create  a  state  of  feel- 
in^  either  in  the  North  or  South,  that  will  add 
to°tlie  difficulties  of  the  Government  in  preserv¬ 
ing  the  line  of  action  which  they  have  laid 
down,  (near,  hear.) 

Mr.  Gregory  said — I  really  must  warn  the 
House  not  to  be  led  away  by  stories  and  by 
letters  which  one  gentleman  has  received  from 
another  gentleman,  on  whom  he  places  the 
most  implicit  reliance,  but  who  very  probably 
knows  nothing  more  of  the  matter  than  the 
gentleman  who  reads  the  communication  with 
such  perfect  faith  in  the  accuracy  of  its  con¬ 
tents.  As  to  the  nonsensical  trash  ot 
being  offered  by  the  Confederate  States  for 


every  man  put  to  death  on  board  an  American 
ship,  the  House  knows  perfectly  well  that 
neither  letters,  newspapers,  nor  accredited  in¬ 
formation  of  any  kind  can  at  present  be  re¬ 
ceived  from  the  South,  but  is  stopped  on  the 
borders.  Any  thing  which  does  see  the  light 
is  cut  into  slips  and  published  in  the  New  Yoik 
papers.  Very  few  communications  ot  the  kind 
have  reached  this  country,  and  they  are  princi¬ 
pally  the  State  documents  which  have  been  put 
forward  by  the  South.  I  cannot  better  evi¬ 
dence  the  spirit  by  which  they  are  animated, 
than  by  referring  to  the  late  address  of  President 
Davis;  and  I  will  ask  the  House  whether  it 
breathes  a  single  one  of  those  bloodthirsty, 
wicked,  terrible  opinions,  (hear,  hear,)  which 
my  lion,  friend  is  anxious  to  impress  on  the 
House  as  being  the  doctrine  of  the  Southern 
States  I  beg  to  take  this  opportunity  of  say¬ 
ing  that  I  shall  certainly  bring  forward  my 
motion  on  the  subject  of  the  recognition  ot  the 
Southern  Confederacy  on  the  7th  of  June, 
when  I  trust  the  matter  will  be  fairly  discussed, 
and  in  the  mean  time  that  we  shall  not  throw 
imputations  on  one  party  or  the  other.  (LI ear, 

Mr.  Botjverie. — In  the  question  of  notification 
of  blockade,  to  which  reference  lias  been  made, 
a  matter  which  is  very  important  for  the  com¬ 
mercial  interests  of  the  country  is  involved. 
The  rule,  I  believe,  is  this :  Public  notification 
must  be  given  to  the  State  of  which  a  neutral 
who  seeks  to  violate  a  blockade  is  a  member, 
before  he  can  be  held  to  have  subjected  himself 
to  forfeiture  of  his  vessel  and  goods  ;  or  actual 
notice  must  have  been  given  to  the  neutral 
himself.  The  House  will  see  that  this  is  a  most 
important  question,  because  the  intent  to  sail 
to  a  blockaded  port,  as  to  which  a  neutral  mer¬ 
chant  has  received  a  notice  of  blockade,  is  con- 
sidcred  as  a  violation  ot  neutrality,  and  the  ship 
will  be  accordingly  condemned  in  the  prize 
court  of  the  capturing  Power.  He  wished  the 
noble  lord  would  state  distinctly  whether  or  not 
the  mercantile  interests  of  this  country  weie 
to  understand  that  a  public  notification  ot  block¬ 
ade  of  the  ports  to  which  he  had  referred  would 
be  o-iven;  or  that  merely  an  intimation  of  the 
blockade  to  neutral  ships  arriving  off  those 
ports  would  be  given  to  them  when  they  got 

thLord  John  Rttssell,  who  was  very  indistinctly 
heard  was  understood  to  say :  I  cannot  give 
any  further  information  to  my  right  honorable 
friend  with  regard  to  the  blockade ;  but  the 
papers  on  the  subject  will  shortly  be  laid  on  the 
table,  and  when  they  are  submitted,  the  House 
will  be  in  possession  of  the  exact,  state  ot  the 
case  But  my  right  honorable  friend  will  un¬ 
derstand  that,  whatever  the  form  of  notification 
of  the  blockade  may  be,  there  is  no  former  pre¬ 
cedent  that  applies  fully  to  the  present  pro¬ 
ceedings.  Mr.  Seward  has  not  given  a  general 
notification  of  a  blockade,  but  has  left  it  to  the 
naval  officers  commanding  on  each  station  to 
declare  the  several  ports  blockaded,  and  when 


304 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860—61. 


tliat  blockade  has  been  instituted  it  is  to  be 
considered  regular.  I  will  not  now  go  into 
questions  that  may  have  to  be  argued  and  de¬ 
cided  hereafter  in  the  Prize  Courts  with  regard 
to  the  regularity  of  the  blockade.  No  doubt 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  has  fully 
considered  existing  precedents  before  it  took 
the  course  it  has  done.  With  respect  to  the 
question  of  the  honorable  member  for  Finsbury, 
I  must  say  it  is  founded  on  rather  a  vague  state¬ 
ment.  The  particular  case  to  which  he  referred 
is  one  on  which  no  proceedings  can  be  taken. 
He  alluded  to  the  case  of  the  master  of  a  mer¬ 
chant  ship  who  was  tarred  and  feathered.  It 
occurred  some  months  ago,  and  some  weeks 
before  any  state  of  civil  war  existed,  when  the 
whole  country  was  at  peace.  I  am  not  sure 
there  was  not  then  some  intention  of  seceding ; 
but  no  secession  had  then  taken  place,  though 
there  were  rumors  of  it.  The  master  of  the 
merchant  ship  was,  in  fact,  ill-treated  by  a  mob  ; 
but  the  authorities  endeavored  to  arrest  the 
rioters,  and  our  consul  stated  that  the  authori¬ 
ties  had  done  every  thing  it  was  possible  to 
effect.  As  to  the  steps  Her  Majesty’s  Govern¬ 
ment  have  taken  in  consequence  of  the  block¬ 
ade,  orders  have  been  given  by  the  Admiralty 
to  send  out  some  ships  of  war  to  strengthen  the 
squadron  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Milne. 
With  regard  to  the  law  of  the  United  States 
and  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  as  to  persons 
serving  in  the  militia,  such  laws  vary  in  the 
different  States  of  Europe,  and  they  vary  also 
in  the  different  States  of  America.  No  doubt 
the  powers  of  these  laws  will  be  exercised  at 
the  discretion  of  the  several  Governments,  ac¬ 
cording  to  the  law  of  nations.  I  still  hope 
that  this  conflict  will  be  of  short  duration,  and 
while  a  great  and  free  State  like  America  is  ex¬ 
posed  to  all  the  evils  of  a  civil  war,  I  hope  no 
language  will  be  used  with  regard  to  it,  that 
will  tend  to  create  exasperation  either  on  one 
side  or  the  other. 

— New  York  Tribune ,  June  11. 


Doo.  208. 

LETTERS  OF  EDWARD  BATES 

TO  JOHN  MINOR  BOTTS. 

Washington  City,  April  29, 1861. 
Hon.  John  Minor  Botts ,  Richmond ,  Va. : — 
Dear  Sir  :  *  *  *  You  and  I,  Mr.  Botts,  know 
each  other’s  characters  very  well.  Heretofore 
yours  has  been  marked  by  bold,  frank,  and 
manly  traits,  which  won  for  you  many  friends 
and  admirers  all  over  the  country,  and  hence 
my  astonishment  on  receiving  from  you  such  a 
note  with  such  an  enclosure.  I  do  not  impute 
the  blame  to  you,  for  I  cannot  avoid  the  con¬ 
clusion  that  you  are  acting  under  duress — that 
you  have  become  the  victim  of  a  set  of  despe¬ 
radoes,  who,  having  wantonly  plunged  into  the 
guilt  of  treason  and  the  danger  of  ruin,  would 
gladly  sacrifice  you  and  me,  and  ten  thousand 
such  men,  if  thereby  they  can  make  a  way  of 


escape  for  themselves  from  the  least  of  the 
dangers  which  they  have  so  wickedly  incurred. 

Here  at  Washington,  perhaps,  we  know  a 
little  more  about  the  machinations  of  the  con¬ 
spirators  at  Richmond  than  they  are  aware  of. 
But  besides  that,  the  documents  (your  note  to 
Colonel  Russell,  your  note  to  me,  and  the 
printed  slip)  bear  internal  evidence  of  a  con¬ 
certed  plan,  a  scheme  invented  (not  by  the 
bold  and  patriotic  Botts,  but)  by  those  same 
conspirators,  who,  failing  to  intimidate  the 
Government  by  bullying  violence,  have  changed 
I  their  tactics,  and  still  hope  to  win  the  victory 
j  and  destroy  the  nation  by  a  less  hazardous  but 
j  more  cunning  process. 

1.  Your  note  to  Colonel  Russell  (which  he 
showed  me)  imports  that  you  are  safe  and 
comfortable  at  Richmond,  while  we  have  mel¬ 
ancholy  testimony  that  such  men  as  you  are 
neither  safe  nor  comfortable  there. 

2.  Your  note  to  me  of  April  23d  (covering 
the  printed  letter,  but  not  mentioning  it)  con¬ 
tains  several  phrases  which  I  am  persuaded 
you  would  not  have  used  if  left  to  your  own 
free  action.  The  note  begins  by  stating  its 
main  object  thus — “  I  write  hurriedly  to  say 
that  I  have  consented  to  the  publication  of  my 
letter  to  you,  with  the  hope,  &c.”  Which  let¬ 
ter  to  me?  I  have  received  several  letters 
from  you,  but  none  of  the  19th  of  April. 
“  Consented  to  the  publication  ” — at  whose  in¬ 
stance  ?  The  phrase  and  the  context  invite  the 
inference  that  the  publication  was  made  at  my 
instance  and  that  inference  was,  I  believe, 
generally  drawn  in  this  city,  and  will  probably 
be  drawn  all  over  the  country ;  whereas,  you 
do  know  that  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  pub¬ 
lication. 

The  note  concludes  with  this  very  suggestive 
line  : — “  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  speak  of  what 
is  going  on  here.”  I  can  easily  comprehend 
that  humiliating  fact ;  and  I  do  painfully  sym¬ 
pathize  with  you  and  with  all  good  and  faithful 
men  in  my  native  State,  when  I  behold  the 
capital  of  the  once  free  and  proud  Virginia 
subjected  to  the  tyranny  of  a  lawless  mob. 

3.  The  printed  letter.  Alas!  that  1  should 
live  to  see  such  a  letter  under  the  hand  of  the 
gallant  and  gifted  John  M.  Botts !  I  shall  not 
go  into  any  minute  criticism  of  the  letter— to 
show  how  it  contradicts  all  the  main  facts  in 
your  high  and  honorable  political  history,  and 
countermarched  the  whole  line  of  your  active 
and  useful  career,  onward  and  upward  for  the 
last  thirty  years.  My  personal  regard  and  my 
great  respect  for  your  character  forbid  me  to 
do  that.  But  I  cannot  forbear  to  say  that  the 
whole  scope  and  tendency  of  the  letter,  if  not 
its  design,  is  an  argument  in  favor  of  dissolv¬ 
ing  the  Union,  and  blotting  from  the  map  of 
the  world  the  nation  of  the  United  States.  It 
is  a  silent  approval,  by  failing  to  condemn,  of 
the  violent  and  revolutionary  proceedings  of 
the  people  of  the  Southern  States,  in  several  of 
them  before  the  idle  form  of  secession  was  gone 
through  with,  in  plundering  the  money  and 


documents. 


305 


arms,  and  other  property  of  the  United  States ; 
in  seizing  upon  our  ungarrisoned  forts ;  in 
making  open  war  upon  such  as  refused  to  sur¬ 
render0;  in  firing  upon,  and  in  some  instances 
actually  degrading,  the  flag  of  our  country  ; 
and  in  schemes  and  projects  boastfully  an¬ 
nounced  in  the  public  press,  and  partially  acted 
out  in  military  preparations,  to  seize  this  capi¬ 
tal  by  violence,  and  break  up  the  Government. 

Your  letter  does  not  in  terms  assert,  but  by 
necessary  implication  assumes,  that  this  Admin¬ 
istration  can,  if  it  will,  restore  the  peace  ot  the 
country,  by  the  cheap  and  easy  experiment  o. 
issuing  a  proclamation  “  proposing  a  truce  ot 
hostilities  and  the  immediate  assembling  of  a 
national  convention!”  It  seems  to  me,  my 
dear  sir,  that  there  are  some  serious  objections 
to  this  cheap  plan  of  peace;  and  first,  the 
President  has  no  power  to  call  a  national  con¬ 
vention.  Second,  if  he  did  call  it,  there  is  not 
the  remotest  probability  that  the.  insurgent 
States  would  obey  the  call.  Third,  if  they  did 
obey  it,  there  is  little  hope  that  they  would 
agree  to  come  in  equal  terms  with  the  other 
States,  by  recanting  their  recent  assumptions 
of  separate  and  absolute  sovereignty,  and  by 
restoring  all  that  they  have  taken  by  violence 
from  the  United  States.  In  short,  after  al 
that  is  past,  it  seems  to  me  that  there  are.  but 
two  alternatives  left  to  this  Administration  : 
first,  to  submit  implicitly  to  all  the  claims  of 
the  insurgent  States,  and  quietly  consent  to  a 
dismemberment  of  the  nation ;  or  second,  to 
do  its  best  to  restore  peace,  law,  and  order,,  by 
supporting  u  the  Constitution  and  the  Union, 
and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws.”  Let  the  na¬ 
tion  judae  which  horn  of  the  dilemma  the  Ad¬ 
ministration  ought  to  take,  in  view  of  all  its 
obligations  in  regard  to  the  permanent  interests 
of  the  country,  and  to  its  own  patriotism  and 

constitutional  duty.  #  ... 

I  am  amazed  at  the  course  of  things  in  V  lrginia. 
Your  convention  was  not  called  to  dissolve. the 
Union,  nor  trusted  with  the  power  of  secession. 
By  the  act  of  its  creation  that  sovereign  pow¬ 
er  was  reserved  to  the  people  of  Virginia.  T  et 
as  soon  as  the  convention  had  secretly .  acted 
upon  the  subject,  without  any  promulgation  of 
the  ordinance,  and  while  the  people  were  yet 
ignorant  of  its  existence,  the  executive  officers 
o°f  Virginia  rushed,  incontinently,  into  open 
war  against  the  United  States.  They  endeav¬ 
ored  to  obstruct  the  harbor  of  Norfolk,  in  or¬ 
der  to  secure  the  plunder  of  tho  Navy  Yard  at 
Gosport,  and  sent  a  military  power  to  complete 
the  work  of  its  spoliation.  The  enterprise 
failed  indeed  to  clutch  the  spoil,  but  it  caused 
the  destruction  of  millions  of  dollars’  Avorth  of 
public  property.  The  same  thing  was,  sub¬ 
stantially,  done  at  Harper’s  Ferry.  Virginia 
troops  were  marched  upon  the  place  to  seize 
the  arsenal.  They  did  not  get  possession,  as 
John  Brown  did,  only  because,  the  vigilant  lit¬ 
tle  garrison,  knowing  its  inability  to  resist  such 
superior  numbers,  destroyed  the  property  and 
made  good  its  retreat.  They  menaced  this 


capital  by  open  threats  of  military  force,  by  ob¬ 
structing  the  roads  leading  to  it,  and  by  active 
endeavors  to  command  the  navigation  ot  the 
Potomac.  And  all  this  was  done  while  the 
State,  according  to  the  letter  of  its  own  law, 
remained  a  member  of  the  Union.  Think  you, 
my  dear  sir,  that  men  who  do  these  things  in 
open  day,  and  in  contempt  of  the  rights  and 
powers  of  the  people  of  Virginia,  have  such  a 
reverence  for  “reason,  order,  law,  liberty,  mo¬ 
rality,  and  religion,”  as  to  give  much  heed  to 
the  President’s  “  proclamation  proposing  a 
truce  ?  ”  I  lack  the  faith  to  believe  it. . 

In  conclusion,  I  assure  you  in  all  sincerity 
that  I  do  deeply  sympathize  in  your  present 
distress.  I  love  the  people  of  my  native  State, 
and  mourn  over  the  guilt  and  wretchedness 
into  which  they  thoughtlessly  allow  themselves 
to  be  plunged  by  their  reckless  misleaders. 

With  long  cherished  respect  and  regard, 

1  remain  your  obedient  servant, 
Edwabd  Bates. 

SECOND  LETTEE. 

Washington,  May  5, 1801. 

Eon.  John  M.  Botts ,  Richmond ,  Va.  : 

My  Deak  Sie  : — In  answer  to  your  letter  or 
May  2d  I  have  not  and  ought  not  to  have  much 
to  say.  This  much,  however,  both  my  inclina¬ 
tion  and  my  duty  require  me  to  say,  my  person¬ 
al  respect  for  you  remains  undiminished.  My 
friendly  feelings  toward  you  are  not  only  not 
diminished,  but  are  made  more  deep  and  ten¬ 
der  by  the  distressing  circumstances  which 
surround  you.  And  these  facts  make  me  re¬ 
gret  very  much  that  1  should  have  been  com¬ 
pelled  by  circumstances  to  write  you  such  a 
letter  as  to  inflict  any  pain  or  mortification, 
and  especially  to  the  degree  indicated  by  your 
answer,  and  explained  more  at  laige  by  tho 
friend  avIio  bore  it.  I  disclaim  all  intention  to 
wound  your  feelings,  or  to  offer  you  the  slight¬ 
est  indignity,  and  if  there  be.  any  thing  in  my 
letter  from  which  an  intention  to  insult  you 
can  possibly  bo  inferred,  I  retract  it. 

This  much  I  say  witli  the  intention  and  hope 
of  preventing  any  breach,  or  even  lveakening, 
of  the  personal  relations  between  us.  Let  us 

bo  friends  still.  .  . 

But  it  seems  now  that  we  differ  so.  widely  in 
opinion  upon  matters  of  fact  that  it.  is  impossi¬ 
ble  for  us  to  reason  upon  the  same  line  of  argu¬ 
ment.  You  think  that  the  Union  is  already 
dissolved — the  nation  already  destroyed.  On 
the  contrary,  I  believe  no  such  thing.  Yon 
believe  that  a  peaceful  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
in  the  manner  and  by  the  means  already  em- 
ployed,  is  possible.  I  believe  it  impossible.  I 
believe  that  the  insane  effort  at  national  de¬ 
struction  persisted  in,  will  involve  a  war  more 
terrible  than  any  the  world  has  witnessed  since 
the  thirty  years'  war  in  Germany.  You  think 
that  a  great  nation  like  this  can  consent  to  die, 
and  may  hope  to  die  an  easy  death.  I  think 
that  nations,  like  individuals,  are  under  God  s 
great  law  of  self-defence,  and  when  pressed 


306 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


down  by  superior  force  will  die  in  convulsive 
agonies.  You  seem  to  think  that  Virginia  can 
go  out  of  the  Union,  and  still  preserve  her  in¬ 
tegral  Statehood.  I  think  that  when  she  dis¬ 
members  the  nation  she  will  herself  bo  dis¬ 
membered.  But  I  will  not  continue  the  con¬ 
trast.  My  heart  is  sorrowful  when  I  contem¬ 
plate  the  present  degradation  of  Virginia. 

How  are  the  mighty  fallen  ?  ”  With  the  loss 
of  her  power  she  has  lost  all  prestige  also,  and 
can  no  longer  lead  the  people  and  direct  the 
counsels  of  other  States.  She  remembers  her 
patriots  and  sages  of  former  times  only  to  boast 
of  them — not  to  imitate  their  talents  and  vir¬ 
tues — but  (by  implicit  faith)  to  impute  to  the 
present  generation  the  posthumous  reputation 
of  the  glorious  dead.  Formerly  she  proudly 
marched  in  the  van  of  all  the  States ;  now  she 
creeps  in  the  rear  of  South  Carolina,  and  con¬ 
sents  to  be  detailed  as  a  picket  guard,  to  man 
an  outpost  of  the  “  Cotton  States.”  Poor  old 
Virginia!  In  my  heart  I  pity  her.  Already 
they  boast  in  the  South  that  they  have  trans¬ 
ferred  the  seat  of  war  from  their  homes  to 
yours.  And  soon  their  devouring  legions  will 
be  upon  you  to  eat  up  your  substance  and  do 
your  voting  at  the  disunion  election.  Now 
mark  my  prophecy.  Unless  Virginia  by  a 
rapid  revolution  redeems  herself  from  the  gulf 
that  lies  open  just  before  her,  she  will  be  de- 
raded,  impoverished,  and  dismembered.  For 
er  I  hope  almost  against  hope. 

And  for  you,  I  remain,  as  heretofore, 

Your  friend, 
Edward  Bates. 

—  Wheeling  (  Va.)  In  telligencer ,  May  28. 


Doc.  209. 

NEW  YORK  AND  GEORGIA. 

INTERESTING  CORRESPONDENCE. 

New  York,  May  13, 1861. 

To  Eis  Excellency ,  E.  D.  Morgan ,  Governor  of 
the  State  of  New  YorTc: 

Sir: — By  proclamation  dated  26th  day  of 
April  last,  Joseph  E.  Brown,  Governor  of  the 
State  of  Georgia,  sets  forth  and  declares  that 
property  of  the  citizens  of  Georgia,  -whenever 
found  within  the  limits  of  the  anti-slavery 
States,  in  which  the  said  Governor  includes  the 
State  of  New'  York,  is  seized,  and  forcibly  taken 
from  its  owners. 

And  Gov.  Browm  further  forbids  and  refuses 
to  allow  the  citizens  of  Georgia  to  pay  their 
indebtedness  of  wdiatever  kinds  or  nature,  to 
any  citizens  of  this  State,  but  invites  them  to 
pay  the  same  into  the  Treasury  of  the  State  of 
Georgia,  in  any  funds  bankable  in  Augusta  or 
Savannah,  and  to  receive  therefor  a  certificate 
of  sums  so  deposited. 

Wo  now,  as  officers  of  banks  in  the  City  of 
New  York,  doing  business  with  banks,  bankers, 
and  merchants  of  Georgia  and  other  States, 
known  as  the  Confederate  States  of  America, 
now  in  revolt  against  tho  Government  of  the 


United  States,  deem  it  proper  to  apprise  your 
Excellency  that  we  do  distinctly  deny  the  truth 
of  the  statements  so  made  by  the  said  Gov¬ 
ernor  of  the  State  of  Georgia. 

The  Banks  of  this  City  have  paid,  and  con¬ 
tinue  to  pay,  in  every  case,  all  drafts  against 
funds  deposited,  whether  by  Southern,  West¬ 
ern,  or  Northern  banks,  bankers,  or  other  deal¬ 
ers,  and  any  statement  or  allegation  to  the  con¬ 
trary  is  wholly  unfounded. 

Jno.  A.  Stevens, 

President  of  B-.rnk  of  Commerce,  New  York. 

Geo.  S.  Coe, 

President  of  the  American  Exchange  Bank. 

Jas.  Gallatin, 

President  of  National  Bank. 

Jno.  J.  Crane, 

President  of  Bank  of  Republic. 

G.  D.  Angelis, 

Cashier  of  Mechanics’  Bank,  New  York. 

Jas.  M.  Morrison, 

President  of  Manhattan  Bank. 

J.  E.  Williams, 

President  of  Metropolitan  Bank. 

REPLY  OF  GOVERNOR  MORGAN. 

State  of  New  York,  Executive  Department,  ) 
Albany,  May  18, 1861.  J 

Gentlemen  :  I  have  received  your  commu¬ 
nication  of  the  18th  inst.,  formally  denying  tho 
truth  of  the  statements  made  by  Gov.  Brown, 
of  Georgia,  in  his  proclamation  of  the  26th  ult. 

You  affirm  that  “tho  banks  of  the  City  of 
New  York  have  paid,  and  continue  to  pay,  in 
every  case,  all  drafts  against  funds  deposited, 
whether  by  Southern,  Western,  or  Northern 
banks,  bankers,  and  dealers,  and  that  any  state¬ 
ment  or  allegation  to  the  contrary  is  wholly  un¬ 
founded.”  This  course  I  believe  to  bo  emphati¬ 
cally  in  consonance  with  the  sentiment  of  tho 
commercial  and  business  classes  throughout  this 
State. 

The  sterling  uprightness  of  the  bankers  of 
the  City  of  New  York  is  w'idely  knowTn.  Their 
sensitiveness  is,  therefore,  natural  under  tho 
circumstances,  and  it  is  but  proper  that  they 
should  meet,  with  a  prompt  and  broad  denial, 
the  loose  and  ill-founded  assertions  of  his  Excel¬ 
lency,  the  Governor  of  Georgia,  so  far  as  they 
affect  them. 

Tho  position  taken  by  you,  that  business 
obligations  must  be  respected  as  well  now  as  in 
ordinary  times,  should  command  the  respect  of 
rebel  as  well  as  of  loyal  States.  Rebellion 
affords  neither  at  the  North  nor  South  an  excuso 
for  repudiation  by  individuals  or  corporations ; 
and  when  the  excitements  which  now  disturb 
the  country  shall  have  been  allayed,  no  one 
will  have  the  courage  to  plead  it  as  a  reason  for 
disregarding  his  obligations. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

E.  D.  Morgan. 

To  John  A.  Stevens,  Esq.,  President  Bank  of 
Commerce,  George  S.  Coe,  President  of  tho 
American  Exchange  Bank,  and  others. 

— N.  Y.  Times,  May  28. 


documents. 


307 


Doc.  210. 

TIIE  GARIBALDI  GUARD. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers : 

Staff. — Fred.  George  D’Utassy,  Colonel; 
Alexander  Repetti,  Lieut.-Colouel ;  George  E. 
Waring,  Major  in  the  Field;  L.  W.  Imelli, 
Major  Commanding  Depot;  John  M.  bickel, 
Adjutant;  James  C.  Rice,  Lieut,  adjutant; 
Adolf  Major,  M.  D.,  Surgeon. 

Non-Commissioned  Staff. — Chas.  L.  Norton, 
Paymaster;  W.  P.  Molo,  Commissary;  E.  D. 
Lazell,  Quartermaster ;  Standard  Bearers,  John 
Lindner,  Chas.  Schwickardy,  T.  Huffman;  Ser¬ 
geants,  A.  P.  Zyla,  A.  E.  D.  Hughes.  Company 
A  Captain,  C.  Osnaghi ;  Lieutenant,  Antonio 
del  Molin  ;  Ensign,  - —  Alegretti.  Company 

B,  Captain,  J.  Schmidt;  Lieutenant,  G.  Cea- 
tain ;  Ensign,  A.  Miller.  Company  C,  Captain, 

C.  Schwartz;  Lieutenant,  A.  Vakey;  Ensign, 
Joseph  Aigner.  Company  D,  Captain,  J. .  Lor- 
rens;  Lieutenant,  J.  Romero;  Ensign,  C.  A. 
de  la  Messe.  Company  E,  Captain,  John  hi. 
Siegl ;  Lieutenant,  W.  Iiobitseck ;  Ensign,  Fritz 
Bauer.  Company  F,  Captain,  Chas.  Wiegand ; 
Lieutenant,  C.  Schondorf;  Ensign,  E.  Hollinde. 
Company  G,  Captain,  F.  Takats;  Lieutenant, 
J.  Junger;  Ensign,  N.  Tenner.  Company  11, 
Captain,  O.  Bernstein;  Lieutenant,  B.  Baer; 
Ensign,  T.  Kaufman.  Company  I,  Captain, 
- Umverth ;  Lieutenant,  J.  C.  Rice;  En¬ 
sign,  Geo.  Bray.  Company  K,  Captain,  L.  Las- 
sillier ;  Lieutenant,  Y.  Channoni;  Ensign,  Ant. 
Dunrazer. 

The  regiment  contains  830  men  and  officers, 
of  whom°205  are  married.  The  nationalities 
are:  one  company  French,  one  Italian,  three 
Hungarian,  three  German,  one  Swiss,  and  one 
Spanish.  — N.  Y.  Tribune,  May  29. 


Doc.  211. 


MEETING  OF  THE  BAPTISTS, 


AT  BROOKLYN,  N.  Y.,  MAY  29,  1861. 

A.  B.  Capwell,  Esq.,  presided,  and  the  fol¬ 
lowing  officers  were  appointed : 

Vice-Presidents— Hon.  George  N.  Briggs, 
Rev.  G.  S.  Webb,  D.  D.,  Thomas  Watson,  Esq., 

A.  Hubbell,  Esq.  _  _ 

Secretaries — Rev.  W.  H.  Shailer,  D.  D.,  Rev. 
•J.  B.  Simmons. 

Rev.  George  C.  Baldwin,  D.  D.,  opened  the 
proceedings  with  prayer,  after  which 

The  Committee,  appointed  at  a  preliminary 
meeting— Rev.  Dr.  Wm.  R.  Williams,  N.  Y.; 
Rev.  Dr.  Rufus  Babcock,  N.  J. ;  Rev.  Dr.  E.  E. 
Cummings,  New  Hampshire ;  Rev.  Dr.  S.  Baker ; 
Rev.  J.  H.  Smith,  of  Penn.;  Rev.  Dr.  W.  II. 
Shailer,  Me.;  Rev.  Dr.  S.  B.  Swain,  Mass., — 
presented,  through  the  Chairman,  Rev.  Dr. 
Williams,  the  following  report : 

The  Assembly  of  Baptists  gathered  from  the 
various  Northern  States  of  the  Union  would,  in 
the  present  solemn  crisis  of  our  National  his¬ 
tory,  put  on  record  some  expression  of  their 


judgment  as  Christians,  loving  their  country, 
and  seeking,  in  the  fear  and  from  the  grace  of 
God,  its  best  interests.  We  are  threatened  to 
be  rent  as  a  people  into  two  hostile  camps; 
several  States  of  the  Union  have  claimed  to  re¬ 
lease  themselves  by  their  own  act,  from  the 
National  Constitution  and  Union,  having  formed 
what  they  designate  as  a  Confederacy.  They 
have  seized  the  National  forts,  armaments,  and 
ships.  Such  proceedings  on  the  part  of  a 
neighboring  community  would  be  held  actual 
war.  Yet  there  has  been  no  precedent  such  as 
in  modern  contests  inaugurates  ordinary  hostil¬ 
ities.  They  have  bombarded  a  National  gar¬ 
rison.  The  General  Government  at  Washington 
have  refused  to  recognize  the  right  of  secession, 
and  have  proclaimed  alike  their  own  right  and 
their  own  purpose  to  occupy  the  national  prop¬ 
erty  and  defences  now  usurped.  One  of  the 
foremost  statesmen  in  the  new  movement,  and 
himself  the  Executive  officer  of  the  new  as¬ 
sumed  Confederacy,  had  declared  African  sla¬ 
very  the  immediate  cause  of  the  revolution  thus 
attempted.  He  has  alleged  that  the  old  -and, 
as  the  North  deems  it,  the  only  existing  Con¬ 
stitution — regarded  such  slavery  as  wrong  in 
principle,  and  that  the  founders  of  this  Con¬ 
stitution  expected  the  bondage,  in  some  way, 
and  at  some  time,  to  vanish.  He  declares  ot 
the  new  Confederate  States  that  they  assume, 
as  their  basis,  the  fundamental  erroneousness 
of  such  original  estimate  and  expectation  on  the 
part  of  the  fathers  of  our  land.  Accepting  not 
only  the  propriety,  but  the  perpetuity  ot  such 
servitude,  he  places  the  new  government  on  the 
alleged  inferiority  of  the  negro  race,  as  its  cor¬ 
ner  stone.  He  claims  for  the  new  Confederacy 
that  it  is  the  first  government  in  all  history 
thus  inaugurated  on  this  new  truth,  as  he 
would  call  it.  He  invites  the  North-Western 
States  to  enter  the  Confederacy.  But  he  an¬ 
ticipated  the  disintegration  of  the  older  States, 
and  he  declares,  that  in  case  of  these  last,  ad- 
mission,  to  tlic  new  Confederacy  must  not  be 
merely  by  reconstruction,  but  reorganization 
and  assimilation.  In  other  words,  African  bond¬ 
age  seems  required  as  the  mortar  that  is  to  ag¬ 
glutinate,  and  the  rock  that  is  to  sustain  the 
recombined  and  rebuilt  sovereignty  that  shall 
include  even  these  last.  Men  high  in  position 
in  the  new  organization  of  the  South,  have  pro¬ 
claimed  the  intent  of  seizing  the  National  Capi¬ 
tol,  and  planting  their  flag  on  the  seats  of 
Northern  State  Government.  The  President 
of  the  United  States  has  summoned  a  large,  for¬ 
midable  force  to  the  metropolis  of  the  Union, 
rallying  to  the  defence  of  the  General  Govern¬ 
ment.  Remembering  their  own  character,  as 
the  servants  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  this  as¬ 
sembly  would  speak  fraternally,  not  heedlessly, 
exasperating  strife,  but  also  with  a  frankness 
and  decision,  as  not  endorsing  injustice.  The 
Church  is  a  kingdom  not  of  the  world.  But 
the  men  of  the  Church  are  not  the  less  bound 
to  recognize  and  loyally  to  uphold  all  rightful 
secular  government.  The  powers  that  be  are 


308 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


ordained  of  God,  and  the  magistracy  is  by 
His  will  to  bear  the  sword  not  in  vain.  Christ, 
in  Ilis  Messiahsliip,  would  not  be  made  a  judge 
or  a  divider  as  to  the  statutes  and  estates  of 
this  earth ;  but  He  did  not,  therefore,  abrogate 
the  tribunals  of  earthly  judgment.  To  Cajsar 
lie  bade  us  render  Caesar’s  dues.  He  cherished 
and  exemplified  patriotism  when  answering  to 
the  appeal  made  to  Him  in  the  behalf  of  that 
Gentile  ruler  as  far  as  one  who  loved  “our” 
Jewish  nation.  Ho  showed  it  when  weeping, 
as  He  predicted  the  coming  woes  of  Ilis  own 
people,  and  of  their  chief  city.  The  Gospel  of 
Christ,  then,  sanctions  and  consecrates  true  pa¬ 
triotism.  Shall  the  Christians  of  the  North  ac¬ 
cept  the  revolution  thus  to  be  precipitated  upon 
them  as  warranted  and  necessary  ?  or  shall  they 
acquiesce  in  it  as  inevitably  dismissing  the 
question  of  its  origin  in  the  irrevocable  past? 
Shall  they  wait  hopefully  the  verdict  of  the  na¬ 
tions  and  the  sentence  of  Providence  upon  the 
new  basis  of  this  extemporized  Confederacy? 
Meanwhile  shall  they  submit  passively  to  the 
predicted  disintegration  of  their  own  North, 
pondering  wistfully  upon  the  possibilities  of 
their  own  reorganization  to  qualify  them  for 
admission  on  the  novel  platform,  and  for  their 
initiation  into  the  new  principles  of  this  most 
summary  revolution?  The  memories  of  the 
past  and  the  hopes  of  the  future;  history  and 
scripture;  the  fear  of  God,  and  regard  to  the 
well-being  of  man ;  the  best  interest  of  their 
own  estranged  brethren  at  the  South,  and  their 
own  rights  and  duties,  not  to  themselves  and 
their  children  only,  but  as  the  stewards  of  con¬ 
stitutional  liberty  in  behalf  of  all  other  nations, 
encouraged  by  our  success,  as  such  remotest 
nations  are  baffled  and  misled,  as  by  our  failure 
such  nations  would  necessarily  be — all  con¬ 
siderations  unite  in  shutting  up  the  Christians 
of  the  North  to  one  course.  The  following 
resolutions  present  correspondingly  what,  in 
our  judgment,  is  the  due  course  of  our  churches 
and  people : 

Resolved ,  That  the  doctrine  of  secession  is 
foreign  to  our  constitution,  revolutionary,  suici¬ 
dal — setting  out  in  anarchy,  and  finding  its 
ultimate  issue  in  despotism. 

Resolved ,  That  the  National  Government  de¬ 
serves  our  loyal  adhesion  and  unstinted  support, 
in  its  wise  forbearing,  and  yet  firm  maintenance 
of  the  national  unity  and  life;  and  that  sore, 
long,  and  costly  as  the  war  may  be,  the  North 
has  not  sought  it,  and  the  North  does  not  shun 
it,  if  Southern  aggressions  press  it ;  and  that  a 
surrender  of  the  National  Union,  and  our  an¬ 
cestral  principles,  would  involve  sorer  evils,  and 
longer  continuance,  and  vaster  costliness. 

Resolved ,  That  the  wondrous  uprising,  in 
strongest  harmony  and  largest  self-sacrifice,  of 
the  whole  North,  to  assert  and  vindicate  the 
national  unity,  is  the  cause  of  grateful  amaze¬ 
ment  and  devoutest  acknowledgment  to  the 
God  who  sways  all  hearts  and  orders  all  events; 
and  that  this  resurgent  patriotism,  wisely  cher¬ 
ished  and  directed,  may,  in  God’s  blessed  disci¬ 


pline,  correct  evils  that  seemed  growing  chronic 
and  irremediable  in  the  national  character. 

Resolved ,  That  fearful  as  is  the  scourge  of 
war,  even  in  the  justest  cause,  we  need  as  a 
nation  to  humble  ourselves  before  God  for  the 
vain  glory,  self-confidence,  greed,  venality,  and 
corruption  of  manners,  too  manifest  in  our 
land ;  that  in  its  waste  of  property  and  life,  its 
invasion  of  the  Sabbath,  its  demoralization  and 
its  barbarism,  wo  see  the  evils  to  which  it 
strongly  tends;  but  that  waged  in  a  good  cause, 
and  in  the  fear  of  God,  it  may  be  to  a  people, 
as  it  often  in  past  times  has  been,  a  stern  but 
salutary  lesson  for  enduring  good.  In  this 
struggle,  the  churches  of  the  North  should,  by 
prayer  for  them,  the  distribution  of  Scripture 
and  tract,  and  the  encouragement  of  devout 
chaplains,  seek  the  religious  culture  of  their 
brave  soldiers  and  mariners. 

Resolved ,  That  the  North  seek  not,  in  any 
sense,  the  subjugation  of  the  South,  or  the  hor¬ 
rors  of  a  servile  war,  or  the  devastation  of  their 
homes  by  reckless  and  embruted  mercenaries; 
but  believe  most  firmly  the  rejection,  were  it 
feasible,  of  the  Constitution  and  Union,  would 
annihilate  the  best  safeguard  of  Southern 
peace. 

Resolved ,  That  the  churches  of  our  denomi¬ 
nation  be  urged  to  set  apart  the  last  Friday  in 
June  as  a  day  of  solemn  humiliation  and  prayer 
for  the  interposition  of  God’s  gracious  care  to 
hinder  or  to  limit  the  conflict,  to  stay  the  wrath 
and  to  sanctify  the  trial ;  and  that  one  hour 
also  in  the  Friday  evening  of  each  week  be  ob¬ 
served  as  a  season  of  intercession,  privately, 
for  our  country  during  this  period  of  her  gloom 
and  peril. 

Resolved ,  That,  brought  nearer  as  eternity 
and  judgment  are  in  such  times  of  sharp  trial 
and  sudden  change,  it  is  the  duty  of  all  to  re¬ 
deem  the  fleeting  hour;  the  duty  of  all  Christ’s 
people  to  see  that  the  walls  of  Zion  be  built  in 
troublous  times,  and  to  hope  only  and  ever  in 
that  wonder-working  God,  who  made  British 
missions  to  India  and  the  South  Seas  to  grow 
amid  the  Napoleon  wars,  who  trained,  in  Se- 
rainpore  Missions,  Havelock,  the  Christian  war¬ 
rior,  as  two  centuries  before  He  had  prepared, 
in  the  wars  of  the  Commonwealth,  the  warrior 
Baxter,  who  wrote,  as  army  chaplain,  the 
Saint’s  Everlasting  Best,  and  the  Bunyan  who 
described  for  all  after  time,  the  Pilgrim’s  Pro¬ 
gress  and  the  Holy  War. 

Resolved ,  That  what  was  bought  at  Bunker 
Hill,  Valley  Forge,  and  Yorktown,  was  not. 
with  our  consent,  sold  at  Montgomery ;  that  we 
dispute  the  legality  of  the  bargain,  and,  in  the 
strength  of  the  Lord  God  of  our  fathers,  shall 
hope  to  contest,  through  this  generation  if  need 
be,  the  feasibility  of  the  transfer. 

William  R.  Williams,  N.  Y. 

Rufus  Babcock,  Jr.,  N.  J. 

E.  E.  Cummings,  N.  H. 

J.  Hyatt  Smith,  Pa. 

Samuel  Baker,  N.  Y. 

S.  B.  Swain,  Mass. 


DOCUMENTS. 


309 


Rev.  Dr.  ‘Welch  supposed  it  was  intended  to 
adopt  the  report  without  debate.  He  would, 
however,  ask  the  privilege  of  speaking  a  few 
words  on  the  question  before  the  meeting. 
With  all  his  heart  he  subscribed  to  the  senti¬ 
ment  expressed  in  the  preamble  and  resolu* 
tions:  but  under  the  present  trying,  solemn 
circumstances  of  the  country,  they  were  too 
tame,  far  too  weak  in  their  expression,  I  here 
was  truth  that  could  not  be  gainsayed,  and 
that  history  would  present  beyond  the  leach 
of  controversy.  It  was  true  that  a  great  nation 
had  been  arrested  in  a  career  of  peace  and  pios- 
nerity.  It  was  true  that  their  nation  had  been 
ruthlessly  pulled  down  from  its  proud  eminence, 
and  humbled  before  the  world  The  bannei 
of  their  glorious  Union,  which  led  their  fore¬ 
fathers  on  to  victory,  was  riddled  with  shot, 
and  the  destruction  of  their  Republic  threat- 
ened  He  descended  himself  from  a  race  ot 
sailors  and  soldiers,  and  although  liis  profession 
difiered  from  theirs— he  being  a  minister  ot  the 
Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ— he  inherited  their  patri¬ 
otic  devotion  to  the  flag  of  their  country.  His 
paternal  grandfather  was  with  Paul  Jones  in 
his  adventures  in  the  frigate  Alliance.  I 
thought  the  resolutions  did  not  come  up  to  the 
expression  which  they  should,  as  a  Ghuic  , 
publish  to  the  world  in  the  present  state  of  the 
country,  and  he  could  not  submit  to  the  adop¬ 
tion  of  the  short  beautiful  rhetoric  in  terms  ot 
appeal,  which  had  been  read  as  representing 
fully  the  views  of  the  Denomination,  they 
had  appealed  to  the  honor  and  magnanimity  ot 
the  South.  The  South  did  not  know  the  mean¬ 
ing  of  the  term.  (Applause.)  They  never 
knew  it.  The  barbarism  of  Slavery  had  crushed 
it  out.  (Applause.)  He  was  ready  then  to 
look  on  the  struggle  from  Mount  Zion,  to  view 
it  from  the  point  where  the  Saviour  had  led 
captivity  captive.  When  he  contemplated  the 
question  in  that  light,  there  was  another  class 
of  feelings  which  took  possession  of  him,  which 
he  would  wrong  them  and  himself  to  suppress 
He  had  been  in  favor  of  excluding  the  vexed 
question  of  slavery  from  the  associations  and 
conventions  with  which  he  was  connected,  on 
the  ground  that  the  institution  belonged  to  the 
kingdom  of  Caasar,  and  not  to  the  kingdom  of 
Christ.  But  the  time  had  come  when  the  ro- 
lio-ious  aspect  of  slavery  could  not  be  ignored 
by  them  as  a  people.  The  clergy  at  the  North 
had  been  misrepresented  at  the  South,  and 
even  God’s  Holy  Word  was  said  to  contain  the 
Divine  sanction  of  slavery.  Ministers  were 
made  to  be  the  chief  and  especial  patrons  oi 
the  sin.  He  would  not  give  the  sanction  ot  his 
voice  to  uphold  slavery,  nor  would  he  enter¬ 
tain  Christian  fellowship  for  its  supporters  till 
he  should  meet  them  among  the  redeemed. 
He  thought  that  the  report  would  be  much  nil 
proved  by  being  stronger  in  language  and  pur¬ 
poses,  and  would  thus  be  adapted  to  the  ciisis 
which  they  had  been  convened  as  Baptists  to 

C°Ex-Governor  Briggs  said  he  had  listened 
Documents — 23 


with  increasing  interest  to  every  word  of  the 
report,  as  it  fell  from  the  feeble  b^t  silvery 
voice  of  his  esteemed  brother,  (Dr.  Williams,) 
and  his  heart,  his  head,  and  his  whole  soul  and 
nature,  were  moved,  and  responded  Amen  to 
the  report.  The  brother  who  had  preceded 
him  had  said  it  was  too  tame,  but  ho  would  say 
that  it  was  just  tame  enough  for  him.  .  (Ap¬ 
plause.)  It  was  couched  in  decorous,  signifi¬ 
cant,  respectful  but  forcible  language,  and  was 
eminently  appropriate  to  proceed  from  a  Chris¬ 
tian  body.  There  was  nothing  in  it  calculated 
to  exasperate,  while  it  was  firm  and  patriotic 
in  sentiment,  and  he  did  not  believe  that  it 
could  be  improved.  The  great  truth  had  been 
proclaimed  thousands  of  years  since,  that  a  sott 
answer  turneth  away  wrath,  and  the  force  and 
meaning  of  the  sentence  remained  unchanged 
since  it  was  written.  (Applause.)  The  public 
wanted  no  inflammatory  material  at  the  present 
time.  The  rights  of  the  country  and  the  try- 
in"-  circumstances  surrounding  it,  were  ex¬ 
pressed  in  the  resolution,  in  the  spirit  which 
should  animate  the  heart  of  the  Christian. 
Their  Divine  Master  had  set  an  example,  when 
He  wept  over  Jerusalem.  He  knew  what  the 
people  whom  He  had  served  would  do  to  Him. 
Did  He  address  them  in  words  calculated  to 
exasperate  them,  or  embitter  their  hearts 
No:  from  his  peaceful  lips  went  forth  the 
plaintive  words,  “Oh,  Jerusalem,  Jerusalem, 
thou  that  killest  the  prophets,  and  stonest 
them  that  are  sent  unto  thee,  how  often  would 
I  have  gathered  thee,  even  as  a  hen  doth 
gather  her  chickens,  and  ye  would  not.  Be¬ 
hold  your  house  is  left  unto  you  desolate. 
That  was  the  spirit  which  should  actuate  the 
followers  of  Christ.  He  hoped  the  report 
would  be  adopted  without  a  dissenting  voice. _ 
Rev  Mr.  Malcom  moved  an  amendment  in 
favor  of  taking  out  the  clause  recommending 
one  hour  on  each  Friday  to  be  spent  by  the  mem¬ 
bers  in  private  prayer  for  the  country.  He  tor 
one  would  not  spend  an  hour  in  prayer.  The  time 
had  come  for  them  to  act  and  pray  while  in  ac¬ 
tion.  That  course  would  be  too  much  like  that  of 
the  Pharisees,  who  commanded  their  people  to 
carry  heavy  burdens,  which  they  would  not  so 
much  as  move  with  their  own  fingers.  It  was 
simply  like  a  red  tape  proceeding,  and  he 
hoped  it  would  be  omitted. 

Rev.  Dr.  Hague  supported  the  amendment, 
remarking  that  the  time  had  arrived  when  they 
should  stand  by  their  guns.  He  considered  the 
document  too  long,  and  thought  it  would  not 
be  sufficiently  effective  on  those  who  were  bat¬ 
tling  for  the  country.  England  was  wavering 
as  to  whom  she  should  recognize,  and  the  Bap¬ 
tists  of  England,  through  Spurgeon  and  other 
preachers,  should  be  apprized  in  the  report  of 
the  position  of  their  brethren. 

Rev.  Dr.  Gillette  suggested  that  the  words 
-  social  meetings  ”  should  be  inserted,  instead 
of  private  prayer  meetings,  which  was  accepted 
by  the  Committee,  when  the  amendment  waa 
withdrawn. 


310 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Hon.  Wm.  D.  Murphy  moved  the  recommit¬ 
tal  of  the  report.  Lost. 

Rev.  Dr.  Welch — I  protest  with  my  whole 
soul  against  the  adoption  of  the  report.  It  will 
put  our  denomination  in  a  position  of  shameful 
absurdity  before  the  world. 

On  motion,  it  was  resolved  that  a  copy  of  the 
resolutions  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  a  collection  was  taken  up 
to  print  it  in  circular  form. 

The  meeting  then  adjourned. 

— N.  Y.  Express,  May  29. 

Doc.  212. 

MILITARY  DEPARTMENTS. 

Department  of  the  East. — This  department 
has  been  subdivided  into  three  parts,  as  follows : 

Department  of  Washington.— The  District 
of  Columbia,  according  to  its  original  boundary ; 
Fort  Washington  and  the  country  adjacent; 
and  the  State  of  Maryland,  including  Bladens- 
burg  and  Baltimore.  Head- quarters  at  the  Na¬ 
tional  Capital. 

Department  of  the  South.— Eastern  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  and  Tennessee.  Head-quar¬ 
ters  Fort  Monroe,  Virginia. 

Department  of  Annapolis. — The  country  for 
twenty  miles  on  each  side  of  the  railroad  from 
Annapolis  to  the  city  of  Washington,  as  far  as 
Bladensburg,  Maryland.  Head-quarters  at  An¬ 
napolis. 

Department  of  Pennsylvania. — The  State  of 
Pennsylvania;  the  State  of  Delaware;  all  of 
Maryland  not  embraced  in  the  foregoing  de¬ 
partment.  Head-quarters  at  Philadelphia. 

Department  of  ‘  the  West. — The  country  west 
of  the  Mississippi  River  and  east  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  except  those  portions  of  it  included 
within  the  limits  of  New  Mexico.  Head-quar¬ 
ters  at  St.  Louis,  Missouri. 

Department  of  Texas. — The  Government  not 
having  issued  any  new  orders  relative  to  this 
department,  and  the  forts  having  been  evacu¬ 
ated,  it  may  be  said  to  remain  in  statu  quo. 

Department  of  New  Mexico. — The  Territory 
of  New  Mexico.  Head-quarters  at  Santa  Fe. 

Department  of  the  Pacific. — The  country 
west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Head-quarters 
at  San  Francisco. 

Department  of  Utah. — The  Territory  of 
Utah,  except  the  portion  of  it  lying  west  of 
the  117th  degree  of  west  longitude.  Head¬ 
quarters  at  Camp  Floyd. 

There  will  probably  be  three  or  more  subdi¬ 
visions  of  the  late  Department  of  the  East,  to 
meet  the  requirements  of  the  service. 

■ — National  Intelligencer,  May  29. 


Doc.  213. 

TO  VOLUNTEER  NURSES. 

War  Department,  Military  Hospital. 
Be  it  known  to  all  whom  it  may  concern 
that  the  free  services  of  Miss  D.  L.  Dix  are  ac¬ 


cepted  by  the  War  Department,  and  that  she 
will  give  at  all  times  all  necessary  aid  in  organ¬ 
izing  military  hospitals  for  the  care  of  all  sick 
or  wounded  soldiers,  aiding  the  chief  surgeons 
by  supplying  nurses  and  substantial  means  for 
the  comfort  and  relief  of  the  suffering ;  also, 
that  she  is  fully  authorized  to  receive,  control, 
and  disburse  special  supplies  bestowed  by  indi¬ 
viduals  or  associations  for  the  comfort  of  their 
friends  or  the  citizen  soldiers  from  all  parts  of 
the  United  States. 

Given  under  the  seal  of  the  War  Department 
this  twenty-third  day  of  April,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
one,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  the  eighty-fifth. 

Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War. 

Army  Hospital  Service. 

Surgeon  General’s  Office,  May  1, 13G1. 

This  Department,  cheerfully  and  thankfully 
recognizing  the  ability  and  energy  of  Miss  D. 
L.  Dix  in  her  arrangements  for  the  comfort  and 
welfare  of  the  sick  soldier  in  the  present  exi¬ 
gency,  requests  that  each  of  the  ladies  who 
have  offered  their  services  as  nurses  would  put 
themselves  in  communication  with  her  before 
entering  upon  their  duties,  as  efficient  and  well- 
directed  service  can  only  be  rendered  through 
a  systematic  arrangement.  It  is  further  sug¬ 
gested  that  the  ladies  exert  themselves  to  their 
fullest  extent  in  preparing  or  supplying  hospi¬ 
tal  shirts  for  the  sick,  also  articles  of  diet, 
which  may  be  preserved,  as  delicacies  may  be 
needed  for  individual  cases,  and  such  a3  cannot 
be  supplied  at  an  hour’s  notice. 

Miss  Dix’s  residence  is  at  No.  505  Twelfth 
street,  between  E  and  F.  Respectfully, 

R.  0.  Wood,  Act.  Surgeon  General. 

Washington,  May  4, 1S61. 

The  great  number  of  humane  persons  im¬ 
pelled  by  self-sacrificing  benevolence  to  offer 
their  services  as  nurses,  in  the  event  of  neces¬ 
sity,  in  the  military  hospitals,  makes  it  proper 
to  communicate  a  few  facts  briefly  through  the 
medium  of  the  press : 

1.  It  is  the  wish  of  the  acting  Surgeon  Gen¬ 
eral  that  qualified  persons  communicate  their 
names  and  residence  to  the  writer ;  and,  as  no 
serious  sickness  exists  at  present,  they  are  re¬ 
spectfully  requested  not  to  proceed  to  head¬ 
quarters  at  Washington  or  elsewhere  till  such 
time  as  their  valuable  aid  may  be  needed,  when 
immediate  notice  will  be  given. 

2.  It  is  believed  that  all  who  offer  as  nurses 
do  so  with  the  understanding  that  this  is  a  free 
service — looking  for  no  pecuniary  recompense ; 
and  the  writer  respectfully  and  earnestly  sug¬ 
gests  that  all  who  enter  upon  this  work  be  pro¬ 
vided  with  the  means  of  sustaining  all  their 
personal  expenses — especially  as,  by  the  army 
regulation,  no  provision  is  made  for  such  ser¬ 
vice. 

The  matrons  allowed  each  regiment  are 
laundresses  for  special  work,  and  in  the  hospi- 


documents. 


311 


tals  have  charge  of  the  linen,  bandages,  etc., 
which  they  wash  and  prepare  for  use. 

W.th  respectful  consideration,  D.  L.  lux. 

Notice. — Benevolent  ladies  desiring  to  fur¬ 
nish  means  for  increasing  the  comforts  and 

benefit  of  hastily  established  military  hospitals 
will  insure  success  by  consulting  surgeons 
practical  knowledge  and  experience  m  then 

V*  Pillows  of  various  sizes  and  of  various  mate¬ 
rial  for  various  purposes  will  be  of  much  use. 

At  present  the  stock  of  flannel  body  garments 
and  of  warm  socks  is  quite  deficient  and  all  eat  y 

in  re^s.  Very  respectfully,^ 

505  Twelfth  street,  Washington. 

Rev.  Dr.  Bellows,  Drs.  Van  Buren  Harris  and 
it  arson  representing  three  associations  ot  Ne 
York  for  lanitary 'reform  in  the  a™,  have 
been  busily  engaged  the  last  three  or  foui ^  y 

uro-ino-  several  measures  upon  the  Administia 
tion.  °  They  ask  the  appointment  of  a  mixed 
commission,  with  a  general  supervision  of  all 
matters  connected  with  the  sanitary  condition 
of  the  army.  Special  attention  will  bo  give 
to  four  points,  namely :  The  inspection  of  t 
troons  with  a  view  to  the  exclusion  ot  unsuit¬ 
able  persons;  enlistment  of  a  skilful  cook  m 
each  company  ;  employment  of  nurses  educated 
by  the  Women’s  Association,  and  of  volunteer 
dressers,  composed  of  young  medical  men. 

The  committee  have  been  much  pleased  with 
their  reception  by  the  President  and  the  heads 
of  Departments,  all  of  whom  manifest  a  dispo¬ 
sition  to  profit  by  their  friendly  criticism  and 
adopt  salutary  reforms.  It  is  not  fu!Iy  gelded 
whether  all  the  measures  recommended  by  the 
committee  will  be  adopted  but  they  will  be 
fully  considered,  as  all  who  have  been  consult 
ed  take  a  great  interest  in  the  matter. 

—National  Intelligencer ,  May  29. 


Sergeant,  Christ.  P.  Pass.  Company  F-Capt., 
William  Knox ;  1st  Lieut.,  Thomas  Weir ;  2d 
Lieut ,  Thomas  Jack ;  Orderly  Sergeant,  David 
Chitester.  Company  G— Capt.,  James  Bryne  , 
1st  Lieut.,  John  P.  Robinson  ;  2d  Lieut.,  Fran 
cis  Knox;  Orderly  Sergeant,  Jas.  R.  Nighten¬ 
gale  —Easton  {Pa.)  Express,  May  30. 


Doc.  214^. 

THE  WAR  IN  AMERICA. 


Doc.  214. 

COL.  MANN’S  REGIMENT  OE  PENN. 

List  of  the  officers  of  the  regiment : 
Regimental  Officers. — Colonel,  Wm.  _  L>. 
Mann ;  Lieut.-Col.,  Albert  Magilton ;  Major, 
Win.  McCandless;  Adjutant,  James  L.  Hall, 
Quartermaster,  Cha3.  F.  Hoyt. 

Company  Officers.—  Company  A— Capt., 
Richard  Ellis;  1st.  Lieut  John  Corley ;  2d 
Lieut.,  George  Young;  Orderly  Sergeant  b.  L. 
McKinny.  Company  B— Capt  Timothy  Meeiv 
1st  Lieut.,  Peter  Summers;  2d  Lieut.,  Robt.  H. 

Porter;  Orderly  Sergeant,  James  Johnson. 

Company  C-Capt.,  Robt  M  McClure ;  1st 
Lieut.,  Edwin  W.  Cox;  2d  Lieut.,  Fred  A. 
Conrad;  Orderly  Sergeant,  John  St.  John. 
Company  D-Capt.,  Patrick  McDonough;  1st 
Lieut.,  John  D.  Shoch ;  2d  Lieut ,  John  Gill , 
Orderly  Sergeant,  Wm.  Crow.  Company  E 

Capt  - - Bringhurzt;  1st  Lieut.,  Geoige 

Kelt;  2d  Lieut.,  Wm.  J.  D.  Eward;  Orderly 


It  is  a  very  proper  prudence  which  restrains 
speakers  anTwritL  on  both  sides  the  Atlantic 
from  answering  the  question,  ia  • 

in  regard  to  the  war  and  its  prospects.  We  aie 
ffiad  to  see  that  the  disinclination  to  prophesy 
fs  on  the  increase;  and  that  the  Northern 
newspapers  and  letter-writers  seem  to  be  en 
their  guard  against  the  folly  of  disparaging 
their  enemy.  They  have  a  warning,  by  what 
they  read  in  Southern  reports,  of  the  mischief 
and  danger  of  brag  of  their  own  prowess,  and 
ignorant5  contempt  of  an  untried  antagonist 
We,  at  this  distance,  can  only  wait  to  see  what 
happens.  But  there  is  no  reason  why  we 
should  not,  and  every  reason  why  s^oul^ 
gather  together  such  facts  as  are  within  oui 
knowledge,  bearing  upon  the  present  conffitions 
of  the  struggle,  in  order  to  obtain  some  idea  of 
l/„w  matt”  rf  arc  likely  to  go.  While « 
news  of  the  first  clash  of  arms,  oi  othei  kind 
of  exploit,  we  may  review  the  leading  consider¬ 
ations  of  the  case.  .  ,  f 

The  main  considerations  seem  to  us  to  bo  four. 
The  first  in  importance  is  the  question  ot  the 
strength  of  the  Union  party  in  the  Slave  States. 
TheWashington  Cabinet  declares,  from its  special 
sources  of  information,  that  the  Union  party 
is  strong  in  every  region  of  the  South,  it 
Montgomery  leaders  insist  that  the  whole  South 
is  united  as  one  man  in  favor  of  Secessioii 
Newspapers  tell  us,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the 
whole  South  is  a  chaos  of  factions,  and  on  the 
other,  that  it  is  a  scene  of  perfect  fraternity. 
We  can  learn  nothing  by  authority  01  hear  say, 
it  is  clear.  But  there  are  now  facts  to  judge 
by  Thus  far,  in  every  State  in  which  opinion 
could  express  itself,  the  Uukm  petty  has  proved 
so  strong  as  to  neutralize  the  action  of  the  Se¬ 
cessionist  authorities.  In  Texas  in  Missouri 
in  Kentucky,  in  Virginia,  and  in  Maryland,  and 
now  in  Louisiana,  there  is  enough  loyalty  to  the 
Washington  Government  to  cause  a  virtual  split 
in  each  State,  resembling  that  of  the  Republic 
itself  If  in  every  case  in  which  opinion  can 
declare  itself,  there  is  a  strong  opposition  to 
Secession,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
same  thing  will  appear  in  the  other  States  fu 
soon  as  they  can  get  leave  to  speak ;  and  at  all 
events  we  perceive  that  it  is  not  true  that  tli 
desire  for  Secession  is  universal.  All  the  gent¬ 
ry  who  have  effected  their  escape  from  the 
plantations  bear  testimony  to  the  forcible  re¬ 
pression  of  opinion  by  the  dominant  *  faction, 
as  they  call  it,  in  their  respective  neighbor- 


312 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


hoods;  and  in  fact  no  doubt  remains  of  there 
being  a  strong  antagonism  of  parties  in  the 
Slave  States— a  circumstance  important  in  the 
highest  degree  to  the  prospects  of  the  war.  If 
Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri  are  divided 
between  allegiance  and  Secession,  the  probabil¬ 
ity  is  that  other  Slave  States  are  also  divided. 
At  all  events,  while  opinion  is  not  free,  the 
Montgomery  Government  cannot  be  entitled  to 
affirm  that  they  are  not. 

In  the  second  place,  it  is  known  with  clear¬ 
ness  and  certainty,  that  there  is  a  serious  defi¬ 
ciency^  food  in  the  Slave  States.  For  many 
years  it  has  ceased  to  be  true  that  the  South 

excelled  the  North  in  agricultural  production^ _ 

even  including  cotton  and  tobacco  in  the  esti¬ 
mate  ;  and  of  late  the  cereal  growth  of  the 
Western  Free  States  has  increased  prodigious¬ 
ly,  while,  in  the  South,  great  expanses  of  corn 
land  have  been  given  over  to  cotton  growing 
though  food  was  brought  down  from  the  North¬ 
west.  Northern  food  products  have  for  some 
years  been  on  sale  in  every  Southern  city.  At 
present  there  is  severe  scarcity — amounting  in 
some  places  to  famine— in  Mississippi ;  and  we 
have  seen  before  what  efforts  have  been  made 
to  obtain  grain  and  other  food  on  credit  since 
the  winter.  The  Federal  forces  and  the  loyal- 
ists  of  Illinois  now  hold  the  passage  of  the 
Mississippi,  aided  by  Missouri  loyalists,  and  no 
cargoes  can  pass  Cairo.  The  blockade  by  sea 
being  by  this  time  complete,  it  is  difficult  to  see 
how  the  war  can  be  supported  while  the  South¬ 
ern  corn  crop  is  growing.  Strong  appeals,  we 
observe,  are  made  to  the  planters  to  grow  corn 
instead  of  cotton  this  year;  but,  beside  that 
the  crops  have  to  grow,  there  is  no  getting  any 
work  done  on  the  plantations.  The  owners 
are  summoned  to  the  war,  with  all  sons  above 
sixteen  ;  and  even  their  overseers  are  not  often 
allowed  to  remain,  however  strong  are  the  re¬ 
monstrances  of  the  proprietors.  Thus,  left  to 
the  management  of  old  gentlemen,  boys,  or 
ladies,  and  taking  advantage  of  the  general  ex¬ 
citement,  the  negroes  are  beginning  to  make 
holiday ;  and  if  the  community  depends  on 
them  for  its  food,  it  is  likely  to  suffer  hunger. 
Whatever  may  be  the  fact  about  the  existing 
supply  in  particular  places,  the  fact  of  dearth  in 
any  one  State,  while  all  access  to  food  markets 
is  cut  off,  points  to  a  short  duration  of  the 
war. 

In  the  third  place,  there  is  the  question  of 
the  negroes,  free  and  bond.  In  the  South  the 
ree  negroes  are  anxiously  and  peremptorily 
summoned  to  the  war.  Their  money  is  invest- 
ed  in  Southern  loans,  and  they  are  put  under 
drill  as  soldiers,  or  set  to  work  on  fortifications, 
heir  zeal  !s  extolled  in  the  newspapers,  but 
leir  Northern  kindred  well  understand  that 
they  are  thus  to  be  kept  out  of  mischief, 
there  is  little  expectation  of  seeing  them  on 
any  battle-field  ;  but  if  they  appear,  it  will  not 
be,  their  kindred  say,  to  fight  with  their  best 
friends.  In  the  free  States  the  people  of  color 
are  eager  to  help  on  the  loyal  side.  They  have 


for  many  weeks  past  formed  themselves  into 
companies,  and  got  themselves  drilled  and 
aimed— refused  at  present  a  place  in  the  loyal 
forces,  but  resolved  to  be  ready  for  the  call, 
winch  they  believe  will  come.  The  authorities 
ot  I  ennsylvania  have  refused  a  passage  through 
their  State  to  companies  of  free  negroes  from 
New  England  and  New  York;  but  the  black 
volunteers  extend  their  organization  week  by 
week.  They  are  not  a  very  large  element  in 
the.  population ;  but  they  avow  their  determi¬ 
nation  to  offer  themselves  to  a  man,  leaving 
only  the  infirm  and  children  out  of  their  train¬ 
ing  system.  They  certainly  believe  that  the 
question  is  that  of  the  abolition  of  Slavery ; 
and  their  preparation  has  the  religious  fervor 
and  solemnity  which  befit  such  an  occasion  as 
the  redemption  of  their  race.  Under  such  cir¬ 
cumstances,  the  mood  of  the  slaves  becomes  a 
very  interesting  inquiry.  Thus  far,  the  most 
certain  fact  is,  that  wherever  any  Federal  force 
has  appeared,  slaves  have  deserted  to  them  at 
every  opportunity.  Hitherto,  they  have  been 
all  returned.  .  It  was  so  in  Maryland,  and  it 
was  so  in  Florida ;  and  we  hear  the  same  story 
from  every  station  of  the  United  States  troops. 
After  the  first  collision  in  the  field  there  wili 
be  an  end  of  returning  deserters;  and  the  fugi¬ 
tives  will  be  too  useful  as  guides  and  aids  to  be 
slighted.  The  despatch  of  Governor  Andrew 
of  Massachusetts,  shows  the  changing  feeling 
of  the  North  on  this  point  of  policy.  It  is  as¬ 
serted  with  so  much  detail  as  to  have  every 
appearance  of  truth,  that  mounted  bands  are 
trained  in  various  States,  and  especially  in  the 
.North-west,,  for  the  purpose  of  running  off 
slaves,  and,  if  necessary,  of  raising  them  in  in¬ 
surrection.  We  hear  of  an  insurrection  in  Ken¬ 
tucky  ;  and  whether  it  is  true  or  not  we  shall 
hear  of  more,  both  because  the  owners  are 
always  fancying  plots,  and  because  the  slaves 
seize  every  occasion  of  relaxed  supervision  to 
help  themselves  to  what  it  pleases  them  to  take 
and  to  do.  At  present  the  known  facts  are 
that  the  free  blacks  are  prepared  to  take  a  part 
in  the  war,  aiul  that  there  is  a  purpose  on  the 
part  of  these  blacks  and  their  friends  to  use  the 
opportunity  for  putting  an  end  to  the  captivity 
ot.  their  race.  There  are  incidents  connected 
with  this  which  lead  us  to  the  fourth  consider¬ 
ation. 

The  fourth  consideration  is  of  the  quality  of 
the  Southern  army.  What  sort  of  soldiers  the 
Northern  men  will  make  we  can  hardly  nidge 
by  facts.  It  is  the  boast  of  the  South  that  the 
lorce  for  the  Mexican  war  was  furnished  chief¬ 
ly  by  that  section  ;  and  the  assertion  is  ratified 
by  the  Northern  boast  that  the  free  States 
supplied  a  very  small  force  to  that  atrocious 
war,  and  that  that  contingent  consisted  mainly 
of  the  adventurer  class,  who  are  always  sent 
away  to  a  distance  with  great  alacrity.  Except 
in  the  Seminole  war  in  Florida,  tho  Northern 
men  have  hardly  appeared  in  the  field  at  all 
and  there  they  contrasted  most  favorably  with 
the  Southern  troops.  They  little  knew  what 


DOCUMENTS. 


313 


they  went  for.  They  were  unaware  that  the  ob¬ 
ject  of  the  so-called  war  was  the  capture  of 
escaped  slaves,  together  with  the  children  of 
neoro  women  who  had  mated  with  Indians,  on 
the  Southern  plea  that  the  children  follow  the 
fortunes  of  the  mother.  When  the  truth  came 
out,  the  heart-burning  in  the  North  was  sore 
enough  to  account,  with  other  like  provoca¬ 
tions,  for  the  present  conflict.  Parents  and  all 
society  mourned  the  young  men  slaughtered  by 
Indians  in  the  swamps  in  such  a  cause.  But 
the  troops  made  themselves  a  reputation  for 
spirit  and  discipline  which  has  never  been  ri¬ 
valled  by  Southern  soldiery. 

When  we  hear  of  the  military  genius  of  the 
South,  we  naturally  turn  to  what  we  know. 
We  know  something  of  the  Mexican  war,  of 
which  they  make  their  boast.  We  know  what 
a  miserable  enemy  they  had  there ;  and  w  e 
know  what  a  miserable  hand  they  made,  of 
several  of  the  enterprises  of  the  campaign. 
There  is  testimony  enough  to  prevent  its  being 
ever  forgotten  that  the  commanders  were  at 
their  wits’  ends  to  get  their  truops  out  and 
home  again,  and  what  to  do  with  them  while 
abroad.  In  the  absence  of  discipline  on  the 
one  hand,  and  of  due  legal  authority  on  the 
other,  offences  were  constantly  occurring  winch 
there  were  no  proper  means  of  dealing  with  ; 
and  punishments  were  inflicted  which  disgusted 
every  foreigner  in  the  force,  (and^  there  were 
many  immigrants  from  Europe.)  Soldiers  were 
tied  neck  and  knees  together,  and  set  down  by 
the  roadside,  to  be  mocked  by  the  troops 
marching  past.  Whatever  could  break  a  man’s 
spirit  or  torture  his  passions  was  invented  to 
supply  the  deficiency  ot  authority ;  and  the 
troops  grew  wilder  every  day.  When  ordered 
to  pursue  the  enemy  they  piled  their  arms  and 
went  to  play.  When  appointed  to  any  service, 
as  part  of  a  scheme,  they  announced  that  they 
were  going  home  ;  and  the  commanders  cursed 
the  verv  name  of  volunteers.  The  practical 
question  now  is  whether  that  boasted  Southern 
army  and  the  present  are  at  all  of  the  samo 
quality.  All  that  we  can  know  is  that  that 
army  must  be  composed  of  certain  elements. 
The  slaveholders  are  a  mere  handful  ot  men ; 
and  of  them  we  know  that  very  few  arc  likely 
to  fight  their  Northern  kindred  and  customers 
with  any  relish.  The  nop-slaveholders  are  the 
largest  element;  and  they  showed  their  quality 
in  Mexico  and  in  Kansas.  The  better  part,  in 
the  Kansas  case,  went  over  to  Northern  views 
as  soon  as  they  learned  what  they  w  ere ;  and 
the  worse  portion  were  a  mere  banditti.  The 
free  blacks  will  hardly  be  sent  North.  It  is 
announced  that  the  Indians  of  three  tribes  have 
offered  their  services  to  the  Confederacy  ;  but 
they  will  be  employed  near  home,  no  doubt,  if 
at  all.  It  is  impossible  to  foresee  what  the 
campaign  will  be  like,  in  circumstances  so.  sin¬ 
gular  ;  but  we  may  remember,  while  awaiting 
news,  that  the  military  reputation  of  the  South, 
such  as  it  is,  has  been  gained  in  fields  where 
there  was  no  honor  to  win ;  and  that  the 


Southern  vaunt  is  of  the  bravery,  and  not  of 
the  discipline,  of  the  so-called  chivalry. 

On  the  whole,  these  four  considerations  seem 
to  point  to  a  not  distant  conclusion,  and  to  a 
desultory  kind  of  conflict  meantime.  Tidings 
may  bo  on  the  way  to  contradict  or  to  confirm 
this  view  ;  but  the  facts  on  which  it  is  founded 
seem  to  bo  as  clear  in  their  substance  as  they 
are  serious  in  their  significance. 

— London  News ,  May  29. 


Doo.  215. 

“  CONTRABAND  NEGROES.” 

GEN.  BUTLER  TO  GEN.  SCOTT 

TnE  following  is  the  material  part  of  Gen. 
Butler’s  letter  to  Gen.  Scott,  asking  for  advice 
as  to  the  course  he  should  pursue  : 

Since  I  wrote  my  last,  says  Gen.  Butler,  the 
question  in  regard  to  slave  property  is  becom¬ 
ing  one  of  very  serious  magnitude.  The  in¬ 
habitants  of  Virginia  are  using  their  negroes  in 
the  batteries,  and  are  preparing  to  send  then- 
women  and  children  South,  ihc  escapes  fiom 
them  are  very  numerous,  and  a  squad  . has  come 
in  this  morning,  (May  27,)  and  my  pickets  are 
bringing  their  women  and  children.  Of  course, 
these  cannot  be  dealt  with  upon  the  theory  on 
which  I  designed  to  treat  the  services  of  able- 
bodied  men  and  women  who  might  come  with¬ 
in  my  lines,  and  of  which  I  gave  you  a  detailed 
account  in  my  last  despatch. 

I  am  in  the  utmost  doubt  what  to  do  with 
this  species  of  property.  Up  to  this  time  I 
have  had  come  within  my  lines  men .  and 
women,  with  their  children — entire  families— - 
each  family  belonging  to  the  same  owner.  I 
have  therefore,  determined  to  employ,  as  I  can 
do  very  profitably,  the  able-bodied  persons  in 
the  party,  issuing  proper  food  for  the  support 
of  all,  and  charging  against  their  services  the 
expense  of  care  and  sustenance  of  the  non¬ 
laborers,  keeping  a  strict  and  accurate  account 
as  wen  of  the  services  as  of  the  expenditures, 
having  the  worth  of  the  services  and  the  cost 
of  the  expenditure  determined  by  a  board  of 
survey  hereafter  to  be  detailed.  I  know  ot  no 
other  manner  in  which  to  disposo  of  this  sub¬ 
ject  and  the  questions  connected  therewith. 
As  a  matter  of  property,  to  the  insurgents  it 
will  be  of  very  great  moment— the  number 
that  I  now  have  amounting,  as  I  am  informed, 
to  what  in  good  times  would  be  of  the  value 
of  $60,000. 

Twelve  of  these  negroes,  I  am  informed, 
have  escaped  from  the  erection  of  the  batteries 
on  Sewall’s  Point,  which  fired  upon  my  expe¬ 
dition  as  it  passed  by  out  ol  range.  As  a  means 
of  offence,  therefore,  in  the.  enemy  s  hands, 
these  negroes,  when  able-bodied,  are  ot  great 
importance.  Without  them  the  batteries  could 
not  have  been  erected,  at  least  for  many  weeks. 
As  a  military  question  it  would  seem  to  be  a 
measure  of  necessity,  and  deprives  their  masters 
of  their  services. 


314 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


IIow  can  this  be  done  ?  Asa  political  ques¬ 
tion  and  a  question  of  humanity,  can  I  receive 
the  services  of  a  father  and  a  mother  and  not 
take  the  children?  Of  the  humanitarian  as¬ 
pect  I  have  no  doubt ;  of  the  political  one  I 
have  no  right  to  judge.  I  therefore  submit  all 
this  to  your  better  judgment ;  and,  as  these 
questions  have  a  political  aspect,  I  have  ven¬ 
tured — and  I  trust  I  am  not  wrong  in  so  doing 
— to  duplicate  the  parts  of  my  despatch  relat¬ 
ing  to  this  subject,  and  forward  them  to  the 
Secretary  of  War. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Benj.  F.  Butler. 

Lieutenant-General  Scott. 

— Ar.  Y.  Times ,  Juno  2. 

SECRETARY  OF  WAR  TO  GENERAL  BUTLER. 

"Washington,  May  80, 1S61. 

Sir:  Your  action  in  respect  to  the  negroes 
who  came  within  your  lines,  from  the  service 
of  the  rebels,  is  approved.  The  Department  is 
sensible  of  the  embarrassments,  which  must 
surround  officers  conducting  military  operations 
in  a  State,  by  the  laws  of  which  slavery  is 
sanctioned.  The  Government  cannot  recog¬ 
nize  the  rejection  by  any  State  of  its  Federal 
obligation,  resting  upon  itself,  among  these  Fed¬ 
eral  obligations.  However,  no  one  can  be  more 
important  than  that  of  suppressing  and  dispers¬ 
ing  any  combination  of  the  former  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  over!  browing  its  whole  constitutional 
authority.  While,  therefore,  you  will  permit 
no  interference,  by  persons  under  your  com¬ 
mand,  with  the  relations  of  persons  held  to 
service  under  the  laws  of  any  State,  you  will, 
on  the  other  hand,  so  long  as  any  State  within 
which  your  military  operations  are  conducted, 
remain  under  the  control  of  such  armed  com¬ 
binations,  refrain  from  surrendering  to  alleged 
masters  any  persons  who  come  within  your 
lines.  You  will  employ  such  persons  in  the 
services  to  which  they  will  be  best  adapted, 
keeping  an  account  of  the  labor  by  them  per¬ 
formed,  of  the  value  of  it,  and  the  expenses  of 
their  maintenance.  The  question  of  their  final 
disposition  will  be  reserved  for  future  determi¬ 
nation. 

Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War. 

To  Major-General  Butler. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  81. 


Doc.  216. 

SECOND  REG’T  MAINE  VOLUNTEERS. 

TnE  following  is  a  correct  list  of  the  officers : 
Colonel,  Charles  Jameson  ;  Lieutenant-Colo¬ 
nel,  C.  W.  Roberts;  Major,  George  Varacy ;  Ad¬ 
jutant,  John  E.  Reynolds;  Quartermaster,  C. 
V.  Lord;  Assistant  Quartermaster,  L.  II.  Pierce; 
Surgeon,  W.  II.  Allen ;  Assistant  Surgeon,  A. 
C.  Hamlin ;  (nephew  of  Vice-President  Ham¬ 
lin;)  Chaplain,  J.  F.  Mines;  Sergeant-Major,  E. 
L.  Appleton. 

Company  A — Captain,  II.  Bartlett ;  First 


Lieutenant,  R.  Wiggins;  Second  Lieut.,  Dean. 
Company  B — First  Lieut.,  Tilden,  command¬ 
ing;  Second  Lieut..,  Wardwell.  Company  C — • 
Capt.,  Jones;  First  Lieut.,  Skinner;  Second 
Lieut.,  Merill.  Company  D— Capt.,  Sampson ; 
First  Lieut.,  Sturdevant ;  Second  Lieut.,  Kitt- 
ridge.  Company  E— Capt.,  Emmerson  ;  First 
Lieut.,  Adams ;  Second  Lieut.,  Richardson. 
Company  F — Capt.,  Chaplin ;  First  Lieut.,  Wil¬ 
son  ;  Second  Lieut.,  Boynton.  Company  G — 
Capt.,  Sargent ;  First  Lieut.,  Gettiell ;  Second 
Lieut.,  Morse.  Company  II — Capt.,  Meinieke  ; 
First  Lieut.,  Farnham  ;  Second  Lieut.,  Garnsay. 
Company  I — Capt.,  Carroll ;  First  Lieut,.,  Casey ; 
Second  Lieut.,  Sweeney.  Company  K — Capt., 
Foss  ;  First  Lieut.,  Fellows  ;  Second  Lieut., 
Cowan. 

— National  Intelligencer,  June  8. 


Doc.  217. 

MR.  W.  H.  RUSSELL’S  LETTERS, 

OF  APRIL  30  AND  MAY  1. 

The  State  of  South  Caeolina,  April  30. 

Notiiing  I  could  say  can  be  worth  one  fact 
which  has  forced  itself  upon  my  mind  in  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  sentiments  which  prevail  among 
the  gentlemen  of  this  State.  I  have  been 
among  them  for  several  days.  I  have  visited 
their  plantations,  I  have  conversed  with  them 
freely  and  fully,  and  I  have  enjoyed  that  frank, 
courteous,  and  graceful  intercourse  which  con¬ 
stitutes  an  irresistible  charm  of  their  society. 
From  all  quarters  have  come  to  my  ears  the 
echoes  of  the  same  voice ;  it  may  be  feigned, 
but  there  is  no  discord  in  the  note,  and  it 
sounds  in  wonderful  strength  and  monotony 
all  over  the  country.  Shades  of  George  III., 
of  North,  of  Johnson,  of  all  who  contended 
against  the  great  rebellion  which  tore  these 
colonies  from  England,  can  you  hear  the  chorus 
which  rings  through  the  State  of  Marion,  Sum¬ 
ter,  and  Pinckney,  and  not  clap  your  ghostly 
hands  in  triumph?  That  voice  says,  “If  we 
could  only  get  one  of  the  royal  race  of  England 
to  rule  over  us,  we  should  be  content.”  Let 
there  be  no  misconception  on  this  point.  That 
sentiment,  varied  in  a  hundred  ways,  has  been 
repeated  to  me  over  and  over  again.  There  is 
a  general  admission  that  the  means  to  such  an 
end  are  wanting,  and  that  the  desire  cannot  be 
gratified.  But  the  admiration  for  monarchical 
institutions  on  the  English  model,  for  privileged 
classes,  and  for  a  landed  aristocracy  and  gen¬ 
try,  is  undisguised  and  apparently  genuine. 
With  the  pride  of  having  achieved  their  inde¬ 
pendence  is  mingled  in  the  South  Carolinians’ 
hearts  a  strange  regret  at  the  result  and  conse¬ 
quences,  and  many  are  they  who  “  would  go 
back  to-morrow  if  we  could.”  An  intense  af¬ 
fection  for  the  British  connection,  a  love  of 
British  habits  and  customs,  a  respect  for  Brit¬ 
ish  sentiment,  law,  authority,  order,  civiliza¬ 
tion,  and  literature,  preeminently  distinguish 
the  inhabitants  of  this  State,  who,  glorying  in 


DOCUMENTS. 


315 


their  descent  from  ancient  families  on  the  three 
islands,  whose  fortunes  they  still  follow,  and 
with  whose  members  they  maintain  not  unfre- 
queutly  familiar  relations,  regard  with  an  aver¬ 
sion  of  which  it  is  impossible  to  give  an  idea 
to  one  who  has  not  seen  its  manifestations, 
the  people  of  New  England  and  the  popula¬ 
tions  of  the  Northern  States,  whom  they  regard 
as  tainted  beyond  cure  by  the  venom  ot  “Puri¬ 
tanism.”  Whatever  may  be  the  cause,  this  is 
the  fact  and  the  effect.  “  The  State  of  South 
Carolina  was,”  I  am  told,  “founded  by  gentle¬ 
men.”  It  was  not  established  by  witch-burning 
Puritans,  by  cruel  persecuting  fanatics,  who 
implanted  in  the  North  the  standard  of  Tor- 
queinada,  and  breathed  into  the  nostrils  of  their 
newly-born  colonies  all  the  ferocity,  blood¬ 
thirstiness,  and  rabid  intolerance  of  the  Inquisi¬ 
tion.  It  is  absolutely  astounding  to  a  stranger 
who  aims  at  the  preservation  of  a  decent  neu¬ 
trality  to  mark  the  violence  of  these  opinions. 

“  If  that  confounded  ship  had  sunk  with  those 

- Pilgrim  Fathers  on  board,”  says  one, 

“  wo  never  should  have  been  driven  to  these 
extremities!”  “We  could  have  got  on  with 
these  fanatics  if  they  had  been  either  Christians 
or  gentlemen,”  says  another;  “for  in  the  first 
case  they  would  have  acted  with  common  char¬ 
ity,  and  in  the  second  they  would  have  fought 
when  they  insulted  us;  but  there  are  neither 
Christians  nor  gentlemen  among  them !  ” 

“  Any  thing  on  earth!  ”  exclaims  a  third,  “any 
form  of  government,  any  tyranny  or  despotism 
you  will ;  but” — and  here  is  an  appeal  more 
terrible  than  the  adjuration  of  all  the  Gods — 

“  nothing  on  earth  shall  ever  induce  us  to  sub¬ 
mit  to  any  union  with  the  brutal,  bigoted  black¬ 
guards  of  the  New  England  States,  who  neither 
comprehend  nor  regard  the  feelings  of  gentle¬ 
men!  Man,  woman  and  child,  we’ll  die  first.” 
Imagine  these  and  an  infinite  variety  of  sim¬ 
ilar  °sontiments  uttered  by  courtly,  well-edu¬ 
cated  men,  who  set  great  store  on  a  nice  ob¬ 
servance  of  the  usages  of  society,  and  who  are 
only  moved  to  extreme  bitterness  and  anger 
when  they  speak  of  the  North,  and  you  will 
fail  to  conceive  the  intensity  of  the  dislike  of 
the  South  Carolinians  for  the  free  States. 
There  are  national  antipathies  on  our  side  of 
the  Atlantic  which  are  tolerably  strong,  and 
have  been  unfortunately  pertinacious  and  long- 
lived.  The  hatred  of  the  Italian  for  the  Te- 
de3co,  of  the  Greek  for  the  Turk,  of  the  Turk 
for  the  Russ,  is  warm  and  fierce  enough  to  sat¬ 
isfy  the  prince  of  darkness,  not  to  speak  of  a 
few  little  pet  aversions  among  allied  powers 
and  the  atoms  of  composite  empires ;  but  they 
are  all  mere  indifference  and  neutrality  of  feel¬ 
ing  compared  to  the  animosity  evinced  by  the 
“  gentry”  of  South  Carolina  for  the  “  rabble  of 
the  North.” 

The  contests  of  Cavalier  and  Roundhead,  of 
Yendean  and  Republican,  even  of  Orangeman 
and  Croppy,  have  been  elegant  joustings,  regu¬ 
lated  by  the  finest  rules  of  chivalry,  compared 
with  those  which  North  and  South  will  carry 


on  if  their  deeds  support  their  words.  “  Im¬ 
mortal  hate,  the  study  of  revenge  ”  will  actuate 
every  blow,  and  never  in  the  history  of  the 
world,  perhaps,  will  go  forth  such  a  dreadful 
vcb  metis  as  that  which  may  be  heard  beforo 
the  fight  has  begun.  There  is  nothing  in  all 
the  dark  caves  of  human  passion  so  cruel  and 
deadly  as  the  hatred  the  South  Carolinians 
profess  for  the  Yankees.  That  hatred  has  been 
swelling  for  years,  till  it  is  the  very  life-blood 
of  the  state,  "it  has  set  South  Carolina  to  work 
steadily  to  organize  her  resources  for  the  strug¬ 
gle  which  she  intended  to  provoke  it  it  did  not 
come  in  the  course  of  time.  “  Incompatibility 
of  temper  ”  would  havo  been  sufficient  ground 
for  the  divorce,  and  I  am  satisfied  that  there 
has  been  a  deep-rooted  design,  conceived  in 
some  men’s  minds  thirty  years  ago,  and  ex¬ 
tended  gradually  year  after  year  to  others’,  to 
break  away  from  the  Union  at  the  very  first 
opportunity.  The  North  is  to  South  Carolina 
a  corrupt  and  evil  thing,  to  which  for  long 
years  she  has  been  bound  by  burning  chains, 
while  monopolists  and  manufacturers  fed  on 
her  tender  limbs.  She  has  been  bound  in  a 
Maxentian  union  to  the  object  she  loathes. 
New  England  is  to  her  the  incarnation  of  moral 
and  political  wickedness  and  social  corruption. 
It  is  the  source  of  every  thing  which  South 
Carolina  hates,  and  of  the  torrents  of  free 
thought  and  taxed  manufactures,  of  abolition¬ 
ism  and  of  filibustering,  which  have  flooded 
the  land.  Believe  a  southern  man  as  he  believes 
himself,  and  you  must  regard  New  England 
and  the  kindred  States  as  the  birthplace  of  im¬ 
purity  of  mind  among  men  and  of  unchastity 
in  women— the  home  of  free  love,  of  Fourrier- 
ism,  of  infidelity,  of  abolitionism,  of  false  teach¬ 
ings  in  political  economy  and  in  social  life; 
a  Land  saturated  with  the  drippings  of  rotten 
philosophy,  with  the  poisonous  infections  of 
a  fanatic  press;  without  honor  or  modesty; 
whose  wisdom  is  paltry  cunning,  whose  valor 
and  manhood  have  been  swallowed  up  in  a 
corrupt,  howling  demagogy,  and  in  the  marts 
of  a  dishonest  commerce.  It  is  the  merchants 
of  New  York  who  fit  out  ships  for  the  slave 
trade,  and  carry  it  on  in  Yankee  ships.  It  is 
the  capital  of  the  North  which  supports,-  and 
it  is  the  northern  men  who  concoct  and  exe¬ 
cute  the  filibustering  expeditions  which  havo 
brought  discredit  on  the  slaveholding  States. 
In  the  large  cities  people  are  corrupted  by  itin¬ 
erant  and  ignorant  lecturers — in  the  towns  and 
in  the  country  by  an  unprincipled  press.  Tho 
populations,  indeed,  know  how  to  read  and 
write,  but  they  don’t  know  how  to  think,  and 
they  are  the  easy  victims  of  the  wretched  impos¬ 
tors  on  all  the  ’ologies  and  ’isms  who  swarm  over 
the  region,  and  subsist  by  lecturing  on  subjects 
which  the  innate  vices  of  mankind  induce  them 
to  accept  with  eagerness,  while  they  assume 
the  garb  of  philosophical  abstractions  to  cover 
their  nastiness  in  deference  to  a  contemptible 
and  universal  hypocrisy. 

“  "Who  Alls  tho  butchers’  shops  with  largo  blue  fllos?" 


316 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Assuredly  the  New  England  demon,  who  has 
been  persecuting  the  South  till  its  intolerable 
cruelty  and  insolence  forced  her,  in  a  spasm  of 
agony,  to  rend  her  chains  asunder.  The  New 
Englander  must  have  something  to  persecute, 
and  as  he  has  hunted  down  all  his  Indians, 
burnt  all  his  witches,  and  persecuted  all  his 
opponents  to  the  death,  he  invented  abolition¬ 
ism  as  the  sole  resource  left  to  him  for  the 
gratification  of  his  favorite  passion.  Next  to 
this  motive  principle  is  his  desire  to  make 
money  dishonestly,  trickily,  meanly,  and  shab¬ 
bily.  He  has  acted  on  it  in  all  his  relations 
with  the  South,  and  has  cheated  and  plundered 
her  in  all  his  dealings  by  villanous  tariffs.  If 
one  objects  that  the  South  must  have  been  a 
party  to  this,  because  her  boast  is  that  her 
statesmen  have  ruled  the  Government  of  the 
country,  you  are  told  that  the  South  yielded 
out  of  pure  good-nature.  Now,  however,  she 
will  have  free  trade,  and  will  open  the  coasting 
trade  to  foreign  nations,  and  shut  out  from  it 
the  hated  Yankees,  who  so  long  monopolized 
and  made  their  fortunes  by  it.  Under  all  the 
varied  burdens  and  miseries  to  which  she  was 
subjected,  the  South  held  fast  to  her  sheet  an¬ 
chor.  South  Carolina  was  the  mooring  ground 
in  which  it  found  the  surest  hold.  The  doc¬ 
trine  of  State  rights  was  her  salvation,  and  the 
fiercer  the  storm  raged  against  her — the  more 
stoutly  demagogy,  immigrant  preponderance, 
and  the  blasts  of  universal  suffrage  bore  down 
on  her,  threatening  to  sweep  away  the  vested 
interests  of  the  South  in  her  right  to  govern 
the  States — the  greater  was  her  confidence,  and 
the  more  resolutely  she  held  on  her  cable.  Ti  e 
North  attracted  “  hordes  of  ignorant  Germans 
and  Irish,”  and  the  scum  of  Europe,  while  the 
South  repelled  them.  The  industry,  the  capital 
of  the  North  increased  with  enormous  rapidity, 
under  the  influence  of  cheap  labor  and  manu¬ 
facturing  ingenuity  and  enterprise,  in  the  vil¬ 
lages  which  swelled  into  towns,  and  the  towns 
which  became  cities  under  the  unenvious  eye 
of  the  South.  She,  on  the  contrary,  toiled  on 
slowly,  clearing  forests  and  draining  swamps 
to  find  new  cotton  grounds  and  rice-fields,  for 
the  employment  of  her  own  industry  and  for 
the  development  of  her  only  capital — “  invol¬ 
untary  labor.”  The  tide  of  immigration  waxed 
stronger,  and  by  degrees  she  saw  the  districts 
into  which  she  claimed  the  right  to  introduce 
this  capital  closed  against  her,  and  occupied  by 
free  labor.  The  doctrine  of  “  squatter  sover¬ 
eignty,”  and  the  force  of  hostile  tariffs,  which 
placed  a  heavy  duty  on  the  very  articles  which 
the  South  most  required,  completed  the  measure 
of  injuries  to  which  she  was  subjected,  and 
the  spirit  of  discontent  found  vent  in  fiery 
debate,  in  personal  insults,  and  in  acrimonious 
speaking  and  writing,  which  increased  in  inten¬ 
sity  in  proportion  as  the  abolition  movement, 
and  the  contest  between  the  federal  principle 
and  State  rights,  became  more  vehement.  I 
am  desirous  of  showing  in  a  few  words,  for  the 
information  of  English  readers,  how  it  is  that 


the  confederacy  which  Europe  knew  simply  as 
a  political  entity  has  succeeded  in  dividing 
itself.  The  slave  States  held  the  doctrine,  or 
say  they  did,  that  each  State  was  independent 
as  France  or  as  England,  but  that  for  certain 
purposes  they  chose  a  common  agent  to  deal 
with  foreign  nations,  and  to  impose  taxes  for 
the  purpose  of  paying  the  expenses  of  the 
agency.  We,  it  appears,  talked  of  American 
citizens  when  there  were  no  such  beings  at  all. 
There  were,  indeed,  citizens  of  the  sovereign 
State  of  South  Carolina,  or  of  Georgia  or  Florida, 
who  permitted  themselves  to  pass  under  that 
designation,  but  it  was  merely  a  matter  of  per¬ 
sonal  convenience.  It  will  be  difficult  for 
Europeans  to  understand  this  doctrine,  as 
nothing  like  it  has  been  heard  before,  and  no 
such  confederation  of  sovereign  States  has  ever 
existed  in  any  country  in  tho  world.  The 
northern  men  deny  that  it  existed  here,  and 
claim  for  the  Federal  Government  powers  r.ot 
compatible  with  such  assumptions.  They  have 
lived  for  the  Union,  they  served  it,  they  labored 
for  and  made  money  by  it.  A  man  as  a  New 
York  man  was  nothing — as  an  American  citi¬ 
zen  he  was  a  great  deal.  A  South  Carolinian 
objected  to  lose  his  identity  in  any  description 
which  included  him  and  a  “Yankee  clock- 
maker”  in  the  same  category.  Tho  Union 
was  against  him  ;  he  remembered  that  he  came 
from  a  race  of  English  gentlemen  who  had 
been  persecuted  by  the  representatives — for  he 
will  not  call  them  the  ancestors — of  the  Puritans 
of  New  England,  and  he  thought  that  they 
were  animated  by  the  same  hostility  to  himself. 
He  was  proud  of  old  names,  and  he  felt  pleasure 
in  tracing  his  connection  with  old  families  in 
the  old  country.  Ilis  plantations  were  held  by 
old  charters,  or  had  been  in  tho  hands  of  his 
fathers  for  several  generations ;  and  he  delighted 
to  remember  that,  when  tho  Stuarts  were  ban¬ 
ished  from  their  throne  and  their  country,  the 
burgesses  of  South  Carolina  had  solemnly 
elected  the  wrandering  Charles  king  of  their 
state,  and  had  offered  him  an  asylum  and  a 
kingdom.  Tho  philosophical  historian  may  ex¬ 
ercise  his  ingenuity  in  conjecturing  what  would 
have  been  the  result  if  the  fugitive  had  carried 
his  fortunes  to  Charleston. 

South  Carolina  contains  34,000  square  miles 
and  a  population  of  720,000  inhabitants,  of  whom 
385,000  are  black  slaves.  In  the  old  rebellion 
it  was  distracted  between  revolutionary  prin¬ 
ciples  and  the  loyalist  predilections,  and  at  least 
one-half  of  tho  planters  were  faithful  to  George 
III.,  nor  did  they  yield  till  Washington  sent  an 
army  to  support  their  antagonists  and  drove 
them  from  the  colony. 

In  my  next  letter  I  shall  give  a  brief  account 
of  a  visit  to  some  of  the  planters,  as  far  as  it 
can  be  made  consistent  with  the  obligations 
which  the  rites  of  hospitality  impose  on  the 
guest  as  well  as  upon  the  host.  These  gentle¬ 
men  are  well-bred,  courteous,  and  hospitable. 
A  genuine  aristocracy,  they  have  time  to  cul¬ 
tivate  their  minds,  to  apply  themselves  to  poli- 


DOCUMENTS. 


317 


tics  and  the  guidance  of  public  affairs.  They 
travel  and  read,  love  field  sports,  racing,  shoot¬ 
ing,  hunting,  and  fishing,  are  bold  horsemen, 
and  good  shots.  But,  after  all,  their  state  is 
a  modern  Sparta— an  aristocracy  resting  on  a 
helotry,  and  with  nothing  else  to  rest  upon. 
Although  they  profess  (aiul  I  believe,  indeed, 
sincerely)  to  hold  opinions  in  opposition  to  the 
opening  of  the  slave  trade,  it  is  nevertheless 
true  that  the  clause  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
Confederate  States  which  prohibited  the  im¬ 
portation  of  negroes,  was  especially  and  ener¬ 
getically  resisted  by  them,  because,  as  they  say, 
it  seemed  to  be  an  admission  that  slavery  was 
in  itself  an  evil  and  a  wrong.  Their  whole 
system  rests  on  slavery,  and  as  such  they  de¬ 
fend  it.  They  entertain  very  exaggerated  ideas 
of  the  military  strength  of  their  little  commu¬ 
nity,  although  one  may  do  full  justice  to  its 
military  spirit.  Out  of  their  whole  population 
they  cannot  reckon  more  than  60,000  adult  men 
by  any  arithmetic,  and  as  there  are  nearly  30,000 
plantations,  which  must  be,  according  to  law , 
superintended  by  white  men,  a  considerable 
number  of  these  adults  cannot  be  spared  from 
the  state  for  service  in  the  open  field,  lhe 
planters  boast  that  they  can  raise  their  corps 
without  any  inconvenience  by  the  labor  ot  their 
negroes,  and  they  seem  confident  that  the 
negroes  will  work  without  superintendence. 
Biit  the  experiment  is  rather  dangerous,  and  it 
will  only  be  tried  in  the  last  extremity. 

Savannah,  Ga.,  May  1. 

It  is  said  that  “  fools  build  houses  for  wise 
men  to  live  in.”  Be  that  true  or  not,  it  is  cer¬ 
tain  that  “  Uncle  Sam  ”  has  built  strong  places 
for  his  enemies  to  occupy.  To-day  I  visited 
Fort  Pulaski,  which  defends  the  mouth  of  the 
Savannah  Kiver  and  the  approaches  to  the 
city.  It  was  left  to  take  care  of  itself,  and  the 
Georgians  quietly  stepped  into  it,  and  have 
been  busied  in  completing  its  defences,  so  that 
it  is  now  capable  of  stopping  a  fleet  veiy 
effectually.  Pulaski  was  a  Polo  who  fell  in 
the  defence  of  Savannah  against  the  British, 
and  whose  memory  is  perpetuated  in  the  name 
of  the  fort,  which  is  now  under  the  Confed¬ 
erate  flag,  and  garrisoned  by  bitter  foes  of  the 
United  States. 

Among  our  party  were  Commodore  Tatnall, 
whose  name  will  be  familiar  to  English  ears  in 
connection  with  the  attack  on  the  Peiho  Forts, 
where  the  gallant  American  showed  the  world 
that  “  blood  was  thicker  than  water ;  ”  Briga¬ 
dier-General  Lawton,  in  command  of  the  forces 
of  Georgia,  and  a  number  of  naval  and  military 
officers,  of  whom  many  had  belonged  to  the 
United  States  regular  service.  It  was  strange 
to  look  at  such  a  man  as  the  Commodore,  who 
for  forty-nine  long  years  had  served  under  the 
Stars  and  Stripes,  quietly  preparing  to  meet  his 
old  comrades  and  friends,  it  needs  be,  in  the 
battle-field — his  allegiance  to  the  country  and 
to  the  Hag  renounced,  his  long  service  Hung 
away,  his  old  ties  and  connections  severed — and 


all  this  in  defence  of  the  sacred  right  of  rebel¬ 
lion  on  the  part  of  “his  State.”  Uo  is  not 
now,  nor  has  he  been  for  years,  a  slave-ownei , 
all  his  family  and  familiar  associations  connect 
him  with  the  North.  There  are  no  naval  sta¬ 
tions  on  the  Southern  coasts,  except  one  at 
Pensacola,  and  he  knows  almost  no  one  in  the 
South.  He  has  no  fortune  whatever,  Ins  fleet 
consists  of  two  small  river  or  coasting  steamers, 
without  guns,  and  as  he  said,  in  talking  ovei 
the  resources  of  the  South,  “  My  bones  will  be 
bleached  many  a  long  year  before  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  can  hope  to  have  a  navy.”  “  State 
Rights !  ”  To  us  the  question  is  simply  inex¬ 
plicable  or  absurd.  And  yet  thousands  of  Amer¬ 
icans  sacrifice  all  for  it.  The  river  at  Savannah 
is  broad  as  the  Thames  at  Gravesend,  and  re¬ 
sembles  that  stream  very  much  in  the  color  of  its 
waters  and  the  level  nature  of  its  shores.  Rice- 
fields  bound  it  on  either  side,  as  far  down  as  the 
influence  of  the  fresh  water  extends,  and  the 
eye  wanders  over  a  flat  expanse  of  mud  and 
water,  and  green  osiers  and  rushes,  till  its 
search  is  arrested  on  the  horizon  by  the  unfail¬ 
ing  line  of  forest.  In  the  fields  here  and  there 
are  the  white-washed  square  wooden  huts  in 
which  the  slaves  dwell,  looking  very  like  the 
beginnings  of  the  camp  in  the  Crimea.  At 
one  point  a  small  fort,  covering  a  creek  by 
which  gun-boats  could  get  up  behind  Sa¬ 
vannah,  displayed  its  u  garrison  ”  on  the  v  alls, 
and  lowered  its  flag  to  salute  the  small  bluo 
ensign  at  the  fore  which  proclaimed  the  pres¬ 
ence  of  the  Commodore  of  the  Naval  Forces 
of  Georgia  on  board  our  steamer.  The  guns  on 
the  parapet  vmre  mostly  field-pieces  mounted 
on  frameworks  of  wood  instead  of  regular 
carriages.  There  is  no  mistake  about  the  spii  it 
of  these  people.  They  seize  upon  every  spot 
of  vantage  ground  and  prepare  it  for  defence. 
There  were  very  few  ships  in  the  river ;  tho 
yacht  Camilla,  better  known  as  tho  America, 
the  property  of  Captain  Dcasy,  and  several 
others  of  those  few  sailing  under  British  colois, 
for  most  of  the  cotton  ships  are  gone. 

After  steaming  down  the  river  about  twelve 
miles,  tho  sea  opened  out  to  tho  sight,  and  on 
a  long,  marshy,  narrow  island  near  tho  bar, 
which  was  marked  by  the  yellowish  surf,  Fort 
Pulaski  threw  out  the  Confederate  flag  to  tho 
air  of  the  Georgian  1st  of  May.  The  water  was 
too  shallow  to  permit  the  steamer  to  go  up  to 
the  jetty,  and  the  party  landed  at  tho  wharf  in 
boats.  A  guard  was  on  duty  at  the  landing 
tall,  stout  young  fellows,  in  various  uniforms, 
or  in  rude  mufti,  in  which  the  Garibaldian  red 
shirt  and  felt  slouched  hats  predominated. 
They  were  armed  with  smooth-bore  muskets 
(date  1851),  quite  new,  and  their  bayonets, 
barrels,  and  locks  w’ere  bright  and  clean.  1  ho 
officer  on  duty  was  dressed  in  the  blue  frock- 
coat  dear  to  the  British  linesman  in  days  gono 
by,  with  brass  buttons,  emblazoned  with  tho 
arms  of  the  State,  a  red  silk  sash,  and  glazed 
kepi,  and  straw-colored  gauntlets. 

Several  wooden  huts,  with  flower  gardens  in 


318 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61, 


front,  were  occupied  by  the  officers  of  the  gar¬ 
rison  ;  others  were  used  as  hospitals,  and  were 
full  of  men  suffering  from  measles  of  a  mild 
type.  A  few  minutes’  walk  led  us  to  the  fort,- 
which  is  an  irregular  pentagon,  with  the  base 
line  or  curtain  face  inlands,  and  the  other  faces 
casemated  and  bearing  on  the  approaches. 
The  curtain,  which  is  simply  crenellated,  is 
covered  by  a  Redan  surrounded  by  a  deep 
ditch,  inside  the  parapet  of  which  are  granite 
platforms  ready  for  the  reception  of  guns.  The 
parapet  is  thick,  and  the  scarp  and  counterscarp 
are  faced  with  solid  masonry.  A  drawbridge 
affords  access  to  the  interior  of  the  Redan, 
whence  the  gate  of  the  fort  is  approached 
across  a  deep  and  broad  moat,  which  is  crossed 
by  another  drawbridge. 

As  the  Commodore  entered  the  Redan,  the 
guns  of  the  fort  broke  out  into  a  long  salute, 
and  the  band  at  the  gate  struck  up  almost  as 
lively  a  welcome.  Inside  the  parade  presented 
a  scene  of  life  and  animation  very  unlike  the 
silence  of  the  city  we  had  left.  Men  were  busy 
clearing  out  the  casemates,  rolling  away  stores 
and  casks  of  ammunition  and  provisions,  others 
were  at  work  at  the  gin  and  shears,  others 
building  sand-bag  traverses  to  guard  the  maga¬ 
zine  doors,  as  though  expecting  an  immediate 
attack.  Many  officers  were  strolling  under  the 
shade  of  the  open  gallery  at  the  side  of  the  cur¬ 
tain  which  contained  their  quarters  in  the  lofty 
bomb-proof  casemates. 

Some  of  them  had  seen  service  in  Mexican 
or  border  warfare ;  some  had  travelled  over 
Italian  and  Crimean  battle-fields  ;  others  were 
"West  Point  graduates  of  the  regular  army; 
others  young  planters,  clerks,  or  civilians  who 
had  rushed  with  ardor  into  the  first  Georgian 
Regiment.  The  garrison  of  the  fort  is  650  men, 
and  fully  that  number  were  in  and  about  the 
work,  their  tents  being  pitched  inside  the 
Redan  or  on  the  terreplein  of  the  parapets. 
The  walls  are  exceedingly  solid  and  well  built 
of  hard  gray  brick,  strong  as  iron,  upwards  of 
six  feet  in  thickness,  the  casemates  and  bomb- 
proofs  being  lofty,  airy,  and  capacious  as  any  I 
have  ever  seen,  though  there  is  not  quite  depth 
enough  between  the  walls  at  the  salient  and  the 
gun-carriages.  The  work  is  intended  for  128 
guns,  of  which  about  one-fourth  are  mounted 
on  the  casemates.  They  are  long  32’s  with  a  few 
42’s  and  columbiads.  The  armaments  will  be 
exceedingly  heavy  when  all  the  guns  are  mount¬ 
ed,  and  they  are  fast  getting  the  10-inch  colum¬ 
biads  into  position  cn  barbette.  Every  thing 
which  could  bo  required,  except  mortars,  was 
in  abundance — the  platforms  and  gun-carriages 
arc  solid  and  well  made,  the  embrasures  of  the 
casemates  are  admirably  constructed,  and  the 
ventilation  of  the  bomb-proof  carefully  provid¬ 
ed  for.  There  are  three  furnaces  for  heating 
red-hot  shot. 

Nor  is  discipline  neglected,  and  the  officers 
Avith  whom  I  went  round  the  works  were  as 
sharp  in  tone  and  manner  to  their  men  as  Vol¬ 
unteers  well  could  be,  though  the  latter  are  en¬ 


listed  for  only  three  years  by  the  State  of  Geor¬ 
gia.  An  excellent  lunch  was  spread  in  the 
casemated  bomb-proof,  which  served  as  the 
Colonel’s  quarter,  and  before  sunset  the  party 
Ayere  steaming  towards  Savannah  through  a 
tideway  full  of  leaping  sturgeon  and  porpoises, 
leaving  the  garrison  intent  on  the  approach  of 
a  large  ship,  which  had  her  sails  aback  off  the 
bar  and  hoisted  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  but 
Avhich  turned  out  to  be  nothing  more  formida¬ 
ble  than  a  Liverpool  cotton  ship. 

It  Avill  take  some  hard  blows  before  Georgia 
is  driven  to  let  go  her  grip  of  Fort  Pulaski. 
The  channel  is  very  narrow  and  passes  close 
to  the  guns  of  the  fort.  The  means  of  com¬ 
pleting  the  armament  have  been  furnished  by 
the  stores  of  Norfolk  Navy  Yard,  Avhere  be¬ 
tween  700  and  800  guns  have  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  Confederates ;  and,  if  there  are  no 
columbiads  among  them,  the  Merrimac  and 
other  ships,  Avhich  have  been  raised,  as  we 
hear,  Avith  guns  uninjured,  will  yield  up  their 
Dahlgrens  to  turn  their  muzzles  against  their 
old  masters. 

May  2. — May  day  was  so  well  kept  yester¬ 
day  that  the  exhausted  editors  cannot  “  bring 
out’’  their  papers,  and  consequently  there  is  no 
news ;  but  there  is,  nevertheless,  much  to  be 
said  concerning  “Our  President’s”  Message, 
and  there  is  a  suddenness  of  admiration  for 
pacific  tendencies  which  can  with  difficulty  be 
accounted  for,  unless  the  news  from  the  North 
these  last  few  days  has  something  to  do  with 
it.  Mot  a  word  now  about  an  instant  march  on 
Washington  !  no  more  threats  to  seize  on  Fan- 
euil  Hall! 

The  Georgians  are  by  no  means  so  keen  as 
the  Carolinians  on  their  border — nay,  they  are 
not  so  belligerent  to-day  as  they  were  a  Aveek 
ago.  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis’s  Message  is  praised 
for  its  “moderation,”  and  for  other  quali¬ 
ties  which  were  by  no  means  in  such  favor 
Avhilo  the  Sumter  fever  was  at  its  height.  Men 
look  grave,  and  talk  about  the  interference  of 
England  and  France,  which  “cannot  allow  this 
thing  to  go  on.”  But  the  change  which  has 
come  over  them  is  unmistakable,  and  TnE  best 
MEN  BEGIN  TO  LOOK  GP.AVE.  As  for  Ilie,  I  must 
prepare  to  open  my  lines  of  retreat — my  com¬ 
munications  are  in  danger. 

— London  Times. 


Doc.  218. 

N.  Y.  SEVENTH  REGIMENT  PAPERS. 

Head-quarters  Department,  ) 
Washington,  May  20th,  1861.  ^ 

Colonel  Leffeets, 

Commanding  N.  Y.  Seventh  Regiment: 
Sir :  Your  regiment  has  accomplished  all 
that  Avas  intended  by  it  in  crossing  over  to 
Arlington  to  take  possession  of  the  heights,  and 
have  labored  on  the  intrenchments  manfully, 
also.  The  security  of  this  city  renders  it  im¬ 
perative  you  should  resume  your  encampment 
on  this  side ;  and  yon  Avill  this  afternoon  march 


DOCUMENTS. 


319 


over  accordingly,  and  hold  your  regiment  here 
ready  to  turn  out  when  called  upon. 

Very  respectfully, 

J.  II.  K.  Mansfield, 
Brig.-Gen.,  and  Commanding. 


Washington,  D.  C.,  April  29, 1861, 
IXeab-qhakters,  Commanders  of  Companies, 

8th  Regiment,  Massachusetts  Vol.  Militia,  j 

To  Col.  Lefferts,  officers,  and  members,  New 
York  Seventh  Regiment 
At  a  meeting  of  this  regiment,  held  this 
morning,  the  following  preamble  and  resolu¬ 
tions  were  unanimously  adopted : 

Whereas,  The  trials  and  fortunes  of  war  have 
brought  us  into  close  intimacy  and  companion¬ 
ship  Vith  the  New  York  Seventh  Regiment, 
(National  Guard,)  therefore 
"  Resolved ,  That  we  feel  it  a  duty,  owing  not 
only  to  them,  but  to  our  own  hearts,  to  express 
so  far  as  it  may  be  in  our  power,  our  grateful 
obligations  to  them  for  their  many  favors. 

Resolved,  That  wo  deeply  appreciate  the 
hearty  welcome  extended  to  us  on  landing  at 
Annapolis,  and  their  kind  attention  after  the 
fatigues  of  transportation,  and  hazardous  though 
successful  service. 

Resolved ,  That  they  have  done  all  in  their 
power  to  lessen  the  just  feelings  of  dissatisfaction 
which  have  prevailed  throughout  the  regiment, 
by  sharing  with  us  their  rations  and  their  little 
conveniences,  and  by  ever  being  the  first  to  offer 
assistance. 

Resolved ,  That  especially  are  our  thanks  due 
to  the  noble  7th  for  the  generous  entertainment, 
so  spontaneous,  so  bounteous,  so.  heartily  ap¬ 
preciative  of  our  condition,  furnished  on  the 
afternoon  of  Saturday,  April  2.7th,  that  no 
words  can  do  it  justice,  or  do  justice  to  our 

gratitude.  . 

Resolved ,  That  in  one  other  and  very  especial 
particular  does  their  generosity  and  benevolence 
touch  our  hearts;  we  refer  to  the  voluntary 
subscription  raised  among  them,  for  the  benefit 
of  one  of  our  officers  accidentally  wounded. 

Resolved ,  That  the  term  so  ofcen.used  in  con¬ 
nection  with  the  volunteer  militia,  u  holiday 
soldiery,”  has,  in  all  the  conduct  of  the  regiment 
to  which  we  aro  so  much  indebted,  been  tri¬ 
umphantly  refuted;  and  that  it  will  hereafter 
be  worthy  of  the  highest  fame — fame  that  will 
now  attach  to  the  name  of  the  “ generous ,  gal¬ 
lant,  glorious  Seventh .” 

Resolved ,  That  wherever  the  Seventh  may  go 
wo  would  go;  where  they  lodge  we  would 
lodge ;  if  ever  their  colors  go  down  before  the 
hosts  of  the  enemy,  the  Eighth  of  Massachusetts 
would  be  first  to  avenge  their  fall  with  the 
heart's  blood  of  every  man. 

Knott  Y.  Martin,  Chairman. 

Geo.  T.  Newiiall,  Secretary. 

War  Department,  Adjutant-General’s  Office,  > 
Washington,  May  30, 1861.  $ 

Special  Order  A To.  146.  . 

The  commanding  officer  of  the  Seventh  Regi¬ 
ment  of  New  York  Volunteers,  will  proceed 


with  his  regiment  to  the  city  of  New  York, 
where  it  will  be  mustered  out  of  the  seivice  ot 
the  United  States,  by  Lieut.  M.  Cogswell,  Eighth 

Regiment.  . 

It  is  the  desire  of  the  "War  Department,  in 
relinquishing  the  services  ot  this  gallant  regi¬ 
ment,  to  make  known  the  satisfaction  that  is 
felt  at  the  prompt  and  patriotic  manner  in 
which  it  responded  to  the  call  tor  men  to  defend 
the  capital  when  it  was  believed  to  be  in  peril, 
and  to  acknowledge  the  important  seivice 
which  it  rendered  by  appearing  here  in  an  hour 
of  dark  and  trying  necessity.  The  time  for 
which  it  had  engaged  has  now  expired.  The 
service  which  it  was  expected  to  perform  has 
been  handsomely  accomplished,  and  its.  mem¬ 
bers  may  return  to  their  native  city  with  the 
assurance  that  its  services  are  gratefully  appre¬ 
ciated  by  all  good  and  loyal  citizens,  whilst  the 
Government  is  equally  confident  that  when  the 
country  again  calls  upon  them,  the  appeal  will 
not  be  made  in  vain  to  the  young  men  of  Lew 
York.  By  order 

L.  Tuomas,  Adjutant-General. 

Col.  Lefferts,  Commanding  Seventh  Regi¬ 
ment,  Camp  Cameron. 


Head-quarters,  Seventh  Regiment,  N.  Y.  8.  H., > 
Camp  Cameron,  Muy  30, 1801.  $ 

General  Order  No.  21. — Special  Order  No. 
146,  Head-quarters  United  States  Army,  is 
hereby  promulgated,  and  in  compliance  there¬ 
with  this  Regiment  will  parade  fully  uniformed, 
in  overcoats,  armed  and  equipped  for  the 
march,  at  3^  o’clock  p.  m.,  31st  inst.  blankets 
rolled  and  strapped  upon  the  knapsack.  Each 
soldier  must  carry  his  canteen  and  haversack. 
Pistols,  unloaded,  must  be  packed  in  the  knap¬ 
sacks.  The  Commissary  will  provide  two  days 
rations  for  each  man.  By  order  of 

Col.  Marshall  Lefferts, 

J.  H.  Liebenar,  Adjutant. 

Union  Defence  Committee  1 
Of  the  citizens  of  New  York,  > 
Office,  No.  30  Tine  Street.  1 

New  York,  May  31, 1861. 

In  Executive  Committee, 

Resolved ,  That  this  committee  dcsiro  to  ex¬ 
press  their  cordial  recognition  of  the  efficient 
service  rendered  to  the  cause  of  the  counti  y  at 
a  critical  emergency  of  its  public  affairs  by  the 
Seventh  Regiment  of  the  New  T  ork  State 
Militia,  commanded  by  Col.  Marshall  Lefferts, 
and  sharing  so  fully  in  the  general  feeling  of 
gratification  which  pervades  this  community  at 
learning  that  the  commanding  general  of  the 
U.  S.  Army,  under  the  sanction  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  has  acknowledged,  in  spe¬ 
cial  general  orders,  “the  important  service 
rendered  by  that  regiment  in  an  . hour  of  .  dark 
and  trying  necessity ;  ”  the  committee  desire  to 
unite  their  congratulations  with  those  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  in  extending  a  welcome  hand  to 
cheer  the  return  of  a  body  of  soldiers  who  con¬ 
ferred  such  high  honor  on  the  city  of  New  York. 
Resolved ,  That  this  committee  will  take 


320 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


pleasure  iu  attending  the  reception  to  be  given 
to  the  Seventh  Regiment,  on  its  arrival  in  this 
city  to-morrow. 

Resolved ,  That  these  proceedings  be  pub¬ 
lished,  and  a  copy  furnished  to  Col.  Lefferts. 
Extract  from  the  minutes. 

J.  J.  Astor,  Jr.,  Chairman  pro  tern. 

Executive  Committee. 

Prosper  M.  Wetmore, 

Secretary  Executive  Committee. 

Doc.  219. 

FIRST  MAINE  REGIMENT. 

Tiie  regiment  numbers  seven  hundred  and 
eighty  men,  and  is  officered  as  follows : 

Field  and  Staff  Officers. — Colonel,  Na¬ 
thaniel  J.  Jackson  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel,  Albion 
Witham;  Major,  Geo.  G.  Bailey;  Adjutant, 
J.  L.  Fillibrown ;  Quartermaster,  Wm.  S.  Dodge ; 
Surgeon,  Dr.  W.  R.  Richardson  ;  Chaplain,  Rev. 
Geo.  Knox ;  Assistant  Surgeon,  A.  A.  C.  Wil¬ 
liams;  Quartermaster’s  Sergeant,  S.  II.  Man¬ 
ning;  Sergeant-Major,  Foster  Randall;  Drum 
Major,  David  Jones;  Fife  Major,  Cyrus  Free¬ 
man. 

Co.  A,  Portland  Light  Infantry — Captain,  G. 
W.  Tukay ;  First  Lieutenant,  Geo.  II.  Chadwell; 
Second  Lieutenant,  Chas.  L.  McAllister.  Co. 
B,  Portland  Mechanic  Blues — Captain,  Charles 
Walker  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Charles  G.  Pennell ; 
Second  Lieutenant,  James  M.  Black.  Co.  C, 
Portland  Light  Guard — Captain,  M.  R.  Fessen¬ 
den  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Wm.  B.  Jordan;  Sec¬ 
ond  Lieutenant,  Benj.  M.  Redlon.  Co.  D,  Port¬ 
land  Rifle  Corps — Captain,  Charles  II.  Mescrvc; 
First  Lieutenant,  Wm.  A.  Pierce ;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Geo.  II.  Bailey.  Co.  E,  Portland  Rifle 
Guard — Captain,  Wm.  M.  Shaw;  First  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  A.  H.  Estes ;  Second  Lieutenant,  John  M. 
Marston.  Co.  F,  Lewiston  Light  Infantry — 
Captain,  J.  T.  Stevens;  First  Lieutenant,  Wm. 
D.  Knowlton  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  E.  M.  Shaw. 
Co.  G,  Norway  Light  Infantry — Captain,  Geo. 
L.  Beal ;  First  Lieutenant,  Henry  Rust,  Jr. ; 
Second  Lieutenant,  Jonathan  Blake.  Co.  II, 
Auburn  Artillery — Captain,  Chas.  S.  Emerson ; 
First  Lieutenant,  J.  F.  C.  Folsom;  Second 
Lieutenant,  Phineas  W.  Udell.  Co.  I,  New  Riflo 
Guard,  Portland — Captain,  William  Quimby; 
First  Lieutenant,  N.  T.  Furbish ;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Hebron  Mayhew.  Co.  If,  Lewiston 
Guard — Captain,  Silas  B.  Osgood ;  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant  Elijah  D.  Johnston;  Second  Lieutenant, 
George  H.  Neve.  —AT.  y.  Herald,  Juno  3. 


Doc.  229. 

FIGHT  AT  ACQUIA  CREEK. 

Tiie  following  is  the  official  report  of  tlio  ac¬ 
tion  at  Acquia  Creek : — 

U.  S.  Steamer  Tiiob,  Freeborf,  ) 
Off  Acquia  Creek,  Potomac  River,  May  31.  j 

My  immediate  commanding  officer,  Flag  Offi¬ 
cer  Stringham,  not  beiug  present  to  receive  it, 


I  communicate  directly  to  the  department,  the 
report  of  a  serious  cannonade  made  by  this  ves¬ 
sel,  supported  by  the  Anacosta  and  Resolute 
steamers,  upon  the  batteries  of  Acquia  Creek 
this  morning.  After  an  incessant  discharge 
kept  up  for  two  hours  by  both  our  32-pounders, 
and  the  expenditure  of  all  the  ammunition  suit¬ 
able  for  distant  firing,  and  silencing  completely 
the  three  batteries  at  the  railroad  terminus,  the 
firing  from  shore  having  been  rapidly  kept  up 
by  them  until  so  silenced,  and  having  been 
recommenced  from  the  new  batteries  on  the 
heights  back,  which  reached  us  in  volleys, 
dropped  the  shot  on  board  and  about  us  like 
hail  for  nearly  an  hour,  fortunately  wounding 
but  ono  man,  I  hauled  the  vessel  off,  as  the 
heights  proved  wholly  above  the  reach  of  our 
elevation.  Judging  from  the  explosion  of  our 
10-second  shells  in  the  sand  batteries,  two  of 
which  were  thrown  by  the  Anacosta,  it  is  hard¬ 
ly  possible  the  enemy  can  have  escaped  consid¬ 
erable  loss.  Several  other  of  the  Anacosta’s 
shells  dropped  in  the  vicinity  of  the  battery.  I 
cannot  speak  in  too  high  terms  of  the  officers 
and  men,  whoso  coolness  and  activity  under 
great  exposure  are  beyond  praise.  As  the 
former  are  all  acting,  having  volunteered  from 
civil  life,  none  but  myself  being  of  the  regular 
Navy,  I  beg  leave  to  ask  for  them  a  favorable 
consideration  by  the  Government.  The  long 
thirty-two  pounder  in  use  is  of  the  old  pattern, 
cast  in  1819,  and  cannot  bo  excelled  in  precis¬ 
ion.  Both  of  the  guns  are  on  carriages  of  the 
new  construction  devised  by  myself,  and  an¬ 
swered  admirably,  working  with  such  ease, 
that  the  crews  carao  out  of  the  action  wholly 
unfatigued.  To  the  extreme  sweep  of  140  de¬ 
grees  which  these  carriages  have,  together  with 
their  ease  and  rapidity  of  movement,  enabling 
the  vessel  to  constantly  change  position,  yet 
keep  up  accurate  fire,  which  impaired  the  ene¬ 
my’s  range  and  direction,  ho  firing  always  with 
rifled  cannon,  is  to  bo  materially  attributed  our 
escape  without  loss  of  life  or  damage  to  the 
vessel  or  machinery.  The  men  say  they  are  as 
fresh  from  fatigue,  a3  when  they  entered  action. 
Wo  cannonaded  for  an  hour  before  the  same 
batteries  tho  day  before  yesterday;  but,  the 
tide  being  out,  neither  party  reached  with  any 
considerable  certainty.  I  doubt  if  it  is  possible 
to  reduce  the  batteries  now  established  on  the 
heights,  from  ships,  nor  is  it  at  all  important, 
considering  they  are  remote  from  the  ship 
channel  of  tho  river,  and  command  only  the 
railroad  terminus.  Yesterday  I  landed  in  per¬ 
son,  with  Acting  Master  Budd,  and  Master’s 
Mate  Lee,  and  a  small  party  of  seamen,  and 
made  a  most  minute  exploration,  extending 
over  the  whole  of  Matthias  Point.  I  am,  there¬ 
fore,  able  to  speak  with  ocular  certainty,  and 
to  say  that  not  a  sign  of  a  movement,  the  cut¬ 
ting  of  a  sapling,  driving  a  stake,  or  carting  a 
shovel-full  of  earth  towards  the  erection  of  a 
battery  exists.  The  jungle  is  very  thick,  but 
we  penetrated  a  belt  of  it  three  hundred  yards 
wide  from  tho  shore  and  three  miles  in  length. 


DOCUMENTS. 


321 


Assuring  ourselves  of  the  facts  as  stated  in  this 
report,  I  have  especially  to  ask  for  the  steamers 
Reliance  and  Resolute  of  this  flotilla,  each  a 
small  rifled  cannon  in  addition  to  the  smooth- 
bored  gun  with  which  they  are  provided.  For 
the  want  of  a  rifled  gun  in  them,  I  was  obliged 
to  forbid  their  coming  closely  under  a  fire  to 
which  they  could  not  reply  with  even  an  ap¬ 
proximate  effect.  Lieutenant  commanding, 
N.  Collins,  of  the  Anacosta,  will  make  his  own 

report.  ,  ... 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  obedient 
servant,  J.  II.  Ward. 

Commander  U.  S.  Navy  commanding  Flotilla. 

To  the  lion.  Gideon  Welles,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 

Washington,  D.  C.  .  ...  to 

—National  IntelliQeitcer,  June  3. 


Doo.  221. 

SKIRMISH  AT  FAIRFAX  COTJRT-HOUSE. 

Tnu  following  is  the  official  report  of  Gen¬ 
eral  McDowell  to  General  Scott,  of  the  fight  at 
Fairfax  Court-House.  Lieutenant  Tompkins, 
who  commanded  the  company,  was  severely 
wounded,  so  much  so  that  he  was  unable  to 
make  his  report : — 

Head-quarters,  Department  Eastern  Virginia,  ) 
Arlington,  June  1, 1S61.  $ 

Colonel  E.  D.  Townsend,  Assistant  Adjutant- 
General, 

Head-quarters  of  the  Army,  Washington:— 

Sir:  The  following  facts  have  just  been  re¬ 
ported  to  me  by  the  Orderly  Sergeant  of  Com¬ 
pany  B,  of  the  Second  cavalry,  commanded^  by 
Lieutenant  Tompkins,  the  commanding  officer 
being  too  unwell  to  report  in  person. 

It  appears  that  a  company  of  the  Second 
cavalry,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Tompkins, 
aggregate  number  seventy-five,  left  their  camp 
at  half-past  ten  o’clock  last  night  on  a  scouting 
expedition.  They  reached  Fairfax  Court-House 
about  three  in  the  morning,  where  they  found 
several  hundred  men  stationed — Captain  Ewell, 
late  of  the  United  States  Dragoons,  said  to  be 
in  command.  A  skirmish  then  took  place,  in 
which  a  number  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  how 
many  the  Sergeant  does  not  know.  Many 
bodies  were  seen  on  the  ground,  and  severa 
were  taken  into  the  Court-House,  and  seen 
there  by  one  of  our  cavalry,  who  was  a  prisoner 
in  the  Court-House  for  a  short  time,  and  after 
wards  made  his  escape. 

The  following  is  the  report  by  the  Sergeant 
of  our  loss : — 

KILLED. 

Private  Saintilair . 

WOUNDED. 

Corporal  Max,  ball  through  the  hip . 

Corporal  Turner,  ball  in  the  ankle 
Private  Lynch,  ball  in  the  hand 
Private  Baggs,  ball  in  the  foot  .  . 


MISSING. 


Private  Sullivan 


6 


Five  prisoners  were  captured  by  our  troops, 
their  names  being  as  follows  : — John  W.  Ryan, 
private  of  the  Old  Guard;  H.  F.  Lynn,  Princo 
William  Cavalry  ;  John  A.  Dunnington,  Prince 
AVilliam  Cavalry;  F.  W.  W orders,  Prince  Wil¬ 
liam  Cavalry;  W.  F.  Washington,  son  of  the 
ate  Col.  Washington,  of  the  United  States 
Army.  Having  no  good  means  of  keeping 
prisoners  here,  they  are  sent  to  head-quarters 
’or  further  disposition. 

As  soon  as  Lieut.  Tompkins  recovers,  a  less 
lurried  report  than  this  will  be  submitted  by 
Col.  Hunter  commanding  the  brigade. 

John  McDowell, 

Brigadier-General  Commanding. 

A  file  of  soldiers  who  captured  the  prisoners 
wrought  them  to  Gen.  Mansfield’s  quarters,  who 
immediately  remanded  four  of  them  to  the 
Navy  Yard,  to  be  placed  with  those  heretofore 
captured.  Young  Washington  was  still  in  cus¬ 
tody  of  Gen.  Mansfield.  I  have  not  heard  what 
disposition  is  to  be  made  of  him.  He  is  a  fine- 
looking  fellow,  well  dressed,  and  exceedingly 
intelligent.  The  other  four  are  not  very  pre¬ 
possessing  in  their  appearance.  One  of  them 
informed  me  that  there  were  only  about  three 
hundred  soldiers  at  Fairfax — three  companies 
of  cavalry,  and  one  of  infantry. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  June  3. 

LIEUT.  TOMPKINS’  REPORT. 

The  following  is  the  report  of  Lieutenant 
Tompkins  to  Colonel  Hunter,  his  superior  offi- 
cer  i 

“  Sir :  I  have  the  honor  to  report  that,  pur¬ 
suant  to  verbal  instructions  from  the  col¬ 
onel,  commanding,  I  left  on  the  evening  of 
the  31st,  in  command  of  Co.  B  Cavalry,  to 
reconnoitre  the  vicinity  of  Fairfax  Court-House. 
Approaching  the  town,  the  enemy’s  picket  was 
surprised  and  captured.  Several  documents 
were  found  upon  them,  wThich  I  enclose.  On 
entering  the  town  of  Fairfax,  my  command  was 
fired  upon  by  rebel  troops  from  windows  and 
housetops.  I  charged  and  drove  the  mounted 
rifles  from  the  town.  Immediately  two  or 
three  companies  came  to  their  relief  and  fired 
upon  us,  which  I  returned.  Perceiving  I  was 
outnumbered,  I  deemed  it  advisable  to  l  eti  eat, 
which  I  did  in  good  order,  with  five  prisoners 
fully  armed  and  equipped,  and  two  horses. 

“  My  loss  is  three  men  missing,  three  slightly 
wounded,  and  twelve  horses  lost.  The  loss  of 
the  rebels  is  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  in  kill¬ 
ed  and  wounded.  From  observations  I  should 
judge  that  the  rebels  at  that  point  numbered 
fully  1,500  men.  Captains  Carey,  Fearing,  and 
Adjutant  Frank  of  the  New  York  5th  regiment 
accompanied  me,  and  I  regret  to  state  that 
Captain  Carey  was  wounded  in  the  foot.  Lieut. 
Gordon  of  the  2d  Dragoons  rendered  valuable 
services.  The  prisoners,  horses,  and  equip¬ 
ments  have  been  sent  to  General  Mansfield. 

“Yours  respectfully, 

“  Chas.  H.  Tomfkins.” 


Total  casualties  . 


322 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


REBEL  ACCOUNT  OF  TIIE  FAIRFAX  FIGHT. 

The  following  account  of  the  attack  at  Fair¬ 
fax  Court-House,  is  from  The  Richmond  En¬ 
quirer  of  the  3d  inst.  It  carefully  refrains  from 
mentioning  the  Virginia  cavalry,  who  occupied 
the  place ;  but  the  reason  of  this  neglect  is  dis¬ 
covered  in  a  private  letter  from  the  brother  of 
Capt.  Marr,  (the  secession  officer  killed  by  our 
troops,)  which  states  that  “the  Virginia  cavalry 
who  first  encountered  the  enemy,  ingloriously 
fled :  ” 

The  enemy,  on  Friday  morning,  about  3 
o’clock,  in  numbers  about  80  strong,  entered 
the  town  of  Fairfax  Court-House,  under  com¬ 
mand  of  Lieut.  Tompkins.  The  company  was 
the  United  States  regulars  from  Texas.  The 
enemy  dashed  into  towm  so  unexpectedly  that 
the  Warrenton  Rifles,  Capt.  John  Q.  Marr,  had 
only  some  ten  minutes  to  prepare  for  them. 
The  enemy  fired  at  the  quarters  of  the  troops, 
killing  Capt.  Marr  instantly,  and  though  near 
to  his  command,  his  death  was  not  known  un¬ 
till  after  9  o’clock,  when  his  body  was  found. 
The  enemy  pushed  on  through  the  town.  The 
Warrenton  Rifles  then  formed,  under  Col. 
Ewell  and  Gov.  Smith,  into  two  platoons,  and 
proceeded  down  the  road  after  the  enemy,  and 
taking  position  on  the  side  of  the  road,  waited 
the  return  of  the  enemy.  Very  soon  the  enemy 
returned  in  disorder,  when  a  volley  from  the 
rifles  scattered  them,  and  caused  a  retreat  up 
the  road.  They  reformed  into  “fours,”  and 
came  up  in  good  order,  when  another  fire  from 
the  rifles  again  scattered  them,  and  they  return¬ 
ed  by  a  cross  road  to  Alexandria.  Our  troops 
took  four  horses,  branded  “  U.  S.”  “  B,”  and 
killed  three  horses.  The  retreating  detach¬ 
ment  were  seen  near  Anandals,  with  fifteen  led 
horses  and  a  wagon  containing  wounded  men. 
Four  prisoners  were  taken  during  the  fight,  and 
nine  others  are  reported  as  having  been  found 
in  the  neighborhood  during  the  next  day,  (Sat¬ 
urday.)  Five  United  States  soldiers  were  kill¬ 
ed.  Several  carbines,  dragoon  swords,  officers’ 
swords,  a  double-barrel  shot-gun,  and  eight  dra¬ 
goon  revolvers,  were  picked  up  by  our  troops. 
Our  loss  was  Capt.  Marr,  killed — a  brave  and 
efficient  officer,  the  support  of  a  widowed 
mother,  and  a  most  useful  citizen.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  Virginia  Convention,  and  had 
filled  many  responsible  positions.  Col.  Ewell 
was  slightly  wounded  in  the  shoulder.  A 
member  of  the  Rappahannock  company  was 
also  severely  wounded.  Capt.  Marr’s  company 
were  badly  armed,  having  only  rifles  without 
bayonets ,  and  had  to  encounter  United  States 
regulars,  armed  with  sabres,  carbines,  and  re¬ 
volvers.  They  nobly  performed  their  duty, 
notwithstanding  there  was  no  officer  of  the 
company  to  command  them.  Captain  Marr 
was  killed  before  the  company  was  formed, 
and  Lieutenant  Shackelford  was  absent.  Cap¬ 
tain  Marr’s  death  was  caused  by  a  random  shot, 
while  selecting  ground  upon  which  to  form  his 
company.  The  darkness  prevented  any  one 


seeing  him  fall,  and  his  death  was  not  known 
until  late  the  next  morning. 

1  The  Nashville  Union  has  the  following  no¬ 
tice  of  Capt.  Marr : 

The  telegraphic  wires  bring  us  the  sad  intel¬ 
ligence  that  Capt.  John  Marr,  brother  to  our 
respected  friend  and  associate,  Mr.  Thomas  S. 
Marr  of  The  Union  and  American  office,  has 
been  the  first  soldier  of  the  South  to  baptize 
the  soil  of  the  Old  Dominion  with  his  patriotic 
blood,  in  an  engagement  with  the  enemy. 
Earnest  and  sincere  as  is  our  sympathy  with 
the  friends  and  relatives  of  this  noble  martyr 
to  Southern  independence,  deeply  as  we  condole 
with  them  in  the  decree  of  Providence  which 
has  singled  him  out  as  the  only  victim  to  Black 
Republican  vengeance  at  Fairfax,  yet  we  can¬ 
not  but  console  them  with  the  inspiring  and 
manly  thought  that  his  name  now  stands  side 
by  side,  on  the  roll,  with  the  great  and  good  of 
earth,  who  have  died  for  their  country  and  its 
sacred  altars.  He  has  found  the  grave  a  path¬ 
way  to  glory,  and  the  libation  which  he  has 
offered  up  to  the  independence  of  the  South 
will  moisten  a  plant  that  will  bloom  in  eternal 
beauty,  and  give  forth  immortal  fragrance.  The 
heart-stricken  grief  that  must  needs  follow  the 
announcement  of  his  death,  will  be  assuaged 
by  the  glorious  sentiment  of  a  Latin  poet,  Dulce 
et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori.  The  sweetest 
flowers  of  Spring  will  bloom  in  their  brightest 
hues,  and  the  most  enchanting  minstrels  of  the 
forests  of  Virginia  will  warble  forth  their  most 
thrilling  notes  over  the  grave  of  that  young 
soldier,  who  gave  up  his  young  and  promising 
life  to  shield  his  proud  old  Commonwealth  from 
sacrilege  and  disgrace,  her  fields  and  homes  from 
desolation,  her  smiling  plains  from  the  ravages 
of  a  ruthless  foe,  her  men  from  slavery,  and 
her  fair  daughters  from  pollution.  He  had 
but  one  life  to  lose.  That  he  has  given  to  the 
nursing  mother  that  gave  it  to  him,  to  the 
good  old  Commonwealth,  who  has  drawn  her 
sword  to  defend  her  stainless  escutcheon,  and 
who  will  never  drop  it  from  her  grasp  until  the 
tyrants  are  beneath  her  feet.  Surely  a  soldier 
and  a  soldier’s  friends  can  never  repine  at  death 
when  it  comes  in  such  a  form.  Capt.  Marr 
was  a  member  of  the  late  Convention  which 
dissolved  the  relations  of  Virginia  to  the  old 
Federal  Union.  He  was  a  gentleman  of  the 
highest  position,  social  and  political,  in  his 
native  State,  and  rushed  with  the  first  sum¬ 
mons  to  the  field  to  drive  back  its  invaders. 
We  are  not  sufficiently  posted  as  to  his  history, 
to  enter  minutely  into  details.  Suffice  that 
he  has  lived  a  life  of  honor  and  usefulness,  and 
died  a  glorious  death.  Peace  to  his  ashes ; 
glory  to  his  name !  —y.  y  Tribune. 


Doc.  222. 

SPEECH  OF  PRESIDENT  DAVIS, 

AT  RICHMOND,  JUNE  1. 

Friends  and  Fellow-citizens  : — I  thank  you 
for  the  compliment  your  presence  conveys.  It 


DOCUMENTS. 


323 


is  an  indication  of  regard,  not  for  the  person, 
but  for  the  position  which  he  holds.  The 
cause  in  which  we  are  engaged  is  the  cause  of 
the  advocacy  of  rights  to  which  we  were  born, 
those  for  which  our  fathers  of  the  Revolution 
hied— the  richest  inheritance  that  ever  fell  to 
man,  and  which  it  is  our  sacred  duty  to  trans¬ 
mit  to  our  children. 

Upon  us  is  devolved  the  high  and  holy  re¬ 
sponsibility  of  preserving  the  constitutional  lib¬ 
erty  of  a  free  government.  Those  with  whom 
we  have  lately  associated  have  shown  them¬ 
selves  so  incapable  of  appreciating  the. blessings 
of  the  glorious  institutions  they  inherited,  that 
they  are  to-day  stripped  of  the  liberty  to  which 
they  were  born.  They  have  allowed  an  igno¬ 
rant  usurper  to  trample  upon  all  the  preroga¬ 
tives  of  citizenship,  and  to  exercise  powers 
never  delegated  to  him ;  and  it  has  been  re¬ 
served  to  your  own  State,  so  lately  one  of  the 
original  thirteen,  but  now,  thank  God,  fully 
separated  from  them,  to  become  the  theatre  of 
a  great  central  camp,  from  which  will  pour 
forth  thousands  of  brave  hearts  to  roll  back  the 
tide  of  this  despotism. 

Apart  from  that  gratification  we  may  well  feel 
at  being  separated  from  such  a  connection,  is  the 
pride  that  upon  you  devolves  the  task  of  main¬ 
taining  and  defending  our  new  Government. 

I  believe  that  we  shall  be  able  to  achieve  this 
noble  work,  and  that  the  institutions  of  our 
fathers  will  go  to  our  children  as  safely  as  they 
have  descended  to  us. 

In  these  Confederate  States  we  observe  those 
relations  which  have  been  poetically  ascribed 
to  the  United  States,  but  which  never  there 
had  the  same  reality — States  so  distinct  that 
each  existed  as  a  Sovereign,  yet  so  united  that 
each  was  w'ound  with  the  other  to  constitute 
a  whole;  or,  as  more  beautifully  expressed, 
“  Distinct  as  the  billows,  yet  one  as  the  sea.” 

Upon  every  hill  which  now  overlooks  Rich¬ 
mond  you  have  had,  and  will  continue  to  have, 
camps  containing  soldiers  from  every  State  in 
the  Confederacy ;  and  to  its  remotest  limits 
every  proud  heart  beats  high  with  indignation 
at  the  thought  that  the  foot  of  the  invader  has 
been  set  upon  the  soil  of  old  Virginia.  There 
is  not  one  true  son  of  the  South  who  is  not  ready 
to  shoulder  his  musket,  to  bleed,  to  die,  or  to 
conquer  in  the  cause  of  liberty  here. 

Beginning  under  many  embarrassments,  the 
result  of  seventy  years  of  taxation  being  in  the 
hands  of  our  enemies,  we  must  at  first  move 
cautiously.  It  may  be  that  we  shall  have  to 
encounter  sacrifices;  but,  my  friends,  under 
the  smiles  of  the  God  of  the  Just,  and  filled 
with  the  same  spirit  that  animated  our  fathers, 
success  shall  perch  on  our  banners.  I  am  sure 
you  do  not  expect  me  to  go  into  any  argument 
upon  those  questions  which,  for  25  years,  have 
agitated  the  country.  We  have  now  reached 
the  points  where,  arguments  being  exhausted, 
it  only  remains  for  us  to  stand  by  our  weapons. 

When  the  time  and  occasion  serve,  we  shall 
smite  the  smiter  with  manly  arms,  as  did  our 


fathers  before  us,  and  as  becomes  their  sons. 
To  the  enemy  we  leave  the  base  acts  of  the  as¬ 
sassin  and  incendiary,  to  them  we  leave  it  to 
insult  helpless  women ;  to  us  belongs  vengeance 
upon  man. 

Now,  my  friends,  I  thank  you  again  for  this 
gratifying  manifestation.  (A  voice.  “  Tell  us 
something  of  Buena  Vista.”) 

Well,  my  friends,  I  can  only  say  we  will 
make  the  battle-fields  in  Virginia  another  Bue¬ 
na  Vista,  and  drench  with  blood  more  precious 
than  that  which  flowed  there.  We  will  make 
a  history  for  ourselves.  We  do  not  ask  that 
the  past  shall  shed  our  lustre  upon  us,  bright 
as  our  past  has  been,  for  we  can  achieve  our 
own  destiny. 

We  may  point  to  many  a  field,  over  which 
has  floated  the  flag  of  our  country  when  we 
were  of  the  United  States— upon  which  South¬ 
ern  soldiers  and  Southern  officers  reflected  their 
brave  spirits  in  their  deeds  of  daring;  and 
without  intending  to  cast  a  shadow  upon  the 
courage  of  any  portion  of  the  United  States,  let 
me  call  it  to  your  remembrance,  that  no  man 
•who  went  from  these  Confederate  States  has 
ever  yet,  as  a  general  officer,  surrendered  to  an 

enemy.  i 

Pardon  me  if  I  do  not  go  into  matters  of  his¬ 
tory,  and  permit  me,  again,  to  thank  you  lor 
this  kind  manifestation  of  your  regard,  to  ex¬ 
press  to  you  my  hearty  wishes  for  the  indi¬ 
vidual  prosperity  of  you  all,  with  the  hope  that 
you  will  all  pray  to  God  to  crown  our  cause 
and  our  country  with  success. 

He  then  retired  from  the  windows  amid  pro¬ 
longed  cheers. 

Galls  were  then  made  for  ex-Governor  V  ise, 
to  which,  after  a  short  delay,  he  responded  as 
follows : 

SPEECH  OF  EX-GOV.  HENRY  A.  WISE. 

My  Friends: — You  all  know  that  I  am  a 
civil  soldier  only,  and  that  in  that  capacity  I  was 
nearly  worn  down  in  the  siege  of  the  Virginia 
Convention.  Thank  God,  however,  that  with 
a  little  rest,  some  help,  and  some  damage  from 
the  doctors,  I  have  been  enabled  to  recruit  my 
exhausted  energies. 

The  time  of  deliberation  has  given  place  to 
the  time  of  action,  and  I  have  taken  up  my  bed 
as  an  individual,  in  common  with  others,  to 
march  to  Richmond  to  meet  the  President  of 
our  now  separate  and  independent  republic. .  I 
am  ready  to  obey  his  orders,  not  only  with 
pride,  pleasure,  and  devotion  to  the  cause,  and 
respect  to  the  office  he  fills,  hut  with  respect  to 
the  man  himself  as  one  who  has  our  fullest 
confidence. 

You  have  to  meet  a  foe  with  whom  you 
could  not  live  in  peace.  Your  political  powers 
and  rights,  which  were  enthroned  in  that 
Capitol  when  you  were  united  with  them 
under  the  old  constitutional  bond  of  the  Con¬ 
federacy,  have  been  annihilated..  They  have 
undertaken  to  annul  laws  within  your  own 
limits  that  would  render  your  property  unsaf® 


324 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1800-61. 


within  those  limits.  They  have  abolitionized 
your  border,  as  the  disgraced  North-west  will 
show.  They  have  invaded  your  moral  strong¬ 
holds  and  the  rights  of  your  religion,  and  have 
undertaken  to  teach  you  what  should  be  the 
moral  duties  of  men. 

They  have  invaded  the  sanctity  of  your  homes 
and  firesides,  and  endeavored  to  play  master, 
father,  and  husband  for  you  in  your  households ; 
in  a  word,  they  have  set  themselves  up  as  a 
petty  Providence  by  which  you  are  in  all  things 
to  be  guided  and  controlled.  But  you  have 
always  declared  that  you  would  not  be  subject 
to  this  invasion  of  your  rights. 

Though  war  was  demanded,  it  was  not  for 
you  to  declare  war.  But  now  that  the  armies 
of  the  invader  are  hovering  around  the  tomb 
of  Washington,  where  is  the  Virginian  heart 
that  does  not  heat  with  a  quicker  pulsation  at 
this  last  and  boldest  desecration  cf  his  beloved 
State  ?  Their  hordes  are  already  approaching 
our  metropolis,  and  extending  their  folds  around 
our  State  as  does  the  anaconda  around  his  vic¬ 
tim.  The  call  is  for  action. 

I  rejoice  in  this  war.  Who  is  there  that 
now  dares  to  put  on  sanctity  to  depreciate  war, 
or  the  “horrid  glories  of  war.”  None.  Why? 
Because  it  is  a  war  of  purification.  You  want 
war,  fire,  blood,  to  purify  you ;  and  the  Lord 
of  Hosts  has  demanded  that  you  should  walk 
through  fire  and  blood.  You  are  called  to  the 
fiery  baptism,  and  I  call  upon  you  to  come 
up  to  the  altar.  Though  your  pathway  be 
through  fire,  or  through  a  river  of  blood,  turn 
not  aside.  Be  in  no  hurry — no  hurry  and 
flurry. 

Collect  yourselves,  summon  yourselves,  ele¬ 
vate  yourselves  to  the  high  and  sacred  duty  of 
patriotism.  The  man  who  dares  to  pray,  the 
man  who  dares  to  wait  until  some  magic  arm 
is  put  into  his  hand ;  the  man  who  will  not  go 
unless  he  have  a  Minie,  or  percussion  musket, 
who  will  not  he  content  with  flint  and  steel,  or 
even  a  gun  without  a  lock,  is  worse  than  a 
coward — he  is  a  renegade.  If  he  can  do  no 
better,  go  to  a  blacksmith,  take  a  gun  along  as 
a  sample,  and  get  him  to  make  you  one  like 
it.  Get  a  spear — a  lance.  Take  a  lesson  from 
John  Brown.  Manufacture  your  blades  from 
old  iron,  even  though  it  be  the  tires  of  your 
cart-wheels.  Get  a  bit  of  carriage  spring,  and 
grind  and  burnish  it  in  the  shape  of  a  bowie 
knife,  and  put  it  to  any  sort  of  a  handle,  so 
that  it  be  strong — ash,  hickory,  oak.  But,  if 
possible,  get  a  double-barrelled  gun  and  a 
dozen  rounds  of  buckshot,  and  go  upon  the 
battle-field  with  these. 

If  their  guns  reach  further  than  yours,  re¬ 
duce  the  distance  ;  meet  them  foot  to  foot,  eye 
to  eye,  body  to  body,  and  when  you  strike  a 
blow,  strike  home.  Your  true-blooded  Yankee 
will  never  stand  still  in  the  face  of  cold  steel. 
Let  your  aim,  therefore,  be  to  get  into  close 
quarters,  and  with  a  few  decided,  vigorous 
movements,  always  pushing  forward,  never 
back,  my  word  for  it,  the  soil  of  Virginia  will 


be  swept  of  the  Vandals  who  arc  now'  polluting 
its  atmosphere. 

The  band  then  struck  up  “  Dixie,”  which 
was  followed  by  “  We  may  be  Happy  yet.” 

— 2V.  11  Express,  June  13. 


Doo.  222£. 

PROCLAMATION  OF  COL.  PORTERFIELD. 

TnE  following  proclamation  was  issued  prior 
to  the  attack  on  Phillippa : 

Head-quarters  Virginia  Forces,  > 
Phillippa,  Va.,  May  30,  1861.  \ 

To  the  People  of  North-western  Virginia: 

Fellow-Citizens: — I  am  in  your  section  of 
Virginia,  in  obedience  to  the  legally  constitut¬ 
ed  authorities  thereof,  with  the  view  of  pro¬ 
tecting  this  section  of  the  State  from  invasion 
by  foreign  forces  and  to  protect  the  people  in 
the  full  enjoyment  of  their  rights — civil,  re¬ 
ligious,  and  political.  In  the  performance  of 
my  duties,  I  shall  endeavor  to  exercise  every 
charitable  forbearance,  as  I  have  hitherto  done. 
I  shall  not  inquire  whether  any  citizens  of  Vir¬ 
ginia  voted  for  or  against  the  Ordinance  of  Se¬ 
cession.  My  only  inquiry  shall  and  will  be  as 
to  who  are  the  enemies  of  our  mother — the 
Commonwealth  of  Virginia.  My  duty  impels 
me  now  to  say  to  all  that  the  citizens  of  the 
Commonwealth  will  at  all  times  be  protected 
by  me  and  those  under  my  command.  Those 
who  array  themselves  against  the  State  will  be 
treated  as  her  enemies,  according  to  the  laws 
thereof. 

Virginians !  allow  me  to  appeal  to  you,  in 
the  name  of  our  common  mother,  to  stand  by 
the  voice  of  your  State,  and  to  defend  her 
against  all  enemies,  and  especially  to  repel  in¬ 
vasion  from  any  and  every  quarter.  Those 
who  reside  within  the  State,  wrho  invite  inva¬ 
sion,  or  who  in  any  manner  assist,  aid  or  abet 
invaders,  wfill  be  treated  as  enemies  to  Vir¬ 
ginia.  I  trust  that  no  Virginian,  whether  na¬ 
tive-born  or  adopted,  will  refuse  to  defend  his 
State  and  his  brothers  against  invasion  and  in¬ 
jury.  Virginians!  be  true,  and  in  due  time 
your  common  mother  will  come  to  your  re¬ 
lief. 

Already  many  of  you  have  rallied  to  the  sup¬ 
port  of  the  honor  of  your  State  and  the  main¬ 
tenance  of  your  liberties.  Will  you  continue 
to  be  freemen,  or  will  you  submit  to  be  slaves  ? 
Are  you  capable  of  governing  yourselves?- 
Will  you  allow  the  people  of  other  States  to 
govern  you  ?  Have  you  forgotten  the  precepts 
of  Madison  and  Jefferson?  Remember  that 
the  price  of  liberty  is  “  eternal  vigilance.” 
Virginia  has  not  made  war !  War  has  been 
made  upon  her  and  the  time-honored  princi¬ 
ples.  Shall  she  be  vindicated  in  her  efforts  to 
maintain  the  liberties  of  her  people,  or  shall 
she  how  her  head  in  submission  to  tyranny  and 
oppression?  It  seems  to  mo  that  the  true 
friend  of  national  liberty  cannot  hesitate. 
Strike  for  your  State  !  Strike  for  your  liber- 


DOCUMENTS. 


325 


ties !  Rally  1  rally  at  once  in  defence  of  your 
mother ! 

G.  A.  PORTERFIELD, 
Colonel  of  Volunteers,  Commanding. 

— N.  Y.  Times ,  May  30. 


Doc.  223. 

THE  CONFEDERATE  POST-OFFICE. 

Circular  No.  4,  Confederate  States  of  Amer¬ 
ica,  Post-Office  Department,  Montgomery,  May 
20th,  1861 

Sir — You  are  hereby  instructed,  as  the  postal 
service  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
within  the  Confederate  States  will  be  sus¬ 
pended,  under  the  authority  of  the  Confederate 
States,  on  and  after  the  1st  day  of  June  next, 
to  retain  in  your  possession,  subject  to  the  fur¬ 
ther  orders  of  this  department,  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Confederate  States,  all  mail  bags,  locks 
and  keys,  marking  and  other  stamps,  blanks 
for  quarterly  returns  of  postmasters,  and  all 
other  property  belonging  to  or  connected  with 
the  postal  service,  and  to  return  forthwith  to 
the  chief  of  the  appointment  bureau  of  this  de¬ 
partment  a  full  inventory  of  the  same.  You  will 
also  report  to  the  chief  of  the  finance  bureau  of 
this  department,  on  the  1st  day  of  June  prox¬ 
imo,  your  journal  or  ledger  account  with  the 
United  States  for  the  service  of  the  Post-Office 
Department,  up  to  and  including  the  31st  day  of 
the  present  month  of  May,  in  accordance  with 
the  general  regulations  embraced  in  Chapter  24 
of  the  edition  of  Laws  and  Regulations  of  the 
Post-Office  Department,  issued  May  15,  1859, 
page  106,  exhibiting  the  final  balance  in  your 
possession.  I  am  very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

John  H.  Reagan, 
Postmaster  General. 

To - ,  Esq.,  Postmaster  at - *. 

—N.  Y.  Herald,  June  7. 


Doo.  224. 

L.  W.  BLISS’  PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas  existing  exigencies  demand  imme¬ 
diate  and  adequate  measures  for  the  protection 
of  the  financial  condition  of  this  Territory,  on 
account  of  the  insurrectionary  combinations 
existing  in  the  States,  I,  L.  W.  Bliss,  Acting 
Governor  of  Jefferson  Territory,  do  hereby  for¬ 
bid  the  transmission  by  the  people  of  this  Ter¬ 
ritory,  under  any  pretext  whatever,  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  or  to  any  of 
the  States  thereof,  any  money,  bills,  drafts, 
gold  dust,  or  other  things  of  value,  either  in 
payment  of  any  debt  now  due,  or  hereafter  to 
become  due,  or  for  or  on  account  of  any  other 
cause  whatever,  until  the  termination  of  hostil¬ 
ities.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  the  citizens 
of  Jefferson  Territory  are  invited  to  pay  the 
amount  of  their  indebtedness  to  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  so  fast  as  it  becomes  due, 
into  the  Treasury  of  the  Territory,  where  it 
Documents — 24 


will  remain  on  deposit  till  the  close  of  hostili¬ 
ties.  These  deposits  will  be  charged  ten  per 
cent,  per  annum,  and  the  faith,  credit,  and  pub¬ 
lic  property  of  the  whole  Territory  are  pledged 
for  their  security.  As  we  have  thus  far  main¬ 
tained  a  neutral  position  with  regard  to  the 
difficulties  now  pending,  I  would  counsel  a 
moderate  course.  Let  our  action  be  on  the  de¬ 
fensive  only  ;  and  for  the  better  defence  of  the 
Territory,  I  would  advise  the  arming  of  the 
Arrapahoes  and  other  tribes  of  friendly  In¬ 
dians.  In  the  mean  time  I  earnestly  invoke  the 
cooperation  of  all  good  citizens  in  the  measures 
hereby  adopted  for  the  successful  retention  of 
valuables  in  this  Territory,  and  to  secure  hap¬ 
piness  and  prosperity  throughout  our  country. 

Done  at  Denver,  this  21st  day  of  May,  A.  D. 
1861.  L.  W.  Bliss, 

Acting  Governor,  Jefferson  Territory. 

— National  Intelligencer,  J  uno  18. 


Doo.  225. 

THE  CENTRAL  COMMITTEE’S  ADDRESS 

TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  NORTHWESTERN  VIRGINIA. 

Having  submitted  to  you  the  resolutions  of 
the  Convention  held  at  Wheeling,  on  the  13th 
instant,  with  a  brief  address,  we  now  crave 
your  earnest  attention  whilst  we  discuss,  yet 
further,  the  very  grave  and  important  questions 
submitted  for  your  consideration  and  action. 
We  are  yet  freemen,  Virginia  freemen,  in  the 
full  possession  and  enjoyment  of  the  sacred  and 
inalienable  rights  guaranteed  to  us  by  the  Bill 
of  Rights  and  Constitution  of  our  State,  and 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  In  that 
character  and  under  those  sanctions  we  now 
address  you,  and  it  will  remain  for  us  in  our 
future  action  to  determine  whether  we  shall 
retain  them  or  not. 

As  shown  in  the  resolutions  of  the  Conven¬ 
tion  already  submitted  to  you,  we  have  been 
called  to  pass  upon  the  acts  of  one  of  the  high¬ 
est  and  most  solemn  assemblages  known  to  our 
system  of  Government — the  representatives  of 
the  people  of  Virginia  in  Convention  assembled. 
We  must  here  correct  an  error  of  fatal  effect 
and  consequence,  which  meets  us  at  the  thresh¬ 
old  of  our  discussion  The  Convention  of  Vir¬ 
ginia,  which  was  elected  on  the  4th  of  1  ebruary 
last,  and  assembled  at  Richmond  on  the  13th 
of  the  same  month,  was  not  the  embodiment 
of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  of  Virginia. 
They  were  not  clothed  with  the  powers  they 
have  assumed  to  exercise  ;  else  could  they  have 
undone  the  work  of  our  fathers,  abolished  our 
republican  form  of  Government,  and  re-estab¬ 
lished  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  as  our  su¬ 
preme  governing  power.  The  act  of  our  Leg¬ 
islature,  convening  this  Convention,  expressly 
provided  that  the  distinct  question  should  be 
submitted  to  the  people  of  Virginia,  whether 
any  ordinance  in  any  manner  affecting  or  chang¬ 
ing  our  relations  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  or  the  Constitution  of  our  own 


326 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


State,  should  be  referred  to  the  people,  or  not. 
By  an  unusual,  unprecedented  majority,  the 
people  decided,  substantially,  that  no  change 
should  be  made,  either  in  our  allegiance  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  or  in  our  State 
Constitution,  without  having  first  received  the 
sanction  and  approval  of  our  people.  The  sec¬ 
ond  article  of  our  Bill  of  Bights  declares  “  that 
all  power  is  vested  in,  and  consequently  de¬ 
rived  from,  the  people ;  that  magistrates  are 
their  trustees  and  servants,  and  at  all  times 
amenable  to  them.”  Therefore  no  act  or  ordi¬ 
nance  of  the  Convention  changing  our  Govern¬ 
ment,  either  State  or  Federal,  can  be  of  any 
force  or  effect  until  the  people  have,  by  a  free, 
deliberate,  and  unconstrained  vote,  passed  upon 
it ;  and  then  only  subject  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States. 

This  leads  us  to  the  next,  and  yet  more  im¬ 
portant  question,  as  to  the  power,  effect,  and 
obligation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  In  this  address  we  intend  to  speak 
with  perfect  frankness  and  candor.  Claiming 
to  understand  our  rights,  we  know  that  we  are 
addressing  those  of  equal  intelligence,  and  who, 
whilst  understanding  their  rights,  have  the 
courage  and  manhood  to  vindicate  and  main¬ 
tain  them.  The  Hon.  Jefferson  Davis,  Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  so-called  Confederate  States,  on  the 
29th  of  the  last  month,  sent  a  message  to  the 
Congress  at  Montgomery,  convened  in  extra 
session.  He  has  availed  himself  of  this  occa¬ 
sion,  as  the  head  and  chief  of  the  States  who 
have  attempted  to  withdraw  themselves  from 
our  Federal  Union,  to  “declare  the  causes 
which  impel  them  to  the  separation.”  He  says 
to  the  Congress :  “  The  occasion  is  indeed  an 
extraordinary  one.  It  justifies  me  in  a  brief 
review  of  the  relations  heretofore  existing  be¬ 
tween  us  and  the  States  which  now  unite  in 
warfare  against  us,  and  a  succinct  statement 
of  the  events  which  have  resulted  in  this  war¬ 
fare  ;  to  the  end  that  mankind  may  pass  intel¬ 
ligent  and  impartial  judgment  on  its  motives 
and  objects.”  When  our  fathers  declared  their 
country’s  independence,  it  was  not  the  act  of 
one  man ;  but  the  instrument  bore  the  signa¬ 
tures  of  men  the  story  of  whose  lives  is  the 
history  of  the  times  in  which  they  lived.  This 
message  of  Mr.  Davis  is  the  authoritative  decla¬ 
ration  of  the  Seceding  States,  and  we  receive 
it  in  the  character  he  has  assumed  for  it. 

The  single,  naked  proposition  upon  which 
rests  the  whole  claim  of  the  right  of  secession 
is  distinctly  stated  in  the  second  of  the  “  Arti¬ 
cles  of  Confederation  ”  adopted  by  the  original 
Thirteen  States  during  the  War  of  the  Devolu¬ 
tion,  as  framed  by  the  Delegates  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  on 
the  9th  of  July,  1778.  This  article  is  in  these 
words : 

“  Each  State  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom, 
and  independence,  and  every  power,  jurisdic¬ 
tion,  and  right  which  is  not  by  this  Confedera¬ 
tion  expressly  delegated  to  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled.” 


This  was  the  vital  defect  in  the  articles  of 
Confederation,  and  on  the  21st  of  February, 
1787,  the  Congress,  after  declaring  the  ineffi¬ 
ciency  of  the  Federal  Union,  and  the  necessity 
of  devising  such  further  provisions  as  should 
render  the  same  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of 
the  Union,  and  being  satisfied  that  a  Conven¬ 
tion  was — 

“  The  most  probable  means  of  establishing  in 
these  States  a  firm  National  Government,  re¬ 
solved  that  it  was  expedient  that  a  Convention 
of  Delegates  appointed  by  the  several  States 
should  be  held  on  the  second  Monday  in  May 
then  next,  at  Philadelphia,  for  the  sole  and  ex¬ 
press  purpose  of  revising  the  Articles  of  Con¬ 
federation,  and  reporting  to  Congress  and  the 
several  Legislatures  such  alterations  and  pro¬ 
visions  therein  as  shall,  when  agreed  to  in  Con¬ 
gress  and  confirmed  by  the  States,  render  the 
Federal  Constitution  adequate  to  the  exigencies 
of  Government  and  the  preservation  of  the 
Union.” 

The  Congress  and  the  patriotic  men  of  that 
day  had  become  satisfied,  from  tke  experience 
and  trials  of  the  Kevolutionary  War,  and  the 
few  years  which  had  elapsed  subsequent  to  its 
close,  that  the  so-called  “  sovereignty  and  in¬ 
dependence,”  reserved  to  the  States  under  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  were  the  fruitful 
source  of  all  the  manifold  troubles  and  difficul¬ 
ties  they  encountered.  They  found  that  their 
Government  was  so  imperfect  as  to  be  inade¬ 
quate  to  the  great  ends  of  all  Governments,  as 
laid  down  in  their  Declaration  of  the  4th  of 
July,  1776,  and  that  it  had  therefore  become 
their  duty  “to  alter  or  abolish  it,  and  to  insti¬ 
tute  a  new  Government,  laying  its  foundation 
on  such  principles  and  organizing  its  powers 
in  such  form  as  to  them  should  seem  most  like¬ 
ly  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.” 

The  Convention  which  assembled  in  May, 
1787,  at  Philadelphia,  and  which  immortalized 
itself  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
thoroughly  reflected  the  will  of  those  whom 
they  represented.  They  framed  that  Constitu¬ 
tion  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  and  not  of  the  several  States, 
as  separate  and  distinct  sovereignties.  In  the 
debates  had  in  that  Convention,  on  the  forma¬ 
tion  of  the  Constitution,  the  following  language 
was  used  by  that  distinguished  son  of  Virginia, 
James  Madison : 

“Some  contend  that  States  are  sovereign, 
when  in  fact  they  are  only  political  societies. 
There  is  a  gradation  of  power  in  all  societies 
from  the  lowest  corporation  to  the  highest  sov¬ 
ereign.  The  States  never  possessed  the  essen¬ 
tial  rights  of  sovereignty.  These  were  always 
vested  in  Congress.  Their  voting  as  States  in 
Congress  is  no  evidence  of  sovereignty.  The 
State  of  Maryland  voted  by  counties,  did  this 
make  the  counties  sovereign?  The  States  at 
present  are  only  great  corporations,  having  the 
power  of  making  by-laws,  and  these  are  effectual 
only  if  they  are  not  contradictory  to  the  Gen¬ 
eral  Confederation.” 


DOCUMENTS. 


327 


In  tlie  memorable  preamble  to  that  Constitu 

tion  they  declare  as  follows : 

“  'We  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  or¬ 
der  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union,  establish 
justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for 
the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  wel- 
fare  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to 

ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  es¬ 
tablish  this  Constitution  for  the  United  States 

°fli™vasCthe  act  of  the  people  and  not  of  the 
States.  George  Washington,  the  Pres^  of 
the  Convention,  in  communicating  to  the  Con¬ 
gress  the  Constitution  which  had  been  thus 
framed,  in  his  letter  of  the  17th  of  September 
1787,  uses  this  most  remarkable  and  significant 

laD*r  jt  is  obviously  impracticable,  in  the  Federal 
Government  of  these  States,  to  secure  all  rights 
of  independent  sovereignty  to  each  and  yet  pio- 
vide  for  the  interest  and  safety  of  all. 

This  Constitution  was  not  submitted  to  the 
States  for  ratification,  but  to  the  people  of  the 
several  States  in  Conventions  assembled.  On 
the  25th  of  June,  1788,  the  Convention  of  Vir¬ 
ginia,  by  their  ordinance  assenting  to  and  rati¬ 
fying  that  Constitution,  declared  and  made 

kll“That  the  powers  granted  under  the  Consti¬ 
tution,  being  derived  from  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  may  be  resumed  by  them  when¬ 
soever  the  same  shall  be  perverted  to  their  in¬ 
jury  or  oppression,  and  that  every  power  not 
granted  thereby  remains  with  them  and  at 

We  still  hold  to  the  great  political  truths  our 
fathers  have  taught  us.  Our  National  Govern¬ 
ment  is  not  a  mere  league  between  sovereign 
States,  which  each  may  revoke  at  its  pleasure 
but  the  solemn  act  of  the  people  of  the  several 
States,  which  they  alone  can  revoke.  _ 

We  do  not  deny  the  right  of  revolution  ,  on 
the  contrary,  we  maintain  and  vindicate  it. 
Whenever  a  Government,  in  its  administration, 
is  destructive  of  the  legitimate  ends  of  all  Gov¬ 
ernments,  “  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter 
or  abolish  it;”  but  in  so  doing  the  people  must 
he  consulted,  and  they  will  ever  take  care  that 
the  Government  they  have  established  shall  not 
be  changed  for  light  and  transient  causes. 
Nothing  has  occurred  to  warrant  or  justify  the 
change  in  our  Government  proposed  by  the 
ordinances  of  our  Convention.  Adopting  the 
lan<ma«*e  of  our  fellow-citizens  of  the  county 
of  Berkeley,  at  their  late  mass  meeting,  we  caii 
truthfully  declare : 

“  That  we  have  never  yet  agreed  to  break 
our  allegiance  to  that  Constitution  which  was 
signed  by  George  Washington,  framed  by  James 
Madison,  administered  by  Jefferson,  judicial  y 
expounded  by  John  Marshall,  protected  by 
Jackson,  defended  by  Webster,  and  lived  for 

^‘UThat  we  have  never  known  Virginia  save 

as  a  State  in  the  United  States;  and  all  our 
feelings  of  State  pride  are  indelibly  associated 


with  her,  as  a  bright  star  m  the  constellation 

of  a  glorious  and  united  country. 

“  That  we  have  lived  happily  under  the  great 
Government  of  the  United  States,  and  i  ia 
Government  has  oppressed  us  by  any  of  its  acts, 
legislative,  executive,  or  judicial,  during  its  ex¬ 
istence,  we  do  not  know  it.” 

Such,  we  are  well  persuaded,  must  be  the 
declaration  of  every  calm,  deliberate,  and  con¬ 
scientious  citizen.  How,  then,  can  we  approve 
and  ratify  the  ordinance  of  secession  {  As  n 
nothing  should  be  wanting  to  arouse  and  excite 
our  most  determined  opposition,  the  manner  of 
its  adoption,  the  circumstances  which  preceded 
it,  the  unjustifiable  acts  of  aggression  and  war¬ 
fare  against  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  committed  prior  even  to  the  attempted 
disruption  of  the  Union,  and  the  still  more  fla¬ 
grant  outrage  upon  our  rights  and  liberties,  in 
the  passage  of  the  ordinance  annexing  our  State 
to  the  Confederate  States,  and  the  introduction 
of  the  armed  soldiers  of  that  Confederacy  for 
the  avowed  purpose  of  making  war  upon  the 
United  States,  all  combine  to  strengthen  and 
confirm  our  solemn  determination  not  to  sub¬ 
mit  to  such  violation  of  our  rights  secured  to 
us  by  the  Constitutions  of  both  A/  lrginia  and 
the  United  States.  We  will  maintain  inviolate 
our  fealty  and  allegiance  to  both.  There  is  and 
can  be  no  conflict  in  this  double,  allegiance 
The  ordinances  of  the  Convention  intended  to 
withdraw  our  State  from  the  United  States  and 
annex  her  to  the  Confederate  States,  are  uncon¬ 
stitutional,  null,  and  void ;  and  the  acts  of  the 
Governor  and  his  subordinates,  so  far  as  they 
are  intended  to  execute  those  ordinances  are 
mere  usurpations  of  power,  unwarranted  by 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  our  State. 

To  show  conclusively  how  far  the  cxistin0 

authorities  of  our  State  Government  have  com 

promised  her  honor  and  dignity  and  abu.ed 
the  trust  and  confidence  of  her  people,  we  make 
the  following  extract  from  the  message  of  the 
Hon.  Jefferson  Davis,  to  which  we  have  befoie 

ief“  Having  been  officially  notified  by  the  pub¬ 
lic  authorities  of  the  State  of  Virginia  that  she 
had  withdrawn  from  the  Union,  and  desired  to 
maintain  the  closest  political  relations  with  us 
which  it  was  possible  at  this  time  to  establish, 

I  commissioned  the  Hon.  Alex.  H.  Stephen., 
Vice-President  of  the  Confederate  States  to 
represent  its  Government  at  Richmond  I  am 
happy  to  inform  you  that  he  has  concluded  a 
convention  with  the  State  of  Virginia  by  which 
that  honored  Commonwealth,  so  long  and  justly 
distinguished  among  her  sister  States,  and  so 
dear  to  the  hearts  of  thousands  of  her  childien 
in  the  Confederate  States,  has  united  her  power 
and  her  fortunes  with  ours,  and  become  one 

0t  The  fourteenth  article  of  the  Bill  of  Rights 
of  our  State  is  in  these  words : 

“That  the  people  have  a  right  to  uniform 
government ;  and  therefore  that  no  govern¬ 
ment  separate  from  or  independent  of  the  gov- 


328 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


ernment  of  Virginia  ought  to  he  erected  or 
established  within  the  limits  thereof.” 

But  in  direct  violation  of  this  fundamental 
law  of  our  State,  without  the  authority,  aye, 
without  the  knowledge  of  our  people,  a  gov¬ 
ernment  separate  from  and  independent  of  the 
government  of  Virginia  has  been  erected  and 
established  within  her  limits.  The  new  gov¬ 
ernment,  called  the  Confederate  States  of 
America,  has,  by  the  usurpation  of  our  Con¬ 
vention,  been  placed  over  a  large  portion  of  our 
State,  put  in  possession  of  the  Governor  and 
his  subordinate  executive  officers,  our  whole 
military  force  and  military  operations,  offen¬ 
sive  and  defensive;  and,  to  complete  our  deg¬ 
radation  as  a  free  people,  by  the  introduction 
of  large  bodies  of  Confederate  troops,  and  the 
alteration  of  our  Constitution  and  laws  relating 
to.  elections,  that  foreign  government  has  ob¬ 
tained  the  control  of  the  ballot-box.  We  are 
very  sure  that  no  man,  whose  faith  has  not 
been  shaken  in  the  great  political  axiom  of  our 
fathers,  that  man  is  capable  of  self-government, 
can  calmly  and  dispassionately  consider  the  acts 
of  the  Convention  and  Executive  of  our  State 
without  feeling  aroused  within  him  the  same 
spirit  of  indignant  resistance  which  led  our 
fathers  into  and  through  the  war  of  the  Bevo- 
lution. 

Questions  of  the  grave  import  as  are  thoso 
submitted  to  you  are  not  to  be  decided  under 
the  sudden  and  rash  impulse  of  passion,  preju¬ 
dice,  or  the  promptings  of  misled  State  pride. 
We  have  loved  and  honored  our  State  for  her 
past  history — a  history  made  glorious  by  her 
loyalty  to  the  great  Union  which  she  more  than 
any  other  State  contributed  to  create,  estab¬ 
lish,  and  perpetuate.  No  mere  vituperation  or 
sneering  can  or  ought  to  move  us  from  our 
honest  convictions  of  duty.  We  are  not  the 
followers,  of  any  man  or  set  of  men,  but  the 
conscientious  supporters  of  the  Government, 
both  National  and  State,  which  our  fathers 
created,  and  which  for  nearly  three-quarters  of 
a  century  has  covered  our  country  with  bless¬ 
ings. 

Admitting,  as  we  do,  the  right  of  revolution, 
but  denying,  as  we  must,  that  there  is  any  case, 
sufficient  or  otherwise,  to  demand  or  justify  it, 
to  what,  description  of  Government  has  our 
Convention  attempted  to  annex  us?  We  can¬ 
not  better  answer  this  question  than  in  the  lan¬ 
guage  of  one  of  Maryland’s  most  patriotic  and 
gifted  sons : 

“  On.  one  side  of  us  is  a  united  nation  of  nine¬ 
teen  millions  of  people ;  on  the  other,  a  divided 
population  of  nine  millions.  We  stand  between 
them.  If  we  remain  true  to  the  Union,  we 
shall  have  protection  and  peace,  and  hereafter 
an  easy  settlement  of  all  our  complaints.  If  wo 
desert  the  Union,  we  shall  be  driven  into  a 
Confederacy  which  has  but  little  sympathy 
with  our  interests,  and  less  power  to  protect  us 
against  the  ravages  of  the  frequent  wars  which 
must  inevitably  arise  between  the  two  sections.” 

“  The  Southern  Confederacy  is  essentially  weak 


in  the  basis  of  its  construction.  It  is  founded 
on  a  principle  which  mu^t  lead  to  the  ever- 
recurring  danger  of  new  secessions,  and  the  ex¬ 
hibition  of  a  worse  than  Mexican  anarchy.  It 
may  witness  pronunciamientos  upon  every  dis¬ 
content,  and  the  strife  of  the  parties  ending  in 
further  disintegration.  If  the  Border  States  go 
into  that  Confederacy,  the  opposition  of  mate¬ 
rial  interests  will  soon  develop  the  utter  want 
of  capacity  in  the  new  Government  to  secure 
its  cohesion.” 

Wisely,  therefore,  did  our  late  Convention, 
looking  to  the  geographical,  social,  commercial, 
aa  industrial  interests  of  Northwestern  Vir¬ 
ginia,  resolve  “that  the  Virginia  Convention, 
in  assuming  to  change  the  relations  of  the  State 
of  Virginia  to  the  Federal  Government,  have 
not  only  acted  unwisely  and  unconstitutionally, 
but  have  adopted  a  policy  utterly  ruinous  to  all 
the  material  interests  of  our  section,  severing 
all  our  social  ties,  and  drying  up  all  the  chan¬ 
nels  of  our  trade  and  prosperity.”  We  are  very 
confident  that  every  reflecting  and  candid  man 
must  concur  in  this  resolution ;  and  that,  there¬ 
fore,  if  our  reasoning  upon  the  constitutional 
question  be  sound,  both  our  duty  as  true  and 
loyal  citizens  of  Virginia  and  the  United  States, 
and  our  interests  of  every  kind,  are  in  perfect 
harmony  the  one  with  the  other. 

It  is  neither  our  right  nor  our  duty  to  antici¬ 
pate  the  action  of  the  Convention  which  will 
assemble  on  the  11th  of  June.  Ere  this  ad¬ 
dress  reaches  you,  your  will,  at  least  in  parts  of 
our  State,  will  have  been  expressed  through 
the  ballot-box.  How  far  that  will  may  sustain 
the  positions  we  have  here  assumed,  we  know 
not,  but  they  are  nevertheless  submitted  to  you 
with  the  confident  assurance  that  they  cannot 
be  successfully  assailed.  We  are  equally  confi¬ 
dent  that  it  will  be  your  determination  to  main¬ 
tain  and  vindicate  the  loyalty  of  our  State  in 
the  Union,  in  such  manner  and  by  such  consti¬ 
tutional  and  lawful  means  as  future  consulta¬ 
tion  and  deliberation  shall  determine  to  be  the 
best  and  wisest.  We  have  sought  to  strengthen 
and  confirm  your  attachment  to  our  Govern¬ 
ment  as  it  existed  prior  to  the  usurpations  of 
the  Convention  and  Executive  of  our  State;  to 
satisfy  you  that  your  love  for  the  Union  of  our 
fathers  was  not  a  mere  sentiment,  but  was 
firmly  based  upon  truth  and  duty ;  that  your 
fealty  to  the  State  of  Virginia  demanded  and 
compelled  your  fealty  to  the  Union  ;  and  that, 
however  our  brethren  in  other  parts  of  the  State 
might  decide  for  themselves  in  this  solemn 
crisis  of  our  country’s  history,  we  of  North¬ 
western  Virginia,  having  an  equal  right  with 
them  so  to  decide,  will  abide  by  and  maintain 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States 
and  of  Virginia. 

Whilst  we  have  a  Constitution  and  code  of 
laws  for  our  State  Government,  and  local  offi¬ 
cers  to  administer  them,  the  Executive  and  his 
immediate  subordinates  have  submitted  them¬ 
selves  to  the  Government  of  the  Confederate 
States.  They  have  thrown  off  their  allegiance 


DOCUMENTS. 


329 


to  the  United  States,  and  are  now  diligently 
and  laboriously  preparing  themselves  to  wage 
war  against  the  Government  of  the  Union. 
We  need  not  characterize,  in  terms,  such  con¬ 
duct,  but  as  true  and  loyal  citizens  of  Virginia 
we  can  and  must  declare  that,  in  our  calm  and 
deliberate  judgment,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  the 
people  of  Northwestern  Virginia  to  provide,  in 
the  lawful  and  constitutional  mode,  for  the  ex¬ 
ercise  of  those  executive  and  legislative  func¬ 
tions  of  our  State  Government  which  have  been 
intrusted  to  those  who  are  faithless  and  dis¬ 
loyal,  and  thus  save  ourselves  from  that  anarchy 
which  so  imminently  threatens  us.  In  sub¬ 
mitting  this  grave  subject  for  your  considera¬ 
tion,  we  do  so  in  the  earnest  faith  and  hope 
that  you  will  send  to  the  Convention  of  the  11th 
of  June  your  best  and  truest  men,  that  such  ac¬ 
tion  may  be  secured  as  will  best  subserve  the  in¬ 
terests  of  our  State  and  secure  the  perpetuity 
of  its  union  with  the  United  States. 


John  S.  Carlile, 
James  S.  Wheat, 
0.  D.  Hubbard, 

F.  H.  Pierpoint, 
Campbell 


G.  R.  Latham, 
Andrew  Wilson, 

S.  II.  Woodward, 
James  W.  Paxton, 
Tarr, 

Central  Committee. 


Nie ;  2d  Lieut.,  vacant.  Company  G— Captain, 
James  Laing;  1st  Lieut.,  J.  L.  Dick;  2d  Lieut., 
W.  B.  Ives.  Company  H— Captain,  James 
Colter;  1st  Lieut.,  Robert  Campbell ;  2d  Lieut., 
Wm.  B.  Drake.  Company  I — Captain,  R.  T. 
Shillinglaw ;  1st  Lieut., W.  B.  Elliott ;  2d  Lieut., 
George  Pier.  Company  K— Captain,  II.  A. 
Ellis ;  1st  Lieut.,  S.  R.  Elliott ;  2d  Lieut,  va¬ 
cant. 

Lieut.-Col.  Elliott  has  three  sons  in  the  regi¬ 
ment.  The  arms  of  the  regiment  consist  ot 
about  100  Enfield  rifles,  and  700  altered  muskets, 
and  the  ordinary  bayonet. 

Sixty  members  of  the  71st  go  out  with  tho 
79th  to  join  their  comrades  in  Washington. 
They  are  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Ellis, 
and  will  form  a  part  of  the  engineer  corps  of 
that  regiment.  Twenty -five  members  of  the 
9th  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  also  go  to  Washing¬ 
ton  with  the  79th.  They  are  in  charge  of  Ser¬ 
geant  Strong.  —  N.  Y.  Tribune,  Juno  3. 


Doc.  227. 

SENATOR  ROUSSEAU’S  SPEECII 
-I'm?.  k-p.-VTTTOIvY  SENATE,  MAY  21,  1861. 


"Whehling,  (Va.,)  May  22, 1861. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  June  1. 


Doc.  226. 

SEVENTY-NINTH  REGIMENT  N.  Y.  S.  M. 

The  regiment  was  escorted  to  the  cars  by 
the  Caledonian  club,  nearly  half  of  whose  mem¬ 
bers  are  in  the  ranks  of  the  79th.  The  regi¬ 
ment  numbers  800  men,  exclusive  of  the  band 
and  drum  corps.  The  Regimental  band  is 
Robinson’s  first  city  band,  of  14  musicians, 
under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Robinson.  The 
band  has  also  volunteered  for  the  war.  lho 
following  is  a  list  of  the  officers  of  the  79th 
Staff:— Lieut.-Col.  commanding,  S.  McK. 
Elliott ;  Major,  D.  W.  McLellan ;  Adjutant,  D. 
Ireland;  Quartermaster,  P.  Hause;  Engineer, 
John  Shaw;  Surgeon,  Dr.  Norval;  Chaplain, 

Charles  Doty.  . 

Non-Commissioned  Staff: — Sergeant  Major, 
John  Windsor ;  Quartermaster  Sergeant,  A.  W. 
Elliott;  Paymaster,  J.  R.  Watson;  Color  Ser¬ 
geant,  James  Cummings ;  Right  Gen.  Guide,  D. 
McFadgyen ;  Left  Gen.  Guide,  J.  Y.  Ireland; 
Bugler,  Charles  Landerson ;  Drum  Major,  David 
Renanycink.  _ 

Field: — CompanyA — Captain,  William  Man- 
son  ;  1st  Lieut.,  William  Morrison ;  2d  Lieut., 
John  McPherson.  Company  B— Captain,  J ames 
Farish;  1st  Lieut.,  John  Whyte;  2d  Lieut,,  D. 
Falconer.  Company  C— Captain,  F.  Barclay  ; 
1st  Lieut,  Kenneth  Mathison ;  2d  Lieut.,  W. 
A.  L.  Ostrander.  Company  D  (Fourth  Com¬ 
pany) — Captain,  D.  Brown ;  1st  Lieut.,  John 

Moore;  2d  Lieut., - —  Faulkner.  Company 

E — Captain,  I).  Morrison ;  1st  Lieut.,  J.  b. 
Ayres;  2d  Lieut.,  J.  B.  Sinclair.  Company  F 
—Captain,  James  Christie ;  1st  Lieut.,  R.  Me- 


fThe  Question  before  the  Senate  was  on  discharging'  the 
Committee  on  Military  A  flairs  from  tlie  further  eonsnlera- 
ion  of  a  petition  of  sundry  citizens  of  Paducah,  praying 
?or  an  appropriation  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  iort 
it  that  place.  Senator  Johnson  made  a  very  ablo  speech 
igainst  the  discharge  of  said  Committee.] 

Senator  Rousseau  said : — I  shall  vote  for  the 
discharge  of  the  Committee.  The  petition 
comes  from  the  respectable  constituents  of  tho 
Senator  from  McCracken— Dr.  Johnson.  They 
ask  for  an  appropriation  to  fortify  Paducah. 
Their  request  has  been  duly  and  respectfully 
considered  by  the  Committee  on  Military  Al- 
fairs,  and  said  Committee  desires  to  bo  dis¬ 
charged  from  the  further  consideration  of  tho 
subject.  The  Senator  from  McCracken  says  lie 
lias  but  little  hope  of  obtaining  the  appropria- 
tion,  or  that  his  people  will  be  heard  by  tho 
Legislature,  that  they  are  defenceless,  and  pro¬ 
vision  should  bo  made  for  their  defence.  I 
asked  that  Senator  against  whom  they  would 
defend  themselves?  He  was  then  on  the  floor 
of  the  Senate,  but  declined  to  answer.  There 
could  have  been  but  one  reply  to  the  question, 
and  that  he  would  not  give.  I  will  give  him 
the  answer.  The  assumed  preparation  ior  de¬ 
fence  was,  in  fact,  a  preparation  to  fight  our 
own  Government.  Of  this  I  have  no  doubt, 
and  hence  no  reply  to  my  question.  Can  it  bo 
that  defensive  measures  are  desired  to  oppose 
Jeff.  Davis?  Manifestly  not.  lie  would  bo 
sustained  by  that  Senator,  and  those  that  act 
with  him.  But  who  threatens  Paducah  ?  Who 
offers  to  assail  her?  Who  will  assail  her ?  Will 
our  own  Government  assail  her?  Surely  not. 
Then  why  fortify  Paducah  more  than  Coving¬ 
ton,  Newport,  Louisville,  Maysville,  and  other 
exposed  points  on  the  Ohio  River?  There  is 
no  reason  for  it.  But  the  Senator  tells  us  that 
Louisville,  too,  might  he  fortified.  1  am  much 


330 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


obliged  to  him.  Louisville  is  in  no  danger. 
She  is  already  fortified  by  the  strong  arms  of 
her  brave  and  patriotic  citizens.  They  are  loyal 
and  true  to  the  Union.  She  has  no  fears  of  our 
own  Government.  She  knows  that  the  United 
States  Government  is  hers,  and  she  loves  it  for 
its  blessings,  and  relies  upon  it  for  her  protec¬ 
tion.  If  assailed  by  the  seceded  States,  and 
hard  pushed,  she  knows  where  to  find  defend¬ 
ers,  and  she  will  have  them.  Her  people  wil 
not  tolerate  the  enormous  expense  necessary  to 
her  fortification,  nor  will  she,  in  any  event,  for¬ 
tify  against  her  own  Government.  As  her 
representative  here,  I’ll  lend  myself  to  no  such 
atrocious  purpose.  I  will  not  fight,  nor  pre¬ 
pare  to  fight,  against  my  own  Government,  nor 
countenance  the  schemes  of  those  who  do. 
Never !  No,  sir,  let  those  who  would  fight  the 
United  States,  and  like  the  work,  go  at  it.  I 
will  not  aid  them  in  their  treasonable  projects, 
but  will  resist  them  to  the  last. 

But  I  wish  to  sum  up,  Mr.  Speaker.  Permit 
me  to  tell  you,  sir,  what  I  think  of  this  whole 
atrocious  scheme  of  secession.  I  speak  for  my¬ 
self  only,  and  am  alone  responsible  for  what  I 
say ;  and  I  thank  God  that  I  may  still  speak 
what  I  think  on  Kentucky  soil.  Yes,  sir,  good, 
brave  old  Kentucky,  my  mother,  “  my  own 
native  land,”  is  still  free.  There  is  no  reign  of 
terror  here.  We  still  have  free  speech,  a  free 
press,  and,  as  yet,  we  are  free  men.  Kentucky 
is  true  and  loyal  to  the  Government.  She  still 
rests  her  head  in  peace  and  security  upon  the 
fond  breast  of  her  mother — the  Union ;  and 
there  may  she  rest  forever.  She  has  called 
upon  her  gallant  sons  to  rally  around  her,  and 
beat  oft'  the  Vandals  who  would  tear  her  away 
from  her  earliest  and  holiest  associations,  and 
bear  her  to  certain  destruction. 

But  Kentucky  is  in  a  false  position.  I  felt  it 
from  the  first.  Yet,  she  having  assumed  a 
neutral  attitude,  I  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to  stand 
by  her,  and  I  have  faithfully  done  so.  I  am 
willing  still  to  stand  by  the  position  of  Ken¬ 
tucky,  if  we  can  do  so  in  peace  and  security. 
But  the  position  is  an  awkward  one,  and  may 
be  more  awkward  yet  before  our  difficulties 
are  ended.  The  Union  is  threatened ;  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  is  threatened  by  those  who  have  not 
one  well-grounded  complaint  to  make  against  it 
— by  those  who  have  controlled  its  destinies 
for  years.  I  denounce  the  effort,  and  those  who 
make  it,  I  say  it  is  wrong — infamous  ;  and  if 
successful  it  must  entail  ruin  upon  us  and  ours. 
We  see  the  work  of  mischief  going  on,  and 
quietly  sit  by  with  folded  arms  while  it  is  done, 

Kentucky  has  as  much  interest  in  tho  Union 
as  any  other  State.  She  loves  it  as  devotedly 
and  shares  its  benefits  and  blessings  in  common 
with  her  sister  States.  She  owes  it  her  alle¬ 
giance  and  her  aid.  ller  people  work  for  the 
Union  ;  they  talk  for  it;  they  pray  for  its  pres¬ 
ervation  ;  yet  they  stand  idly  ”  by,  and  let 
others,  who  have  no  more  interest  in  it  than 
themselves,  defend  it,  and  save  it  if  they  can. 
It  is  in  a  death  struggle  for  existence,  yet  we 


have  not  a  hand  to  raise  in  its  defence.  You 
say  that  it  is  the  best  government  that  ever  ex¬ 
isted  on  earth — it  has  ever  protected  and  never 
oppressed  you.  But  we  are  told  that  this  is  a 
fratricidal  war— a  wicked  war !  Well,  who  be¬ 
gan  it?  Who  caused  it?  Who  attempted  to 
break  up  the  Government?  Who  set  the  will 
of  the  people  at  defiance,  and  overturned  the 
“  best  government  on  earth  ”  ?  Let  recently 
passed  events,  and  those  which  are  daily  being 
enacted,  answer. 

I  say  the  laws  should  be  enforced  if  we  have 
any.  If  we  have  a  government  let  it  be  main¬ 
tained  and  obeyed.  And  if  a  wicked,  factious 
minority,  without  cause,  undertakes  to  over¬ 
ride  the  will  of  the  majority,  and  rob  us  of  our 
constitutional  and  vested  rights,  let  that  fac¬ 
tious  and  wicked  minority  be  put  down — peace¬ 
ably  if  we  can,  but  forcibly  if  we  must.  If  you 
don’t,  they  will  put  you  down  as  certain  as 
fate.  Make  your  election.  Don’t  stand  pas¬ 
sively  by  and  see  your  own  laws  violated ; 
your  own  Government  destroyed,  and  your 
liberties  swallowed  up  in  tyranny,  for  fear  of  a 
“  fratricidal  war.”  If  your  fellow-citizen  turns 
out  to  rob  and  murder  you  and  yours,  stop  him. 
If  you  have  to  hang  him  why  stop  him  in  that 
way.  But  when  he  commits  a  murder  and  you 
would  execute  the  law  on  him,  he  says,  “  O, 
none  of  that— no  coercion ;  I  am  your  brother ; 
you  must  not  hurt  me  ;  ”  and  for  fear  of  hurt¬ 
ing  your  “  brother,”  as  he  calls  himself,  you 
would  permit  him  to  go  on  in  his  work  of 
crime.  Let  the  will  of  the  sovereign  people  be 
respected  and  obeyed.  Let  the  laws  of  tho 
land  be  enforced  on  all  alike.  If  they  are 
obeyed  peaceably,  so  much  the  better ;  but, 
let  them  be  obeyed.  Then  you  will  have  peace 
and  security  at  home,  and  power  and  respecta¬ 
bility  abroad.  Unless  you  do  this,  you  will 
have  neither. 

But  the  position  of  Kentucky  will  soon  be 
more  awkward  than  it  is  now.  Secessionists 
will  not  allow  you  to  maintain  your  armed 
neutrality  one  moment  longer  than  they  can 
help  it.  You  will  see  it.  They  will  destroy  it 
when  they  can,  and  in  any  way  they  can. 
They  have  constantly  denounced  it,  and  have 
only  submitted  to  it  till  they  could  do  better. 
They  will  soon  get  up  another  programme  of 
disunion,  and  make,  or  try  to  make,  you  play 
your  part.  The  old  game,  in  a  new  form  of 
bloodshed  and  sensations,  will  be  reenacted  for 
your  destruction.  You  know  not  what  may 
come ;  you  may  be  overpowered  by  these  men 
at  home,  or  from  abroad,  and  that  is  threat¬ 
ened  now.  What  would  you  do  then  ?  Yield 
up  your  liberties  into  the  hands  of  these  broken- 
down,  disappointed,  and  disgraced  politicians? 
Will  you  submit  to  the  sway  of  anarchy  and 
tho  reign  of  terror  now  existing  in  all  the  se¬ 
ceded  States?  If  not,  what  will  you  do?  Why, 
you  will  call  on  your  Government  to  do  its 
duty  and  take  care  of  you.  That  is  what  you 
will  do,  and  you  will  not  call  in  vain.  And 
will  it  not  be  a  little  embarrassing  to  call  on  a 


DOCUMENTS. 


331 


Government  to  aid  you  in  your  extremity 
which  you  would  not  help  when  it  was  assailed 
by  treasonable  foes  ?  I  think  it  would.  But 
you  would  get  the  help ",  no  doubt  of  that. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  pledges 
every  State,  and  all  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  to  put  down  insurrections  and  rebellion, 
and  secure  to  all  within  its  limits  a  republican 
form  of  government.  And,  unless  the  State 
shall  disregard — as  some  would  have. us  do  ouis 
— its  constitutional  pledges  and  obligations,  it 
will  receive  the  protection  of.  the  General  Gov¬ 
ernment.  I  hope  we  shall  never  need  it.  .  It 
would  be  the  last  resort,  but  when  the  Union 
men  of  Kentucky  are  driven  to  that  necessity, 
the  appeal  will  be  made.  Marie  that. 

The  truth  is,  our  duty  at  first  was  to  stand 
by  our  Government,  and  protect  and  defend  it. 

If  fit  to  live  under,  it  was  entitled  to  our  re¬ 
spect  and  confidence  and  allegiance.  If  unfit, 
it  should  have  been  abandoned  at  once,  and 
another  formed  more  perfect.  But  while  we 
owe  our  allegiance  to  it,  let  us  acknowledge.it 
like  true  men,  and  not  turn  our  backs  upon  its 
greatest  peril.  We  should  not  do  this  if  we 
desire  its  preservation.  AVe  should  stand  by  it 
like  men,  or  pull  it  down  at  once.  But  we 
should  not  stand  by  and  see  others  pull  it  down 
over  our  heads  against  our  will,  to  the  destiuc- 
tion  of  our  liberties,  and  say  : 

“  AVe  oppose  you.  AVe  love  the  Government. 
It  is  the  Government  of  our  fathers ;  bought 
with  their  blood,  and  bequeathed  to  us. .  It  is 
the  best  Government  on  earth,  and  in  its  de¬ 
struction  we  see  ruin  to  us  and  ours ;  but  as 
you  and  we  live  in  slave  States,  go  on  and  do 
as  you  please.  A\re  will  not  resist  you.  Bum 
us  if  you  will.” 

And  so  never  lift  a  hand  to  save  us  and  our 
children  the  blessings  of  liberty.  In  my  heart 
I  do  not  approve  of  this  course,  and  what  I  do 
not  approve,  no  power  on  earth  shall  make  me 
say.  I  am  for  the  old  Constitution  of  Wash¬ 
ington  and  his  compeers.  For  the  old  flag,  the 
Stars  and  Stripes.  God  bless  them  ;  and  I  am 
against  all  factions  that  would  take  them  from 
me.  It  matters  not  who  they  are  or  whence 
they  come.  Whether  they  come  from  Eng¬ 
land,  France,  Massachusetts,  or  South  Carolina. 
If  they  would  destroy  the  Government  of  our 
fathers,  I  am  against  them.  .  No  matter  what 
may  be  the  pretext.  No,  sir,  I  am  foi  the 
Union,  and  I  am  willing  to  defend  it  by  any 
and  all  proper  means.  Our  Government  is  the 
best  in  the  world.  It  has  answered  well  all 
the  ends  for  which  governments  are  made. 
AVe  all  know  this.  It  has  oppressed  no  man, 
nor  has  it  burdened  us  a  feather’s  weight.  It 
has  brought  us  nothing  but  blessings.  Under 
it  we  have  been  happy,  prosperous,  and  free. 
What  more  can  wo  ask.  All  that  Government 
can  do,  our  Government  has  done  for  us.  Av  e 
have  been  free,  as  no  nation  was  ever  free  before ; 
we  have  prospered  as  no  nation  ever  prospei  ed 
before,  and  wo  have  rested  in  peace  and  security. 
Yet  all  this  would  not  do.  Mr.  Lincoln  was 


elected,  and  corrupt  politicians  lost  their  places. 
They  had  controlled  the  Government  in  their 
own  way  for  years.  AVhen  they  lost  theii  pow¬ 
er,  they  declared  that  the  Government  was 
corrupt  and  oppressive,  and^  that  they  would 
destroy  it.  They  robbed  it  of  its  arms  and  mu¬ 
nitions  of  war,  sending  them  South ;  they  in¬ 
volved  the  Government  in  a  debt  of  nearly  a 
hundred  millions  of  dollars ;  robbed  the  treas¬ 
ury  ;  and  thus  leaving  the  Government  impov¬ 
erished  and  distracted  they  commenced  the 
atrocious  business  of  secession.  .  They  had  lost 
the  offices,  and  they  thought  it  necessary  to 
create  new  ones  for  the  benefit  of  the  defunct 
politicians,  and  they  did  it.  , 

This  is  the  grand  secret  of  the  whole  affair. 
Had  they  retained  their  grip  upon  the  offices, 
you  had  never  heard  of  secession.  All  our 
losses,  all  our  troubles  and  suffering,  are  the  le¬ 
gitimate  results  of  secession..  We  . must  bear 
all,  we  must  submit  to  all  this  in  silence,  that 
those  disappointed  politicians .  may  be  presi¬ 
dents,  ministers,  and  high  officials.  Their  day 
was  ended  by  the  election  of  Lincoln.  They 
knew  this,  and  seceded — made  new  offices  and 
filled  them. 

Now  behold  the  result  of  secession.  Dis¬ 
tress  and  ruin  stare  men  in  the  face ;  strong 
men,  honest  and  industrious  men,  cannot,  get 
bread  for  their  wives  and  children  ;  the  widow 
and  the  orphan,  lielpelss  and  destitute.,  are 
starving;  in  all  the  large  cities  the  suffering  is 
intense ;  work  is  not  to  be  obtained,  and  those 
who  live  by  their  labor  get  no  money ;  prop¬ 
erty  of  every  description  has  depreciated  until 
it  is  almost  worthless ;  in  the  seceded  States, 
Union  men  are  driven  penniless  from  their 
homes,  or  hanged ;  and  all  this,  Mr.  Senatoi 
from  McCracken,  that  peaceable  secession  may 
go  on,  and  that  politicians  may  fill  offices. 
And  after  you  gentlemen  bring  all  these  calami¬ 
ties  upon  us,  you  falsely  say  that  u  Lincoln  did 
it  ”  and  that  we  Union  men  are  abolitionists 
and  aid  him.  But  I  tell  you  that  Lincoln  has 
not  done  it.  He  was  elected  President  by  your 
help.  You  ran  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency 
that’  the  Democratic  party  might  be  divided, 
and  Lincoln  elected.  That  was  your  pur¬ 
pose,  and  you  accomplished  it;  and  now  you 
have  elected  Lincoln  thus,  you  must  bieak  up 
the  Government  because  he  is  elected.^  Noth¬ 
ing  can  satisfy  you  but  secession.  You  will 
accept  no  compromise.  To  talk  of  compromise 
irritates  secession  gentlemen — it  irritates  them 
to  talk  of  the  rights  of  anybody  but  themseli  es 

_ they  are  indeed  a  very  irritable  set  of  people. 

If  you  speak  of  enforcing  the  law's  of  the  land, 
why  it’s  coercion,  and  at  this  word  they  forth¬ 
with  go  into  spasms.  They  can’t  stand  it  at  all. 
It  is  subjugation  of  the  South  by  the  North. 
If  they  threaten  to  hang  you  w'hen  they  get  the 
power — because  you  are  true  to  the  old  Consti¬ 
tution  and  the  old  flag  of  Washington — and  you 
get  arms  to  defend  yourself,  why,  it  irritates 
them,  and  they  won’t  stand  it. 

The  Union  men  of  Kentucky,  seeing  the  con- 


332 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


dition  of  Union  men  in  the  seceded  States,  and 
Beeing  that  they  had  to  be  hanged  or  be  silent, 
and  still  wishing  to  be  free  as  of  yore,  have 
lately  purchased  arms  with  which  to  defend 
themselves.  This  act  is  pronounced  as  a  crime 
— a  great  crime.  And  how  it  irritates  them. 
Garrett  Davis  received  1,200  stand  of  arms  the 
other  day,  and  a  young  gentleman  of  the  seces¬ 
sion  persuasion  became  so  irritated  that  he  could 
not  stand  it  at  all ;  that  the  “  States’  Eights  ” 
men  would  not  submit  to  it — no,  never.  Well, 
said  I,  I  would  not  put  up  with  it  if  I  were  in 
your  place.  I  tell  you  what  I  would  do,  I 
would  go  and  take  Garrett’s  guns  away  from 
him.  But — he  didn’t. 

South  Carolina  was  irritated  at  the  presence 
of  Major  Anderson  and  fifty-five  men  at  Fort 
Sumter,  so  irritated  that  she  could  not  bear  it. 
She  tried  to  starve  him  to  death  ;  she  tried  to 
knock  his  head  otf,  and  burn  him  up.  She 
bombarded  the  people’s  fort ;  shot  into  the  flag 
of  our  Government,  and  drove  our  soldiers 
from  the  place.  It  was  not  Mr.  Lincoln’s  fort ; 
not  his  flag  nor  his  soldiers,  but  ours.  Yet 
after  all  these  outrages  and  atrocities,  South 
Carolina  comes  with  embraces  for  us,  saying : 
“Well,  we  tried;  we  intended  to  kill  that 
brother  Kentuckian  of  yours;  tried  to  storm 
him,  knock  his  brains  out,  and  burn  him  up. 
Dont  you  love  us  for  it?  Won’t  you  fight  with 
us,  and  for  us,  and  help  us  to  overthrow  your 
Government?  ” 

Was  ever  a  request  so  outrageously  unnatu¬ 
ral  ;  so  degrading  to  our  patriotism  ?  And  yet, 
Mr.  Speaker,  there  were  those  among  us  who 
rejoiced  at  the  result,  and  termed  the  assault 
upon  their  own  fort  and  the  capture  of  their  own 
flag  and  their  own  soldiers  a  heroic  victory  ! 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  sick  and  tired  of  ail  this 
gabble  about  irritation  over  the  exercise  by 
others  of  their  undoubted  right,  and  I  say  once 
for  all  to  you  secession  gentlemen,  that  we 
Union  men  know  our  rights,  and  intend  to 
maintain  them  ;  and  if  you  get  irritated  about 
it,  why — get  irritated.  Snuff  and  snort  your¬ 
selves  into  a  rage  ;  go  into  spasms  if  you  will ; 
die  if  you  want  to,  and  can’t  stand  it — who 
cares  ?  What  right  have  you  to  get  irritated 
because  we  claim  equal  rights  and  equality  with 
you?  We  are  for  peace;  we  desire  no  war, 
and  deprecate  collision.  All  we  ask  is  peace. 
We  don’t  intend  you  any  harm.  We  don’t 
want  to  hurt  you,  and  don’t  intend  you  shall 
injure  us  if  we  can  help  it.  We  beg  of  you  to 
let  us  live  in  peace  under  the  good  old  Govern¬ 
ment  of  our  fathers.  We  only  ask  that.  Why 
keep  us  ever  on  the  alert  watching  you,  to  pre¬ 
vent  you  from  enslaving  us  by  a  destruction  of 
that  Government  ? 

Senator  Joitnson — It  is  already  destroyed. 

Mr.  Rousseau— Not  a  bit  of  it.  The  Union 
will  never  be  dissolved.  I  know  you  6ay  it  is; 
but,  believe  me,  it  will  never  be  dissolved.  We 
may  have  much  suffering;  we  may  endure 
many  calamities.  War,  pestilence  and  famine 
may  befall  us ;  our  own  good  old  Kentuoky  may 


be  overrun  and  trodden  under  foot,  and  her  soil 
may  be  drenched  in  blood,  but  the  Union  will 
never,  never.  be  dissolved.  I  have  never  had  a 
doubt  on  this  subject,  never.  1  know  we  must 
suffer,  but  we  must  preserve  the  Union. 

You,  Mr.  Senator  from  McCracken,  are  a  san¬ 
guine  man.  You  think  the  Union  is  destroyed. 
Well,  you  sometimes  err.  I  believe  you  had  a 
correspondence  with  “Uncle  Abe,”  in  which 
you  committed  a  glaring  error.  But  that  was 
only  a  semi-official  correspondence,  and  per¬ 
haps  should  not  be  alluded  to  here. 

Senator  Johnson  (good-humoredly) — Oh  ! 
yes;  tell. 

Mr.  Rousseau — I  thank  you.  Well,  as  one  of 
the  Senators  of  Kentucky,  you  made  your  most 
solemn  protest  against  the  stationing  of  troops 
at  Cairo,  Ill.  The  protest  was  very  elegant,  as 
is  generally  what  comes  from  you — a  little 
highfalutin,  it  is  true.  You  forwarded  your 
protest  to  “  Uncle  Abe,”  and,  in  due  time,  re¬ 
ceived  a  reply,  which  was  too  good  a  joke  for 
a  good-natured  gentleman  like  yourself  to  keep 
all  to  yourself,  and  so  you  disclosed  it.  Uncle 
Abe.  replied  to  you  that  your  letter  had  been 
received,  duly  considered,  and  in  reply,  he  had 
to  say  to  you,  (one  of  the  Senators  of  Ken¬ 
tucky,)  that  if  he  had  known  that  Cairo,  Ill., 
was  in  your  Senatorial  District,  he  would  not 
have  sent  any  soldiers  within  a  hundred  miles 
of  that  point. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  but  a  word  to  say.  Ken¬ 
tucky  is  an  armed  neutral,  it  is  said.  I  submit, 
with  others,  to  that  position.  I  hope  that  cir¬ 
cumstances  may  not  drive  us  from  it.  I  hope 
that  our  secession  friends  will  be,  in  fact,  neu¬ 
tral.  If  we  remain  so,  it  is  said  we  shall  have 
peace.  I  hope  so ;  but  the  neutrality  that 
fights  all  on  one  side  I  do  not  understand. 
Troops  leave  Kentucky  in  broad  daylight,  and 
our  Governor  sees  them  going  to  fight  against 
our  own  Government,  yet  nothing  is  said  or 
done  to  prevent  them.  Is  this  to  be  our  neu¬ 
trality  ?  If  it  is,  I  am  utterly  opposed  to  it.  If 
we  assume  a  neutral  position,  let  us  be  neutral 
in  fact.  It  is  as  little  as  we  can  do. 

Our  .Government,  constitutionally  adminis¬ 
tered,  is  entitled  to  our  support,  no  matter 
who  administers  it.  If  we  will  not  support  it, 
and  yet  enjoy  its  blessings,  in  Heaven’s  name 
let  us  not  war  against  it,  nor  allow  our  people 
to  do  so.  Let  us  be  true  to  our  position,  what¬ 
ever  it  may  be.  We  are  nullifying  at  any  rate. 
Our  Government  has  not  objected  to  it.  But 
who  can  look  an  honost  man  in  the  face,  while 
professing  neutrality,  refusing  to  help  his  Gov¬ 
ernment  to  preserve  its  existence,  yet  secretly 
and  traitorously  warring  against  it"?  For  one, 
sir,  I’ll  none  of  it.  Away  with  it.  Let  us  be 
men,  honest  men,  or  pretend  to  be  nothing  but 
vagabonds. 

I  hear  it  said  that  Kentucky  will  go  out  of 
the  Union  ;  that  if  she  goes  anywhere  she  will 
go  South,  &e.,  «fec. 

Mr.  Speaker,  let  me  tell  you,  sir,  Kentucky 
will  not  “go  out.”  She  will  not  stampede. 


DOCUMENTS. 


333 


That  has  been  tried.  Secessionists  must  invent 
something  new  in  the  way  of  secession  app  i- 
ances  before  they  can  either  frighten  or  drag 
Kentucky  out  of  the  Union.  I  tell  you,  sensa¬ 
tion  gentlemen,  that  your  exciting  events  have 
ceased  to  affect  us.  Try  something  else  bet 
up  a  fight  at  Cairo,  that  you  may  get  us  to  side 
with  you.  That  is  your  game,  and  you  will 
play  it  whenever  you  think  you  can  succeed  at 
it.  You  tried  to  scare  us,  but  you  failed  in 
your  purpose.  And  if  you  illegally  and  against 
right  assault  Cairo,  I  hope  every  man  of  .  you 
will  get  his  head  knocked,  or  be  taken  prison¬ 
er,  and  that  the  Cairo  folks  will  never  permit 
you  to  come  to  Kentucky  again.  That  s  what 
I  wish,  and  what  I  believe  would  happen  in 

such  an  event.  ,  . 

But  we  won’t  “  go  out  ’’—have  not  the  least 

notion  of  it  in  the  world.  You  must  take  us 
out  according  to  law  and  right,  or  take  us  dead. 
Believe  this,  and  act  accordingly.  It  would  be 
better  for  all  of  us.  We  shall  be  but  too  happy 
to  keep  peace,  but  we  cannot  leave  the  Union 
of  our  fathers.  When  Kentucky  goes  down  it 
will  be  in  blood.  Let  that  be  understood. 
She  will  not  go  as  other  States  have  gone. 
Let  the  responsibility  rest  on  you,  where  it 
belongs.  It  is  all  your  work,  and  whatever 
happens  will  be  your  work.  We  have  moie 
rio-ht  to  defend  our  Government  than  you  have 
to° overturn  it.  Many  of  us  are  sworn  to  sup- 

P°Let  our  good  Union  brethren  of  the  South 
stand  their  ground.  I  knowr  that  many  patn- 
otic  hearts  in  the  seceded  States  still  beat  warm¬ 
ly  for  the  old  Union— the  old  flag.  The  time 
will  come  when  we  shall  all  be  together  again. 
The  politicians  are  having  their  day.  T\\q  peo¬ 
ple  will  yet  have  theirs.  I  have  an  abiding 
confidence  in  the  right ,  and  I  know  that,  this 
secession  movement  is  all  wrong.  There  is,  in 
fact,  not  a  single  subst  antial  reason  for  it.  It 
there  is,  I  should  be  glad  to  hear  it ;  our  Gov¬ 
ernment  has  never  oppressed  us  with  a  leath¬ 
er’s  weight.  The  direst  oppression  alone  could 
justify  what  has  brought  all  our  present  sutler- 

ing  upon  us.  . 

May  God,  in  his  mercy,  save  our  glorious 

Republic.  m  T  0 

A  —  2? .  Y.  Tribune ,  June  3. 


will,  as  soon  as  practicable,  be  made  out  avd 
transmitted  to  department  head-quarters  of  bri¬ 
gades  by  the  commanders  of  brigades  and.otti- 
cers  in  charge  of  the  several  fortifications. 
These  statements  will  exhibit : 

First.— The  quantity  of  land  taken  posses¬ 
sion  of  for  the  several  field  works,  and  the  kind 
and  value  of  the  crops  growing  thereon,  if  any. 

Second. — The  quantity  of  land  used  for  tho 
several  encampments,  and  the  kind  and  value 
of  the  growing  crops,  if  any. 

Third. — The  number,  size,  and  character  of 
the  buildings  appropriated  to  public  purposes. 

Fourth,. — The  quantity  and  value  of  trees 

cut  down.  „  „  . 

Fifth. — The  kind  and  extent  of  fencing,  &c., 

destroyed. 

These  statements  will,  as  far  as  possible,  give 
the  value  of  the  property  taken,  or  of  the  dam¬ 
age  sustained,  and  the  name  or  names  of  the 
owners  thereof.  Citizens  who  have  sustained 
any  damage  or  loss  as  above  will  make  their 
claims  upon  the  commanding  officers  of  tho 
troops  by  whom  it  was  done,  or  in  cases  where 
these  troops  have  moved  away  upon  the  com¬ 
mander  nearest  them. 

These  claims  will  accompany  the  statement 
above  called  for.  The  commanders  of  brigades 
will  require  the  assistance  of  the  commanders 
of  regiments  or  detached  companies,  and  will 
make°tliis  order  known  to  the  inhabitants  in 
their  vicinity,  to  the  end  that  all  loss  01  dam¬ 
age  may  as  nearly  as  possible  be  ascei  tamed 
while  the  troops  are  now  here,  and  by  whom 
or  on  whose  account  it  has  been  occasioned, 
that  justice  may  be  done  alike  to  the  citizen 
and  the  Government.  The  name  of  the  officer, 
or  officers,  in  case  the  brigade  commanders 
shall  institute  a  board  to  fix  the  amount  ot  loss 
or  damage,  shall  be  given  in  each  case. 

By  order  of  Brig. -Gen.  McDowell. 

James  B.  Fry,  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 

—N.  Y.  Tribune ,  Juno  IS. 


Doo.  2271. 

GEN.  McDOWELL’S  PROCLAMATION, 

IX  reference  to  damages  caused  by  the  war. 

The  following  is  an  important  order  from 
Gen.  McDowell : 

Head-quarters  Department  of  N.  E.  Virginia,  £ 
Arlington,  June  2, 1861.  S 

General  Order  No.  4. — Statements  of  the 
amount,  kind,  and  value  of  all  private  property 
taken  and  used  for  Government  purposes,  and 
of  the  damage  done  in  any  way  to  private  prop¬ 
erty  by  reason  of  the  occupation  of  this  section 
of  the  country  by  the  United  States  troops, 


Doo.  228. 

THE  BATTLE  AT  PniLIPPI. 

OFFICIAL  REPORT  OF  TIIE  COMMANDER  OF  THE 
TROOPS. 

Philippi,  Va.,  Juno  4, 1861. 

Brigadier-General  Thomas  A.  Morris  :— I 
herewith  submit  to  you  a  report  of  the  opera- 
tions  of  my  command  on  the  morning  oi  the  od 
day  of  June,  1861,  at  this  place.  On  the  2d 
day  of  June  you  directed  me,  with  eight  com¬ 
panies  of  the  Seventh  Regiment  of  Indiana  vol¬ 
unteers,  to  proceed  to  Webster,  that  I  might  bo 
there  reinforced  with  four  companies  of  the 
Ohio  volunteers,  under  the  command  of  Colo¬ 
nel  Steedman,  the  artillery  of  his  command 
being  under  the  immediate  command  of  Lieu¬ 
tenant-Colonel  Sturgis,  and  with  four  compa¬ 
nies  of  the  Sixth  Indiana  volunteers,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Crittenden.  At  eight 
o’clock  on  the  night  of  the  2d  day  of  June,  I 


334 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


took  up  my  line  of  march  from  Grafton,  and  at 
Webster  was  reinforced,  as  stated  above,  and 
proceeded  towards  this  place  to  meet  the  ene¬ 
my.  The  night  was  very  dark,  and  before  the 
troops  left  the  cars  a  terrible  storm  was  raging, 
which  continued  without  abatement  until  just 
before  the  attack  was  made.  It  was  so  exceed¬ 
ingly  dark  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  diffi¬ 
culty  that  I  could  form  the  command  in  the 
order  which  I  desired  to  move  it  forward,  and 
after  it  was  so  formed  I  found  it  almost  impos¬ 
sible  to  pass  from  front  to  rear  to  direct  the 
command.  The  order  of  march  was  as  follows : 
—First,  a  small  detachment  of  twenty  men  of 
Captain  Morgan’s  company,  Seventh  Regiment 
Indiana  volunteers,  under  the  immediate  com- 
mand  of  Lieutenant  Benjamin  Ricketts,  follow¬ 
ed  at  the  distance  of  four  hundred  yards  by 
Company  A  of  said  regiment,  under  the  com¬ 
mand  of  Captain  Burgess.  In  order  of  that 
company,  and  at  the  distance  of  four  hundred 
paces,  followed  the  remaining  companies  of  the 
Seventh  Indiana  Regiment.  The  artillery  was 
led  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Sturgis  and  seven 
companies  of  the  Fourteenth  Ohio  Regiment 
commanded  by  Colonel  Steedman,  and  the  four 
companies  of  the  Sixth  Indiana  Regiment,  com¬ 
manded  by  Colonel  Crittenden,  followed  in  the 
order  named.  Darkness,  rain,  and  mud  im¬ 
peded  the  march  and  rendered  it  impossible  to 
arrive  before  Philippi  at  four  o’clock,  the  time 
indicated  in  your  order.  At  five  o’clock  the  ad¬ 
vance  took  such  a  position  by  a  file  movement, 
under  the  direction  of  Colonel  Lander,  as  to 
allow  the  artillery  to  advance  to  the  front ; 
then  advanced  immediately  in  the  rear  of  the 
artillery.  Scarce  had  the  disposition  been 
made  when  the  picket  of  the  enemy  opened  a 
brisk  fire  upon  us  from  the  heights  immediately 
above  the  town,  and  from  the  woods  and  bushes 
on  both  sides  of  the  road.  Lieut.-Col.  Sturges, 
with  great  promptness,  got  the  guns  in  position 
to  command  the  town,  and,  under  the  direction 
of  Col.  Lander,  (I  think,)  opened  the  fire.  A 
moment’s  delay  to  the  infantry  was  occasioned 
by  want  of  knowledge  on  my  part  as  to  which 
of  the  two  roads  led  to  the  bridge  leading  into 
the  town  across  the  river.  At  the  forks  of  the 
road  I  halted  my  command,  and,  riding  rapidly 
tx>  the  guns,  got  the  desired  information  from 
Col.  Lander.  So  informed,  I  proceeded  on  the 
double  quick  down  the  declivity  of  the  hill,  and 
here  had  a  full  view  of  the  enemy,  and  I  must 
confess  that  I  never  saw  a  flight  determined 
on  with  greater  promptness,  or  executed  with 
more  despatch.  The  enemy  was  under  the 
command  of  Col.  G.  A.  Porterfield.  What 
his  strength  was,  is  variously  estimated.  On 
my  own  judgment  I  would  say  from  1,500 
to  2,000,  of  which  I  would  think  500  were  cav¬ 
alry. 

They  had  no  artillery  but  a  swivel.  I  have 
conversed  with  many  of  the  citizens  of  the 
town  as  to  the  strength  of  Col.  Porterfield’s 
command.  Some  say  the  Colonel  himself  pro¬ 
fessed  to  have  2,500  troops.  It  is  my  opinion 


that  he  had  but  magnified  his  own  strength, 
with  a  view  to  intimidate  the  people  and  crush 
out  the  Union  sentiment. 

hen  I  first  saw  the  enemy,  it  seemed  to  me 
he  was  pushing  for  the  bridge,  which  I  was 
rapidly  approaching ;  but  it  turned  out  that  it 
was  necessary  to  converge  towards  the  bridge 
to  gam  the  street  leading  out  of  the  town  on 
the  opposite  side  from  that  entered  by  my  com¬ 
mand.  The  bridge  is  a  narrow  structure,  some 
three  or  four  hundred  feet  in  length,  spanning 
the  v  alley  River,  a  branch  of  the  Monongahela. 
A  small  body  of  determined  troops  could  have 
impeded  our  progress,  and  crippled  us  at  the 
bridge,  and  I  apprehended  resistance  at  this 
point. 

Toward  it  my  men  poured  down  the  hill,  in 
good  order,  and  with  an  energy  and  determina¬ 
tion  that,  assured  me  in  advance  that  victory 
was  certain.  In  a  moment  I  was  at  the  mouth 
of  the  bridge ;  one  of  the  passages  was  barri¬ 
caded,  the  other  clear ;  through  it  (Company 
B,  commanded  by  Captain  Morgan,  in  ad¬ 
vance,)  my  men  pushed ;  the  Seventh  Indiana 
first,,  then  Colonel  Steedman’s  command,  not  in¬ 
cluding  the  artillery,  then  Colonel  Crittenden’s, 
and  opened  upon  the  enemy,  then  retreating  in 
wild  disorder.  Both  parties  being  upon  the 
full  run,  and  the  distance  between  them  being 
quite  considerable,  but  little  execution  could  be 
done.  I  pursued  the  enemy  from  the  bridge 
through  the  town  and  for  several  miles  beyond 
At  one  time  I  thought  I  should  be  able  to  cap- 
ture  his  entire  baggage  train  ;  but  the  horses, 
to  prevent  this,  were  cut  from  many  of  the 
wagons  and  mounted,  and  the  wagons  and  con- 
tents.left  as  our  booty.  The  wagons  were  fill- 
ed  w  ith  munitions  of  war,  blankets,  knapsacks, 
clothing,  baggage  of  officers  and  men,  and  with 
a  considerable  amount  of  flour  and  forage. 
Having  pursued  the  assault  and  pursuit  of  the 
enemy,  I  speak  particularly  of  these  officers, 
because  being  of  my  immediate  command,  their 
conduct  was  under  my  personal  observation ; 
and  because  thrown  suddenly  in  command  of 
different  detachments  of  troops,  to  the  officers 
of  which  I  am  a  stranger,  I  am  unable  to  men- 
tion  the  names  of  many  whose  bearing  and 
courage  are  worthy  of  praise.  The  detachment 
of  the  Fourteenth  Regiment  of  Ohio  volunteers, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Steedman,  crossed  the 
bridge  immediately  after  the  Seventh  Indiana 
and  was  followed  quickly  by  the  Sixth  Indiana, 
under  Colonel  Crittenden.  Colonel  Steedman 
captured  a  large  amount  of  tents,  a  number  of 
muskets  and  rifles,  and  other  munitions  of  war, 
and  I  believe  some  prisoners;  we  were  sepa¬ 
rated  during  the  engagement,  but  his  conduct, 
as  v  ell  as  that  of  his  officers  and  men,  is  spoken 
ot  w  ith  much  praise  by  those  who  witnessed 
it.  .  Lieutenant-Colonel  Sturges,  of  the  same 
regiment,  in  charge  of  the  artillery,  managed 
ms  guns  with  great  celerity.  I  understand  that 
he  was  assisted  and  directed  by  Colonel  Lander, 
b}  special  delegation  from  the  commanding 
general.  So  informed,  I  did  not  myself  give 


DOCUMENTS. 


335 


any  directions  in  regard  to  the  guns.  Colonel 
Crittenden  was  necessarily  placed  in  the  rear, 
for  he  left  the  cars  at  Webster,  after  a  tedious 
journey,  but  to  take  up  his  march  on  Philippi, 
his  men  marching  in  the  rear,  in  the  darkness 
of  midnight,  and  in  the  raging  storm,  would 
necessarily  be  vastly  more  fatigued  than  those 
in  front.  Still,  they  and  their  gallant  com¬ 
mander  held  up  with  unfaltering  spirit,  and  did 
as  great  service  in  the  fight  and  chase  as  it  was 
possible  for  good  officers  and  good  men  to  do. 
While  descending  the  hill  towards  the  bridge  a 
body  of  troops  made  their  appearance  on  the 
heights  to  the  left.  A  friendly  cheer  assured 
us  it  was  the  command  of  the  gallant  Colonel 
Milroy,  and  the  First  Virginia  regiment,  com¬ 
manded  by  Colonel  Kelly,  and  a  detachment 
from  Colonel  Irvine’s  Ohio  regiment.  A  rapid 
descent  down  the  declivity  enabled  them  to 
strike  the  retreating  enemy,  but  not  with  so 
much  effect  as  if  the  descent  could  have  been 
made  a  few  minutes  sooner.  Colonel  Milroy 
assaulted  that  part  of  the  enemy  who  had  left 
the  main  road  and  betook  themselves  to  the 
hills  to  enjoy  the  protection  of  the  trees,  while 
Cols.  Kelly  and  Irvine’s  command  pursued  the 
enemy  up  the  road  leading  towards  Beverly. 
They  succeeded  in  overtaking,  killing,  and 
wounding  a  number,  but,  unfortunately,  Col. 
Kelly  himself  fell  severely  wounded  by  a  pistol 
shot  in  the  breast ;  my  men  carried  him  into 
the  town,  when  surgical  assistance  was  imme¬ 
diately  rendered  by  Dr.  Geo.  W.  Kew,  of  my 
regiment,  who  had  proved  himself  as  gallant 
and  courageous  in  the  field,  as  he  is  skilful  in 
his  profession.  Just  before  we  had  approached 
the  town,  he  volunteered  to  make  a  x-econnois- 
sance  of  the  bridge,  and  bore  my  message  along 
the  line  repeatedly,  seemingly  unmindful  of  his 
own  personal  safety. 

Captain  G.  W.  Robinson,  of  Col.  Kelly’s 
command,  reports  to  me  that  he  captured  Capt. 
J.  W.  Willey,  of  the  rebel  army,  and  upon  his 
person  found  his  commission  from  Adjutant- 
General  Garnett,  of  the  rebel  forces,  and  other 
papers  of  importance  which  he  repoi’ts  he  holds 
subject  to  my  order.  I  enclose  his  report.  It 
perhaps  is  not  my  province  to  speak  much  of 
that  part  of  the  expedition  which  marched  by 
way  of  Evansville,  under  the  command  of  Col¬ 
onel  Kelly,  consisting  of  Kelly,  Milroy,  and 
Irvine  and  their  commands.  I  know  nothing 
personally  of  their  march  prior  to  arriving  be¬ 
fore  Philippi,  and  only  speak  of  what  I  myself 
saw.  The  two  commands  or  bodies  of  troops 
arrived  almost  simultaneously  upon  different 
hills  overhanging  the  town,  and  did  all  that 
could  be  done  to  arrest  the  flight  and  punish  the 
enemy. 

I  only  undertake  to  report  the  particulars  of 
that  part  of  the  'expedition  under  ray  imme¬ 
diate  command,  and  which  marched  upon  Phil¬ 
ippi  by  way  of  Webster  and  the  bi'idge. 
speak  of  the  part  of  the  expedition  commanded 
by  Colonels  Kelly,  Milroy  and  Irvine,  only  be¬ 


cause  Colonel  Kelly’s  condition  is  such  as  to 
render  a  report  from  him  impossible.  In  doing 
so,  I  may  have  made  some  mistakes,  but  not 
intentionally.  I  herewith  hand  to  you  the  re¬ 
ports  made  to  me  by  Colonels  Crittenden, 
Mili-oy,  and  Steednxan.  Our  loss  was  two 
wounded  and  two  missing ;  what  the  enemy’s 
oss  was  is  not  certainly  known,  as  he  succeed¬ 
ed  in  carrying  off  many  of  his  dead.  It  was 
inconsiderable,  perhaps  not  to  exceed  forty.  I 
have  heard  the  conduct  of  Jonathan  W.  Gor- 
don  of  Col.  Milroy’s  command,  spoken  of  in 
terms  of  decided  approbation  by  the  officers  of 
the  same  command.  Since  we  have  been  hero 
he  had  a  small  mounted  scouting  party  on  a 
hazardous  expedition,  and  performed  it  in  a 
very  satisfactory  manner.  David  W.  Cheek, 
Commissary  and  Quartermaster’s  Clerk,  at  my 
instance,  mounted  a  horse,  and  rode  at  my  side, 
bore  messages  and  rendered  me  very  valuable 
services,  and  proved  himself  brave  and  cou¬ 
rageous.  The  colors  presented  by  the  ladies  of 
Aurora  to  the  Seventh  Indiana  regiment,  were 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  which  first  floated  over 
the  town. 

The  disunion  flag  was  captured  by  Captain 
Ferry’s  command,  of  my  regiment,  and  the 
Stars  and  Sti-ipes  were  run  up  and  given  to  the 
breeze  in  its  place. 

Captain  William  C.  Moreau,  of  Colonel  Crit¬ 
tenden’s  command,  has  rendered  me  very  valu¬ 
able  assistance  in  a  business  point  of  view,  since 
I  took  command  of  this  post ;  and  I  hear  his 
conduct  in  the  recent  engagement  spoken  of  in 
terms  of  pi'aise  both  by  his  officers  and  men. 
I  recommend  Corporal  Charles  Bryant  and  Ser¬ 
geant  John  Griffin  of  Company  G,  Seventh  In¬ 
diana,  for  good  conduct. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  your  obedient  servant, 

E.  Dumont, 

Commanding  troops  at  Philippi. 

— JV.  Y.  Herald ,  June  1G. 

TnE  VICTORY  AT  PHILIPPI. 

Grafton,  Monday  Night,  Juno  3. 

Yesterday  morning,  at  ten  o’clock,  four 
regiments  left  here  in  two  divisions— one  con¬ 
sisting  of  the  1st  Virginia  regiment,  part  of  the 
Ohio  16th,  and  the  Indiana  7th,  under  com¬ 
mand  of  Col.  Kelly;  the  other  the  Indiana 
9th  and  the  Ohio  14th,  commanded  by  Col. 
Lander,  of  Indian  fighting,  wagon-road,  and 
Potter  and  Prior  duel  notoriety.  Col.  Kelly’s 
division  moved  east  by  railroad  to  Thornton,  a 
small  way  station,  five  miles  distant  from  here. 
Thence  they  marched  to  Philippi,  a  distance 
of  twenty-two  miles.  The  Indiana  Regiment 
moved  out  the  N.  W.  Virginia  Railroad  to 
Webster,  where  they  were  joined  by  the  Ohio 
14th,  from  which  place  they  pushed  forward 
on  foot  to  Philippi,  twelve  miles  distant. 

The  march  of  the  two  divisions  was  perform¬ 
ed  last  night,  through  darkness,  rain,  and  mud. 
It  was  a  terrible  undertaking,  but  they  all  went 
bravely  through  it,  unshrinkingly  and  without 


336 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


complaint.  All  night  they  toiled  on  through 
the  darkness  and  storm,  the  soft  earth  yielding 
beneath  their  feet,  till  the  gray  dawn  found 
them  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy. 

Col.  Lander  reports  that  as  they  neared  Phil¬ 
ippi  they  were  discovered  by  a  woman,  who 
fired  at  him  twice,  and  who  sent  her  little  hoy 
across  the  hills  (as  he  afterward  found)  to  ap¬ 
prise  the  enemy  of  their  approach.  He  arrived 
on  the  hill  across  the  river  from,  and  below 
Philippi,  and  commanding  the  town  and  en¬ 
campment,  (just  below  the  town,)  a  little  before 
daylight  this  morning.  They  at  once  planted 
two  pieces  of  artillery  on  the  brow  of  the  hill, 
just  above  the  camp,  and  prepared  to  open  on 
them  when  the  time  arrived — four  o’clock  was 
the  hour  at  which  the  attack  was  to  be  made 
simultaneously  by  both  divisions. 

Colonel  Kelly  was  to  attack  them  in  the  rear 
and  cut  of  their  retreat,  while  Col.  Lander  was 
to  attack  them  in  front.  But  Col.  Kelly’s 
division  was  behind  the  appointed  hour,  owing 
to  the  terrible  fatigue  of  their  forced  march  of 
twenty-two  miles,  and,  in  addition  to  this,  they 
missed  the  point,  and  instead  of  coming  in  on 
the  Beverly  road,  above  Philippi,  and  effectually 
cutting  of  all  retreat,  they  came,  when  they  did 
come,  just  below  the  town. 

When  the  day  began  to  dawn  upon  the  impa¬ 
tient  forces  of  Colonel  Lander,  it  discovered  to 
them  the  camp  below  in  a  state  of  commotion, 
evidently  in  great  alarm  and  preparing  for  fight. 
The  hour  appointed  for  the  attack  came  and 
passed,  but  still  Colonel  Kelly’s  division  had 
not  arrived.  Impatient  to  begin  the  attack, 
and  fearful  that  the  rascals,  almost  within  his 
grasp,  should  escape  without  smelling  powder, 
Colonel  Lander  ordered  the  artillery  to  begin 
the  attack  ;  and  at  a  quarter  past  four  the  guns 
were  unlimbered  and  dropped  the  first  messen¬ 
gers  of  terror  into  the  rebel  camp  less  than  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  away.  Simultaneously  with 
the  roar  of  the  first  gun,  Colonel  Kelly,  at  the 
head  of  his  command,  came  in  sight  across  the 
river  below  the  camp,  and,  comprehending  the 
position  of  affairs,  they  rushed  forward  at  once 
in  the  direction  of  the  camp. 

Meanwhile,  the  battery  having,  after  the  first 
shot  or  two,  got  an  accurate  range,  played  up¬ 
on  the  camp  with  marked  effect,  tearing  through 
tents  and  houses  at  a  fearful  rate.  This  the 
chivalry  couldn’t  stand,  and  they  scattered  like 
rats  from  a  burning  barn.  They  had  no  time 
to  retreat  in  order.  They  didn’t  even  retreat 
at  all — they  ran,  fled  most  ingloriously — ran 
like  sheep  in  every  direction  that  promised 
safety,  after  firing  a  random  and  scattering  vol¬ 
ley  which  did  no  damage  whatever.  Col.  Kel¬ 
ly’s  command  was  close  after,  the  Virginia 
troops  in  advance,  the  Henry  Clay  Guards  in 
front,  and  Col.  Kelly  and  Capt.  Fordyce  lead¬ 
ing.  At  the  same  tim6  Col.  Lander’s  force 
came  rushing  down  the  hill  to  the  bridge,  and 
they  all  put  out  after  the  fugitives,  yelling  like 
Indians. 


But  the  legs  of  the  fugitive  chivalry  knew 
them  too  well,  and  they  could  not  be  overtaken 
by  our  already  exhausted  men,  who,  after  chas¬ 
ing  them  a  couple  of  miles,  returned  to  the 
evacuated  camp,  to  learn  the  painful  fact  that 
their  victory,  though  complete,  was  dearly,  too 
dearly  bought.  Col.  Kelly,  who,  with  a  bra¬ 
very  amounting  to  rashness,  was  foremost  from 
first  to  last,  was  rallying  his  men  in  the  upper 
part  of  the  town,  the  enemy  having  all  appar¬ 
ently  fled,  when  lie  fell  by  a  shot  from  a  foe 
concealed  either  behind  a  fence  or  in  a  house  ; 
some  say  the  assailant  fired  from  behind  a 
wagon ;  others  that  Col.  Kelly  was  press¬ 
ing  him  hard  with  a  view  of  capturing  him, 
when  he  wheeled  and  fired.  This  is  not  sub¬ 
stantiated.  At  any  rate,  the  shot  was  fired 
after  the  engagement  was  over,  and  was  just 
such  a  piece  of  assassination  as  that  by  which 
fell  the  loved  and  lamented  Ellsworth.  The 
assassin  was  an  assistant  quartermaster  in  the 
Confederate  force.  His  name  is  Simms,  and 
he  hails  from  Chesterfield,  across  the  river  from 
Richmond.  He  was  immediately  seized,  and  it 
is  a  great  wonder  that  they  did  not  make  mince¬ 
meat  of  him  instanter.  The  pistol  with  which 
he  shot  Kelly  is  an  old-fashioned,  old  Virginia 
horse-pistol,  carrying  a  very  large  ball  and  in¬ 
flicting  a  most  dangerous  wound.  The  ball  en¬ 
tered  the  left  breast,  and  passing  clear  through 
lodged  beneath  the  skin,  just  underneath  the 
shoulder  blade.  It  has  been  extracted,  and 
every  attention  of  the  highest  medical  and  sur¬ 
gical  skill  is  lavished  upon  the  wounded  officer. 
If  human  skill  can  save  him  he  will  be  saved ; 
but  if  he  is  beyond  the  reach  of  human  aid,  he 
will  die,  as  he  said  to-day  to  a  friend  who  bent 
over  his  couch,  in  a  just  and  glorious  cause. 
“  I  expect  I  shall  have  to  die,”  said  the  wound¬ 
ed  Colonel ;  “  I  wrould  be  glad  to  live,  if  it  might 
be,  that  I  might  do  something  for  my  country  ; 
but  if  it  cannot  be,  I  shall  have  at  least  the 
consolation  of  knowing  that  I  fell  in  a  just 
cause.” 

Several  hats,  apparently  belonging  to  officers, 
were  picked  up,  and  a  horse  and  buggy,  be¬ 
longing  to  B.  F.  Martin,  at  Pruntytown,  a  law¬ 
yer  and  defeated  secession  candidate  for  the 
Legislature,  were  part  of  the  spoils.  Thos. 
Surglinor,  “  the  inimitable  Tom,”  as  Bill  Cooper 
used  to  style  him,  “Captain  of  the  Barbour 
forces,”  as  he  styles  himself,  and  late  editor  of 
the  Barbour  Jeffersonian,  at  the  first  approach 
of  danger,  made  tracks;  he  ran  with  all  the 
speed  the  shortness  of  his  legs  would  permit, 
and  as  fear  lent  him  "wings,  he  managed  to  get 
out  of  harm’s  way. 

The  American  flag  has  taken  the  place  of  the 
secession  emblem  in  all  the  houses  of  Philippi. 
Several  of  these  piratical  flags  were  captured. 
The  people  are  coming  in  from  the  country, 
and  expressing  their  gladness  at  the  change  of 
colors. 

— ' Wheeling  (fa.)  Intelligencer,  Juno  6. 


DOCUMENTS. 


337 


Doc.  229. 

LETTER  FROM  LORD  JOHN  RUSSELL 

TO  TIIE  COMMISSIONERS  OF  THE  ADMIRALTY. 

TnE  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  laid 
before  the  House  of  Commons  by  Lord  John 
Russell : 

Foreign  Office,  June  1, 18C1. 

“  To  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  the  Admiralty : 

“  My  Lords : — Her  Majesty’s  Government  are, 
as  you  are  aware,  desirous  of  observing  the 
strictest  neutrality  in  the  contest  which  appears 
to  be  imminent  between  the  United  States  and 
the  so-styled  Confederate  States  of  North  Amer¬ 
ica;  and  with  the  view  more  effectually  to 
carry  out  this  principle,  they  propose  to  inter¬ 
dict  the  armed  vessels,  and  also  the  privateers 
of  both  parties,  from  carrying  prizes  made  by 
them  into  ports,  harbors,  roadsteads,  or  waters 
of  the  United  Kingdom,  or  any  of  Her  Majesty’s 
colonies  or  possessions  abroad. 

“I  have  accordingly  to  acquaint  your  lord- 
ships  that  the  Queen  has  been  pleased  to  direct 
that  orders,  in  conformity  to  the  principle 
above  stated,  should  forthwith  be  addressed  to 
all  proper  authorities  in  the  United  Kingdom, 
and  to  Her  Majesty’s  naval  and  other  authori¬ 
ties  in  all  quarters  beyond  the  United  Kingdom, 
for  their  guidance  in  the  circumstances. 

“  I  have,  &c.,  J.  Russell.” 

Similar  letters  have  been  addressed  to  the 
Secretaries  of  State  for  India,  War,  and  the 
Colonies. 

— Baltimore  American ,  Juno  18. 


Doc.  230. 

GEN.  PATTERSON’S  PROCLAMATION. 

Head-quarters,  Department  of  Penn.,  f 
Chambersburg,  (Pa.,)  June  3,  1S61.  ) 

To  the  United  States  Troops  of  this  Department. 

Tiie  restraint  which  has  necessarily  been  im¬ 
posed  upon  you,  impatient  to  overcome  those 
who  have  raised  their  parricidal  hands  against 
our  country,  is  about  to  be  removed.  You  will 
soon  meet  the  insurgents. 

You  are  not  the  aggressors.  A  turbulent 
faction,  misled  by  ambitious  rulers,  in  times  of 
profound  peace  and  national  prosperity,  have 
occupied  your  forts  and  turned  the  guns  against 
you;  have  seized  your  arsenals  and  armories, 
and  appropriated  to  themselves  Government 
supplies ;  have  arrested  and  held  prisoners  your 
companions  marching  to  their  homes  under 
State  pledge  of  security,  and  have  captured 
vessels  and  provisions  voluntarily  assured  by 
State  legislation  from  molestation,  and  now 
seek  to  perpetuate  a  reign  of  terror  over  loyal 
citizens. 

They  have  invaded  a  loyal  State,  and  in¬ 
trenched  themselves  within  its  boundaries  in 
defiance  of  its  constituted  authorities. 

You  are  going  on  American  soil  to  sustain 


the  civil  power,  to  relieve  the  oppressed,  and  to 
retake  that  which  is  unlawfully  held. 

You  must  bear  in  mind  you  are  going  for  the 
good  of  the  whole  country,  and  that,  while  it 
is  your  duty  to  punish  sedition,  you  must  pro¬ 
tect  the  loyal,  and,  should  the  occasion  offer,  at 
once  suppress  servile  insurrection. 

Success  will  crown  your  efforts ;  a  grateful 
country  and  a  happy  people  will  reward  you. 

By  order  of  Major-General  Patterson. 

F.  J.  Porter,  Ass’t  Adj.  General. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  June  G. 


Doc.  231. 

THE  FIRST  SCOTT  LIFE  GUARD. 

TnE  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers  of  the 
Fourth  Regiment  New  York  Volunteers,  or 
First  Scott  Life  Guard  : 

Col.,  Alfred  W.  Taylor ;  Lieut.-Col.,  John 
D.  McGregor;  Major,  Wm.  Jameson;  Adjt., 
Wm.  Ilenriques;  Quartermaster,  James  M. 
Bayles.  Company  A — Capt.,  Joseph  Ilen- 
riques ;  First  Lieut.,  I.  Lenoske ;  Second  Lieut., 
James  Walker.  Company  B — Capt.,  John  S. 
Downs ;  First  Lieut.,  Fogarty ;  Second  Lieut., 
Thornton.  Company  C — Capt.,  J arues  Mooney ; 
First  Lieut.,  Henry  Rasco ;  Second  Lieut.,  T. 
C.  Shiblee.  Company  D — Capt.,  Cruger ;  First 
Lieut.,  Smith ;  Second  Lieut.,  Schafer.  Com¬ 
pany  E — Capt.,  Wm.  B.  Par ie sen ;  First  Lieut., 
Moulton;  Second  Lieut.,  Wynne.  Company 
F — Capt.,  J.  II.  H.  Camp ;  First  Lieut.,  McDon¬ 
ald  ;  Second  Lieut.,  Bosworth.  Company  G — 
Capt.,  John  B.  Brahams;  First  Lieut.,  Seaton; 
Second  Lieut.,  Parker.  Company  II— Capt., 
John  Quinn ;  First  Lieut.,  Metcalfe ;  Second 
Lieut.,  Bowers.  Company  J — Capt.,  IIous- 
tani;  First  Lieut.,  Wm.  Walsh  ;  Second  Lieut., 
Godfrey.  Company  K — Capt.,  Constantine ; 
First  Lieut.,  Rodman ;  Second  Lieut.,  Hep¬ 
burn. 

TniRD  REGIMENT  N.  Y.  VOLUNTEERS. 
The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers  : 
Frederick  Townsend,  Colonel,  Albany ;  S. 
M.  Alford,  Lieut.-Col.,  Albany;  George  D. 
Bayard,  Major,  West  Point;  J.  Owen  Moore, 
Adjutant,  Albany;  J.  II.  Chase,  Quartermaster, 
Albany ;  A.  H.  Haff,  M.  D.,  Surgeon,  Albany  ; 
J.  J.  Van  Rensselaer,  Assistant-Surgeon,  Al¬ 
bany  ;  A.  G.  White,  Quartermaster  Sergeant, 
Albany ;  Aug.  Limburger,  Sergeant  Major, 
Brooklyn ;  Francis  Schoppelrei.  Drum  Major, 
Albany ;  Charles  Gates,  Fife  Major,  Albany. 

Company  1  (Brooklyn) — Capt.,  A.  Smith  ; 
Lieut.,  J.  J.  Fay ;  Ensign,  M.  A.  Stearns. 

Company  2  (Albany) — Capt.,  H.  S.  Hurlbert; 
Lieut.,  W.  N.  S.  Saunders ;  Ensign,  T.  E.  Lord. 

Company  3  (Syracuse) — Capt.,  J.  G.  Butler ; 
Lieut.,  Chas.  Burdick ;  Ensign,  Jay  Wicks. 

Company  4  (Oneida) — Capt.,  E.  S.  Jenny ; 
Lieut.,  Wm.  E.  Blake;  Ensign,  Leon  H.  Bal¬ 
lard. 

Company  5  (Albany) — Capt.,  E.  G.  Floyd ; 


338 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Lieut.,  George  Van  Vechten;  Ensign,  G.  E. 
Mink. 

Company  6  (Oswego) — Capt.,  J.  S.  Catlin ; 
Lieut.,  Wm.  S.  Couch ;  Ensign,  T.  M.  Stone. 

Company  7  (Albany) — Capt.,  J.  W.  Blanch¬ 
ard  ;  Lieut.,  B.  B.  Walen ;  Ensign,  R.  M. 
Goodwait. 

Company  8  (Havana) — Capt.,  J.  E.  Hulford; 
Lieut.,  W.  N.  Babcock ;  Ensign,  E.  S.  Tutliill. 

Company  9  (Albany) — Capt.,  J.  II.  Teneyck, 
jr. ;  Lieut.,  Ilenry  Cooper;  Ensign,  R.  H. 
Chapin. 

Company  10  (Newburgh) — Capt.,  S.  W.  Ful¬ 
lerton,  jr. ;  Lieut.,  E.  J.  Jones;  Ensign,  Alex¬ 
ander  Mann. 

—N.  Y.  Tribune,  June  4. 


Doo.  232. 

RECTOR’S  PROCLAMATION. 

Head-quarters  Third  Brigade,  First  Division,  J 
Fort  Smith,  Hay  4,  1861.  \ 

1.  TnE  authority  of  the  United  States  has 
ceased  upon  this  frontier. 

2.  All  persons  claiming  to  interpose  in  public 
in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  United 
States  on  this  frontier,  will  be  arrested  and 
placed  in  the  guard-house  for  examination. 

3.  Captain  Perkins  will  take  possession  of 
the  records  and  other  property  of  the  late  Unit¬ 
ed  States  Court  at  Van  Buren,  Arkansas,  and 
place  the  keys  in  the  custody  of  the  Circuit 
Court  Clerk  of  Crawford  county,  Arkansas. 

4.  Stationery  and  twenty  minutes’  time  will 
he  allowed  the  attaches  of  said  court,  should 
they  desire,  to  write  their  resignations. 

5.  All  persons  in  possession  of  public  prop¬ 
erty,  taken  without  proper  authority,  are  re¬ 
quired  to  report  the  same  immediately  to  the 
Assistant  Adjutant-General  at  head-quarters  of 
this  command,  and  all  arms  or  other  property 
belonging  to  the  United  States  will  he  seized. 

By  order  of  Gen.  N.  B.  Burrow,  Commanding. 

W.  F.  Rector,  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 

— IV.  Y.  Herald,  J une  6. 


Doc.  233. 

GEN.  PRICE’S  PROCLAMATION. 

HEAD-QUARTERS  MISSOURI  GUARDS,  ? 

Jefferson  Our,  June  4.  \ 

To  the  Brigadier- Generals  commanding  the  sev¬ 
eral  military  districts  in  Missouri : 

To  correct  misrepresentation  and  prevent  all 
misunderstanding  of  ray  opinions  and  intentions 
in  reference  to  the  military  trust  confided  to  mo 
by  the  Government  of  Missouri,  I  desire  to 
state  to  you  and  to  the  people  generally  that 
my  past  and  present  position  as  a  private  citi¬ 
zen,  as  a  member  of  our  State  convention,  and 
as  a  military  commander,  and  my  influence, 
have  been  exerted  to  prevent  the  transfer  of 
the  seat  of  wrar  from  the  Atlantic  States  to  our 
own  State.  Having  taken  no  steps  towards 


dissolving  our  connection  with  the  Federal  Gov¬ 
ernment  there  was  no  reason  whatever  for  dis¬ 
turbing  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  Missouri. 
I  have,  therefore,  desired,  and  such  I  am  au¬ 
thorized  to  say  has  been,  and  still  is,  the  desire 
of  the  Chief  Executive,  under  whose  orders  I 
acted,  that  the  people  of  Missouri  should  exer¬ 
cise  the  right  to  choose  their  own  position  in 
any  contest  which  might  be  forced  upon  them, 
unaided  by  any  military  force  whatever.  Their 
right  to  bear  arms  in  defence  of  themselves  and 
of  their  State  cannot  be  questioned,  secured,  as 
it  is,  both  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  and  of  this  State.  For  the  purpose, 
therefore,  of  securing  to  the  people  of  Missouri 
a  free  exercise  of  their  undoubted  rights,  and 
with  a  view  to  preserve  peace  and  order 
throughout  the  State,  an  agreement  has  been 
entered  into  between  General  Harney  and  my¬ 
self,  which  I  consider  alike  honorable  to  both 
parties  and  Governments  represented.  The 
Federal  Government,  however,  has  thought 
proper  to  remove  Gen.  Harney  from  the  com¬ 
mand  of  the  Department  of  the  West,  but  as 
the  successor  of  Gen.  Harney  will  certainly 
consider  himself  and  his  Government  in  honor 
bound  to  carry  out  this  agreement  in  good 
faith,  I  feel  assured  that  his  removal  should 
give  no  cause  of  uneasiness  to  our  citizens  for 
the  security  of  their  liberties  and  property.  I 
intend,  on  my  part,  to  adhere  both  in  its  spirit 
and  to  the  letter.  The  rumor  in  circulation, 
that  it  is  the  intention  of  the  officers  now  in 
command  of  this  Department  to  disarm  those 
of  our  citizens  who  do  not  agree  in  opinion 
with  the  Administration  at  Washington,  and 
put  arms  in  the  hands  of  those  who  in  some 
localities  of  this  State  are  supposed  to  sympa¬ 
thize  with  the  views  of  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment,  are,  I  trust,  unfounded.  The  purpose  of 
such  a  movement  could  not  be  misunderstood, 
and  it  would  not  only  be  a  violation  of  the 
agreement  referred  to,  and  an  equally  plain  vio¬ 
lation  of  our  constitutional  right,  but  a  gross 
indignity  to  the  citizens  of  the  State,  which 
would  bo  resisted  to  the  last  extremity. 

My  wish  and  hope  is,  that  the  people  of  the 
State  of  Missouri  be  permitted  in  peace  and  se¬ 
curity  to  decide  upon  their  future  course,  and 
so  far  as  my  abilities  can  effect  this  object,  it 
shall  be  accomplished. 

The  people  of  Missouri  cannot  be  forced, 
under  the  terrors  of  a  military  invasion,  into  a 
position  not  of  their  free  choice. 

A  million  of  such  people  as  the  citizens  of 
Missouri  were  never  yet  subjugated,  and,  if  at¬ 
tempted,  let  no  apprehensions  be  entertained 
of  the  result.  I  enjoin  upon  you,  gentlemen, 
to  see  that  all  citizens,  of  whatever  opinions  in 
politics  or  religion,  be  protected  in  their  per¬ 
sons  and  property. 

Sterling  Price, 
Major-General  Commanding. 

— N.  Y.  World,  June  5. 


DOCUMENTS. 


339 


Doc.  234. 

BEAUREGARD’S  PROCLAMATION. 

IlEAD-QUAnTERS,  Pep’T  OF  ALEXANDRIA,  i 

Camp  Pickens,  June  5,  1861.  $ 

A  Proclamation. —  To  the  People  of  the  Coun¬ 
ties  of  Loudon ,  Fairfax ,  and  Prince  IJ  illiam. 

A  reckless  and  unprincipled  tyrant  lias  in¬ 
vaded  your  soil.  Abraham  Lincoln,  regardless 
of  all  moral,  legal,  and  constitutional  restraints, 
has  thrown  his  Abolition  hosts  among  you,  who 
are  murdering  and  imprisoning  your  citizens, 
confiscating  and  destroying  your  property,  and 
committing  other  acts  of  violence  and  outrage, 
too  shocking  and  revolting  to  humanity  to  be 
enumerated. 

All  rules  of  civilized  warfare  are  abandoned, 
and  they  proclaim  by  their  acts,  it  not  on  their 
banners,  that  their  war-cry  is  “Beauty  and 
Booty.”  All  that  is  dear  to  man — your  honor 
and  that  of  your  wives  and  daughters— your 
fortunes  and  your  lives,  are  involved  in  this 
momentous  contest. 

In  the  name,  therefore,  of  the  constituted 
authorities  of  the  Confederate  States — in  the 
sacred  cause  of  constitutional  liberty  and  self- 
government,  for  which  we  are  contending — in 
behalf  of  civilization  itself,  I,  G.  T.  Beauregard, 
Brigadier-General  of  the  Confederate  States, 
commanding  at  Camp  Pickens,  Manassas  Junc¬ 
tion,  do  make  this  my  Proclamation,  and  invito 
and  en]oin  you  by  every  consideration  dear  to 
the  hearts  of  freemen  and  patriots,  by  the 
name  and  memory  of  your  Revolutionary 
fathers,  and  by  the  purity  and  sanctity  of  your 
domestic  firesides,  to  rally  to  the  standard  of 
your  State  and  country;  and,  by  every  means 
in  your  power,  compatible  with  honorable  wai- 
fare,  to  drive  back  and  expel  the  invaders  from 
your  land. 

I  conjure  you  to  be  true  and  loyal  to  your 
country  and  her  legal  and  constitutional  authori¬ 
ties,  and  especially  to  be  vigilant  of  the  move¬ 
ments  and  acts  of  the  enemy,  so  as  to  enable 
you  to  give  the  earliest  authentic  information 
at  these  head-quarters,  or  to  the  officers  under 
my  command. 

I  desire  to  assure  you  that  the  utmost  protec¬ 
tion  in  my  power  will  be  given  to  you  all. 

G.  T.  Beauregard, 

Brigadier-General  Commanding. 

Official — TnoMAS  Jordan, 

Acting  Assistant  Adj’t-General. 

—Richmond  Enquirer. 

The  most  objectionable  of  all  the  pronuncia- 
mientos  of  the  Secessionists  that  has  come 
under  our  notice,  since  the  beginning  of  the 
contest,  is  the  Proclamation  of  Gen.  Beaure¬ 
gard  to  certain  “  good  people  ”  in  Virginia. 
How  any  man  of  his  standing  could  put  his 
name  to  such  a  production  we  arc  at  a  loss  to 
conceive.  "We  would  lain  hope  that  it  is  not 
genuine.  We  would  fain  believe  that  so  gross 
and  unwarranted  a  misrepresentation  of  the  pui  - 
poses  of  the  United  States  Government  must 


have  been  foisted  upon  the  public  by  some 
enemy  of  Gen.  Beauregard.  The  publication 
is  credited,  however,  to  the  Richmond  Enqui¬ 
rer,  and  therefore  leaves  no  doubt  of  its  being 
official.  Without  venturing  any  lengthy  com¬ 
ments  upon  it,  we  beg  leave  to  suggest  that  if 
the  prominent  leaders  of  that  side  arc  driven 
to  such  methods  of  widening  the  breach  be¬ 
tween  the  sections,  the  cause  must  be  low  down 
which  requires  such  disreputable  and  untruth¬ 
ful  means  to  “  breath  into  it  the  breath  of 
life.” 

The  particular  passage  to  which  we  would 
call  the  especial  attention  of  our  readers  is  a 
tolerably  fair  parallel  to  a  paragraph  we  gave 
the  other  day  from  a  speech  made  by  ex-Gov. 
"Wise,  in  which  he  invites  the  people  of  Vir¬ 
ginia  to  “wade  through  a  path  of  blood.” 
Gen.  Beauregard  says: 

“  A  reckless  and  unprincipled  tyrant  has  in¬ 
vaded  your  soil.  Abraham  Lincoln,  regardless 
of  all  moral,  legal,  and  constitutional  restraints, 
has  thrown  his  Abolition  hosts  among  you,  who 
are  murdering  and  imprisoning  your  citizens, 
confiscating  and  destroying  your  property,  and 
committing  other  acts  of  violence  and  outrage, 
too  shocking  and  revolting  to  humanity  to  be 
enumerated.  All  rules  of  civilized  warfare  are 
abandoned,  and  they  proclaim  by  their  acts,  if 
not  on  their  banners,  that  their  war-cry  is 
‘  Beauty  and  Booty.’  All  that  is  dear  to 
man — your  honor  and  that  of  your  wives  and 
daughters — your  fortunes  and  your  lives,  are 
involved  in  this  momentous  contest.” 

We  cannot  avoid  contrasting  with  the  above 
the  offer  of  General  Butler  to  put  down  ‘  ser¬ 
vile  insurrections”  in  his  first  landing  at 
Annapolis,  and  the  subsequent  address  of 
General  Patterson  to  the  Pennsylvania  troops, 
that  it  might  be  their  duty  to  “suppress  servile 
insurrections.” 

Can  the  people  of  Virginia  be  imposed  upon 
by  such  productions  as  this  of  General  Beaure¬ 
gard’s  ?  Can  any  intelligent  community  in  the 
South  be  thus  cheated  into  madness?  Surely 
if  they  can  be,  they  are  to  be  pitied,  and  we 
have  only  to  say  that  so  poor  a  compliment  paid 
by  any  high  functionary  to  the  intelligence  of 
the  people  of  Maryland,  would  receive  their 

scorn  and  reprobation. 

— Baltimore  American ,  J une  18. 


Doo.  235. 

NINTH  REGIMENT  N.  Y.  VOLUNTEERS. 

Colonel,  Rush  C.  Hawkins ;  Lieutenant-Col¬ 
onel,  George  F.  Betts;  Major,  Edwin  A.  Kim¬ 
ball;  Adjutant,  James W. Evans;  Quartermaster, 
Henry  H.  Elliott,  Jr. ;  Paymaster,  Thomson  P. 

McElrath ;  Chaplain, - Conway ;  Surgeon, 

James  II.  Humphreys;  Assistant  Surgeon, 

Company  A — Captain,  Andrew  Graham; 
First  Lieutenant,  Charles  Child ;  .  Ensign,.  J. 
Ivlingsoehr.  Company  B — Captain,  "William 


340 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Barnett;  First  Lieutenant,  George  A.  0.  Bar¬ 
nett;  Ensign,  Thomas  Bartholomew.  Company 
C — Captain,  Otto  W.  Parisen;  First  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  John  W.  Ennis ;  Ensign,  John  Mitchell. 
Company  D — Captain,  Harry  Wright;  First 
Lieutenant,  J.  S.  Harrison ;  Ensign,  H.  C.  Par¬ 
ley.  Company  E  —Captain,  Adolph  L.  Baire ; 
First  Lieutenant,  John  Bartlett;  Ensign,  Wil¬ 
liam  Bartlett.  Company  F — Captain,  William 
W.  Hammill ;  First  Lieutenant,  J.  K.  Perley ; 
Ensign,  W.  H.  Prescott.  Company  G — Cap¬ 
tain,  Edward  Jardine;  First  Lieutenant,  Almar 
P.  Webster;  Ensign,  Thomson  P.  McElrath. 
Company  H — Captain,  Joseph  C.  Eoderigues; 
First  Lieutenant,  Lawrence  Leaby ;  Ensign,  R. 
H.  Morris.  Company  I — Captain,  H.  W.  Cop- 

cutt;  First  Lieutenant, - Roessel;  Ensign, 

John  H.  Fleming.  Company  Iv — Captain, - 

Steiner;  Lieutenants,  - -  Silva  and  - 

Doughty. 

— N.  Y.  World ,  J  une  6. 

Doc.  23G. 

LETTER  OF  CASSIUS  M.  CLAY 

TO  TIIE  LONDON  TIMES. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Times : — 

Sir  :  Allow  me  your  journal  to  make  a  few 
remarks  upon  the  complications  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  which,  I  am  surprised  to 
find,  are  so  little  understood  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic. 

1.  “  What  are  we  firjhting  for?  ”  “  We,  the 
people  of  the  United  States  of  America,”  (to 
use  the  language  of  our  Constitution,)  are  fight¬ 
ing  to  maintain  our  nationality  and  the  prin¬ 
ciples  of  liberty  upon  which  it  was  founded ; 
that  nationality  which  Great  Britain  has  pledged 
herself,  both  by  past  comity  and  the  sacred 
obligations  of  treaty,  to  respect ;  those  great 
principles  of  liberty,  that  all  power  is  derived 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed ;  trial  bv 
jury,  freedom  of  speech,  and  the  press;  that 
“  without  law  there  is  no  liberty  ” — which  we 
inherited  from  Great  Britain  herself,  and  which, 
having  been  found  to  lie  at  the  base  of  all  pro¬ 
gress  and  civilization,  we  desire  to  perpetuate 
for  ourselves  and  the  future  of  all  nations. 
The  so-called  “  Confederate  States  of  America  ” 
rebel  against  ns — against  our  nationality,  and 
against  all  the  principles  of  its  structure.  Citi¬ 
zens  of  the  United  States — of  the  one  Govern¬ 
ment  (not  of  Confederated  States,  as  they 
would  have  the  world  believe — but  of  “  us,  the 
people,”)  they  propose,  not  by  common  legal 
consent,  but  by  arms,  to  sever  our  nation  into 
separate  independencies.  Claiming  to  “  be  let 
alone,”  they  conspire  against  us;  seize  by  force 
our  forts,  stores,  and  arms ;  appropriate  to 
themselves  our  mints,  moneys,  and  vessels  at 
sea  ;  capture  our  armies,  and  threaten  even  the 
capital  at  Washington ! 

The  word  “  secession  ”  is  used  to  cover  up 
treason  and  delude  the  nations.  They  stand  to 
us  in  the  relation  of  one  “  people :  ”  the  idea  of 


“  State  sovereignty  ”  is  utterly  delusive.  Wo 
gave  up  the  old  “  confederation  ”  to  avoid  just 
such  complications  as  have  now  occurred.  The 
States  are  by  our  Constitution  deprived  of  all 
the  rights  of  independent  sovereigns,  and  the 
National  Government  acts  not  through  State  or¬ 
ganizations,  but  directly  upon  the  citizens  of 
the  States  themselves— to  that  highest  of  pow¬ 
er,  the  right  of  life  and  death.  The  States 
cannot  keep  an  army,  or  navy,  or  even  repel 
invasion,  except  when  necessity  will  not  allow 
time  for  national  action ;  can  make  no  treaty, 
nor  coin  money,  nor  exercise  any  of  the  first 
great  essential  powers  of  “  sovereignty.”  In  a 
word,  they  can  no  more  “secede”  from  the 
Union  than  Scotland  or  Ireland  can  secedo  from 
England. 

Ihe  professed  friends  of  the  independence 
of  nations  and  popular  rights,  they  have  not 
only  overthrown  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  but  the  constitution  of  the  “  Confederate 
States,”  themselves,  refusing  in  every  case  to 
refer  their  new  usurpations  to  the  votes  of  the 
people,  thus  making  themselves  doubly  traitors 
to  both  the  States  and  the  nation.  Tho  des¬ 
potic  rulers  over  four  millions  of  enslaved 
Africans,  they  presume  to  extend  over  us,  the 
white  races  of  all  nations,  the  same  despotism, 
by  ignoring  the  political  rights  of  all  but  their 
own  class,  by  restrictions  upon  the  popular 
franchise,  by  the  suppression  of  the  freedom  of 
speech  and  of  the  press,  by  the  terrorism  of 
“Lynch-law,”  or  tyrannical  enactments,  backed 
by  standing  armies,  to  crush  out  the  inde¬ 
pendence  of  thought,  the  ineradicable  instincts 
of  our  world-wide  humanity — with  the  atro¬ 
cious  dogma  that  negro  slavery  is  tho  only 
basis  of  conservatism  and  progressive  civiliza¬ 
tion  ;  and  that  the  true  solution  of  the  contest 
of  all  time  between  labor  and  capital  is  that 
capital  should  own  the  labor,  whether  white  or 
blaclc. 

.  success  of  such  demands  would  send  the 
tide  of  barbarism  not  only  over  the  millions  of 
the  New  World  and  tho  isles  of  the  western 
oceans,  but  roll  it  back  over  England  and 
emancipated  Europe,  and  blot  out  from  history 
this  the  greatest  glory  of  our  times. 

2.  “But  can  you  subdue  the  revolted  States  ?  " 
Of  couso  wo  can.  The  whole  of  the  revolted 
States  (2,173,000)  have  not  as  much  white 
population  as  the  single  State  of  New  York 
(3,851,563)  by  1,500,000  people.  If  all  the 
slave  States  were  to  make  common  cause,  they 
have  only  8,907,894  whites,  with  4,000,000 
slaves,  while  the  Union  has  about  20,000,000  of 
homogeneous  people,  as  powerful  in  peace  and 
war  as  the  world  has  seen.  Intelligent,  hardy, 
and  “many-sided,”  their  late  apparent  lethargy 
and  weakness  was  the  self-possession  of  con¬ 
scious  strength.  When  they  had  made  up  their 
minds  that  force  was  necessary,  they  moved 
upon  ashington  with  such  speed,  numbers, 
and  steadiness  as  is  not  surpassed  in  history. 

e  have  the  money,  (at  a  lower  rate  of  interest 
than  ever  before,)  the  men,  and  the  command 


DOCUMENTS. 


341 


of  the  seas,  and  the  internal  waters.  We  can 
blockade  them  by  sea,  and  invade  them  by 
land,  and  close  up  the  rebellion  in  a  single  year, 
if  we  are  “  let  alone  !  ”  For  the  population  of 
the  slave  States  is  divided,  perhaps  equally,  for 
and  against  the  Union— the  loyal  citizens  being 
for  the  time  overawed  by  the  organized  con¬ 
spiracy  of  the  traitors,  while  the  North  is  unit¬ 
ed  to  a  man,  the  late  allies  of  the  South — the 
democratic  party — being  now  more  earnest  for 
the  subjugation  of  the  rebels  than  the  repub¬ 
licans. 

3.  “  Bat  can  you  govern  a  1  subjugated  '  peo¬ 
ple  and  reconstruct  the  Union  ?”  We  do  not 
propose  to  “  subjugate  ”  the  revolted  States— 
we  propose  to  put  down  simply  the  rebel  citi¬ 
zens.  We  go  to  the  rescue  of  the  loyal  Union¬ 
ists  of  all  the  States.  We  carry  safety,  and 
peace,  and  liberty  to  the  Union-loving  people 
of  the  South,  who  will  of  themselves  (the 
tyranny  overthrown)  send  back  their  represent¬ 
atives  to  Congress,  and  the  Union  will  be  ‘•'•re¬ 
constructed'1'1  without  a  change  of  a  letter  in  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Did  Eng¬ 
land  subjugate  Ireland  and  Scotland  ?  Are  the 
united  kingdoms  less  homogeneous  than  of  old, 
before  the  wars  against  rebellion  ?  So  will  the 
United  States  rise  from  the  smoke  of  battle 
with  renewed  stability  and  power.  In  turn, 
now  let  us  ask  the  British  public  some  questions. 

1.  “  Where  should  British  honor  place  her  in 
this  contest  ?  ”  We  overthrow  that  political  ele¬ 
ment  in  America  which  has  all  through  our 
history  been  the  studied  denouncer  and  real 
hater  of  the  British  nation,  while  we  have  been 
always  from  the  beginning  the  friends  of  Eng¬ 
land.  Because,  though  under  different  forms 
of  government ,  we  had  common  sympathies, 
and  a  common  cause,  and,  therefore,  a  common 
interest.  England  was  the  conservator  of  lib¬ 
erty  in  Europe — the  old  world;  we  in  the  new. 
If  the  “  Confederate  States  ”  are  right,  then  is 
England  wrong.  If  slavery  must  be  extended 
in  America,  then  must  England  restore  it  in 
the  West  Indies,  blot  out  the  most  glorious 
page  of  her  history,  and  call  back  her  freed- 
men  into  chains !  Let  her  say  to  the  martyrs 
of  freedom  from  all  the  nations  who  have 
sought  refuge  and  a  magnanimous  defence  on 
her  shores,  return  to  your  scaffold  and  your 
prison-house ;  England  is  no  more  England. 
Let  the  Times  cease  to  appeal  longer  to  the  en¬ 
lightened  opinion  of  the  world :  nay,  let  the 
statues  of  the  great  dead,  through  which  I 
passed  in  reverence  yesterday,  to  the  Houses 
of  her  political  intelligence,  be  thrown  from 
their  pedestals,  when  England  shall  forget  the 
utterances  of  her  Chathams,  her  Wilberforces, 
and  her  Broughams — that  natural  justice  is  the 
only  safe  diplomacy  and  lasting  foundation  of 
the  independence  of  nations. 

2.  “  What  is  the  interest  of  England  now  ?  ” 
If  we  may  descend  to  such  inferior  appeals,  it 
is  clearly  the  interest  of  England  to  stand  by 
the  Union  of  the  States.  We  are  her  best  con¬ 
sumer  ;  no  tariff  will  materially  affect  that  fact. 

Documents — 25 


We  are  the  best  customer  of  England  ;  not  be¬ 
cause  we  are  cotton-growers  or  cotton-spinners, 
agriculturists  or  manufacturers,  but  because  we 
are  producers  and  manufacturers,  and  have 
money  to  spend.  It  is  not  the  South,  as  it  is 
urged,  but  the  North  who  are  the  best  con¬ 
sumers  of  English  commerce.  The  free  white 
laborer  and  capitalist  does  now,  and  always 
will,  consume  more  than  the  white  master  and 
the  slave.  The  Union  and  the  expansion  of 
the  States  and  the  republican  policy  make  us 
the  best  market  for  England  and  Europe. 
What  has  the  world  to  gain — England,  France, 
or  any  of  the  powers  to  gain — by  reducing  the 
United  States  to  a  Mexican  civilization  ? 

3.  “  Can  England  afford  to  offend  the  great 
nation  which  will  still  be  1  The  United  States 
of  America ,’  even  should  we  lose  part  of  the 
South?”  Twenty  millions  of  people  to-day, 
with  or  without  the  slave  States,  in  twenty 
years  we  will  be  40,000,000 !  In  another  half 
century  we  will  be  one  hundred  millions.  We 
will  rest  upon  the  Potomac,  and  on  the  west 
banks  of  the  Mississippi  River,  upon  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  Our  railroads  will  run  four  thousand 
miles  upon  a  single  parallel,  binding  our  empire, 
which  must  master  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific 
oceans.  Is  England  so  secure  in  the  future 
against  homo  revolt  or  foreign  ambition  as  to 
venture  now  in  our  need  to  plant  the  seeds  of 
revenge  in  all  our  future? 

If  Ireland,  or  Scotland,  or  Wales  shall  at¬ 
tempt  to  secede  from  that  beneficent  govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  Kingdom  which  now  light¬ 
ens  their  taxation  and  gives  them  security  and 
respect  at  home  and  abroad,  shall  we  enter  into 
a  piratical  war  with  our  race  and  ally,  and 
capture  and  sell  in  our  ports  the  property,  and 
endanger  the  lives  of  peaceable  citizens  ot  the 
British  empire  all  over  the  world  ?  I  enter  not 
into  the  discussion  of  details,  England,  then, 
is  our  natural  ally.  Will  she  ignore  our  aspi¬ 
rations?  If  she  is  just,  she  ought  not.  If  she 
is  honorable  and  magnanimous,  she  cannot. 
If  she  is  wise ,  she  will  not. 

Your  obedient  servant,  C.  M.  Clay, 

United  States  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  &c., 
to  St.  Petersburg. 

Mortley’s,  London,  May  17. 

TnE  REPLY  OF  THE  TIMES. 

We  call  attention  to  the  letter  of  Mr.  Clay, 
Minister  from  the  United  States  to  St.  Peters¬ 
burg.  This  lively  letter-writer  proposes  six 
questions — three  relating  to  his  own  country, 
three  relating  to  England.  The  first  question 
he  is  more  successful  in  asking  than  answering 
— “What  are  we  fighting  for?”  “We  are 
fighting,”  says  Mr.  Clay,  “  for  nationality  and 
liberty.”  We  can  understand  a  fight  for  na¬ 
tionality  between  different  races,  but  a  fight 
for  nationality  between  men  of  the  same  nation¬ 
ality  is  to  us,  we  candidly  confess  it,  an  inex¬ 
plicable  enigma ;  nor  can  we  better  understand 
how  a  people,  fighting  to  put  down  rebellion, 
to  force  their  fellow-citizens  to  remain  in  a 
Confederacy  which  they  detest,  and  to  submit 


342 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


to  institutions  which  they  repudiate,  can  be 
called  the  champions  of  liberty.  If  the  South 
seriously  threatened  to  conquer  the  North,  to 
put  down  trial  by  jury,  freedom  of  the  press, 
and  representative  government,  the  contest 
must  be  for  liberty  ;  but,  as  this  is  not  so,  the 
introduction  of  such  topics  is  mere  rhetorical 
amplification.  “  Can  you  subdue  the  revolted 
States  ?  ”  “  Of  course  we  can,”  says  Mr.  Clay. 

So  on  that  point  there  is  no  more  to  be  said. 
“  Can  you  reconstruct  the  Union  when  one-half 
of  it  has  conquered  the  other?”  “Nothing 
easier,”  says  Mr.  Clay.  The  victim  of  to-day 
will  become  the  confederate  of  to-morrow :  the 
traitor  will  be  cast  out,  and  the  Union  firmer 
than  ever — witness  the  happy  results  of  the 
conquest  of  Ireland  by  England,  repeated  over 
and  over  again,  and  always  repeated  in  vain. 

Having  answered  the  questions  which  ho 
supposes  to  be  addressed  to  him  by  England, 
Mr.  Clay  becomes  the  questioner,  and  asks  us 
where  our  honor  would  place  us  in  this  con¬ 
test.  Clearly  by  the  side  of  tho  Union,  be¬ 
cause,  he  says,  if  slavery  be  extended  in  Amer¬ 
ica,  it  must  be  restored  in  the  West  Indies.  If 
any  one  doubts  the  force  of  this  demonstration 
we  are  sorry  for  it,  for  Mr.  Clay  has  no  other 
to  offer.  Our  examiner  next  asks  us  to  con¬ 
sider  our  interest.  Clearly,  he  says,  it  is  to 
stand  by  the  Union,  because  they  are  our  best 
customers,  and  because,  though  they  have  dono 
all  they  can,  since  the  separation  of  the  South 
gave  them  the  power,  to  ruin  their  trade  with 
us,  they  will,  in  spite  of  their  own  hostile 
tariff,  remain  our  best  customers. 

Lastly  comes  the  momentous  question,  “  Can 
England  afford  to  offend  tho  United  States  ?  ” 
“  Certainly  not,”  says  Mr.  Clay,  “for  in  half 
a  century  they  will  amount  to  a  hundred  mil¬ 
lions  of  people,  and  will  have  railways  four 
thousand  miles  long.”  But  is  Mr.  Clay  quite 
sure  that,  if  we  should  offend  them  now,  tho 
people  of  America  will  bear  malice  for  half  a 
century ;  and,  if  they  do,  is  he  quite  certain 
that  his  hundred  millions  must  all  be  members 
of  one  Confederacy,  and  that  we  may  not  then, 
as  we  might  now,  secure  either  half  of  the 
Union  as  our  ally  in  a  war  against  the  other? 
Mr.  Clay  must  really  allow  us  to  give  our  own 
version  of  the  honor  and  interest  of  England. 
Our  honor  and  interest  is  to  stand  aloof  from 
contests  which  in  no  way  concern  us,  to  be 
content  with  our  own  laws  and  liberties,  without 
seeking  to  impose  them  upon  others,  “  to  seek 
peace  and  insure  it,”  and  to  leave  those  who 
take  to  the  sword  to  fall  by  the  sword.  In  war 
we  will  be  strictly  neutral ;  in  peace  we  will 
bo  the  friends  of  whatever  Power  may  emerge 
out  of  the  frightful  chaos  through  which  Mr. 
Clay  sees  his  way  so  clearly.  And  that  neu¬ 
trality  which  is  recommended  alike  by  our  in¬ 
terest  and  our  honor,  we  will  not  violate 
through  fear — no,  not  of  a  hundred  millions  of 
unborn  men.  Let  Mr.  Clay  and  his  country¬ 
men  look  well  to  the  present,  and  they  will 
find  enough  to  occupy  their  attention  without 


troubling  themselves  with  long  visions  of  hu¬ 
miliation  and  retribution,  which  no  man  now 
alive  will  ever  see  accomplished. 

— London  Times,  May  20. 

MINISTER  CLAY’S  LETTER. 

In  order  to  estimate  the  character  and  quality 
of  the  letter  of  the  American  Ambassador  to 
St.  Petersburg,  which  appeared  in  The  Times 
of  last  Monday,  and  which  naturally  attracts  a 
good  deal  of  attention,  it  is  necessary  to  con¬ 
sider  who  tho  writer  is,  what  position  he  holds 
in  public  affairs,  and  why  he  wrote  that  letter. 

Mr.  Cassius  M.  Clay  is  a  Kentucky  man,  and 
a  relative  of  the  late  Henry  Clay  ;  but  he  has 
never  followed  the  political  track  of  his  emi¬ 
nent  relative.  Henry  Clay  used  to  boast  that  it 
was  by  his  doing  that  Kentucky  was  a  slave 
State.  At  the  time  of  its  organization  as  a 
State,  a  majority  of  tho  inhabitants  desired  to 
emancipate  their  negroes,  and  encourage  the 
immigration  of  free  labor ;  but  Mr.  Clay  dis¬ 
countenanced  tho  notion,  and  used  his  influence 
with  success,  to  induce  his  neighbors  to  follow 
the  Southern  practice  in  regard  to  the  tenure 
of  labor.  To  do  this  in  such  a  country  as  Ken¬ 
tucky  was  to  incur  a  very  grave  responsibility. 
Tho  inhabitants  have  never  taken  heartily  to 
Slavery  with  one  accord ;  their  soil  and  climate 
are  favorable  to  the  employment  of  white  as  well 
as  free  negro  labor  ;  they  have  seen,  across  tho 
river,  Ohio  rising  into  high  prosperity,  while 
Kentucky  made  little  or  no  progress  ;  and  there 
have  been  not  a  few  citizens  in  Mr.  Clay’s 
State  who  have  always  felt  that  he  was  answer- 
able  for  its  inferiority  in  numbers,  wealth,  and 
intelligence,  to  tho  States  on  the  opposite  bank 
of  tho  Ohio.  Among  those  who  have  asserted 
the  higher  principles  on  which  the  State  ought 
to  have  been  organized,  and  on  which  it  must 
have  flourished  beyond  perhaps  any  other  re¬ 
gion  in  the  Union,  Mr.  Cassius  M.  Clay  has 
been  tho  most  prominent.  For  a  long  course 
of  years  he  has  testified  against  the  false  policy 
of  liis  State,  at  tho  risk  of  his  life,  and  to  tho 
great  injury  of  his  fortunes.  He  has  been 
hunted  out  of  tho  State  :  ho  has  been  im¬ 
prisoned,  prosecuted,  threatened,  and  brought 
within  an  inch  of  his  life  by  Lynch  law  :  and 
his  property  has  been  thrown  into  the  Ohio, 
burnt,  or  broken  up  :  but  nothing  could  daunt 
his  spirit,  or  silenco  his  protests.  His  Southern 
habits  of  self-defence,  and  his  Northern  habits 
of  political  reasoning,  have,  on  tho  whole,  made 
him  too  strong  for  his  enemies.  Ho  was  an 
accursed  Abolitionist ;  yet  he  has  lived  to  come 
to  Europe  as  an  Ambassador.  Ho  never  be¬ 
longed  to  the  small  body  of  Abolitionists 
proper ;  but,  though  he  carried  pistols,  and 
walked  about  in  tho  style  of  tho  Kentucky 
giants,  he  was  so  far  an  Abolitionist  that  he 
early  emancipated  his  own  slaves,  and  lias  ever 
since  fought  a  stout  battle,  by  his  own  print¬ 
ing-press,  public  speaking,  and  wholo  courso 
of  life,  on  behalf  of  tho  liberties  of  whites 
and  blacks,  all  over  the  Union. 


DOCUMENTS. 


343 


Such  is  the  man  who  now,  having  just  landed 
in  England  on  his  way  to  Russia,  is  evidently 
struck  with  surprise  at  the  ignorance  he  meets 
with,  or  is  led  to  infer  from  the  tone  of  some 
of  the  newspapers  on  the  great  American  ques¬ 
tion.  The  impulse  was  to  write  to  The  Times , 
to  set  the  case  clearly  before  us,  and  rectify 
some  current  mistakes.  He  has  met  with 
rather  hard  measure  in  return  ;  but  a  tew  more 
days  in  England  would  have  shown  him  that 
a  somewhat  closer  and  clearer  statement  of  his 
case  would  have  answered  better  with  an  audi- 
ance  which  he  addresses  on  the  very  ground 
that  it  is  critical  instead  of  sympathetic. 

It  is  certain,  however,  that  The  Times  mis¬ 
apprehends  Mr.  Clay  when  it  dismisses  as  mere 
rhetorical  amplification  his  notice  of  trial  by 
jury  liberty  of  the  press,  and  representative 
government  as  objects  of  conflict  between 
North  and  South.  Mr.  C.  M.  Clay  has  but  too 
much  reason  to  know  what  the  systematic  per- 
version  of  justice  is,  under  the  influence  of  the 
Southern  oligarchy;  and  we  ourselves  need 
look  no  further  than  the  condition  of  the  Su¬ 
preme  Court,  under  Southern  management,  to 
be  aware  what  the  North  has  to  do  in  uphold¬ 
ing  justice.  Fair  jury  trial  is  not  to  be  had  in 
halt1  the  States  :  the  coercion  of  the  press  is  as 
had  as  any  thing  Mr.  C.  M.  Clay  will  find  in 
Russia :  and  as  for  representative  government, 
we  need  only  point  to  the  three-fiiths  suftiage 
of  the  slave  States,  and  the  virtual  exclusion 
from  the  polls  there  of  all  “  mean  whites 
whose  opinions  might  be  supposed  likely  to  be 
inconvenient.  Mr.  Clay  is  certainly  justified 
in  saying  that  the  free  States  are  fighting  loi 
liberty  under  these  and  other  forms,  as  the  lib¬ 
erty  and  the  forms  have  always  and  everywhere 
been  crushed  by  Southern  rule.  But  lie  must 
allow  for  Englishmen  being  unable  to  imagine, 
without  due  explanation,  that  such  fundamental 
liberties  as  these  are  really  to  be  fought  for 
now  in  the  great  Republic.  The  successive 
Southern  Governments  of  recent  years  have 
encroached  more  and  more  on  these  common 
rights,  so  that  they  are  now  actually  in  question ; 
but  Mr.  Clay  must  remember  that,  while  lie 
has  been  contending  for  them  at  the  risk  of  his 
life,  and  to  the  loss  of  his  fortune,  most  of  us 
have  been  supposing  them  the  birthright  of 
every  -white  American,  as  of  ourselves. 

The  paragraph  of  Mr.  Clay’s  letter  which 
cites  the  demands  of  the  Southern  Confederacy 
is  certainly  accurate.  Every  point  of  it  may 
be  proved  by  facts  within  the  memory  of  most 
of  us ;  and  the  one  truth,  that  in  every  instance 
the  Confederate  authorities  “  have  refused  to 
refer  their  new  usurpations  to  the  votes  of  the 
people,”  should  be  well  considered  by  any 
Englishman  whose  mind  is  open  to  evidence  in 
the° case.  The  demands  are  essentially  barbaric 
in  such  a  country  at  such  a  date  ;  and  Mt .  Cl  a} 
is  indisputably  justified  in  saying  that  the  great 
question  of  the  war  is  whether  this  baibarism 
is  or  is  not  to  be  allowed  to  swamp  the  whole 
Republic.  To  smile  at  such  a  statement  as 


a  rhetorical  feat  is  to  manifest  the  ignorance 
which  Mr.  Clay  proposes  to  rebuke  and  correct. 

As  for  whether  the  North  can  repress  the 
rebellion,  everybody  can  judge  whether  Mr. 
Clay’s  confidence  is  rational  or  not.  1  his  may 
be  decided  by  the  facts  of  population  and  the 
comparative  resources  of  food,  stores,  money, 
&c.  We  are  not  aware  that  anybody  pretends 
that  there  is  an  approach  to  equality  in  the 
resources  of  the  two  sections— even  it  the 
Border  States  joined  the  South,  and  notwith¬ 
standing  the  enormous  embezzlements  by  which 
the  Federal  treasury  lias  been  emptied.  Mr. 
Clay’s  letter,  however,  confirms  the  largest 
estimates  yet  made  of  the  strength  of  the  loyal 
Federal  element  throughout  the  country.  .  Per¬ 
haps  the  most  valuable  part  ot  bis  letter  is  that 
which  he  occupies  with  a  statement,  not  new 
to  our  readers,  but  too  much  needed  generally, 
of  the  relation  which  the  people  individually 

bear  to  the  Government,  and  with  which  the 

States  have  nothing  to  do.  The  real  question 
is,  who  and  how  many  the  rebels  are.  A  little 
time  will  show  whether  there  are  most  Union 
men  or  Secessionists  in  the  States  over  which  Mr. 
Jefferson  Davis  professes  to  bear  sway.  _  U  Mr. 
Clay  is  right  in  believing  that  any  thing  like 
half  the  citizens  are  loyal  to  the  Union,  they 
will  soon  have  the  means  of  declaring  them¬ 
selves,  and  the  contest  will  be  at  an  end  It  is 
certainly  true,  as  Mr.  Clay  points  out,  that  the 
political  party  at  the  North  which  is  answerable 
for  the  long  domination  of  the  Pro-Slavery 
faction  at  Washington,  has  become  the  most 
loyal  of  all  parties  since  its  Southern  comrades 

took  to  rebellion.  ,  . 

Another  valuable  statement  of  Mr.  Clay  s  is 
that  there  is  no  question  of  the  “  subjugation 
of  any  State.  Our  contemporaries  have  been 
raising  the  difficulty,  one  after  another,  ot  what 
is  to  be  done  with  a  subjugated  territory  ;  and 
Mr.  Davis,  the  leader  of  the  aggressive  party, 
who  met  with  long-suffering  to  the  last  mo¬ 
ment,  now  invites  his  followers  to  declare 
against  “  subjugation.”  -It  is  no  question  ot 
territory  or  conquest  at  all.  Rebels  must  1  e- 
turn  to  their  allegiance,  or  obtain  terms  which 
do  not  involve  trouble  to  their  loyal  neighbors. 
They  will  probably  have  tho  choice  ot  going 
away  or  living  in  peace  and  order  under  the 
laws.  Wo  believe  Mr.  Clay  to  be  mistaken  it 
he  thinks  the  Constitution  may  remain  precisely 
what  it  is.  There  must  be  amendments,  by 
which  the  free  States  will  be  released  from  all 
implication  with  Slavery  ;  and  there  are  other 
points  which  will  not  be  again  sanctioned.  But 
his  general  statement  that  the  Constitution  ex¬ 
ists  still  for  the  whole  country,  and  that  there 
is  no  political  adversary  to  subjugate,  will  be 
of  great  use  to  those  who  wish  to  understand 
tlio  case. 

The  ignorant  complaints  of  Mr.  Lincoln  s 
supposed  indecision  or  apathy  must  come  to  an 
end,  now  that  people  are  beginning  to  remem¬ 
ber  that  he  proclaimed  a  term  of  grace,  during 
which  the  Secessionists  might  return  to  then 


344 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


allegiance.  He  had  enough  to  do  in  the  inter¬ 
val  ;  and  now  the  time  for  action  has  come. 
Meantime,  a  schism  has  taken  place  in  each  of 
the  Border  States,  and  in  some  others,  which 
goes  to  confirm  Mr.  Clay's  account  of  the 
strength  of  the  loyalists  wherever  they  have 
the  means  of  asserting  themselves.  Consider¬ 
ing  this,  and  the  command  which  the  Union 
forces  have,  not  only  of  the  coasts,  but  of  the 
Mississippi,  it  seems  probable  that  the  war  will 
be  a  short  one. 

Mr.  Clay  may  rely  on  England  wishing  and 
doing  no  injury  to  his  country  and  Govern¬ 
ment  ;  but,  if  his  letter  means  that  he  expects 
us  to  take  an  active  part,  he  will,  of  course, 
soon  learn  better.  Our  sympathies  will,  we 
trust,  be  found  on  the  side  of  right,  freedom, 
and  civilization,  but  we  shall  not  interfere  in 
any  way.  Mr.  Clay  probably  refers  to  priva¬ 
teering  invitations  to  our  countrymen,  and  by 
this  time,  he  must  have  heard  of  the  Queen’s 
Proclamation.  If  he  means  more,  he  had  bet¬ 
ter  have  waited  a  few  days  to  learn  our  policy. 
We  do  not  “  ignore  ”  good  “  aspirations  ”  on 
any  hand  ;  but  aspirants  must  work  out  their 
own  welfare,  and  there  is  every  possible  evi¬ 
dence  before  the  world’s  eyes  that  the  Ameri¬ 
can  people  are  abundantly  able  to  do  it. 

— London  News ,  May  23. 


Doc.  237. 

GOVERNOR  LETCHER’S  ORDERS 

FOR  DESTROYING  ROADS  AND  BRIDGES. 

Richmond,  Va.,  May  25,  1861. 

Dear  Sir  .-—When  you  get  matters  in  proper 
condition  at  Grafton,  take  the  train  some  night, 
run  up  to  Wheeling  and  seize  and  carry  away 
the  arms  recently  sent  to  that  place  by  Cameron, 
the  United  States  Secretary  of  War,  and  use 
them  in  arming  such  men  as  may  rally  to  your 
camp.  Recover  the  State  arms  also  recently 
seized  by  the  malcontents  at  Kingwood. 

It  is  advisable  to  cut  olf  telegraphic  commu¬ 
nication  between  Wheeling  and  Washington, 
so  that  the  disaffected  at  the  former  place  can¬ 
not  communicate  with  their  allies  at  Head¬ 
quarters.  Establish  a  perfect  control  over  the 
telegraph,  (if  kept  up,)  so  that  no  despatch  can 
pass  without  your  knowledge  and  inspection 
before  it  is  sent. 

If  troops  from  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  shall 
be  attempted  to  be  passed  on  the  railroad,  do 
not  hesitate  to  obstruct  their  passage  by  all 
means  in  your  power,  even  to  the  destruction  of 
the  road  and  bridges. 

Having  confidence  in  your  discretion,  I  am 
sure  you  will  manage  all  things  wisely  and 
well.  Tours  truly,  John  Letcher. 

Col.  Porterfield,  Grafton,  Va. 

The  following  is  a  letter  written  by  Porter¬ 
field,  in  pursuance  of  the  above  instructions,  to 
Col.  V .  J.  V  illey,  whom  the  Federal  troops 
now  have  a  prisoner  at  Pliillippi : 


Gbafton,  May  25,  1861. 

Dear  Colonel:  From  information  just  re¬ 
ceived,  it  is  essential  to  the  safety  of  my  com¬ 
mand  that  the  bridges  be  destroyed  as  far  west 
as  possible.  Tou  will  pilease  proceed  on  the 
next  train,  and  have  it  carried  into  effect  with¬ 
out  delay.  T  ours,  G.  A.  Pof.terfield. 

To  Col.  Willey. 

—  It  heeling  (  Va.)  Intelligencer ,  June  6. 


Doc.  238. 

THE  THIRD  MAINE  REGIMENT. 

Tiie  Third  Maine  Regiment  numbers  1,010 
men.  They  arc  fully  armed  and  equipped, 
bringing  with  them  their  tents  and  baggage, 
and  forty  horses  furnished  by  the  State.  They 
are  men  accustomed  to  muscular  pursuits,  and 
are  of  fine  size  for  hard  service.  Tho  following 
is  the  list  of  the  officers : 

Colonel,  Oliver  O.  Howard  ;  Lieutenant-Col¬ 
onel,  I.  M.  Tucker;  Major,  II.  G.  Staples;  Ad¬ 
jutant,  Edward  Burt;  Assistant  Surgeon,  Dr. 
J.  Palmer;  Chaplain,  Rev.  Dr.  Church;  Quar¬ 
termaster,  W.  D.  Haley  ;  Quartermaster-Ser¬ 
geant  John  S.  Smith;  Hospital  Steward,  F.  II. 
Getchell ;  Sergeant-Major,  James  II.  Plasted. 
Co.  A — Captain,  Reuben  Sawyer ;  First  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  John  Wiggin.  Co.  B— Captain,  E.  A.  Batch- 
eldor;  First  Lieutenant,  Albert  B.  Hall;  Sec¬ 
ond  Lieutenant,  Edward  Bird.  Co.  C — Captain, 
William  Jarvis;  First  Lieutenant,  James  Col¬ 
son  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  George  Andrew.  Co. 
D — Captain,  Charles  L.  Sampson  ;  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  William  II.  Watson;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Warran  II.  Madison.  Co.  E — Captain,  Da¬ 
vid  Nash  ;  First  Lieutenant,  John  W.  Sanborn ; 
Second  Lieutenant,  Gorham  Johnson.  Co.  F— 
Captain,  Eldridge  G.  Savage;  First  Lieutenant, 
Royal  B.  Stearns ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Henry 
A.  Boyce.  Co.  G — Captain,  F.  S.  Hazeltine ; 
First  Lieutenant,  N.  Ilanscomb;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  W.  A.  Hatch.  Co.  II— Captain,  Wm.  S. 
Heath ;  First  Lieutenant,  Frank  E.  Heath ; 
Second  Lieutenant,  John  R.  Day.  Co.  I— Cap¬ 
tain,  Moses  B.  Lakeman ;  First  Lieutenant,  Al¬ 
bert  R.  Quimby ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Henry 
M.  Eines.  Co.  K — Captain,  Newell  Strout; 
First  Lieutenant,  B.  S.  Kelley  ;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Wm.  Elder. 

— Rational  Intelligencer ,  June  9. 

This  regiment  arrived  in  New  York  on  the 
Cth  of  June,  by  the  steamer  Bay  State,  of  the 
Fall  River  line.  It  left  Augusta,  at  5:30  a.  m., 
on  V  ednesday.  In  Boston  they  met  with  a 
generous  reception,  which  took  the  form  of  a 
hearty  supper.  On  their  arrival  at  Pier  No.  4 
North  River,  they  were  met  by  the  Committee 
of  the  Sons  of  Maine,  who  escorted  them  through 
Battery  Place  and  Broadway  to  tho  White 
street  Arsenal,  where  the  men  piled  arms,  un¬ 
slung  their  knapsacks,  and  made  themselves  as 
comfortable  as  the  circumstances  would  permit. 
The  ceremony  of  the  presentation  of  a  hand¬ 
some  United  States  flag,  here  took  place.  The 


345 


DOCUMENTS. 


flag  is  tlie  gift  of  the  Sons  of  Maine,  residing  in 
NcTw  York.  Before  the  ceremony  of  presenta¬ 
tion  took  place,  Col.  Howard  requested  that, 
if  any  clergyman  was  present,  the  ceremonial 
should  open  with  a  prayer,  when  the  Rev.  I. 

K.  Kalloch,  formerly  of  Boston,  and  now  of  the 
Laight  street  Baptist  Church,  made  an  appro¬ 
priate  prayer.  The  presentation  was  then  made 
by  Stewart  L.  TVoodlord,  Esq.,  Assistant  United 
States  District  Attorney,  who  spoke  as  follows  : 

Men  of  Maine,  Citizens  of  the  Union  : — I 
had  expected  to  present  this  standard  to  3  ou 
in  the  Park.  I  am  somewhat  surprised  that 
soldiers  of  Maine  should  not  have  faced  the 
storm,  for  as  soldiers  you  should  have  learned 
to  keep  your  powder  dry,  and  as  citizens  of  a 
State  that  has  given  the  temperance  law,  you 
ought  not  to  bo  afraid  of  God’s  cold  water. 
After  your  tiresome  journey  I  shall  be  very 
brief.  Indeed,  words,  except  those  of  God¬ 
speed  and  loving  and  prayerful  eulogy  in  behalf 
of  the  dead,  are  idle  now.  The  time  for  dis¬ 
cussion  is  past.  Open  rebellion  has  trampled 
upon  our  Constitution.  TV  0  have  the  issue,  and 
in  this  State  men’s  minds  are  one.  TVc  have 
laid  aside  our  partisan  wranglings  and  wo  have 
sworn  as  the  Lord  liveth  that  treason  shall  be 
crushed,  (great  cheering,)  if  the  Carolinas  bo  a 
forest  of  gibbets.  My  friends,  the  men  of  Maine 
resident  in  this  city  have  desired  to  bid  you 
welcome,  and  almost  in  the  same  breath,  faie- 
well.  They  wish  to  give  you  as  they  part  a 
token  that  shall  speak  of  their  brotherhood. 
Each  mother  has  given  to  her  boy  in  your  ranks 
that  fittest  pledge  of  a  mother’s  love,  her  Bible. 
Each  dear  one  has  given  some  pledge  that  speaks 
of  softer  and  sweeter  hours.  Your  brethern 
in  this  hour  of  battle  would  give  you  a  strong 
man’s  gift — your  country’s  flag.  That  flag  shall 
be  your  guardian.  Its  starry  eyes  shall  look 
upon  you  in  watchful  love — its  blended  stiipes 
shall  stream  above  you  with  protection.  It  is 
the  flag  of  history.  Those  thirteen  stripes  toll 
the  story  of  our  colonial  struggle,  of  the  days 
of ’76.  They  speak  of  the  wilderness  savage, 
of  old  Independence  Hall,  of  Valley  Forge,  and 
Yorktown.  Those  stars  tell  the  story  of  our 
nation’s  growth,  how  it  has  come  from  weak¬ 
ness  to  strength,  from  thirteen  States  to  thirty- 
four,  until  the  gleam  that  shines  in  the  sunrise 
over  the  forests  of  Maine  crimsons  the  sunset’s 
dying  beams  on  the  golden  sands  of  California. 
Let  not  the  story  of  the  flag  be  folded  now,  and 
lost  forever.  Wherever  your  axe  has  rung,  the 
school-house  has  been  reared  alongside  the  hut 
of  the  fisherman  and  the  pioneer.  Maine  is  the 
child  of  Massachusetts,  and  in  your  hearts  flows 
the  blood  of  the  Old  Bay  State.  Soldiers !  I 
know  that  every  heart  gives  an  eager  response 
to  those  which  the  Massachusetts  man  uttered 
as  I10  fell  stricken  by  a  Maryland  mob,  All 
hail !  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes.”  (Tremendous 
cheering.)  Wo  give  this  flag  to  you,  and  with 
it  we  give  you  our  prayers,  and  not  ours  alone, 
but  as  the  loved  home  circle  gathers  far  in  the 
Piue  Tree  State,  gray-haired  fathers  and  loving 


mothers  will  speak  in  prayer  the  name  of  their 
boy.  Sir,  in  behalf  of  the  Sons  of  Maine  m 
this  city,  I  give  you  this  flag.  Guard  it  as  a 
woman  guards  lier  honor,  as  children  keep  the 
ashes  of  their  father.  That  flag  shall  float  in 
triumph,  on  your  avenging  march,  as  those 
steel  fingers  point  the  way  through  Baltimore 
to  Sumter.  That  flag  shall  hover  with  more 
than  mother’s  love  over  your  dead.  TV  e  hear 
to-day,  above  the  sound  of  conflict,  the  voice 
of  the' Archangel  crying,  “Victory  is  on  the 
side  of  Liberty,  Victory  is  on  the  side  of  Law. 
With  unbroken  ranks  may  your  command  march 
beneath  its  folds.  God  bless  you.  Farewell. 

Col.  Howard  responded  as  follows  : — Breth¬ 
ren,  sons  of  Maine,  brethren  of  New  York, 
brethren  of  the  Union,  and  all  present  before 
me,  especially  those  who  have  been  engaged  in 
the  presentation  of  this  beautiful  emblem  of 
Liberty  and  Law,  through  me  receive  the  warm¬ 
est  thanks  of  the  body  of  brave  men  that  I  have 
the  honor  to  command.  I  vTas  born  in  the 
East,  but  I  was  educated  by  my  country.  I 
know  no  section ;  I  know  no  party,  and  I  never 
did.  I  know  only  my  country  to  love  it,  and 
my  God  that  is  over  my  country.  We  go  forth 
to  battle,  and  we  go  in  defence  of  righteousness 
and  liberty,  civil  and  religious.  We  go  strong 
in  muscle,  strong  in  heart,  strong  in  soul,  be¬ 
cause  wo  are  right.  (Cheers.)  1  have  endeav¬ 
ored  to  live  in  all  good  conscience  before  God, 
and  I  go  forth  to  battle  without  flinching,  be¬ 
cause  the  same  God  that  has  given  his  spirit  to 
direct  me,  has  shown  me  that  our  cause  is  right¬ 
eous,  and  I  could  not  be  better  placed  than  I 
am  now,  because  he  has  given  mo  the  waim 
hearts  of  as  noble  a  regiment  as  the  United 
States  have  produced.  (Cheers.) 

Col.  Howard  then  asked  for  three  for  New 
York,  the  Union,  the  Constitution,  and  for  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  which  were 
given  with  tremendous  effect,  every  man  spring¬ 
ing  to  his  feet  the  instant  the  call  was  made  by 
the  Colonel. 

A  few  remarks  were  then  made  by  the  Lev. 
Dr.  Hitchcock,  when  Mr.  Hawkins,  in  thenamo 
of  the  Committee,  invited  Col,  Howard  and 
the  officers  ot  tho  regiment  to  dino  at  the  Astoi 
House. 

Col.  Howard  then  placed  tho  regiment  m 
charge  of  Sergeant  I  ish  ot  Co.  F,  directing  the 
men  to  their  knapsacks  for  their  dinner. 

Tho  Regimental  Band  of  23  performers,  un¬ 
der  tho  leadership  of  Mr.  Fen..  G.  Barker  of 
Augusta,  accompanies  tho  regiment.  A  full 
drum  corps  is  also  attached. 

Col.  Howard  is  a  graduate  of  West  Point, 
and  until  recently  was  Professor  of  Mathemat¬ 
ics  in  the  West  Point  Academy.  He  says  ho 
was  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  behind  time  at 
Augusta  and  at  Boston,  but  that  lie  should  en¬ 
deavor  to  be  more  punctual  in  his  departure 
from  New  York.  Such  prompt  action  will 
astonish  the  laggards  in  New  T  ork,  who  are 
usually  three  or  four  hours  behind.  .Major 
Sewell  of  Portland  accompanies  the  regiment, 


346 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


by  the  instructions  of  tbe  Governor  of  the  State 
of  Maine.  The  regiment  is  fully  armed  and 
equipped,  and  have  tents  and  camp  equipage. 
The  uniform  is  Canada  gray  throughout.  The 
march  through  Broadway  was  enthusiastically 
cheered  by  those  who  had  courage  enough  to 
brave  the  storm.  At  5  o’clock  the  regiment 
left  for  Philadelphia  via  Camden  and  Amboy. 
For  the  purpose  of  going  through  Baltimore 
respectably,  the  Colonel  ordered  the  men  to  be 
supplied  with  ten  rounds  each  of  ball  cartridge, 
which  was  done  on  board  the  Bay  State.  The 
Rev.  L.  C.  Lockwood,  on  behalf  of  the  Y.  M.  C. 
A.  of  New  York,  presented  to  the  regiment,  be¬ 
fore  their  departure,  250  Soldiers’  Text  Books, 
donated  by  a  lady  of  the  city,  and  200  of 
Horace  Waters’  Patriotic  Song  Books. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune,  June  7. 


Doc.  239. 

SPEECH  OF  J.  M.  MASON, 

AT  RICHMOND,  YA.,  JUNE  S. 

Soldiers  OF  TnE  Maryland  Line  : — I  am  de¬ 
puted  to  do  a  most  grateful  duty ;  first,  in  the 
name  of  Virginia,  to  give  you  an  earnest  and 
cordial  welcome  to  the  “  Old  Dominion  ;  ”  and 
next,  to  present  to  you,  in  behalf  of  the  ladies 
of  Maryland,  this  flag.  I  see,  soldiers  of  Mary¬ 
land,  that  you  are  “rough  and  ready  the 
highest  honor  of  a  soldier  in  revolutionary 
times.  We  all  know  who  you  are.  We  all 
know  what  brought  you  here,  and  we  are  all 
ready,  as  I  trust  you  have  experienced,  to  ex¬ 
tend  to  you  a  soldier’s  welcome— the  only  wel¬ 
come,  indeed,  that  can  be  extended  in  times  like 
these.  Your  own  honored  State  is  with  us 
heart  and  soul  in  this  great  controversy.  Bv 
your  enterprise,  your  bravery,  and  your  deter¬ 
mined  will,  you  have  escaped  from  the  thraldom 
of  tyranny  which  envelopes  that  State;  and 
you  know,  I  know — for  I  have  been  among  its 
people— we  all  know,  that  the  same  spirit  which 
brought  you  here,  actuates  thousands  who 
remain  at  home.  (Applause.)  I  welcome  you, 
soldiers  of  Maryland,  upon  the  threshold  of  the 
second  great  war  of  independence — a  war  that 
y  ill  be  transmitted  by  history  to  the  future  as 
the  greatest  of  two  wars  of  independence; 
a  war  that  is  waged  against  the  South  with  less 
provocation,  less  reason,  less  regard  to  human¬ 
ity  and  to  honor,  than  was  that  waged  by  the 
mother  country  in  1776. 

Tour  presence  here  is  proof  that  you  partici¬ 
pate  in  this  sentiment.  And  I  tell  you  further 
my  countrymen,  in  view  of  these  circum¬ 
stances,  there  is  not  a  man  among  you  who  will 
dare  to  return  to  Maryland  with  that  flag  dis¬ 
honored.  Not  one.  I  tell  you  further,  there 
is  not  a  man  among  you  who  will  dare  to  re¬ 
turn  to  Maryland  except  as  a  soldier  in  victory. 
Do  you  ask  me  why  ?  Because  we  are  engaged 
m  a  great  and  holy  war  of  self-defence.  In 
after  ages,  when  history  records  the  transac¬ 
tions  of  this  epoch— when  the  passions  of  men 


shall  have  subsided,  and  the  historian  can  take 
a  calm  and  philosophical  view  of  the  events 
which  have  led  to  the  present  collision  between 
the  two  sections,  he  will  write  that  the  people 
of  the  Southern  States  understood  and  protected 
civil  liberty,  and  that  the  misguided  North 
either  did  not  comprehend,  or  abandoned  it? 
I  oi  v  hat  ha\  e  we  witnessed  ?  The  spectacle 
of  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  the 
man  who  stands  at  the  head  of  the  principal  de¬ 
partment  of  the  Federal  Government — the  man 
\\  ho  has  illustrated  in  his  life,  for  more  than 
four  generations,  all  that  adorns  honor,  virtue, 
and  patriotism — a  native-born  citizen  of  your 
o\\  n  State  of  Maryland — Roger  B.  Taney — that 
man  has  put  the  judicial  fiat  of  condemnation 
upon  the  Government  of  the  United  States  for 
its  shameless  abandonment  of  the  very  corner¬ 
stone  of.  our  liberties.  A  native  Marylander, 
he  remains  at  home  to  defend  the  last  refuge 
of  civil  liberty  against  the  atrocious  aggressions 
of  a  remorseless  tyranny.  I  honor  him  for  it ; 
the  world  will  honor  him,  posterity  will  honor 
him  ;  and  there  will  he  inscribed  on  his  monu¬ 
ment  the  highest  tribute  ever  paid  to  a  man. 
lie  has  stood  bravely  in  the  breach,  and  inter- 
posed  the  unspotted  arm  of  justice  between  the 
rights  of  the  South  and  the  malignant  usurpa¬ 
tion  of  power  by  the  North.  There  he  still  re¬ 
mains,  ‘  a  cloud  by  day  and  a  pillar  of  fire  by 
night,”  to  direct  the  welfare  of  our  nation  in 
this  atrocious  aggression  upon  our  liberty. 

Now,  my  countrymen,  why  are  you  here? 
Dhat  has  brought  you  across  the  border? 

V  hat  is  your  mission  to  Virginia?  You  tell 
your  own  tale.  Ton  have  arms  in  your  hands; 
you  are  under  a  gallant  leader,  and  you  are  to 
march  under  a  flag  honored  by  the  ladies  of 
your  own  State,  worked  by  their  own  fair 
hands.  You  are  here  not  merely  to  fight  our 
battles.  No,  I  am  not  so  selfish  as  to  presume 
that ;  but  to  fight  the  battles  of  civil  liberty 
in  behalf  of  the  entire  South.  You  are  on  a 
high  mission. 

T  ou  are  not  the  first  Marylanders  who  have 
crossed  the  border.  We  had,  in  the  days  of  the 
first  Revolution,  a  Maryland  line,  whose  name 
has  passed  into  history  without  one  blot  upon 
its  fair  escutcheon— a  Maryland  line  who  illus¬ 
trated  upon  every  field  in  the  South  their  de¬ 
votion  to  the  civil  liberty  of  that  day— a  Ma- 
i}land  line,  who,  in  the  remote  savannahs  of 
the  Carolines,  spilled  their  blood  like  water  at 
Camden,  at  Guilford  Court-House,  at  the  Cow- 
pens,  and  at  Eutaw,  where  the  last  battle  was 
fought,  and  the  enemy  finally  surrendered. 
They  were  your  ancestry.  They  travelled  bare¬ 
footed,  unclothed,  without  blankets  or  tents, 
and  but  few  muskets,  and  you  came  after  them. 
But  you  have  this  peculiar  distinction :  You 
are  volunteers  in  a  double  sense — you  are  vol¬ 
unteers  for  the  war,  and  you  are  volunteers 
for  the  great  cause  of  the  South  against  the 
aggressions  of  the  North.  You  are  no  strangers ; 
you  are  our  neighbors.  My  own  home  is  upon 
the  confines  of  your  State.  I  went  there,  four 


DOCUMENTS. 


347 


weeks  ago,  immediately  after  Virginia  Lad  de¬ 
nounced  the  unholy  movements  in  the  North, 
to  learn  the  spirit  of  your  people.  I  went  to 
Frederickstown,  where  the  Legislature  were 
assembled,  anxious  to  ascertain  whether  V 11  - 
ginia  could  rely  upon  you  in  the  hour  of  trial. 

I  knew  the  political  incubus  by  which  your 
people  were  crushed  to  the  earth ;  hut  such 
were  the  indications  I  perceived  on  every  side, 
that  when  I  returned  to  Virginia  I  unhesi¬ 
tatingly  reported  that  Maryland  is  with  tho 
South/  I  staked  my  word  upon  it  as  a  man  ot 
principle  and  a  man  of  truth.  The  giant  aim 
of  the  oppressor  has  been  too  strong  for  the 
time  being,  hut  the  spirit  is  still  alive,  unsub- 
dued  and  unrepressed.  You  are  here  to  coufirm 
this  fact  by  your  presence.  .  .  0 

You  arc  in  Richmond.  AYhat  is  Richmond  . 

It  is  a  large  city— a  city  of  gallant  men  and  re¬ 
fined  women  ;  a  city  whose  inhabitants  are  en¬ 
gaged  in  all  the  useful  and  honorable  pursuits 
otMife  tending  to  the  advance  of  civilization 
and  prosperity.  At  the  present  moment,  how¬ 
ever,  Richmond  is  a  huge  camp,  where  but  one 
mind,  one  heart,  and  one  determination  ani¬ 
mates  every  occupant,  man,  woman,  and  child. 
(Applause.)  Our  wives,  mothers — and  I  appeal 
to  the  ladies,  if  I  may  not.  also  say  our  sweet- 
liearts— have  entered  into  it  with  a  zest,  which 
shows  that  their  hearts  and  affections  are  fully 
in  the  work.  You  will  have  no  child’s  play. 
There  is  no  time  now  for  vain  boasting.  I  con¬ 
fide  as  much  as  I  can  in  the  prowess  of  the  men 
of  this  section,  and  you  will  be  false  to  the 
fame  of  your  fathers  if  you  are  not  victors ;  but 
Your  enemy  relies  upon  more  brute  foice. 
There  are  doubtless  brave  soldiers  among  them 
whom  it  will  be  hard  to  conquer,  but  you  will 
remember  that  you  are  fighting  for  your  fathers, 
mothers,  and  firesides.  They  are  mercenaries 
fighting  for  pay,  you  are  men  fighting  for  your 
homes  and  rights.  All  you  require  is  subsist¬ 
ence.  “  Give  us,”  you  say,  “  the  means  ot  liv- 
in°\  the  arms  to  fight  with,  and  show  us  the 
enemy.”  (Applause.)  It  may  be,  that  in  the 
providences  of  war,  not  one  among  all  those 
who  are  before  me  will  return.  You  have 
come  here,  if  necessary,  to  lay  your  lives  upon 
the  altar  of  your  country,  and  I  feel  assured 
that  every  man  will  do  his  duty. 

I  will  tell  you  an  incident  connected  with 
the  Alabama  troops.  They  were  attended  by 
a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  who  was  a  guest  at 
my  house.  He  told  me  that  he  had  with  him 
a  purse  of  gold,  which  had  been  given  to  him 
by  tho  parents  of  two  young  men  in  the  ranks, 
with  the  injunction  that  it  should  be  sacredly 
preserved  during  the  war,  unless  his  sons  should 
fall  upon  the  field  of  battle.  Then,  said  the 
father  “  Give  them  a  Christian  burial.”  There 
was  a  patriot  father,  who  had  devoted  his 
sons  to  the  service  of  his  country,  and  that 
man  does  not  stand  alone. 

Such  is  the  object  with  which  you  have  en¬ 
gaged  in  this  war.  The  true  duty  of  the  sol¬ 
dier  is  not  merely  to  fight  a  battle  or  kill  an 


enemy.  He  has  also  to  endure  the  trials  of  the 
camp  ;  the  weariness  of  the  forced  march  ;  the 
vigilance  of  day  and  night ;  the  restraints  of 
discipline,  and  the  patience  to  bear  .with  dis¬ 
comforts  and  disappointments.  This  is  the  leal 
test  of  courage,  and  he  who  comes  out  of  the 
war  with  the  reputation  of  having  thus  done 
his  duty  through  the  sunshine  and  through 
storm,  is  the  true  man,  and  the  thorough  soldier. 

But  I  will  not  detain  you  longer,  except  to 
discharge  the  grateful  duty  which  remains,  of 
presenting  to  you  in  behalf  of  the  ladies  of  Bal¬ 
timore  this  beautiful  banner.  There  it  is  un¬ 
furled  before  you  for  the  first  time.  There  arc 
emblazoned  the  fifteen  stars  of  the  Southern 
States,  looking  prospectively  to  the  day  when 
they  will  all  be  with  us !  The  star  of  Mary¬ 
land  is  among  them,  and  the  women  of  your 
State  have  put  it  there,,  confiding  it  to  your  safe 
keeping.  Look  upon  it  as  a  sacred  trust.  In 
passing  through  the  storm  of  battle,  it  may  be 
tattered  and  soiled,  but  I  believe  I  can  say  that 
you  will  bring  it  back  without  a  spot  of  dis¬ 
honor  upon  it.  But  you  are  not  only  to  return 
that  flag  here — you  are  to  take  it  back  to  Bal¬ 
timore.  (Cheers,  and  cries  of  “"We  will.”)  It 
came  here  in  the  hands  of  the  fair  lady  who 
stands  by  my  side,  who  brought  it  through  the 
camp  of  the  enemy,  with  a  woman’s  fortitude, 
courage,  and  devotion  to  our  cause;  and  you 
are  to  take  it  back  to  Baltimore,  unfurl  it  m 
your  streets,  and  challenge  the  applause  ot  youf 
citizens.  (Applause.) 

—Richmond  Dispatch,  Juno  10. 


Doo.  240. 

PROCLAMATION  BY  GOY.  HICKS. 

State  of  Maryland,  Executive  Chamber,  > 
Frederick,  June  7, 1S61.  > 

WnEEEAS,  Some  of  the  arms  and  accoutre¬ 
ments  belonging  to  the  State  have  been  placed 
beyond  the  control  of  the  constituted  authori¬ 
ties  as  is  believed  for  disloyal  purposes,  by  per¬ 
sons  connected  with  some  of  the  military  com¬ 
panies  of  the  city  of  Baltimore,  in  violation  of 
their  duties  as  soldiers  and  as  citizens ;  and 
whereas,  a  very  large  number. of  the  arms  and 
accoutrements  of  the  State  still  remain  in  1 10 
hands  of  the  various  military  companies  ot  said 
city  some  of  whom  are  known  to  be  disloyal  to 
their  country ;  and  whereas,  there  are  just 
grounds  for  apprehending  that  a  portion  ot 
said  arms  and  accoutrements  are  about  to  bo 
carried  beyond  the  limits  of  this  State  for  hos¬ 
tile  purposes,  and  others  are  about  to  be  de¬ 
stroyed  or  concealed — 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Thomas  Holliday  nicks, 
Governor  of  Maryland,  by  virtue  of  the  power 
vested  in  me  by  the  law  of  the  State,  do  here¬ 
by,  by  this  my  proclamation,  warn  and  enjoin 
upon  all  citizens  of  Baltimore,  the  loyal  as  well 
as  the  disloyal,  having  in  their  hands  and  pos¬ 
session  any  arms  and  accoutrements  belonging 
to  the  State,  to  surrender  and  deliver  up  the 
same  to  Colonel  E.  R.  Potherbridge,  who  is 


348 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


fully  authorized  to  reclaim  and  take  possession 
of  such  arms  and  accoutrements,  and  to  take 
all  necessary  steps,  on  behalf  of  the  State,  to 
secure  from  those  to  whom  said  arms  and  ac¬ 
coutrements  have  been  confided,  a  strict  com¬ 
pliance  with  the  condition  of  their  bonds  for 
the  preservation  of  such  arms  and  accoutre¬ 
ments,  and  for  their  re-delivery  to  the  State 
whenever  thereto  required  by  my  order. 

Given  under  my  hand. 

Thomas  H.  ITicks. 

— N.  Y.  Express ,  June  10. 


Doc.  241. 

GEN.  MORRIS’S  PROCLAMATION. 

General  Morris  has  issued  the  following 
proclamation,  in  connection  with  that  of  Gen¬ 
eral  McClellan : 

Head-quarters  of  United  States  Volunteers,  ) 
VV  estebn  Virginia,  Grafton,  June  8,  1861.  \ 

.  ^  irginians  In  issuing  the  above  proclama- 
commanding  General,  Department 
of  Ohio,  I  have  now  the  pleasure  of  announcing 
that  we  have  routed  and  completely  discomfited 
the  secessionists  in  arms  at  Philippi.  Their 
foices  aie  demoralized,  desertions  are  numer¬ 
ous,  and  the  panic-stricken  remnant  has  taken 
refuge  in  the  passes  of  the  mountains.  Western 
Virginia  is  free  from  enemies  to  her  freedom 
and  peace.  In  full  confidence  of  your  ability 
and  desire  to  protect  yourselves,  I  now  call 
upon  you  to  come  to  the  support  of  your  con¬ 
stitutional  Government.  I  am  empowered  to 
muster  you  into  the  service  of  the  United 
btates,  to  serve  only  in  defence  of  your  own 
sod.  Arms  and  munitions  will  be  "furnished 
you.  Assemble  at  once  at  your  various  county 
seats,  and  report  to  me  for  instructions.  Cav- 
ahy  and  infantry  will  be  received  at  once. 

„  .  „  T.  A.  Morris, 

.brig.-Gen.  Commanding  U.  8.  Troops  at  Philippi 
— Baltimore  ( Md .)  American,  June  12. 


Doc.  242. 

TIIE  VERMONT  REGIMENT. 

Head-quarters  1st  Regiment,  V.  V.  M  ) 
-Newport  News,  Va.,  June  1, 1861.  ’’  $ 

Mhen  I  wrote  you  last,  our  regiment  was 
located  m  the  Ilygeia  Hotel,  a  house  that  is 
capable  of  accommodating  1,000  instead  of  0,000 
guests,  and  in  which  eleven  of  us  were  packed 
m  a  room  12  *  16,  instead  of  the  whole  com¬ 
pany  ;  but  we  have  changed  our  position  twice 
since  then,  the  particulars  of  which  I  will  en¬ 
deavor  to  relate  to  you. 

I  see  by  the  papers  that  our  regiment  cap¬ 
tured  Hampton  taking  300  prisoners,  and  have 
performed  sundry  other  exploits,  which  would 
almost  render  us  immortal.  May  be  I  had 
better  say  nothing  of  our  doings,  fearing  die 
‘rfr0?’’8  m  the  c^es  of  our  friends; 
event  ‘ 'll' "  1  "  *  proceet1'  for  the  truth  will  out 


Mny  23.— Five  companies  of  our  regiment 
™a™h.C(  °'Tr  t0  Hampton,  a  village  of  about 
1,000  inhabitants,  containing  a  female  seminary 
— it_  is  three  miles  N.  W.  of  the  fort.  On 
coming  near  the  village,  a  secession  officer  rode 
UP. to  Gol.  Phelps,  asking  him  the  object  of  his 
visit?  The  reply  was,  that  we  intended  to 
destroy  any  hostile  battery  that  might  be 
erected  there,  and  disperse  any  armed  force. 
He  was  requested  to  remain  where  he  was 
while  the  said  officer  might  return  and  consult 
with  his  superior,  but  the  Col.  told  him  ho 
thought  lie  should  continue  on.  The  secession 
officer  rode  quickly  back,  and  soon  was  seen  a 
thick  black  smoke  arising.  The  Col.  taking 
the  fiist  platoon  of  the  Swanton  company 
pushed  forward  double  quick  and  soon  dis¬ 
covered  that  the  bridge  had  been  set  on  fire 
in  the  centre.  Three  barrels  of  tar  were  set 
on  fire  and  were  burning  briskly,  but  our  boys 
soon  extinguished  the  fire  by  tearing  up  the 
planks  and  throwing  them  into  the  water. 
Soon  the  bridge  was  mended  and  we  all 
matched  across,  but  no  enemy  appeared  against 
us.  The  officer,  I  know  not  his  name,  said  they 
had  nothing  but  a  home  guard,  formed  to  pro¬ 
tect  their  homes,  and  did  not  wish  to  quarrel 
with  us.  Upon  that  our  Col.  gave  the  order 
‘'right  about  face,  march,”  and  we  were  on  our 
wray  back  to  the  fort.  Thus  ended  the  battle 
of  Hampton.  A  negro  told  us  they  had  a  small 
field-piece  on  the  bridge,  which  they  thought 
at  first  they  would  fire  at  us  three  or  four  times 
and  then  run,  but  upon  seeing  so  many  of  us 
they  threw  their  cannon  into  the  water  and  ran 
away  without  firing  a  shot. 

All  the  white  inhabitants  fled  at  our  ap¬ 
proach,  leaving  none  but  the  darkies  to  receive 
us ;  they  flocked  around  us  in  large  numbers. 
They  do  not  fear  us,  notwithstanding  their 
masters  telling  them  that  the  Yankees  would 
kill  every  one  of  them,  or  else  take  them  and 
set  them  hard  at  work.  They  say  they  never 
have  had  so  many  holidays  before  in  their  lives 
as  they  have  had  since  we  came  here;  their 
masters  have  run  away,  leaving  them  to  shift 
lor  themselves.  Every  day  numbers  of  them 
come  into  camp  from  places  twenty  miles  dis¬ 
tant,  asking  protection.  They  all  unite  in 
berating  their  masters,  not  wishing  to  see  them 
again.  One  negro  came  into  camp  the  other 
da>,  who  had  been  shot  not  long  since  by  his 
master  for  attempting  to  escape.  He  says  he 
would  kill  him  it  he  could  get  a  chance.  Judo-- 
ing  from  what  I  have  seen  and  heard,  it  would 
not  be  a  very  difficult  matter  to  free  every 
negio  in  the  State.  They  call  us  Mr.  Lincoln’s 
men.  They  like  them  they  say.  They  bring 
in  eggs,  strawberries,  &c.,  to  camp,  and  give 
us  all  the  information  they  possess  of  the  move¬ 
ments  of  the  rebels.  They  will  be  a  great  aid 
to  us  in  the  great  struggle  which  is  commencing. 

May  25. — We  were  ordered  to  leave  the 
hotel,  as  Gen.  Butler  desired  it  for  a  general 
hospital.  We  marched  across  the  bridge  on 
the  north  side  of  the  fort,  and  encamped  on 


DOCUMENTS. 


349 


Seager’s  farm.  Just  west  of  us  are  encamped 
the  'Troy  Regiment,  and  north  of  them  are  Col. 
Duryea’s  Regiment  of  N.  Y.  Zouaves.  They 
are  a  rough  set  of  fellows,  aching  for  a  fight. 
Not  finding  any  other  enemy,  they  have  pitched 
into  the  rebels’  cattle,  hogs,  and  any  thing  else 
eatable  wherever  they  could  find  them.  The 
country  near  them  will  suffer  wherever  they 
go.  You  little  know  in  Vermont  the  evils  ot 
war.  Could  you  but  see,  as  I  have  seen,  houses 
for  miles  around,  stripped  of  every  thing,  win¬ 
dows  broken,  every  thing  left  desolate,  you 
might  have  an  idea  of  the  state  of  things  here. 

Sunday ,  May  26.— Wo  had  divine  service, 
conducted  by  our  chaplain,  Rev.  Mr.  Stone.  It 
was  very  solemn  to  us,  I  assure  you. .  lie  spoke 
very  feelingly,  having  a  good  occasion  for  it ; 
for,-  on  the  morrow,  it  was  expected  by  every 
man  in  the  regiment  that  wo  should  have  a 
severe  conflict  with  the  enemy,  and  not  a  few 
of  us  might  fall.  lie  exhorted  us  to  he  true  to 
our  country,  and  do  battle  in  its  cause  man¬ 
fully,  praying  that  the  God  of  Battles  might 
watch  over  us,  bringing  us  safely  and  victo¬ 
riously  through  the  fight,  and  that  every  man 
might  be  prepared  to  meet  whatever  fate 
awaited  him. 

May  27. — We  were  aroused  at  5.V  o’clock  A. 
M. ;  ate  our  breakfast ;  filled  our  haversacks 
with  two  days’  rations,  consisting  of  four  hard 
crackers  and  two  pieces  cf  iat  pork ;  struck  our 
tents,  and  were  on  the  march  at  6  o’clock  a.  m. 
Wo  knew  not  where  our  destination  was  to  be, 
but  expected  to  go  to  Sewell’s  Point,  to  take 
those  batteries  that  our  ships  have  been  en¬ 
gaging  with  so  many  times.  We  expected  to 
have  a  hard  fight,  for  we  supposed  the  enemy 
had  a  large  force  to  receive  us ;  but  not  a  man 
in  the  regiment  hung  back;  all  were  ready  and 
eager  for  the  fray.  Some  that  had  been  sick, 
aud,  in  fact,  were  unfit  for  duty,  refused  to  stay 
behind,  but  shouldered  their  muskets  and  went 
with  us.  We  embarked  on  board  the  steamei 
Oataline,  and  were  soon  steaming  up  the  river. 
An  hour’s  sail  brought  us  to  this  point,  where 
we  landed  unmolested.  The  Harriet  Lane  was 
here  to  protect  us,  should  the  enemy  appear. 
The  Rutland  and  Middlebury  companies  had 
gone  on  ahead.  They  were  drawn  up  in  line 
along  the  shore,  and  had  nothing  to  do  but  to 
wait°  patiently  our  coming.  After  marching 
to  the  place  intended  for  our  camp — a  wheat 
field— and  having  our  guns,  knapsacks,  &c.,  all 
went  at  work  hauling  up  cannon,  bringing 
stores,  &c.  After  this,  “the  boys”  went  to 
work  fixing  places  to  sleep  in,  by  putting  up 
rails  and  covering  them  with  brush,  under 
which  I  enjoyed  as  good  a  night  s  rest  as  I  c\  ei 
had  on  a  feather  bed  in  Old  Vermont.  I  was 
tired.  Our  tents,  camp  utensils,  &c.,  were  left 
behind.  The  Fourth  Massachusetts  Regiment 
followed  us,  and  were  stationed  on  our  left. 

May  28.— Our  camp  equipage  arrived  this 
morning,  and  soon  our  “houses”  were  up 
again,  ready  for  their  old  occupants.  The 
Seventh  Regiment,  N.  Y.  V.  M.,  was  landed 


here  this  morning.  They  lay  off  the  landing  all 
day  yesterday,  unable  to  land ;  the  boat  being 
of  too  heavy  draught  to  land  at  the  wharf,  and 
the  wind  blew  too  hard  for  them  to  land  in 
small  boats.  They  are  placed  on  our  right. 
All  of  them  are  Germans,  with  two  or  three 
exceptions;  many  of  them  are-unablo  to  talk 
or  even  understand  English.  We  may  have 
some  trouble  with  them,  especially  when  they 
are  on  guard.  It  would  please  you  to  see  them 
when  they  are  relieving  guard,  or  when  some 
one  attempts  to  pass  them — they  cannot  go 
through  with  the  formality  of  receiving  the 
countersign  and  passing  a  man.  Some  of  our 
boys  make  some  ludicrous  mistakes  occasion¬ 
ally.  As  soon  as  our  tents  were  pitched,  wo 
were  set  at  work  fortifying  our  camp,  (a  plan 
of  which  I  will  endeavor  to  make  and  send 
yon.)  Since  Tuesday  we  have  been  hard  at 
work,  not  even  ceasing  on  this,  the  Sabbath 
day;  for  we  wish  to  be  prepared  for  .the  ene¬ 
my.  Wo  sleep  on  our  arms  every  night,  ex¬ 
pecting  an  attack  from  8,000  men  that  are  pre¬ 
paring  to  march  upon  us  from  Yorktown.  Our 
Colonel  has  command  of  the  post,  which  docs 
not  please  the  Massachusetts  boys.  There  are 
about  2,500  men  here,  including  a  few  regulars 
who  are  to  work  the  cannon;  of  which  we 
have  four  fine  brass  field-pieces :  one  6-pounder, 
placed  on  the  extreme  right ;  one  12-pounder, 
on  the  right  of  our  regiment ;  one  6-pounder, 
on  its  left ;  and  one  12-pounder,  on  the  extreme 
left.  A  battery  of  heavy  guns  is  being  erected 
on  the  shore,  to  command  the  river.  I  do  not 
know  how  many  guns  are  to  be  placed  there, 
as  they  liavo  not  arrived  here  yet. 

Look  upon  the  map  of  this  State,  and  you 
will  see  that  the  James  River,  near  its  mouth, 
runs  a  few  miles  directly  south,  and  then  turns 
to  the  east;  in  this  bend,  on  the  south  side,  is 
our  camp.  The  name  of  it  is  Camp  Butler, 
and  the  name  of  the  place  is  Newport  News. 
There  is  no  village  here;  though  there  are  two 
wharves  and  one  store.  The  merchant  contin¬ 
ues  his  trade,  and  says  he  is  glad  we  came,  as 
now  ho  has  customers,  while  before  ho  had 
none.  This  point  is  nine  miles  west  of  Fortress 
Monroe.  A  boat  runs  up  here  every  afternoon. 
The  Harriet  Lane  remains  here  to  come  to  our 
aid.  She  is  a  small  vessel,  carrying  eight  or 
nine  guns;)  but  is  a  tough  customer  to  deal 
with,  as  the  rebels  will  find.  No  rations  were 
dealt  out  to  us  till  the  second  night  after  our 
arrival;  consequently,  some  of  our  boys  be¬ 
came  quite  hungry,  having  had  nothing  but 
those  four  crackers,  and  some  of  them  took 
the  liberty  of  stepping  out  and  helping  them¬ 
selves  to  some  eatables  that  the  rebels  had 
left  behind  in  their  sudden  flight.  Where  a 
man  remained  at  home  and  attended  to  his 
business,  he  was  not  meddled  with ;  but  when 
they  found  a  house  deserted,  and  the  owner  a 
soldier  in  the  rebel  army,  his  eatables  were 
not  allowed  to  spoil.  I  do  not  think  there  are 
ten  white  men  within  five  miles  of  us,  among 
the  farmers.  I  knoAV  of  but  two,  and  those 


350 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


boys  who  have  been  out,  saw  none  in  their 
travels.  But  there  are  plenty  of  negroes ; 
and  they  bring  forth  their  masters’  stores 
plentifully.  The  boys  of  our  regiment  gener¬ 
ally  remained  in  camp,  and  attended  to  building 
the  embankments.  But  the  Massachusetts 
boys  and  the  “  Dutchmen”  went  into  it  quite 
extensively.  The  latter  have  tilled  their  camp 
with  horses,  mules,  carts,  wagons,  and  often 
furniture ;  but  Gen.  Butler  has  put  a  stop  to 
such  proceedings.  Ho  has  given  strict  orders 
against  any  one’s  plundering  the  enemy,  and 
the  consequence  was,  that  the  day  his  order 
was  received,  over  fifty  men  were  put  under 
guard.  They  were  out  when  the  order  was 
received,  and  when  they  returned,  laden  with 
spoil,  both  were  taken  care  of,  much  to  their 
chagrin.  But  four  or  five  of  our  regiment 
were  caught  in  such  disgraceful  acts. 

_  Night  beforo  last,  those  long  looked-for  pro¬ 
visions  came,  and  if  you  ever  wished  to  see  a 
set  of  fellows  highly  delighted,  you  ought  to 
have  seen  the  B.  L.  G.  When  box  after  box 
and  package  after  package  were  opened,  con¬ 
taining  the  choicest  delicacies  of  “  home,” 
many  a  blessing  was  showered  upon  the  gen¬ 
erous  donors,  as  we  ate  the  cakes  and  cheese, 
butter,  and  other  dainties  too  numerous  to  men¬ 
tion — delicacies  that  we  have  been  strangers 
to  for  four  weeks — I  was  going  to  say  four 
months,  for  that  seems  to  be  the  length  of  time 
that  I  have  been  absent.  But  when  you  come 
to  be  deprived  of  the  best  of  living,  and  feed 
upon  the  hardest  of  crackers,  salt  pork,  beef 
and  coffee,  you  will  then  be  able  to  appreciate 
food  that  you  now  call  quite  plain. 

If  we  could  but  have  more  vegetables  we 
could  get  along  very  well.  We  do  not  expect 
pies  or  cakes,  nor  nice  wheat  or  brown  bread, 
but  we  do  think  we  ought  to  have  something 
better  in  that  line,  than  these  crackers,  (shin¬ 
gles  the  boys  call  them,)  called  pilot-bread. 

If  any  more  provisions  are  sent,  put  in  a  good 
supply  of  Boston  or  soda  crackers,  and  some 
vegetables. 

Those  Havelocks  were  received  before  we 
came  here,  and  right  glad  were  we  to  get 
them.  Our  faces  and  necks  have  become  badly 
sunburnt,  so  that  some  of  them  were  quite 
sore.  All  are  black  enough,  I  assure  you. 

The  good  people  of  Burlington  will  be  long 
remembered  by  the  Light  Guard.  We  shall 
endeavor  to  merit  the  kindness  bestowed  upon 
us,  and  not  betray  the  trust  reposed  in  us  by 
turning  from  the  enemy  as  long  as  there  is 
hope  of  success. 

A  few  of  our  company  are  sick,  but  none 
are  dangerous.  All  are  doing  well. 

The  embankment  we  have  been  building,  is 
110  rods  long,  6|  feet  high,  and  5  feet  wide  at 
the  top,  and  10  at  the  bottom,  sloping  out¬ 
wards  to  the  bottom  of  the  ditch,  but  so  steep 
that  you  could  not  climb  up  to  the  top.  The 
inside  of  the  wall  is  perpendicular,  large  tim¬ 
bers  being  set  in  the  ground,  (most  of  which 
were  brought  from  the  woods  by  hand,)  and 


the  dirt  pounded  down  hard.  The  ditch  is  7 
feet  deep  and  8  feet  wide  at  the  top;  the  bot¬ 
tom  is  to  be  set  full  of  wooden  pickets,  sharp¬ 
ened  at  the  top.  It  would  not  be  very  pleas¬ 
ant  to  full  into  it.  One  part  is  built,  and  we 
are  at  work  on  tho  bastion  on  the  right,  and 
shall  have  to  help  the  others,  as  I  fear  these 
never  will  be  completed. 

I  find  the  Vermonters  are  a  little  better  to 
work  than  most  other  men  that  I  have  seen. 

Our  tents  have  little  piazzas  built  out  in 
front  covered  with  boughs,  which  makes  them 
quite  pleasant  in  this  hot  climate,  the  ther¬ 
mometer  standing  at  from  70  to  80  degrees. 

I  am  thus  particular  about  our  fortification, 
thinking  that  any  thing  we  fellows  do  would  be 
interesting  to  you.  A.  S.  II. 


Doo.  243. 

ADDRESSES  OF  THE  CONVENTION  OF 
THE  BORDER  STATES. 

To  the  people  of  the  United  States — 

Fellow- Citizens  :  The  delegates  to  a  con¬ 
vention  of  the  Border  Slave  States,  assembled 
in  the  city  of  Frankfort,  desire  to  address  you 
in  relation  to  the  present  condition  of  the 
country. 

None  of  us  have  ever  expected  to  live  to  see 
the  spectacle  now  exhibited  in  our  distracted 
land.  The  cry  to  arms  resounds  throughout 
our  borders,  and  in  a  few  short  weeks  we  have 
seen  all  over  the  land  the  marshalling  of  troops 
ready  for  the  conflict.  The  pursuits  of  peace 
are  neglected  and  abandoned,  and  the  fell  spirit 
of  war  has  seized  almost  every  heart,  until  even 
gentle  and  tender  woman  yields  to  the  fierce 
impulse,  and  encourages  the  strife,  and  the  ma¬ 
ternal  eye  scarce  gathers  a  tear  as  the  son  seizes 
his  arms,  and  rushes  toward  the  field  of  car¬ 
nage  and  of  death. 

If  this  warlike  spirit — this  terrible  energy — 
were  displayed  in  preparing  to  meet  the  legions 
of  an  invading  enemy,  our  hearts  would  exult 
in  the  exhibition  of  the  martial  spirit  of  our 
countrymen ;  but  alas !  the  combatants  are  de¬ 
scendants  of  sires  who  stood  side  by  side  in  the 
day  of  battle,  to  maintain  the  independence  of 
our  country,  and  in  the  approaching  conflict 
brother  is  to  fall  by  the  hand  of  brother. 

Can  we  hope  in  this  day  of  fierce  passion  that 
our  voice,  crying  for  peace,  will  bo  heard? 
Will  any  portraiture  of  the  horrors  of  civil  war, 
that  we  can  give,  have  any  influence  with  those 
who  are  rushing  madly  on  to  destroy  each 
other?  We  fear  not.  States  which  should 
have  been  with  us,  and  whose  voice  Avould  have 
increased  the  potency  of  our  demands  for  peace, 
have  been  seized  with  the  prevailing  madness, 
and  have  rushed  to  arms.  Still  we  feel  bound 
to  make  our  voice  to  be  heard,  with  tho  hope 
that  our  words  will  have  their  influence  at  some 
day,  when  men  shall  behold  the  wasting  and 
desolation  that  their  madness  has  produced. 


DOCUMENTS. 


351 


All  tlio  slave  States  except  four  are  arrayed 
in  hostility  to  the  General  Government,  and 
are  demanding  that  the  confederation  which 
they  have  formed  shall  he  recognized  as  a  sep¬ 
arate  sovereign  nation.  The  process  by  which 
they  have  attempted  to  form  themselves  into  a 
distinct  nation  has  been,  for  each  State  by  itself 
to  declare  all  connection  with  the  General  Gov¬ 
ernment  terminated,  and  then  unite  in  forming 
a  confederation  among  themselves. 

Our  present  purpose  does  not  require  us  to 
discuss  the  propriety  of  the  acts  of  these  States, 
yet  it  may  be  proper  for  us  to  say,  that  they 
lind  no  warrant  in  any  known  principle  of  our 
Government,  and  no  justification  in  the  facts 
existing  when  they  seceded. 

While  these  States  claim  that  their  sovereign¬ 
ty  as  a  nation  shall  be  recognized,  and  have 
collected  armies  to  make  good  their  claim,  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  insists  that 
the  ordinances  of  secession  are  utterly  void,  and 
that  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States  are  still  in  force  within  the  seceded  States, 
just  as  they  are  within  any  of  the  other  States, 
and  to  maintain  this  position  armies  are  rapidly 
gathering  on  the  borders  of  the  seceded  States. 

If  there  could  be  any  intervention  by  which 
the  shedding  of  blood  and  the  desolation  of 
civil  war  could  be  avoided,  the  practical  good 
sense  of  the  American  people  might  discover 
some  mode  of  adjusting  the  difficulties  which 
would  be  alike  honorable  and  beneficial  to  both 
the  contending  parties.  But  while  one  side 
demands  the  recognition  of  its  sovereignty,  mid 
the  other  insists  that  such  a  recognition  is  a 
constitutional  impossibility,  it  is  manifest  that 
there  can  be  no  arbiter  but  the  sword,  unless 
the  people  themselves,  acting  upon  and  through 
their  representatives,  State  and  national,  shall 
interpose,  arrest  the  strife,  and  enforce  a  settle¬ 
ment  without  bloodshed.  If  any  terms  or  ad¬ 
justment  would  be  satisfactory  to  both  parties, 
which  would  fall  short  of  the  recognition  of 
the  sovereignty  of  the  seceded  States,  and  still 
satisfy  them,  and  short  of  the  obedience  of  the 
seceded  States  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of 
the  United  States,  and  still  satisfy  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  it  is  the  duty  of  each 
party  to  notify  tlio  other  of  such  terms  as 
would  be  satisfactory,  so  that  an  attempt  at 
adjustment  might  be  made. 

But  we  repeat,  if  the  recognition  of  the  sov¬ 
ereignty  of  the  seceded  States  continue  a  sine 
qua  non,  and  if  the  Government  continue  to 
disclaim  the  constitutional  power  to  make  such 
recognition,  there  is  no  peaceful  solution  of  the 
difficulty  possible,  other  than  such  as  the  peo¬ 
ple  themselves  may,  by  their  action,  produce. 

It  is  proper  for  us  to  say  that  in  our  opinion 
the  Constitution  delegates  to  no  one  depart¬ 
ment  of  the  Government,  nor  to  all  of  them 
combined,  the  power  to  destroy  the  Govern¬ 
ment  itself,  as  would  be  done  by  the  division 
of  the  country  into  separate  confederacies,  and 
that  the  obligation  exists  to  maintain  the  Con¬ 


stitution  of  the  United  States,  and  to  preserve 
the  Union  unimpaired. 

It  has  been  suggested,  in  quarters  entitled  to 
tho  highest  respect,  that  the  independence  of 
the  States  which  have  seceded  might  be  ac¬ 
knowledged  by  a  National  Convention,  adopt¬ 
ing  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  for  that 
purpose,  as  such  an  amendment  would  have  the 
support  and  acquiescence  of  the  seceded  States. 
But  we  leave  that  for  the  decision  of  the  people 
and  their  representatives,  when  they  shall  feel 
the  imperative  necessity  of  such  a  settlement. 

Wo  now  turn  to  the  consideration  of  what 
ought  to  be  done  for  the  purpose  of  quieting 
apprehension  within  the  few  slave  States  which 
still  adhere  to  the  Union  established  by  their 
fathers. 

Wo  ask  no  concession  of  new  or  additional 
rights.  We  do  not  fear  any  immediate  en¬ 
croachment  upon  our  rights  as  slave  States. 
The  amendment  to  the  Constitution  proposed 
by  the  last  Congress  gives  assurance  that  at 
present  there  is  no  danger  that  our  rights  will 
bo  assailed.  But  we  are  few  in  number,  and 
the  preponderance  of  the  free  States  is  continu¬ 
ally  increasing.  The  security  to  our  rights  now 
afforded  by  the  sense  of  justice  in  the  minds 
of  tho  free  States  may  be  lost  by  a  change  of 
popular  feeling  in  the  future.  One  great  object 
in  constitutions  is  to  protect  the  rights  of  mi¬ 
norities. 

In  tho  Constitution  there  are  general  grants 
of  power  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
which  might  be  perverted  to  our  injury,  con¬ 
trary  to  the  spirit  of  the  instrument,  and  still 
tho  letter  of  the  grant  be  claimed  to  authorize 
the  injurious  legislation.  Such  are  the  power 
“  to  regulate  commerce  between  the  States,” 
and  the  power  of  “  exclusive  legislation  over 
the  District  of  Columbia,”  and  over  “forts, 
dock-yards,  and  arsenals  in  the  several  States.” 
It  would  not  now  be  claimed  by  Congress  that 
these  grants  authorized  an  interference  in  tho 
sale  of  slaves  between  the  people  of  different 
States,  nor  would  it  be  claimed  that  they  author¬ 
ized  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  while  Maryland  and  Virginia 
remained  slave  States,  nor  the  like  aboli¬ 
tion  in  forts  and  other  places  within  slave 
States.  But  what  will  be  claimed  in  the  fu¬ 
ture  wo  cannot  know.  So  also,  in  relation  to 
the  territories  belonging  to  the  United  States. 
While  we  are  aware  that  all  the  territories, 
then  unorganized,  were  organized  by  acts  of 
the  last  Congress  which  contain  no  prohibition 
of  slavery,  and  while  we  know  that  this  was 
the  action  of  a  Congress  in  which  the  free 
States  had  the  control  at  the  time  the  acts 
were  passed,  still  these  are  but  acts  of  Con¬ 
gress,  subject  to  repeal  or  alteration  as  public 
feeling  may  change  under  temporary  excite¬ 
ment. 

It  is  but  just  that  the  rights  of  the  slave 
States,  now  in  a  small  minority  of  the  whole 
States,  should  be  guarded  in  the  particulars 


352 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


mentioned  by  such  constitutional  guarantees  as 
shall  render  them  secure  against  future  legisla¬ 
tion  in  times  of  excitement.  Our  distinguished 
fellow-citizen,  the  lion.  John  J.  Crittenden,  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  by  constitutional  guar¬ 
antees  rights  already  possessed,  presented  to 
Congress  certain  propositions  to  amend  the 
Constitution,  which  met  with  general  approval, 
and  were  satisfactory  to  us  and  to  our  people’ 
and  those  propositions,  as  originally  offered,  or 
any  that  are  equivalent,  would  be  now  satis¬ 
factory  and  would  quiet  apprehensions  that  ex¬ 
ist  to  some  extent  in  the  minds  of  real  friends 
of  the  Union,  and  which  are  industriously  ex¬ 
cited  by  those  who  are  enemies  of  the  Union 
and  of  the  people.  Whether  any  such  consti¬ 
tutional  guarantees  would  have  the  effect  of 
reconciling  any  of  the  seceded  States  to  the 
Government  from  which  they  have  torn  them¬ 
selves  away  we  cannot  say,  but  wo  allow  our¬ 
selves  to  hope  that  the  masses  in  those  States 
will,  in  time,  learn  that  the  dangers  they  were 
made  to  tear  were  greatly  exaggerated,  and 
that  they  will  then  be  disposed  to  listen  to  the 
calls  of  interest  and  of  patriotism,  and  return  to 
the  family  from  which  they  have  gone  out. 
One  effect  of  giving  such  guarantees,  certainly 
will  be  to  prove  to  the  world,  by  the  frank  re¬ 
cognition  of  the  rights  of  the  few  slave  States 
adhering  to  the  Union,  that  the  States  which 
have  seceded  have  abandoned  the  best  Govern¬ 
ment  in  the  world,  without  any  good  or  suffi¬ 
cient  cause. 

It  may  bo  urged  that  there  are  not  now  a 
sufficient  number  of  States  acting  in  the  Union 
to  ratify  any  such  constitutional  amendments 
as  will  furnish  the  guarantees  we  require.  But 
it  i«  to  be  remembered  that  there  is  no  time 
fixed  by  the  Constitution  for  such  ratification, 
and  if  they  should  be  ratified  by  the  free  States’ 
then  at  the  end  of  the  present  civil  war,  termi¬ 
nate  as  it  may,  either  in  the  restoration  of  the 
seceded  States  to  the  Union,  or  in  the  estab¬ 
lishment  of  their  separate  national  existence, 
there  will  be  the  number  of  States  required  for 
the  ratification. 

Fellow-citizens  of  the  United  States,  you  are 
about  to  be  engaged  in  a  war  in  which  the 
horrors  that  ordinarily  attend  that  state  are 
likely  to  be  aggravated  by  the  fact  that  you  are 
of  the  same  family,  and  have  long  lived  togeth¬ 
er  in  intimate  intercourse  and  in  friendly  rela¬ 
tions.  The  kind  feelings  that  once  existed 
ha\  e  been  changed  to  bitterness,  soon  to  de¬ 
generate,  it  may  be,  into  deadly  animosity. 

W  e  desire  to  remind  you  that  you  are  contend¬ 
ing  about  a  question  of  principle  upon  which 
we  would  fain  believe  that  you  are  on  each  side 
coin  meed  that  you  are  right.  It  is  no  longer  a 
question  of  party  politics,  no  longer  a  question 
about  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in  territories,  or 
to  retake  them  when  they  escape ;  the  question 
now  to  bo  settled  is,  Whether  we  shall  live  in 
the  same  Union  as  formerly,  or  whether  our 
lathers  formed  a  government  upon  such  princi¬ 
ples  that  any  one  State  may,  at  her  own  pleas¬ 


ure,  without  the  consent  of  the  others,  and 
without  responsibility  to  any  human  power, 
withdraw  from  her  connection  with  the  Gov- 
einment  and  claim  to  be  sovereign  as  a  sepa¬ 
rate  nation.  It  will  be  readily  seen  that  this,  as 
a  question  of  principle,  is  not  affected  by  the 
number  of  States  that  have  withdrawn.  It 
would  have  been  well  if  this  question  could 
have  been  solved  in  some  other  mode  than  by 
a  lesoit  to  war;  but  it  may  be  that  nothing 
but  a  divine  interposition  now  can  determine  it 
by  other  means.  A  war  upon  such  a  question 
ought  not  to  produce  any  higher  exasperation 
or  excite  any  greater  degree  of  animosity  than 
is  incident  to  all  ■wars.  In  the  mean  time  let  the 
spirit  of  humanity  and  of  the  high  civilization 
of  the  age,  strip  this  war  of  the  horrors  that 
generally  attend  such  civil  strife. 

Our  States  desire,  and  have  indicated  a  pur¬ 
pose  to  take  no  part  in  this  war,  and  we  be¬ 
lieve,  that  in  this  course  we  will  ultimately 
best  serve  the  interests  of  our  common  coun¬ 
try.  It  is  impossible  that  -we  should  be  indif¬ 
ferent  spectators ;  we  consider  that  our  inter¬ 
ests  would  be  irretrievably  ruined  by  taking 
part  in  the  conflict  on  the  side  where  the 
strongest  sympathies  of  our  people  are,  and 
that  our  sense  of  honor  and  of  duty  requires 
that  we  should  not  allow  ourselves  to  be  drawn 
or  driven  into  a  war  in  which  other  States, 
without  consulting  us,  have  deliberately  chosen 
to  involve  themselves.  Our  safety  and  our 
dignity  as  among  the  most  powerful  of  the 
slave  States  demand  of  us  that  we  take  this 
position.  If  the  time  shall  come  when  our 
friendly  mediation  may  arrest  the  further  pro¬ 
gress  of  the  strife,  our  most  earnest  and  stren¬ 
uous  efforts  shall  not  be  ■wanting  to  bring  about 
peace,  and  it  is  by  such  efforts  that  we  hope  to 
serve  the  interests  of  our  country. 

And  now,  in  conclusion,  we  make  our  solemn 
appeal  to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
This  is  your  Government — its  preservation  is 
y  our  preservation — its  overthrow  is  your  ruin 
and  you  are  the  rightful  arbiters  of  its  fate.  ’ 
We  hope  you  will  take  the  subject  of  this 
address  to  your  own  consideration.  Act  with 
the  energy  and  decision  of  a  free  people.  In 
you  and  you  alone  we  have  confidence.  You 
have  the  intelligence  and  the  power  to  rule 
this  fearful  crisis.  Make  known  your  will  in 
some  emphatic  form,  that  shall  give  it  author¬ 
ity  with  your  representatives  everywhere. 

May  wo  not  earnestly  hope  that  you,  the 
people,  the  whole  people,  without  regard  to 
paities  or  sections,  will  be  able  to  command  a 
settlement  of  the  national  difficulties,  and  will 
see  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  having  a  ces¬ 
sation  of  present  hostilities,  so  that  the  meas¬ 
ures  of  pacification  which  your  wisdom  may 
devise,  can  be  calmly  considered  by  your  con¬ 
stitutional  authorities. 

We  venture  to  suggest  for  your  consideration 
and  action,  two  specific  propositions  as  most 
likely  to  lead  to  pacification  : 

1st.  That  Congress  shall  at  once  propose 


DOCUMENTS. 


353 


such  constitutional  amendments  as  -will  secure 
to  slaveholders  their  legal  rights,  and  allay 
their  apprehensions  in  regard  to  possible  en¬ 
croachments  in  the  future. 

2d.  If  this  should  fail  to  bring  about  the  re¬ 
sults  so  desirable  to  us  and  so  essential  to  the 
best  hopes  of  our  country,  then  let  a,  voluntary 
convention  be  called,  composed  of  delegates 
from  the  peoplo  of  all  the  States,  in  which 
measures  of  peaceable  adjustment  may  be  de¬ 
vised  and  adopted,  and  the  nation  rescued  from 
the  continued  horrors  and  calamities  of  civil 
war. 

To  our  fellow-citizens  of  the  North  we  desire 
to  say :  Discard  that  sectional  and  unfriendly 
spirit,  manifested  by  teaching  and  action,  which 
has  contributed  so  much  to  inflame  the  feelings 
of  the  Southern  people,  and  justly  create  appre¬ 
hension  on  their  part  of  injury  to  them. 

To  our  fellow-citizens  of  the  South  we  desire 
to  say  :  Though  we  have  been  greatly  injured 
by  your  precipitate  action,  we  would  not  now 
reproach  you  as  the  cause  of  that  injury,  but 
we  entreat  you  to  re-examine  the  question  of 
the  necessity  for  such  action,  and  that  if  you  find 
it  has  been  taken  without  due  consideration,  as 
we  verily  believe,  and  that  the  evils  you  appre¬ 
hended  from  a  continuance  in  the  Union  were 
neither  so  great  nor  so  unavoidable  as  you  sup¬ 
posed,  or  that  Congress  is  willing  to  grant  ade¬ 
quate  securities,  then  wo  pray  you  to  return 
promptly  to  your  connection  with  us,  that  wo 
may  be,  in  the  future,  as  we  have  been  in  the 
past,  one  great,  powerful,  and  prosperous  na¬ 
tion. 

Indications  have  already  been  afforded  that 
a  Divine  power  is  ready  to  interpose  and  pre¬ 
vent  brethren  from  slaughtering  each  other. 
While  the  bombardment  of  Fort  Sumter  con¬ 
tinued,  no  life  was  lost.  When  a  Providential 
interposition  was  no  longer  needed  to  prevent 
the  effusion  of  blood  in  civil  strife,  several  lives 
were  lost  in  the  performance  of  a  mere  cere¬ 
mony.  We  would  invoke  the  presence  and  aid 
of  that  Power  to  preserve  our  fellow-citizens, 
on  both  sides,  from  slaughter,  and  we  would 
commit  the  interests  of  our  distracted  country 
to  His  hands  who  can  bring  forth  peace  and 
order  out  of  strife  and  confusion  when  man’s 
wisdom  utterly  fails. 

J.  J.  Crittenden,  President. 

Jas.  Guthrie, 

II.  R.  Gamble, 

Wm.  A.  Hall,  Of 

J.  B.  Henderson,  Missouri. 

Wm.  G.  Pomeroy,  _ 

R.  K.  Williams, 

Arch’d  Dixon, 

F.  M.  Bristow, 

Joshua  F.  Bell, 

C.  A.  Wickliffe, 

G.  W.  Dunlap, 

J.  F.  Robinson, 

Jno.  B.  Huston, 

Rob’t  RiCnAEDSON, 

JonN  Caldwell,  of  Tennessee. 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  KENTUCKY. 

Having  been  elected  by  you  as  your  delegates 
to  “  A  Convention  of  the  Border  Slave  States 
and  such  other  slave  States  as  have  not  passed 
ordinances  of  secession,”  with  power  to  meet 
with  delegates  from  other  States  in  conven¬ 
tion,  “  to  consult  on  the  critical  condition  of 
the  country,  and  agree  upon  some  plan  of  ad¬ 
justment  ;  ”  and  having  met,  at  Frankfort,  on 
the  27tli  of  May,  in  pursuance  of  the  act;  we 
deem  it  proper  to  inform  you,  briefly,  of  what 
was  done  by  us  in  the  Convention. 

It  was  a  matter  of  regret  to  us  that  while 
the  call  for  this  Convention  originated  in  Vir¬ 
ginia  and  had,  apparently,  the  concurrence  of 
all  the  Border  Slave  States,  yet  there  were  del¬ 
egates  in  attendance  from  Kentucky  and  Mis¬ 
souri  only.  One  representative  chosen  by  the 
counties  of  McMinn  and  Sevier,  in  Tennessee, 
appeared,  and,  although  not  coming  with  such 
credentials  as  were  necessary  to  constitute  him 
a  delegate,  he  was  invited  to  participate  in  our 
deliberations. 

After  a  continuous  session  from  day  to  day, 
during:  which  the  condition  of  the  country,  and 
the  various  causes  that  led  to  it  were  maturely 
considered,  it  was  resolved  that  the  Convention 
should  address  an  appeal  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  delegates  from  Kentucky 
determined  to  present  to  you  a  separate  address, 
in  which  views  of  your  members  should  be  em¬ 
bodied.  In  the  discharge  of  this  duty  we  now 
attempt  to  address  you. 

Your  State,  on  a  deliberate  consideration  of 
her  responsibilities — moral,  political,  and  social 
— has  determined  that  the  proper  course  for 
her  to  pursue  is  to  take  no  part  in  the  contro¬ 
versy  between  the  Government  and  the  seceded 
States  but  that  of  mediator  and  intercessor.  She 
is  unwilling  to  take  up  arms  against  her  breth¬ 
ren  residing  either  North  or  South  of  the  geo¬ 
graphical  line  by  which  they  are  unhappily 
divided  into  warring  sections.  This  course  was 
commended  to  her  by  every  consideration  of 
patriotism,  and  by  a  proper  regard  for  her  own 
security.  It  does  not  result  from  timidity  ;  on 
the  contrary,  it  could  only  have  been  adopted 
by  a  brave  people — so  brave  that  the  least  im¬ 
putation  on  their  courage  would  be  branded  as 
false  by  their  written  and  traditional  history. 

Kentucky  was  right  in  taking  this  position — - 
because,  from  the  commencement  of  this  de¬ 
plorable  controversy,  her  voice  was  for  recon¬ 
ciliation,  compromise,  and  peace.  She  had  no 
cause  of  complaint  against  the  General  Gov¬ 
ernment,  and  made  none.  The  injuries  she  sus¬ 
tained  in  her  property  from  a  failure  to  execute 
laws  passed  for  its  protection,  in  consequence 
of  illegal  interference  by  wicked  and  deluded 
citizens  in  the  free  States,  she  considered  as 
wholly  insufficient  to  justify  a  dismemberment 
of  the  Union.  That,  she  regarded  as  no  reme¬ 
dy  for  existing  evils,  but  an  aggravation  of 
them  all.  She  witnessed,  it  is  true,  with  deep 
concern,  the  growth  of  a  wild  and  frenzied  fa- 


354 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


naticism  in  one  section,  and  a  reckless  and  defiant 
spirit  in  another,  both  equally  threatening  de¬ 
struction  to  the  country ;  and  tried  earnestly 
to  arrest  them,  but  in  vain.  We  will  not  stop 
to  trace  the  causes  of  the  unhappy  condition 
in  which  we  are  now  placed,  or  to  criminate 
either  of  the  sections  to  the  dishonor  of  the 
other,  but  can  say  that  we  believed  both  to 
have  been  wrong,  and,  in  their  madness  and 
folly,  to  have  inaugurated  a  war  that  the  Chris¬ 
tian  world  looks  upon  with  amazement  and  sor¬ 
row  ;  and  that  Liberty,  Christianity,  and  Civili¬ 
zation  stand  appalled  at  the  horrors  to  which  it 
will  give  rise. 

It  is  a  proud  and  grand  thing  for  Kentucky 
to  stand  up  and  say,  as  she  can,  truthfully,  in 
the  face  of  the  world,  “  We  had  no  hand  in  this 
thing ;  our  skirts  are  clear.”  And,  in  looking 
at  the  terrorism  that  prevails  elsewhere — be¬ 
holding  freedom  of  speech  denied  to  American 
citizens,  their  homesteads  subjected  to  lawless 
visitation,  their  property  confiscated,  and  their 
persons  liable  to  incarceration  and  search — how 
grandly  does  she  not  loom  up,  as  she  proclaims 
to  the  oppressed  and  miserable,  We  offer  you  a 
refuge !  Here,  constitutional  law,  and  respect 
for  individual  rights,  still  exist !  Here  is  an 
asylum  where  loyalty  to  the  name,  nation,  and 
Flag  of  the  Union  predominates;  and  here  is 
the  only  place,  in  this  lately  great  Republic, 
where  true  freedom  remains — that  freedom 
for  which  our  fathers  fought — the  citizen  be¬ 
ing  free  to  speak,  write,  or  publish  any  thing 
he  may  wish,  responsible  only  to  the  laws,  and 
not  controlled  by  the  violence  of  the  mob. 

Is  not  this  an  attitude  worthy  of  a  great  peo¬ 
ple,  and  do  not  her  position  and  safety  require 
her  to  maintain  it  ?  If  she  deviates  from  it ;  if 
she  suffers  herself  in  a  moment  of  excitement 
to  be  led  off  by  sympathy  with  one  side  or  the 
other — to  ally  herself  with  either  section — in¬ 
evitable  and  speedy  ruin  must  fall  upon  her. 
What  reason  can  be  urged  to  incline  her  to  such 
a  fatal  step  ?  She  is  still,  thank  God,  a  mem¬ 
ber  of  the  Union,  owing  constitutional  alle¬ 
giance  to  it — an  allegiance  voluntarily  given, 
long  maintained,  and  from  which  she  has  de¬ 
rived  countless  benefits.  Can  she,  by  her  own 
act,  forfeit  this  allegiance,  and  by  the  exercise 
of  any  constitutional  power  sever  herself  from 
that  Government?  In  our  opinion  the  state¬ 
ment  of  the  proposition  insures  its  rejection. 
It  is  of  no  more  rational  force  than  the  argu¬ 
ment  of  the  suicide  to  commit  self-slaughter. 
Secession  is  not  a  right.  That  the  right  of  rev¬ 
olution  exists,  is  as  true  in  States  as  the  right 
of  self-defence  is  true  of  individuals.  It  does 
not  exist  by  virtue  of  legal  enactment  or  con¬ 
stitutional  provision,  but  is  founded  in  the  na¬ 
ture  of  things — is  inalienable  and  indestruc¬ 
tible,  and  ought  to  be  resorted  to  only  when  all 
peaceable  remedies  fail.  Revolution  is  an  ex¬ 
treme  remedy,  finds  its  justification  alone  in  an 
escape  from  intolerable  oppression,  and  hazard¬ 
ing  the  consequences  of  failure,  as  success  or 
defeat  makes  the  movement  one  of  rightful 


resistance  or  rebellion,  it  becomes  the  stern 
duty  of  Kentucky  to  look  not  only  to  the  mo¬ 
tives  that  might  impel  her  to  revolt,  but  to  the 
probable  results.  She  must  contemplate  her 
condition  in  a  complex  character — National 
and  State — and  see  what  must  be  her  fate  in 
the  event  of  a  separation. 

Under  the  National  Government,  she  has  a 
right  to  the  protection  of  thirty-three  great 
States,  and  with  them,  thus  protected,  can  defy 
the  world  in  arms.  Under  it,  she  becomes  pros¬ 
perous  and  happy.  Deprived  of  it,  she  finds 
herself  exposed  to  imminent  danger.  She  has 
a  border  front  on  the  Ohio  River  of  near  seven 
hundred  miles,  with  three  powerful  States  on 
that  border.  She  has  four  hundred  miles  on 
the  South  by  which  she  is  separated  from  Ten¬ 
nessee  by  a  merely,  conventional  line.  Her 
eastern  front  -is  on  Virginia,  and  part  of  her 
western  on  Missouri — thus  making  her  antago¬ 
nistic,  in  the  event  of  collision,  to  Virginia, 
which  is  our  mother,  and  to  Missouri,  which  is- 
our  daughter.  Hemmed  in  thus  on  every  side 
by  powers — each  one  of  which  is  equal  to  her 
own — her  situation,  and  her  sense  of  loyalty  to 
the  Union,  imperatively  demand  of  her  to  insist 
on  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  its  Constitution, 
and  Government.  Peace  is  of  vital  conse¬ 
quence  to  her,  and  can  only  be  secured  to  her 
by  preserving  the  Union  inviolate.  Kentucky 
has  no  cause  of  quarrel  with  the  Constitution, 
and  no  wish  to  quarrel  with  her  neighbor*; 
but  abundant  reason  to  love  both.  Of  the 
great  West  she  was  the  pioneer,  and  became 
the  starting  point  of  emigration  to  all  around 
her.  There  is  not  a  western  or  a  south-west¬ 
ern  State  in  which  Kentucky  families  are  not 
settled,  and  she  is  bound  to  all  by  ties  of  inter¬ 
est  and  brotherhood.  She  has  ever  been  loyal 
to  the  Government,  answering  to  its  requisi¬ 
tions,  and  sharing  its  burthens.  At  the  com¬ 
mand  of  that  Government,  when  war  was  de¬ 
clared  to  protect  the  rights  of  sailors,  although 
she  had  no  vessels  to  float  on  the  ocean,  yet 
she  offered  up  her  blood  freely  in  the  common 
defence  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
Again,  wThen  war,  growing  out  of  a  territorial 
controversy,  far  from  her  own  borders,  was 
proclaimed,  she  was  amongst  the  foremost  in 
the  fight,  and  Monterey  and  Buena  Vista  were 
made  famous  in  history  by  the  valor  of  Ken¬ 
tuckians.  Never  has  she  faltered  in  her  duty 
to  the  Union. 

In  declining  to  respond  to  a  call  made  by  the 
present  Administration  of  the  Government,  and 
one  that  we  have  reason  to  believe  would  not 
have  been  made  if  the  Administration  had  been 
fully  advised  of  the  circumstances  by  which  we 
were  surrounded,  Kentucky  did  not  put  herself 
in  factious  opposition  to  her  legitimate  obliga¬ 
tions;  she  did  not  choose  to  throw  herself  in 
hostile  collision  with  the  slave  States  of  Mis¬ 
souri,  Maryland,  and  Delaware,  which  have  not 
seceded  on  the  one  hand,  nor  the  slave  States 
which  have  and  are  in  process  of  secession  on 
the  other,  and  shed  the  blood  of  brethren  and 


DOCUMENTS. 


355 


kindred  at  the  very  moment  when  she  was 
striving  to  bo  an  apostle  of  peace.  Nature  her¬ 
self  revolted  at  the  thought,  and  her  conduct  in 
this  matter  had  so  much  of  love  to  God,  and 
love  to  man,  in  it,  that  it  will  meet  the  sanc¬ 
tion  of  an  approving  world.  So  far  from  being 
denounced  for  this  action,  it  is  eveiy  where 
looked  upon  as  an  act  of  purest  patriotism,,  i  n¬ 
sulting  from  imperious  necessity,  and  the  high¬ 
est  instincts  of  self-preservation  respected  by 
the  very  Administration  that  alone  could  have 
complained  of  it,  and  will,  we  doubt  not,  be 
ratified  by  it ;  if  not  in  terms,  at  least  by  its 
future  action.  That  act  did  not  take  her  out  ot 

the  Union.  .  . 

Kentucky,  in  so  grave  a  matter  as  this,  passes 
bv  mere  legal  technicalities  and  a  discussion 
of  theoretical  difficulties  of  Government,  poises 
herself  upon  her  right  to  do  what  the  necessi¬ 
ties  of  her  condition  imperatively  demanded  of 
her,  and  relies  upon  the  good  sense  and  mag¬ 
nanimity  of  her  sister  States,  seeing  that  there 
is  no  parallel  in  her  condition  aud  theirs  to  do 
her  justice. 

In  all  things  she  is  as  loyal  as  ever  to  tho 
constitutional  administration  of  the  Govern¬ 
ing.  She  will  follow  the  Stars  and  Stripes  to 
the  utmost  regions  of  the  earth,  and  defend  them 
from  foreign  insult.  She  refuses  allegiance 
with  any  who  would  destroy  the  Union..  All 
she  asks  is  permission  to  keep  out  of  this  un¬ 
natural  strife.  AY  hen  called  to  take  part  in  it, 
she  believes  there  is  more  honor  in  the  breach 
than  in  the  observance  of  any  supposed  duty 
to  perform  it. 

Feeling  that  she  is  clearly  right  in  this,  and 
has  announced  her  intention  to  refrain  from 
aggression  upon  others,  she  must  protest  against 
her  soil  being  made  the  theatre  of  military 
operations  by  any  belligerent.  The  war  must 
not  bo  transferred,  by  tho  warring  sections, 
from  their  own  to  her  borders.  Such  unfriendly 
action  cannot  bo  viewed  with  indifference  by 

Kentucky.  , 

Having  thus  referred  to  this,  subject  in  its 
general  aspects,  we  would  invite  your  indi¬ 
vidual  attention  to  its  direct  bearings  upon 

yourselves.  . 

It  is  not  now  a  question  of  party  politics, 
although  it  may  be  the  interest  of  some  to 
make  it  so.  The  day  of  mere  party  platforms 
has,  we  trust,  gone  forever.  It  has  passed  from 
being  a  mere  struggle  for  place  that  may  grat¬ 
ify  personal  ambition,  to  one  for  the  present 
and  future  welfare  of  a  whole  people,  for  tho 
safety  of  homes  and  firesides.  AY  hatever  div i- 
sions  have  heretofore  existed  should  now  cease. 
In  times  past,  in  our  elections,  the  questions 
which  divided  men  related  to  mere  party  differ¬ 
ences,  and  the  members  of  all  the  parties 
rivalled  each  other  in  their  expression  of  devo¬ 
tion  to  the  Union,  and  were  equally  clamorous 
for  their  rights,  in  the  Union  and  not  out  of  it. 
Now  these  party  differences  are  passed  away 
and  forgotten.  The  direct  question  is  Union  or 
no  Union— Government  or  no  Government — 


Neutrality  or  no  Neutrality.  Before  this  grand 
and  commanding  question  every  thing  else  gives 

way.  „  ,  . 

All  can  see  that  such  a  state  of  things  cannot 
continue  without  war,  and  that  such  a  war  was 
unnecessary'.  It  resulted  from  the  ambition  of 


men,  rather  than  from  the  wrongs  done  the 
people.  There  was  a  remedy  for  every  thing, 
already  provided  by  the  Constitution,  which, 
with  wise  foresight,  provided  against  the  trials 
to  which  it  might  be  subjected.  There  were 
countervailing  powers  to  check  encroachments, 
whether  by  a  President  or  by  Congress.;  and  it 
so  happened  that  at  this  dangerous  crisis,  when 
a  sectional  President  had  been  elected,  there 
was  a  majority  in  opposition  to  him  in  both 
houses  of  Congress,  by  which  he  could  have 
been  controlled,  and  tho  people  protected.  It 
was  tho  duty  of  the  opposition  to  liavo  stood  to 
their  posts  till  the  danger  of  encroachment  had 
passed  away.  But  Senators  and  Bepresenta- 
tives,  following  tho  example  of  their  States, 
vacated  their  seats  and  placed  a  President  who 
would  have  been  in  a  minority  at  tho  head  of  a 
triumphant  majority.  It  w*as  a  great,  wrong. for 
which  they  must  answer  to  posterity.  Ken¬ 
tucky  remained  true  to  herself,  contending 
with  all  her  might  for  what  were  considered  to 
be  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  although  one 
after  another  of  the  States  that  should  havo 
been  by  her  side  ungenerously  deserted  her, 
leaving  her  almost  alone  in  the  field,  yet.she.did 
not  surrender  her  rights  under  the  Constitution, 
and  never  will  surrender  them.  She  will  ap¬ 
pear  again  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
not  having  conceded  the  least  item  of  power  to 
the  Government  that  had  not  heretofore  been 
granted,  and  retaining  every  power  she  had 
reserved.  She  will  insist  upon  lici  constitu¬ 
tional  rights  in  the  Union,  and  not  out  of  it.. 

Kentucky  is  grieved  to  think  that  any  thing 
should  have  been  done  by  her  sister  States  that 
has  made  it  necessary  for  her  to  assume  tho 
position  she  now  occupies..  It  is  not  one  of 
submission  as  it  has  been  insultingly  called 
it  is  oijo  of  the  most  exalted  patriotism.  But 
if  she  had  no  higher  or  holier  motive ;  if  she 
wero  not  earnestly  for  peace  among  her  breth¬ 
ren  ;  tho  great  law  of  self-protection  points  out 
her  course  and  she  has  no  alternative.  Ahcady 
one  section  declares  that  there  will  be  no  war 
at  home,  but  that  it  shall  be  in  Kentucky  and 
Virginia.  Already  the  cannon  and  bayonets 
of  another  section  are  visible  on  our  most  ex¬ 
posed  border  Bet  these  hostile  armies  meet 
on  our  soil  and  it  will  matter  but  little  to  us 
which  may  succeed,  for  destruction  to  us  will 
be  the  inevitable  result.  Our  fields  will  be  laid 
waste,  our  houses  and  cities  will  be  burned, 
our  people  will  be  slain,  and  this  goodly  land 
be  re-baptized  “  the  land  of  blood.”  And  even 
the  institution,  to  preserve  or  control  which 
this  wretched  war  was  undertaken,  will  be  ex¬ 
terminated  in  the  general  ruin.  Such  is  the 
evil  that  others  will  bring  upon  us,  no  matter 
which  sido  we  take,  if  this  is  to  be  the  battle- 


35G 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


field.  But  there  is  danger  at  home  more  ap¬ 
palling  than  any  that  comes  from  beyond. 
People  of  Kentucky  look  well  to  it  that  you 
do  not  get  to  fighting  among  yourselves,  for 
then,  indeed,  you  will  find  that  it  is  an  ill  fight 
where  he  that  wins  has  the  worst  of  it.  En¬ 
deavor  to  be  of  one  mind,  and  strive  to  keep 
the  State  steady  in  her  present  position.  Hold 
fast  to  that  sheet-anchor  of  republican  liberty, 
that  the  will  of  the  majority  constitutionally 
and  legally  expressed  must  govern.  You  have, 
in  the  election  by  which  this  Convention  was 
chosen,  displayed  a  unanimity  unparalleled  in 
your  history.  May  you  be  as  unanimous  in  the 
future;  may  your  majorities  be  so  decided  that 
a  refusal  to  obey  may  be  justly  called  factious. 
Trust  and  love  one  another.  Avoid  angry 
strife.  Frown  upon  the  petty  ambition  of  dem¬ 
agogues  who  would  stir  up  bad  passions  among 
you.  Consider,  as  wise  men,  what  is  necessary 
for  your  own  best  interest,  and  in  humble  sub¬ 
mission  trust  and  look  to  that  Almighty  Being, 
who  has  heretofore  so  signally  blessed  us  as  a 
nation  for  His  guidance  through  the  gloom  and 
darkness  of  this  hour. 

J.  J.  Crittenden,  Pres’t. 

J ame3  Guthrie, 


It.  K.  Williams, 
Arcii’d  Dixon, 
F.  M.  Bristow, 
Joshua  F.  Bell, 


C.  A.  Wickliffe, 
G.  W.  Dunlap, 

C.  S.  Morehead,* 
J.  F.  Eobinson, 
John  B.  Huston, 
Eobt.  Eiohardson. 

-Louisville  Courier,  June  8. 


Doc.  244. 

TOE  FIGHT  AT  GEEAT  BETOEL. 
general  butler’s  official  report. 

Head-quarters,  Department  op  Virginia,  P 
Fortress  Monroe,  Juno  10,  1861.  $ 

To  Lieutenant-General  Scott: 

General  Having  learned  that  the  enemy 
had  established  an  outpost  of  some  strength  at 
a  place  called  Little  Bethel,  a  small  church 
about  eight  miles  from  Newport.  News,  and  the 
same  distance  from  Hampton,  from  whence  they 
were  accustomed  nightly  to  advance  both  on 
Newport  News  and  the  picket  guards  of  Hamp¬ 
ton  to  annoy  them,  and  from  whence  also  they 
had  come  down  in  small  squads  of  cavalry  and 
taken  a  number  of  Union  men,  some  of  whom 
had  the  safeguard  and  protection  of  the  troops 
of  the  United  States,  and  forced  them  into  the 
rebel  ranks,  and  that  they  were  also  gathering 
up  the  slaves  of  citizens  who  had  moved  awray 
and  left  their  farms  in  charge  of  their  negroes, 
carrying  them  to  work  in  intrenchments  at 
Williamsburg  and  Yorktown,  I  had  determined 
to  send  up  a  force  to  drive  them  back  and  de¬ 
stroy  their  camp,  the  head-quarters  of  which 
was  this  small  church.  I  had  also  learned  that 


*  I  have  picned  the  foregoing  address,  because  I  ap¬ 
prove  of  the  policy  therein  indicated,  of  refusing  to  fur¬ 
nish  troops  to  the’General  Government  to  prosecute  the 
civil  war  now  going  on,  and  the  policy  of  neutrality,  with¬ 
out  considering  myself  committed  to  all  that  is  said  upon 
other  matters.  C.  S.  Morehead. 


at  a  place  a  short  distance  further  on,  on  the 
road  to  Yorktown,  was  an  outwork  of  the 
rebels,  on  the  Hampton  side  of  a  place  called 
Big  Bethel,  a  large  church,  near  the  head  of 
the  north  branch  of  Back  Eiver,  and  that  there 
was  a  very  considerable  rendezvous,  with 
works  of  more  or  less  strength  in  process  of 
erection,  and  from  this  point  the  whole  coun¬ 
try  was  laid  under  contribution. 

Accordingly,  I  ordered  General  Pierce,  who 
is  in  command  of  Camp  Hamilton,  at  Hampton, 
to  send  Duryea’s  regiment  of  Zouaves  to  be 
ferried  over  Hampton  Creek  at  one  o’clock  this 
morning,  and  to  march  by  the  road  up  to  New¬ 
market  Bridge,  then  crossing  the  bridge,  to  go 
by  a  by-road  and  thus  put  the  regiment  in  the 
rear  of  the  enemy,  and  between  Big  Bethel  and 
Little  Bethel,  in  part  for  the  purpose  of  cutting 
him  off,  and  then  to  make  an  attack  upon  Lit¬ 
tle  Bethel.  I  directed  General  Pierce  to  sup¬ 
port  him  from  Hampton  with  Colonel  Town¬ 
send’s  regiment,  with  two  mounted  howitzers, 
and  to  march  about  an  hour  later.  At  the 
same  time  I  directed  Col.  Phelps,  commanding 
at  Newport  News,  to  send  out  a  battalion, 
composed  of  such  companies  of  the  regiments 
under  his  command  as  he  thought  best,  under 
command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Washburn,  in 
time  to  make  a  demonstration  upon  Little  Be¬ 
thel  in  front,  and  to  have  him  supported  by 
Colonel  Bendix’s  regiment,  with  two  field- 
pieces. 

Bendix’s  and  Townsend’s  regiments  should 
effect  a  junction  at  a  fork  of  the  road  leading 
from  Hampton  to  Newport  News,  something 
like  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Little  Bethel.  I  di¬ 
rected  the  march  to  be  so  timed  that  the  attack 
should  be  made  just  at  daybreak,  and  that  after 
the  attack  was  made  upon  Little  Bethel,  Dur¬ 
yea’s  regiment  and  a  regiment  from  Newport 
News  should  follow  immediately  upon  the 
heels  of  the  fugitives,  if  they  were  enabled  to 
cut  them  off,  and  attack  the  battery  on  the 
road  to  Big  Bethel,  while  covered  by  the  fugi¬ 
tives;  or,  if  it  was  thought  expedient  by  Gen¬ 
eral  Pierce,  failing  to  surprise  the  camp  at  Little 
Bethel,  they  should  attempt  to  take  the  work 
near  Big  Bethel. 

To  prevent  the  possibility  of  mistake  in  .the 
darkness,  I  directed  that  no  attack  should  be 
made  until  the  watchword  should  be  shouted 
by  the  attacking  regiment,  and,  in  case  that  by 
any  mistake  in  the  march  the  regiments  that 
were  to  make  the  junction  should  unexpectedly 
meet  and  be  unknown  to  each  other,  also  di¬ 
rected  that  the  members  of  Colonel  Townsend’s 
regiment  should  be  known,  if  in  daylight,  by 
something  wTiite  worn  on  the  arm.  The  troops 
were  accordingly  put  in  action  as  ordered,  and 
the  march  was  so  timed  that  Colonel  Duryea 
had  got  in  the  position  noted  upon  the  accom¬ 
panying  sketch,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wash¬ 
burn,  in  command  of  the  regiment  from  New¬ 
port  News,  had  got  into  the  position  indicated 
upon  the  sketch,  and  Colonel  Bendix’s  regi¬ 
ment  had  been  posted  and  ordered  to  hold  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


357 


fork  of  the  road,  with  two  pieces  of  artillery, 
and  Colonel  Townsend’s  regiment  had  got  to 
the  place  indicated  just  behind,  and  were  about 
to  form  a  junction  as  the  day  dawned. 

Up  to  this  point  the  plan  had  been  vigorous¬ 
ly,  accurately,  and  successfully  carried  out ;  but 
here,  by  some  strange  fatuity,  and  as  yet  unex¬ 
plained  blunder,  without  any  word  of  notice, 
while  Colonel  Townsend  was  in  column  en 
route ,  and  when  the  head  of  the  column  was 
within  one  hundred  yards,  Col.  Bendix’s  regi¬ 
ment  opened  fire  with  both  artillery  ami  mus¬ 
ketry  upon  Col.  Townsend’s  column,  which,  in 
the  hurry  and  confusion,  was  irregularly  re¬ 
turned  by  some  of  Col.  Townsend’s  men,  who 
feared  that  they  had  fallen  into  an  ambuscade. 
Col.  Townsend’s  column  immediately  retreated 
to  the  eminence  near  by,  and  were  not  pursued 
by  Col.  Bendix’s  men.  By  this  almost  criminal 
blunder  two  men  of  Col.  Townsend’s  regiment 
were  killed,  and  eight  more  or  less  wounded.  _ 

Hearing  this  cannonading  and  firing  in  his 
rear,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Washburn,  not  know¬ 
ing  but  that  his  communication  might  be  cut 
off,  immediately  reversed  his  march,  as  did 
Col.  Duryea,  and  marched  back  to  form  a  junc¬ 
tion  with  his  reserves. 

General  Pierce,  who  was  with  Colonel  Town¬ 
send’s  regiment,  fearing  that  the  enemy  had 
got  notice  of  our  approach,  and  had  posted  him¬ 
self  in  force  on  the  line  of  march,  and  not  get¬ 
ting  any  communication  from  Col.  Duryea,  sent 
back  to  me  for  reinforcements,  and  I  immedi¬ 
ately  ordered  Col.  Allen’s  regiment  to  be  put  in 
motion,  and  they  reached  Hampton  about  seven 
o’clock.  In  the  mean  time  the  true  state  of 
factshaving  been  ascertained  by  General  Pierce, 
the  regiments  effected  a  junction,  and  resumed 
the  line  of  march.  At  the  moment  of  the  fir¬ 
ing  of  Colonel  Bendix,  Colonel  Duryea  had  sur¬ 
prised  a  part  of  an  outlaying  guard  of  the  ene¬ 
my,  consisting  of  thirty  persons,  who  have 
been  brought  into  me. 

Of  course  by  this  firing  all  hope  of  a  surprise 
above  the  camp  at  Little  Bethel  was  lost,  and, 
upon  marching  upon  it,  it  was  found  to  have 
been  vacated,  and  the  cavalry  had  pressed  on 
toward  Big  Bethel.  Col.  Duryea,  however, 
destroyed  the  camp  at  Little  Bethel,  and  ad¬ 
vanced.  General  Pierce,  then,  as  ho  informs 
me,  with  the  advice  of  his  colonels^  thought 
best  to  attempt  to  carry  the  works  of  the  ene¬ 
my  at  Big  Bethel,  and  made  dispositions  to 
that  effect.  The  attack  commenced,  as  I  am 
informed — for  I  have  not  yet  received  any  offi¬ 
cial  reports — about  half-past  nine  o’clock. 

At  about  ten  o’clock  General  Pierce  sent  a 
note  to  me  saying  that  there  was  a  sharp  en¬ 
gagement  with  the  enemy,  and  that  he  thought 
he°should  be  able  to  maintain  his  position  until 
reinforcements  could  come  up.  Acting  upon 
this  information,  Colonel  Carr’s  regiment,  which 
had  been  ordered  in  the  morning  to  proceed  as 
far  as  Newmarket  Bridge,  was  allowed  to  go 
forward.  I  received  this  information,  for  which 
Documents — 26 


I  had  sent  a  special  messenger,  about  twelve 
o’clock.  I  immediately  made  disposition  from 
Newport  News  to  have  Colonel  Phelps,  from 
the  four  regiments  there,  forward  aid  if  neces¬ 
sary.  As  soon  as  these  orders  could  be  sent 
forward  I  repaired  to  Hampton,  for  the  purpose 
of  having  proper  ambulances  and  wagons  for 
the  sick  and  wounded,  intending  to  go  forward 
and  join  the  command.  While  the  wagons 
were  going  forward  a  messenger  came,  an¬ 
nouncing  that  the  engagement  had  terminated, 
and  that  the  troops  were  retiring  in  good  order 
to  camp. 

I  remained  upon  the  ground  at  Hampton, 
personally  seeing  the  wounded  put  in  boats  and 
towed  round  to  the  hospital,  and  ordering  for¬ 
ward  Lieutenant  Morris,  with  two  boat  how¬ 
itzers,  to  cover  the  rear  of  the  returning  column 
in  case  it  should  be  attacked.  Having  been 
informed  that  the  ammunition  of  the  artillery 
had  been  expended,  and  seeing  the  head  of  the 
column  approach  Hampton  in  good  order,  I 
waited  for  General  Pierce  to  come  up.  I  am 
informed  by  him  that  the  dead  and  wounded 
had  all  been  brought  off,  and  that  the  return 
had  been  conducted  in  good  order,  and  without 
haste.  I  learned  from  him  that  the  men  be¬ 
haved  with  great  steadiness,  with  the  exception 
of  some  few  instances,  and  that  the  attack  was 
made  with  propriety,  vigor,  and  courage;  but 
that  the  enemy  were  found  to  be  supported  by 
a  battery,  variously  estimated  as  of  from  fifteen 
to  twenty  pieces,  some  of  which  were  rifled 
cannon,  which  were  very  well  served,  and  pro¬ 
tected  from  being  readily  turned  by  a  creek  in 
front. 

Our  loss  is  very  considerable,  amounting  per¬ 
haps  to  forty  or  fifty,  a  quarter  part  of  which 
you  will  see  was  from  the  unfortunate  mistake 
— to  call  it  by  no  worse  name — of  Colonel 
Bendix. 

I  will,  as  soon  as  official  returns  can  be  got, 
give  a  fuller  detail  of  the  affair,  and  will  only 
add  now  that  we  have  to  regret  especially  the 
death  of  Lieut.  Greble,  of  the  Second  Artillery, 
who  wont  out  with  Colonel  Washburn  from 
Newport  News,  and  who  very  efficiently  and 
gallantly  fought  his  piece  until  he  was  struck 
by  a  cannon  shot.  I  will  endeavor  to  get  accu¬ 
rate  statements  to  forward  by  the  next  mail. 

I  think,  in  the  unfortunate  combination  of 
circumstances,  and  the  result  which  we  ex¬ 
perienced,  we  have  gained  more  than  we  have 
lost.  Our  troops  have  learned  to  have  confi¬ 
dence  in  themselves  under  fire,  the  enemy  have 
shown  that  they  will  not  meet  us  in  the  open 
field,  and  our  officers  have  learned  wherein 
their  organization  and  drill  are  inefficient. 

While  waiting  for  the  official  reports,  I  have 
the  honor  to  submit  thus  far  the  information 
of  which  I  am  possessed. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  most  respectfully, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

Benj.  F.  Butler, 
Major-General  Commanding. 


358 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1S60-61. 


BEIGADIER-GENKEAL  PIERCE’S  ORDERS. 

IIead-qcartees,  Camp  Hamilton,  ) 
June  9,  1861.  \ 

General  Orders,  No.  12. — A  plan  of  attack 
to-night  is  herewith  enclosed  and  forwarded  to 
Col.  Duryea,  commanding  5tli  regiment  N.  Y. 
State  troops,  who  will  act  accordingly.  Col. 
Townsend,  commanding  3d  regiment  N.  Y. 
State  troops,  will  march  his  command  in  sup¬ 
port  of  Col.  Duryea.  Col.  Carr,  commanding 
2d  regiment  New  York  volunteers,  will  detach 
the  artillery  company  of  his  regiment,  'with 
their  field-pieces,  caissons,  and  a  suitable  supply 
of  ammunition,  and  take  their  position  at  the 
burnt  bridge,  near  Hampton.  Cols.  Allen,  Carr, 
and  McChesney  will  hold  their  entire  com¬ 
mand  in  readiness,  fully  prepared  to  march  at 
a  moment’s  notice.  All  the  troops  will  be  sup¬ 
plied  with  one  day’s  rations,  and  each  man 
with  twenty  rounds  of  ball  cartridge. 

That  no  mistake  may  be  made,  all  the 
troops,  as  they  charge  the  enemy,  will  shout — 
“  Boston.” 

Cols.  Allen,  Carr,  Townsend,  Duryea,  and 
McChesney  will  take  notice  and  act  accord¬ 
ingly. 

By  command  of 

E.  W.  Pierce,  Brigadier-General, 

It.  A.  Pierce,  Brig. -Major. 

col.  duryea’s  report. 

Headquarters,  Camp  Hamilton,  near  P 
Fortress  Monroe,  Tuesday,  June  11,  1801.  \ 

Sir  : — In  accordance  with  your  instructions 
previously  received,  I  proceeded,  on  the  night 
of  the  9th  of  June,  at  half-past  eleven  o’clock 
p.  m.,  on  the  march  to  Bethel. 

The  first  two  miles  to  Hampton  Bridge,  we 
proceeded  leisurely  along,  waiting  for  the  how¬ 
itzer,  which  should  be  placed  at  the  head  of 
the  advancing  column.  Arriving  at  Hampton 
Creek,  much  delay  was  occasioned  by  the  non¬ 
arrival  of  the  surf-boats,  which  were  to  convey 
the  regiment  across  the  river,  and  it  was  ten 
o’clock  before  the  column  was  formed,  ready  to 
push  forward  upon  the  other  side. 

We  now  advanced  rapidly,  and  soon  came  up 
with  our  two  companies  of  skirmishers,  under 
Captains  Bartlett  and  Kilpatrick,  who  had  been 
despatched  ahead  an  hour  and  a  half  previous. 
Proceeding  steadily  on  without  resting  a  moment, 
we  came,  about  four  o’clock  in  the  morning,  to 
Little  Bethel,  a  distance  of  about  thirteen  miles. 
At  this  point  we  discovered  and  surprised  the 
picket  guard  of  the  enemy,  and  a  mounted  offi¬ 
cer,  with  four  or  five  foot,  were  taken  prison¬ 
ers.  While  pushing  forward  towards  Big  Be¬ 
thel  we  suddenly  heard  a  heavy  fire  of  mus¬ 
ketry  and  cannon  in  our  rear,  bespeaking  a 
severe  engagement.  Supposing  it  to  be  an  at¬ 
tempt  of  the  enemy  to  cut  off  our  reserve, 
we  immediately  countermarched  in  quick  and 
double-quick  time,  when,  having  proceeded 
about  five  miles,  we  came  upon  two  of  our 
regiments,  and  learned  that  in  the  darkness  of 
the  night  they  had  mistaken  each  other  for 


enemies,  and  that  an  unfortunate  engagement, 
accompanied  with  some  loss,  had  taken  place. 
We  then  by  your  command  returned,  and  ad¬ 
vanced  upon  Great  Bethel,  being  supported  by 
the  Seventh  Regiment,  under  Colonel  Bendix, 
and  the  Third,  under  Col.  Townsend. 

Proceeding  to  within  a  mile  of  County  Bridge, 
the  column  halted,  Capts.  Kilpatrick  and  Bart¬ 
lett  having  discovered  that  the  enemy  were 
holding  a  strong  position  in  the  battery  at  the 
head  of  the  road.  We  now  drew  up  in  line  of 
battle  on  the  right,  at  the  skirts  of  the  woods, 
and  the  artillery,  two  howitzers,  and  a  brass 
six-pounder,  were  pushed  some  thirty  rods  up 
the  road.  At  this  point  Lieut.-Col.  Warren 
rode  into  the  field  and  assumed  his  position  in 
the  regiment,  and,  from  his  previous  knowledge 
of  the  ground,  proved  of  invaluable  assistance. 

Capts.  Winslow,  Bartlett,  and  Kilpatrick  hav¬ 
ing  been  ordered  to  advance,  under  Lieut.-Col. 
Warren,  as  skirmishers,  the  regiment  was 
formed  on  the  left,  from  whence  I  led  the 
column  in  person  up  the  road  toward  the  ene¬ 
my’s  battery ;  but  the  fire  proving  very  destruc¬ 
tive,  we  marched  in  good  order  till  we  were 
covered  by  the  woods  on  the  right,  where  wo 
halted  for  somo  time  for  rest,  and  in  order  to 
complete  the  preparations  for  charging  the  bat¬ 
teries  in  flank.  In  the  mean  time,  Lieut.-Col. 
Warren  made  a  reconnoissance  and  reported  a 
plan  of  attack. 

I  then  led  off  the  troops  to  tho  left,  in  the 
open  field,  and  also  to  the  right,  supported  on 
the  right  by  the  German  Rifles.  After  several 
attempts  to  charge  the  batteries,  being  pre¬ 
vented  by  the  creek,  we  withdrew,  by  your 
command,  to  the  rear,  and  having  collected  our 
killed  and  wounded,  such  as  wo  could  find, 
proceeded  down  the  main  road.  Lieut.-Col. 
Warren,  however,  with  a  small  detachment, 
remained  and  brought  away  the  body  of  Lieut. 
Greble,  with  the  field-piece  he  was  serving 
with  such  effect  at  the  time  of  his  death.  Our 
chaplain  also  remained  to  care  for  the  wound¬ 
ed,  but  being  cut  off  by  a  company  of  cavalry, 
he  only  escaped  by  taking  to  the  woods,  and 
escaping  under  cover  of  the  night.  Wc  con¬ 
tinued  our  march  toward  Hampton,  and  reach¬ 
ed  the  bridge,  having  only  four  killed,  twelve 
wounded,  and  two  missing. 

The  following  names  deserve  an  lionorablo 
mention: — Lieut.-Col.  Warren,  for  his  aid  in 
forming  the  plan  of  attack,  and  remaining 
among  the  last  to  bring  aivay  a  brother  officer; 
also  Chaplain  Winslow,  for  his  many  kind  at¬ 
tentions  to  the  wounded ;  also  Captains  Bart¬ 
lett,  Kilpatrick  and  Winslow  for  the  effective 
manner  in  which  they  skirmished  before  the 
enemy’s  heavy  fire  ;  also,  Lieut.  J.  Duryea, 
who  led  the  charge  up  to  the  left  flank  of  tho 
batteries;  also,  Lieuts.  York  and  Cambreling; 
Surgeon  Gilbert  for  performing  upon  the  field 
of  battle  successful  amputations  and  for  his 
continued  attention  to  the  suffering  and  wound¬ 
ed,  not  only  on  the  field,  but  afterward  at  tho 
hospital,  when  almost  exhausted ;  also,  Lieut. 


DOCUMENTS. 


359 


Gouv.  Carr,  who  was  commanding  Company 
B,  his  captain  being  ill,  and  Lieut.  Geo.  Bur- 
yea  ;  also,  Sergeants  Agnes,  Onderdonk,  Alli¬ 
son,  and  Corporal  Brunner. 

Yet  there  was  no  flinching  on  the  part.ol 
any  officer  or  private,  and  I  might  mention 
many  more  with  honor.  In  closing  I  cannot 
but  speak  of  Col.  Townsend,  of  the  Third, 
who,  with  his  whole  command,  stood  up  nobly 
in  my  support,  until  compelled  to  retreat  by 
the  terrible  fire. 

Per  order,  Col.  A.  Duryea. 

Lieut.  Mallory,  Aide-de-Camp. 

To  Brigadier-Gen.  Pierce. 

captain  Kilpatrick’s  report. 

Head-qcarters,  Camp  Hamilton,  ? 

June  11,  1861.  5 

SIR : — la  accordance  with  your  orders,  I  have 
the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  of  my 
command,  acting  as  the  Advance  Guard,  on  the 
evening  of  the  9th,  and  a  brief  account  of  my 
command  during  the  engagement  on  the  fol¬ 
lowing  day,  at  the  New  County  Bridge.  I  left 
camp  with  my  command  at  10  p.  M.,  consisting 
of  fifty  men  of  Company  II,  one  lieutenant, 
(Cambreling,)  four  sergeants,  and  four  corpo¬ 
rals  ;  Company  I,  Capt.  Bartlett,  one  lieutenant, 
(York,)  four  sergeants,  and  two  corporals 
crossed  the  river  at  Hampton  10  J  p.  m.  ;  reached 
Newmarket  Bridge  at  1  a.  m.,  threw  out 
scouts  in  all  directions  and  waited  for  the  main 
body,  which  arrived  at  3  a.  m.  According  to 
your  orders,  I  advanced  on  the  road  to  New 
County  Bridge,  the  point  where  the  enemy  was 
reported  to  have  made  a  stand.  A  little  before 
daylight,  when  within  a  mile  and  a  quarter  of 
the  bridge,  wo  discovered  the  outlying  picket 
guard  of  the  enemy,  and  were  challenged, 

“  Who  comes  there  ? I  replied,  “  Who  stands 
there  ?  ”  A  horseman  attempted  to  leave. 
Corporal  Ellerson,  of  Company  H,  sprang .  in 
advance,  directing  him  to  halt.  I,  supposing 
the  enemy  to  be  in  force,  gave  the  command  to 
fire  and  charge.  In  a  moment  the  affair  was 
over,  twenty  or  thirty  shots  had  been  given 
and  exchanged ;  the  officer  of  the  guard  was 
captured  and  disarmed.  At  this  time,  hearing 
firing  in  the  rear,  and  supposing  that  our  rear 
guard  was  attacked,  I  returned  to  follow  the 
main  body  under  Col.  Duryea,  who.  was  ad¬ 
vancing  by  forced  march  in  the  direction  of  the 
firing,  only  to  discover  that  by  mistake  our 
own" forces  coming  in  different  directions,  and 
supposing  each  to  be  the  enemy,  had  fired 
several  shots  before  the  mistake  was  discov¬ 
ered.  I  again  advanced,  and  at  8  a.  m.  met 
with  and  drove  in  the  picket  guards  of  the  ene¬ 
my.  I  then  detached  a  portion  of  my  com¬ 
mand,  made  an  armed  reconnoissance,  and 
found  the  enemy  with  about  from  3,000  to  5,000 
men  posted  in  a  strong  position  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  bridge— three  earthworks  and  a 
masked  battery  on  the  right  and  left;  in  ad¬ 
vance  of  the  stream  thirty  pieces  of.  artillery 
and  a  large  force  of  cavalry,  all  ol  which  infor¬ 


mation  I  reported  to  you  at  once.  I  was  or¬ 
dered  to  advance  and  engage  the  enemy  m 
throwing  out  skirmishers  on  the  right  and  left 
of  the  road  leading  to  the  bridge.  We  rapidly 
advanced,  supported  by  the  Advance  Guard  of 
Col.  Duryea  and  three  pieces  of  artillery  under 
Lieut.  Greble,  of  the  First  Regiment  United 
States  Artillery.  The  enemy  soon  opened  fire 
on  us  from  the  rifled  cannon  in  front.  We  an¬ 
swered  his  discharges  by  a  cheer,  and  continued 
to  advance,  clearing  all  before  us,  till  wo 
reached  a  point  just  on  the  edge  of  the  woods, 
where  the  fire  was  so  hot  and  heavy  that  wo 
were  compelled  to  halt,  and  there  we  remained 
as  directed  by  Lieut. -Col.  Warren,  till  that  gal¬ 
lant  officer  had  made  dispositions  to  turn  their 
flanks.  The  enemy’s  fire  at  this  time  began  to 
tell  upon  us  with  great  effect.  My  men  were 
falling  one  after  another,  as  was  the  case  of  the 
rest  of  the  command. 

After  remaining  in  this  position  about  two 
hours,  and  our  object  having  ,  been  accom¬ 
plished,  numbers  of  our  men  being  killed  and 
wounded,  having  received  a  grape  shot  through 
my  thigh,  which  tore  off  a  portion  ol  the  rec¬ 
tangle  on  Col.  Duryea’s  left  shoulder,  passed 
through  my  leg  and  killed  a  soldier  in  the  rear, 

I  withdrew  my  men  to  the  skirts  of  the  wood. 
We  managed  to  reach  Lieut.  Greble’s  battery 
and  bring  to  his  aid  several  of  my  men.  The 
charge  was  then  sounded,  Lieut.  Greble  opened 
fire  w.ith  grape  and  canister  within  two  hun¬ 
dred  yards  of  the  enemy’s  lines.  Capts.  Wins¬ 
low,  Bartlett,  and  myself  charged  with,  our 
commands  in  front ;  Capt.  Denike  and  Lieut. 
Duryea,  (son  of  Col.  Duryea,)  and  about  two 
hundred  of  the  Troy  Rifles  upon  the  right ; 
Col.  Townsend  with  his  men  to  the  left.  The 
enemy  were  forced  out  of  the  first  battery,  all 
the  forces  were  rapidly  advancing,  and  every 
thing  promised  a  speedy  victory,  when  we 
were  ordered  to  fall  back.  W  here  this  oi  der 
came  from  I  do  not  know.  We  maintained 
our  position  till  Col.  Townsend  began  to  retire 
with  his  whole  command.  Being  left  thus 
alone  and  no  prospects  of  receiving  aid,  we  or¬ 
dered  the  men  to  fall  back,  which  they  did, 
and  in  good  order,  forming  their  line  of  battle 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  in  the  rear. 
A  few  minutes  afterwards  orders  came  from 
Gen.  Pierce  to  cease  firing  and  retire.  It  gives 
me  great  pleasure  to  mention  the  gallant  con¬ 
duct  of  Capt.  Bartlett,  who  came  up  with  the 
reserve,  reinforcing  my  line,  and  who  was  ever 
at  the  point  of  danger,  encouraging  Ins  men. 
Lieut.  York,  in  command  of  my  left,  and  Lieut. 
Cambreling,  in  command  of  my.  right,  dis¬ 
played  the  greatest  bravery.  Lieut.  Yorks 
sword  was  broken  by  a  grape  shot,  and  he  was 
slightly  wounded  in  the  leg. 

I  shall  ever  be  grateful  to  Capt.  Winslow, 
who  rescued  me  after  our  forces  had  leit.  Ho 
came  to  my  aid,  assisted  by  Sergeants  Onder- 
donk  and  Agnes,  at  the  last  moment,  but  in 
time  to  rescue  me  from  the  enemy. 

I  would  also  favorably  mention  private  Wood, 


360 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


who  brought  me  valuable  information,  and  who 
fired  the  first  shot ;  private  John  Dunn,  whose 
arm  was  shattered  by  a  cannon  ball,  and  who 
bore  himself  with  the  greatest  bravery,  and 
who  said  to  Surgeon  Gilbert,  while  amputating 
his  arm,  that  he  could  not  have  lost  it  in  a 
nobler  cause.  The  whole  command,  men  and 
officers,  did  themselves  the  greatest  credit,  and 
I  am  satisfied  can  conquer  any  thing  except  im¬ 
possibilities.  Respectfully  submitted, 

Judson  Kilpatrick, 
Captain,  Company  II. 

To  Colonel  A.  Duryea. 

col.  allen’s  report. 

Camp  Hamilton,  Virginia,  Juno  11, 1881. 

Major-General  B.  F.  Butler  : 

Sir: — I  have  the  honor  to  report  that,  in  ac¬ 
cordance  with  orders  received  from  General 
Pierce  on  the  night  of  the  9th  inst.,  my  com¬ 
mand  was  ordered  under  arms  at  eleven  p.  m., 
and  marched  to  Hampton  Creek  to  support 
Colonels  Townsend  and  Duryea.  I  returned 
to  this  camp  at  four  a.  m.,  of  the  10th  inst., 
and  was  again  ordered  out  at  six  a.  m.  to  pro¬ 
ceed  forward  to  Big  Bethel,  where  the  enemy 
was  reported  to  be  stationed  in  force.  After  a 
rapid  march  of  twelve  miles  I  reached  the 
ground  and  found  the  action  going  on.  Upon 
reporting  to  General  Pierce,  he  directed  me  to 
proceed  to  the  front  and  deploy  my  regiment 
in  front  of  the  battery,  which  I  did,  and  -so  re¬ 
mained  for  one  hour  and  forty  minutes  under 
a  heavy  fire  of  at  least  twenty  guns,  some  of 
them  rifled  and  about  four  shell  guns — the  ene¬ 
my  deploying  in  my  front  with  about  1,200 
men  and  two  guns,  but  made  no  advance.  They, 
however,  threw  out  two  heavy  flanking  parties 
on  my  right  and  left,  the  former  with  two  guns, 
and  completely  outflanked  the  entire  brigade, 
at  which  time  General  Pierce  deemed  it  proper 
to  retire.  From  the  most  reliable  information 
I  am  certain  there  were  at  least  four  thousand 
of  the  enemy  on  the  ground,  with  constant  re¬ 
inforcements  from  Yorktown. 

Very  respectfully,  ¥m.  H.  Allen, 
Colonel  First  regiment. 

LETTER  FROM  BRIGADIER-GENERAL  PIERCE. 

Camp  Hamilton,  June  12, 1S01. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Boston  Journal: 

Please  correct  the  erroneous  report  set  afloat 
by  my  enemies.  There  were  but  seven  killed 
of  the  forces  that  went  from  this  camp,  in  the 
expedition  to  Little  and  Great  Bethel,  on  the 
10th  of  this  month,  and  Col.  Townsend,  of  the 
Third  Regiment  New  York  Volunteers,  who  was 
formerly  Adjutant-General  of  the  State  of  New 
T  ork,  offers  to  certify  that  I  gave  my  orders 
properly,  and  that  under  the  circumstances  the 
battle  could  not  have  been  managed  better. 

This  I  write  that  the  public  may  not  judge 
me  before  I  have  time  to  be  heard. 

(  Capt.  Haggerty  and  Major  Winthrop,  of  Gen. 
Butler’s  Staff,  were  with  me  and  advising  me 


to  do  as  I  did.  Gen.  Butler  has  not  intimated 
to  me  as  yet  that  he  blames  me  at  all. 

In  haste,  yours,  &c.,  E.  W.  Pierce. 

A  CONFEDERATE  ACCOUNT. 

The  following  account  of  the  battle  of  Big 
Bethel,  is  given  by  one  who  participated  in  the 
defence : 

Yorktown,  June  11, 1861. 

An  engagement  lasting  four  hours  took  place 
yesterday  (Monday)  between  five  regiments  of 
the  troops  from  Old  Point,  and  1,100  Confed¬ 
erate  troops,  consisting  of  Virginians  and  North 
Carolinians  under  Gen.  Magruder,  at  Bethel 
Church,  York  County.  Before  telling  you  of 
the  battle,  I  will  give  you  some  circumstances 
preceding  it.  About  two  weeks  ago  a  party 
of  300  Yankees  came  up  from  Hampton  and 
occupied  Bethel  Church,  which  position  they 
held  a  day  or  two  and  then  retired,  leaving 
written  on  the  walls  of  the  church,  several  in¬ 
scriptions,  such  as  “Death  to  the  Traitors,” 
“  Down  with  the  Rebels,”  &c.  To  nearly  all 
these  the  names  of  the  writers  were  defiantly 
signed,  and  all  of  the  penmen  signed  themselves 
as  from  New  York,  except  one,  who  was  from 
Boston,  Mass.,  U.  S.  To  these  excursions  into 
the  interior,  of  which  this  was  the  boldest,  Gen. 
Magruder  determined  to  put  a  stop,  and  ac¬ 
cordingly  filled  the  place  after  the  Yankees  left 
with  a  few  companies  of  his  own  troops.  In 
addition  to  this,  he  determined  to  carry  the  war 
into  the  enemy’s  country,  and  on  "Wednesday 
last  Stanard’s  battery  of  the  Howitzer  Battalion 
was  ordered  down  to  the  church,  where  it  was 
soon  joined  by  a  portion  of  Brown’s  battery  of 
the  same  corps.  The  North  Carolina  Regiment, 
under  Col.  Hill,  was  also  there,  making  in  all 
about  1,100  men  and  seven  howitzer  guns.  On 
Saturday  last  the  first  excursion  of  considerable 
importance  was  made.  A  detachment  of  200 
infantry  and  a  howitzer  gun  under  Major  Ran¬ 
dolph,  and  one  of  TO  infantry  and  another  how¬ 
itzer  under  Major  Lane,  of  the  North  Carolina 
Regiment,  started  different  routes  to  cut  off  a 
party  which  had  left  Hampton.  The  party  was 
seen  and  fired  at  by  Major  Randolph’s  detach¬ 
ment,  but  made  such  fast  time  that  they  escaped. 
The  troops  under  Major  Lane  passed  within 
sight  of  Hampton,  and  as  they  turned  up  the 
road  to  return  to  Bethel,  encountered  the  Yan¬ 
kees,  numbering  about  90,  who  were  intrenched 
behind  a  fence  in  the  field,  protected  by  a  high 
bank.  Our  advance  guard  fired  on  them,  and 
in  another  moment  the  North  Carolinians  were 
dashing  over  the  fence  in  regular  French  (not 
New  York)  Zouave  style,  firing  at  them  in  real 
squirrel-hunting  style.  The  Yankees  fled  for 
their  lives  after  firing  for  about  three  minutes 
without  effect,  leaving  behind  them  three  dead 
and  a  prisoner.  The  fellow  was  a  stout,  ugly 
fellow  from  Troy,  N.  Y.  He  said  he  had  noth- 
ing  against  the  South,  but  somebody  must  be 
soldiers,  and  he  thought  he  had  as  well  enlist. 
None  of  our  men  were  hurt.  This  bold  excur¬ 
sion,  under  the  very  guns  of  the  enemy,  deter- 


DOCUMENTS. 


361 


mined  the  authorities  at  Old  Point  to  put  a  stop 
to  it,  and  clear  us  out  from  Bethel.  This  de¬ 
termination  was  conveyed  to  us  from  persons 
who  came  from  the  neighborhood  of  the  enemy. 
On  Monday  morning  600  infantry  and  two  guns, 
under  General  Magruder,  left  the  camp  and 
proceeded  towards  Hampton,  but  after  advanc¬ 
ing  a  mile  or  two,  received  information  that  the 
Yankees  were  coming  in  large  force.  We  then 
retired,  and  after  reaching  camp  the  guns  were 
placed  in  battery  and  the  infantry  took  then- 
places  behind  their  breastwork.  Everybody 
was  cool,  and  all  were  anxious  to  give  the  in¬ 
vaders  a  good  reception.  About  9  o’clock  the 
glittering  bayonets  of  the  enemy  appeared  on 
the  hill  opposite,  and  above  them  waved  the 
Star-Spangled  Banner.  The  moment  the  head 
of  the  column  advanced  far  enough  to  show 
ono  or  two  companies,  the  Parrott  gun  of  the 
Howitzer  Battery  opened  on  them,  throwing 
a  shell  right  into  their  midst.  Their  ranks 
broke  in  confusion,  and  the  column,  or  as  much 
of  it  as  we  could  see,  retreated  behind  two 
small  farm-houses.  From  their  position  a  fire 
was  opened  on  us,  which  was  replied  to  by  our 
battery,  which  commanded  the  route  ot  their 
approach.  Our  firing  was  excellent,  and  the 
shells  scattered  in  all  directions  when  they 
bui-st.  They  could  hardly  approach  the  guns 
which  they  were  firing  for  the  shells  which 
came  from  our  battery.  Within  our  encamp¬ 
ment  fell  a  perfect  hail-storm  of  canister-shot, 
bullets,  and  balls.  Remarkable  to  say,  not  one 
of  our  men  was  killed  inside  of  our  encampment. 
Several  horses  were  slain  by  the  shells  and 
bullets.  Finding  that  bombardment  would  not 
answer,  the  enemy,  about  11  o’clock,  tried  to 
carry  the  position  by  assault,  but  met  a  terrible 
repulse  at  the  hands  of  the  infantry  as  he  tried 
to  scale  the  breastworks.  The  men  disregarded 
sometimes  the  defences  erected  for  them,  and, 
leaping  on  the  embankment,  stood  and  fired 
at  the  Yankees,  cutting  them  down  as  they 
came  up.  One  company  of  the  New  York  7th 
Regiment,  under  Oapt.  Winthrop,  attempted  to 
take  the  redoubt  on  the  left.  The  marsh  they 
crossed  was  strewn  with  their  bodies.  Then- 
captain,  a  fine-looking  man,  reached  the  fence, 
and,  leaping  on  a  log,  waved  his  sword,  crying, 
“  Come  on,  boys ;  one  charge,  and  the  day  is 
ours.”  The  words  were  his  last,  for  a  Carolina 
rifle  ended  his  life  the  next  moment,  and  his 
men  fled  in  terror  back.  At  the  redoubt  on  the 
right,  a  company  of  about  three  hundred  New 
York  Zouaves  charged  one  of  our  guns,  but 
could  not  stand  the  fire  of  the  infantry,  and 
retreated  precipitately.  During  these  charges 
the  main  body  of  the  enemy  on  the  hill  were 
attempting  to  concentrate  for  a  general  assault, 
but  the  shells  from  the  Howitzer  Battery  pre¬ 
vented  them.  As  one  regiment  would  give  up 
the  effort,  another  would  be  marched  to  the 
position,  but  with  no  better  success,  for  a  shell 
would  scatter  them  like  chaff.  The  men  did  not 
seem  able  to  stand  fire  at  all.  About  one  o’clock 
their  guns  were  silenced,  and  a  few  moments 


after,  their  infantry  retreated  precipitately 
down  the  road  to  Hampton.  Our  cavalry, 
numbering  three  companies,  went  in  pursuit, 
and  harassed  them  down  to  the  edge  of  Hamp¬ 
ton.  As  they  retreated  many  of  the  wounded 
fell  along  the  road  and  died,  and  the  wholo  road 
to  Hampton  was  strewn  with  haversacks,  over¬ 
coats,  canteens,  muskets,  &c.,  which  the  men 
had  thrown  off  in  their  retreat.  After  the  bat¬ 
tle,  I  visited  the  position  they  held.  The  houses 
behind  which  they  had  been  hid  had  been  burnt 
by  our  troops.  Around  the  yard  were  the  dead 
bodies  of  the  men  who  had  been  killed  by  our 
cannou,  mangled  in  the  most  frightful  manner 
by  the  shells.  The  uniforms  on  the  bodies  were 
very  different,  and  many  of  them  are  like  those 
of  the  Virginia  soldiery.  A  little  further  on 
we  came  to  the  point  to  which  they  had  carried 
some  of  their  wounded,  who  had  since  died. 
The  gay-looking  uniforms  of  the  New  York 
Zouaves  contrasted  greatly  with  the  paled,  fixed 
faces  of  their  dead  owners.  Going  to  the  swamp 
through  which  they  attempted  to  pass  to  as¬ 
sault  our  lines,  presented  another  bloody  scene. 
Bodies  dotted  the  black  morass  from  one  end 
to  tbe  other.  I  saw  one  boyish,  delicate-look¬ 
ing  fellow  lying  on  the  mud,  with  a  bullet-hole 
through  his  breast.  His  hand  was  pressed  on 
the  wound  from  which  his  life  blood  had  poured, 
and  the  other  was  clenched  in  the  grass  that 
grew  near  him.  Lying  on  the  ground  was  a 
Testament  which  had  fallen  from  his  pocket, 
dabbed  with  blood.  On  opening  the  cover  I 
found  the  printed  inscription :  “  Presented  to 
the  Defenders  of  their  Country,  by  the  New 
York  Bible  Society.”  A  United  States  flag 
was  also  stamped  on  the  title-page.  Among 
the  haversacks  picked  up  along  the  route  were 
many  letters  from  the  Northern  States,  asking 
if  they  liked  the  Southern  farms,  and  if  the- 
Southern  barbarians  had  been  whipped  out  yet. 
The  force  of  the  enemy  brought  against  us  waa 
4,000,  according  to  the  statement  of  the  six 
prisoners  we  took.  Ours  was  1,100.  Their  loss 
in  killed  and  wounded  must  be  nearly  200.  Our 
loss  is  one  killed  and  three  'wounded.  The  fatal 
case  was  that  of  a  North  Carolinian  who  volun¬ 
teered  to  fire  one  of  the  houses  behind  which 
they  were  stationed.  He  started  from  the 
breastwork  to  accomplish  it,  but  was  shot  in 
the  head.  He  died  this  morning  in  the  hospital. 
The  wounded  are  Harry  Shook,  of  Richmond, 
of  Brown’s  battery,  shot  in  the  wrist;  John 
Werth,  of  Richmond,  of  the  same  battery,  shot 
in  the  leg,  and  Lieut.  Hudnall,  of  the  same  bat¬ 
tery,  shot  in  the  foot.  None  of  the  wounds  are 
serious.  The  Louisiana  Regiment  arrived  about 
one  hour  after  the  fight  was  over.  They  are  a 
fine-looking  set  of  fellows.  As  there  was  force 
enough  at  Old  Point  to  send  up  to  Bethel  and 
surround  us,  we  took  up  the  line  of  march,  and 
came  up  to  Yorktown,  where  we  now  are.  I 
hear  to-day  that  troops  from  Old  Point  are 
now  marching  up  to  attack  us,  but  cannot  say 
whether  it  is  so  or  not. 

— Richmond  Dispatch,  {Extra,)  J une  12. 


362 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Doc.  245. 

FOURTH  CONNECTICUT  REGIMENT. 

The  following  are  the  officers  of  the  regiment : 
Colonel,  Levi  Woodhouse,  Hartford ;  Lieu¬ 
tenant-Colonel,  N.  L.  White,  Hamburg ;  Major, 
H.  W.  Berge,  Norwich ;  Adjutant,  T.  S.  Trum¬ 
bull,  Hartford;  Quartermaster,  G.  A.  Washburn, 
Hartford;  Surgeon,  S.  W.  Skinner,  Windsor 
Locks ;  Assistant  Surgeon,  Edward  Bently, 
Norwich;  Chaplain,  E.  Walker,  New  Haven ; 
Sergeant  Major,  E.  A.  Gillette,  Hartford  ;  Quar¬ 
termaster  Sergeant,  F.  A.  Pratt,  Hartford ; 
Commissary  Sergeant,  E.  P.  Allen,  Hartford. 

Company  A,  from  Hartford — Captain  L.  G. 
Hemmingway;  1st  Lieutenant,  Wm.  G.  Fitch; 
2d  Lieutenant,  Charles  M.  Robbins.  Company 
B,  from  Derby — Captain,  E.  S.  Kellogg ;  1st 
Lieutenant,  T.  S.  Gilbert;  2d  Lieutenant,  Geo. 
Ager.  Company  C,  from  Suffield — Captain,  R. 
S.  Burbank ;  1st  Lieutenant,  W.  S.  Pomeroy  ; 
2d  Lieutenant,  Wm.  Soby.  Company  D,  from 
New  London — Captain,  J.  C.  Dunford ;  1st 
Lieutenant,  G.  B.  Cook ;  2d  Lieutenant,  T.  J. 
Mills.  Company  E,  from  New  Haven — Captain, 
Oscar  Dennis ;  1st  Lieutenant,  T.  II.  Rockwood  ; 
2d  Lieutenant,  E.  F.  Hendricks.  Company  F, 
from  New  Haven— Captain,  N.  S.  Ilallenbeck ; 
1st  Lieutenant,  E.  C.  Dow  ;  2d  Lieutenant,  G. 
M.  Harmon.  Company  G,  from  Middletown — 
Captain,  R.  G.  Williams;  1st  Lieutenant,  E. 
W.  Gibbons ;  2d  Lieutenant,  E.  C.  Beman. 
Company  H,  from  Middletown — Captain,  C.  C. 
Clark ;  1st  Lieutenant,  John  A.  Turner ;  2d 
Lieutenant,  D.  R.  Hubbard.  Company  I,  from 
Wolcottville — Captain,  S.  H.  Perkins;  1st 
Lieutenant,  A.  F.  Brooker ;  2d  Lieutenant,  E.  II. 
Mix.  Company  K,  from  Hartford — Captain, 
D.  W.  Siprell;  1st  Lieutenant,  Oliver  Burke; 
2d  Lieutenant,  A.  S.  Dickinson. 

— R.  Y.  Tribune,  Juno  12. 


Doc.  246. 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS’  LETTER 

TO  TIIE  MARYLAND  COMMISSIONERS. 

Montgomery,  Ala.,  Saturday,  May  25. 

Gentlemen  :  I  receive  with  pleasure  the 
assurance  that  the  State  of  Maryland  sympa¬ 
thizes  with  the  people  of  the  Confederate  States 
in  their  determined  vindication  of  the  right  of 
self-government,  and  that  the  people  of  Mary¬ 
land  are  enlisted  with  their  whole  hearts  on 
the  side  of  reconciliation  and  peace. 

The  people  of  these  Confederate  States,  not¬ 
withstanding  their  separation  from  their  late 
sister,  have  not  ceased  to  feel  deep  solicitude 
in  her  welfare,  and  to  hope  that  at  no  distant 
day  that  State,  whose  people,  habits,  and  insti¬ 
tutions  are  so  closely  related  and  assimilated 
with  theirs,  will  seek  to  unite  her  fate  and  for¬ 
tunes  with  those  of  this  Confederacy. 

The  government  of  the  Confederate  States 
receives  with  respect  the  suggestion  of  the 
State  of  Maryland,  that  there  should  be  a  ces¬ 


sation  of  the  hostilities  now  impending  until 
the  meeting  of  Congress  in  July  next,  in  order 
that  said  body  may,  if  possible,  arrange  for  an 
adjustment  of  the  existing  troubles  by  means  of 
negotiations  rather  than  the  swTord. 

But  it  is  at  a  loss  how  to  reply  without  a 
repetition  of  the  language  it  has  used  on  every 
possible  occasion  that  has  presented  itself  since 
the  establishment  of  its  independence. 

In  deference  to  the  State  of  Maryland,  how¬ 
ever,  it  again  asserts,  in  the  most  emphatic 
terms,  that  its  sincere  and  earnest  desire  is  for 
peace,  and  that  while  the  government  would 
readily  entertain  any  proposition  from  the  gov¬ 
ernment  of  the  United  States,  tending  to  a 
peaceful  solution  of  the  present  difficulties,  the 
recent  attempts  of  this  government  to  enter 
into  negotiations  with  that  of  the  United  States 
were  attended  with  results  which  forbid  any 
renewal  of  proposals  from  it  to  that  govern¬ 
ment. 

If  any  further  assurance  of  the  desire  of  this 
government  for  peace  were  necessary,  it  would 
be  sufficient  to  observe  that  being  formed  of  a 
confederation  of  sovereign  States,  each  acting 
and  deciding  for  itself,  the  right  of  every  other 
sovereign  State  to  assume  self  action  and  self 
government  is  necessarily  acknowledged. 

Hence  conquests  of  other  States  are  wholly 
inconsistent  with  the  fundamental  principles 
and  subversive  of  the  very  organization  of  this 
government.  Its  policy  cannot  but  be  peace — 
peace  with  all  nations  and  people. 

Very  respectfully, 

Jefferson  Dayis. 

To  Messrs.  MeKaig,  Yellott,  and  Harding,  committee  nf 
the  Maryland  Legislature. 

— Rochester  (iV.  Y.)  Daily  Union,  June  It. 


Doc.  2461 

THE  HOME  GUARD  OF  NEW  YORK  CITY. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  committee  of  the  Home 
Guard,  held  April  26 — Present,  A.  M.  Binin- 
ger,  in  the  chair.  Judge  Edmonds,  Col.  Wake- 
man,  Col.  Tappan,  Gen.  Tallmadge,  Messrs.  H. 
Ketchum,  C.  Tracy,  andF.  Ilotaling,  Committee. 
Gen.  J.  A.  Dix,  Cols.  A.  Warner,  and  0.  D.  F. 
Grant.  The  following  general  order  of  the 
Home  Guard  was  passed  : 

Jno.  Newhottse,  Seo. 

noME  Guard,  > 
Palace  Garden,  April  26.  $ 

GENERAL  ORDERS. 

The  commandant  promulgates  the  following 
order,  for  the  organization  of  the  corps : 

1.  The  corps  shall  be  known  as  the  Home 
Guard. 

2.  It  shall  be  divided  into  companies  of 
fifty  men  each,  to  be  selected,  as  far  as  prac¬ 
ticable,  from  the  same  vicinity. 

3.  To  each  company  there  shall  be  a  captain, 
two  lieutenants,  and  four  sergeants. 

4.  The  corps  shall  be  armed  as  follows :  The 
commandant,  his  staff  and  the  captains,  and 


DOCUMENTS. 


363 


lieutenants  with  swords,  the  residue  with  mus¬ 
kets,  with  waist  belts  of  black  leather. 

5.  The  uniform  shall  be :  Black  frock  coat, 
dark  gray  pantaloons,  and  black  felt  hat,  with 
the  Union  cockade. 

C.  Each  man  will  furnish  his  own  arms, 
equipments,  and  uniform.  .  » 

7.  Until  further  orders,  the  companies  will 
meet  at  least  three  times  a  week  for  drill,  at 
such  places  as  the  captains  shall  appoint,  and 
the  whole  corps  shall  meet  at  Palace  Garden 
every  Tuesday  evening,  at  7-J  o’clock. 

8.  The  captains  of  companies  will  have  per¬ 
fect  rolls  of  their  respective  commands,  with 
the  residence  and  place  of  business  of  each  man ; 
will  have  a  permanent  place  of  meeting  in  their 
vicinity,  and  concerted  signals  by  which  the 
members  may  know  when  to  assemble  on  ex¬ 
tra  occasions. 

9.  Col.  Andrew  Warner  and  Col.  O.  De 
Forest  Grant  are  appointed  aids  to  the  com¬ 
mandants,  with  power  in  his  absence,  in  the 
order  here  named,  to  exercise  all  his  author¬ 
ity  in  the  corps  ;  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Maxi¬ 
milian  Rader  is  appointed  adjutant. 

John  A.  Dix,  Commandant. 

—A”.  Y.  World. 


Doc.  247. 

GOY.  JACKSON’S  PROCLAMATION. 

Juke  12,  1861. 

To  the  People  of  Missouri  : 

A  series  of  unprovoked  and  unparalleled  out¬ 
rages  have  been  inflicted  on  the  peace  and  dig¬ 
nity  of  this  Commonwealth,  and  upon  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  its  people,  by  wicked  and  un¬ 
principled  men,  who  profess  to  act  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States  Government; 
the  solemn  enactments  of  your  Legislature  have 
been  nullified,  your  volunteer  soldiers  have 
been  taken  prisoners,  your  commerce  with 
your  sister  States  has  been  suspended,  your 
trade  with  your  fellow-citizens  has  been  and  is 
subjected  to  increasing  control  of  an. armed 
soldiery ;  peaceable  citizens  have  been  impris¬ 
oned  without  warrant  of  law  ;  unoffending  and 
defenceless  men,  women,  and  children  have 
been  ruthlessly  shot  down  and  murdered,  and 
other  unbearable  indignities  have  been  heaped 
on  your  State  and  yourselves.  To  all  these  out¬ 
rages  and  indignities  you  have  submitted  with 
patriotic  forbearance,  which  has  only  encour¬ 
aged  the  perpetrators  of  these  previous  usages 
to  attempt  still  bolder  and  more  daring  usurpa¬ 
tions.  It  has  been  my  earnest  endeavor  under 
all  these  embarrassing  circumstances  to  main¬ 
tain  the  peace  of  the  State,  and  avert,  if  possi¬ 
ble,  from  our  borders,  the  desolating  effects  of 
civil  war.  With  that  object  in  view  I  author¬ 
ized  Major-General  Price  several  weeks  ago  to 
arrange  with  Gen.  Harney,  commanding  Fede¬ 
ral  forces  in  this  State,  the  terms  of  an  agree¬ 
ment  by  which  the  State  might  be  preserved. 
They  came  on  May  21st  to  an  understanding, 


which  was  made  public.  The  State  authorities 
have  labored  faithfully  to  carry  out  the  terms 
of  that  agreement.  The  Federal  Government, 
on  the  other  hand,  not  only  manifested  its 
strong  disapprobation  of  it  by  the  instant  dis¬ 
missal  of  that  distinguished  officer,  who  on  his 
part  entered  into  it,  but  it  at  once  began  and 
has  unintermittingly  carried  out,  a  system  of 
hostile  operations  in  utter  contempt  of  this 
agreement,  and  in  reckless  disregard  of  its 
pledged  faith.  The  acts  have  latterly  portend¬ 
ed  revolution  and  civil  war  so  unmistakably 
that  I  resolved  to  make  one  further  effort  to 
avert  these  dangers  from  you.  I  therefore  so¬ 
licited  an  interview  with  Brigadier-General 
Lyon,  commanding  the  Federal  army  in  Mis¬ 
souri.  It  was  granted  on  the  11th,  and  waiv¬ 
ing  all  questions  of  personal  and  official  dig¬ 
nity,  I  went  to  St.  Louis  accompanied  by  Brig¬ 
adier-General  Price.  We  had  an  interview  on 
the  11th  inst.,  with  General  Lyon  and  F.  P. 
Blair,  Jr.,  at  which  I  submitted  to  them  these 
propositions : 

That  I  would  disband  the  State  Guard,  and 
break  up  its  organization. 

That  I  would  disarm  all  the  companies  that 
had  been  ordered  out  by  the  State. 

That  I  would  pledge  myself  not  to  attempt 
to  organize  the  militia  under  the  military  bill. 

That  no  arms  or  munitions  of  war  should  be 
brought  into  the  State. 

That  I  would  protect  all  citizens  equally  in 
all  their  rights,  regardless  of  their  political  opin¬ 
ions. 

That  I  would  repress  all  insurrectionary 
movements  in  the  State. 

That  I  would  repel  all  attempts  to  invade  it 
from  any  quarter,  and  by  whomsoever  made. 

That  I  would  thus  maintain  a  strict  neutrality 
in  this  unhappy  contest,  and  preserve  the  peace 
of  this  unhappy  State ;  and  I  further  proposed 
that  I  would,  if  necessary,  invoke  the  assistance 
of  the  United  States  troops  to  carry  out  these 
pledges. 

All  this  I  proposed  to  do  upon  condition  that 
the  Federal  Government  would  undertake  to 
disband  the'  Home  Guard  which  it  has  illegally 
organized  and  armed  throughout  the  State,  and 
pledge  itself  not  to  occupy  with  its  troops  any 
localities  in  the  State  not  occupied  by  them  at 
this  time.  Nothing  but  the  most  earnest  de¬ 
sire  to  avert  the  horrors  of  civil  war  from  our 
beloved  State  could  have  tempted  me  to  pro¬ 
pose  those  humiliating  terms.  They  were  re¬ 
jected  by  the  Federal  officers.  They  demanded 
not  only  disorganization  and  disbanding  of  the 
State  militia  and  the  nullification  of  the  mili¬ 
tary  bill,  but  they  refused  to  disband  their  own 
Home  Guard,  and  insisted  that  the  Federal 
Government  should  enjoy  the  unrestricted  right 
to  move  and  station  its  troops  throughout  the 
State  whenever  and  wherever  it  might,  in  the 
opinion  of  its  officers,  be  necessary  either  for 
the  protection  of  the  loyal  subjects  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Government  or  for  repelling  invasion,  and 
they  plainly  announced  that  it  was  the  inten- 


364 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


tion  of  the  Administration  to  take  military  pos¬ 
session  under  these  pretexts  of  the  whole  State, 
and  to  reduce  it,  as  avowed  by  Gen.  Lyon  him¬ 
self,  to  the  exact  condition  of  Maryland.  The 
acceptance  by  me  of  these  degrading  terms 
would  not  only  have  sullied  the  honor  of  Mis¬ 
souri,  but  would  have  roused  the  indignation 
of  every  citizen,  and  have  precipitated  the  very 
conflict  it  has  been  my  desire  to  prevent.  Wo 
refused  to  accede  to  them,  and  the  conference 
was  broken  up. 

Fellow-citizens,  all  our  efforts  towards  con¬ 
ciliation  have  failed ;  wre  can  hope  nothing  from 
the  justice  or  moderation  of  the  Federal  agents 
in  this  State.  They  are  energetically  hastening 
the  execution  of  their  bloody  and  revolutionary 
schemes  for  the  inauguration  of  civil  war  in 
your  midst,  and  for  the  military  occupation  of 
your  State  by  armed  bands  of  lawless  invaders, 
— for  the  overthrow  of  your  State  Govern¬ 
ment,  and  for  the  subversion  of  those  liberties 
which  the  Government  has  a  right  to  protect, 
and  they  intend  to  bring  their  whole  power  to 
subjugate  you  if  possible  to  the  military  des¬ 
potism  -which  has  assumed  the  powers  of  the 
Federal  Government.  Now,  therefore,  I,  C. 
F.  Jackson,  Governor  of  Missouri,  do,  in  view 
of  the  foregoing  facts  and  by  virtue  of  the 
power  vested  in  me  by  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  this  commonwealth,  issue  this,  my 
proclamation,  calling  the  militia  of  the  State, 
to  the  number  of  50,000,  into  service  of  the 
State  for  the  purpose  of  repelling  such  invasion, 
and  for  the  protection  of  the  lives,  liberty,  and 
property  of  the  citizens  of  this  State,  and  I 
earnestly  exhort  all  good  citizens  of  Missouri  to 
rally  to  the  flag  of  their  State  for  the  protec¬ 
tion  of  their  endangered  homes  and  firesides, 
and  the  defence  of  their  most  sacred  rights  and 
dearest  liberties.  In  issuing  this  proclamation, 
I  hold  it  to  be  my  most  solemn  duty  to  remind 
you  that  Missouri  is  still  one  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  the  executive  department  of 
the  State  Government  does  not  arrogate  to 
itself  the  power  to  disturb  that  relation.  That 
power  has  been  wisely  vested  in  the  convention 
which  will,  at  the  proper  time,  express  your 
sovereign  will,  and  that  meanwhile  it  is  your 
duty  to  obey  all  constitutional  requirements  of 
the  Federal  Government ;  hut  it  is  equally  my 
duty  to  advise  you — first,  allegiance  due  to  your 
own  State,  and  that  you  are  under  no  obliga¬ 
tions  whatever  to  obey  the  unconstitutional 
edicts  of  the  military  despotism  which  has  in¬ 
troduced  itself  at  Washington,  nor  submit  to 
the  infamous  and  degrading  sway  of  its  wicked 
minions  in  this  State.  No  brave  hearted  Mis¬ 
sourian  will  obey  the  one  or  submit  to  the 
other.  Arise,  then,  and  drive  out  ignominiously 
the  invaders  who  have  dared  to  desecrate  the 
soil  which  your  labors  have  made  fruitful,  and 
which  is  consecrated  by  your  homes. 

Claiborne  F.  Jackson. 

— Rochester  (N.  Y.)  Union,  Juno  14. 


Doc.  248. 

THE  TWENTIETH  EEGIMENT,  N.  Y.  S.  Y. 

“  UNITED  TURNER  RIFLES.” 

DEPARTURE  FROM  NEW  YORK,  JUNE  13. 

Tjie  Turners  constitute  a  great  social,  educa¬ 
tional,  musical,  gymnastic,  and  semi-military 
popular  society,  to  which  every  German,  of 
whatever  rank,  so  he  be  of  good  moral  charac¬ 
ter,  is  expected  to  belong.  The  brotherhood 
affords  so  many  cheap  advantages  that  it  is 
almost  universal  among  the  Germans ;  and  in 
virtue  of  this  fact,  the  20tli  Regiment  leaves 
with  as  many  warm  wishes  for  fortune  and 
success  from  as  numerous  a  circle  of  devoted 
friends  as  the  Firemen’s  Kegiment  itself,  and 
owing  to  the  nature  and  manner  of  its  organi¬ 
zation,  will  live  in  the  hearts  of  the  brothers 
and  sisters  of  the  Bund,  and  be  watched  in  its 
future  movements,  perhaps,  more  closely  than 
any  other  of  our  volunteers. 

The  regiment  is  not  only  thoroughly  equip¬ 
ped  and  sworn  for  the  war,  but  every  man  is 
perfectly  and  completely  drilled  in  the  manual 
and  manoeuvres  of  the  soldier,  as  well  as  ready 
and  anxious  to  be  of  service  to  his  country. 
Gymnastic  training,  in  most  cases  the  work  of 
years,  has  made  the  men  tough  and  muscular, 
and  capable  of  great  endurance.  As  they 
marched  from  Forty-third  street,  down  Second 
avenue,  through  Twentieth  street,  down  Broad¬ 
way,  and  thence  by  way  of  Pearl  and  Chatham 
streets  to  Canal  street,  many  thousand  people 
greeted  them  from  the  sidewalks  and  windows, 
bestowing  high  and  unqualified  praise  upon 
them.  There  were  many,  hitherto  knowing 
nothing  of  their  existence,  who  awarded  them 
the  palm  for  stout  soldierly  bearing,  among  all 
the  regiments  that  have  yet  left  New  York. 

The  procession,  including  the  escort,  was  quite 
imposing,  as  every  German  society  in  the  city 
resolved  to  be  out,  and  was  represented  on  the 
parade,  to  which  add  a  battalion  of  the  Turner 
Schiitzen  corps,  five  companies  of  Yon  Gilsa’s 
De  Kalb  Regiment,  a  fire  company  from  Union 
Hill,  the  noble  “  Duysing  Zouaves,”  numerous 
citizens,  four-horse  baggage  wagons,  and  an 
emblematical  warlike  tableau,  drawn  by  six 
fine  horses,  and  consisting  of  a  tent,  with  sol¬ 
diers  on  guard,  and  specimens  of  the  colors,  the 
arms,  and  the  various  equipments  of  our  now 
Grand  Army. 

Among  the  societies  represented  were  the 
following :  New-Yorker  Sangerbund,  Social  Re¬ 
form  Gesang  Verein,  Fidelia,  Mozart  Manner- 
chor,  Arion,  Helvetia  Mannerchor,  Dramatic 
Club,  New-Yorker  Rifle  Corps,  the  associations 
of  Turners  from  Bloomingdale,  Williamsburgh, 
Brooklyn,  and  the  old  Turners,  who  were  the 
original  founders  of  tho  Yerein,  all  in  their 
uniforms  of  white.  At  a  seasonable  hour  tho 
societies  formed  in  line  opposite  Turn  Halle,  in 
Orchard  street,  and  marched  to  Grand  street, 
where  they  were  joined  by  a  body  of  the  Social 
Reformers,  thence  through  Hester  street  to 


DOCUMENTS. 


365 


Metropolitan  Hall,  and  soon  swelled  in  num¬ 
bers  as  they  approached  Union  Square,  where 
they  met  the  regiment  at  4  o’clock. 

The  display  of  society  banners,  badges,  and 
mottoes  was  numerically  fine,  the  most  com¬ 
mon  being  those  of  Turner  Societies  exhibiting 
an  ogling  night  owl  with  a  torch  in  one  claw 
and  a  sword  in  the  other,  superscribed  by  the 
word  “  Bahnfrei,”  (Clear  the  track.) 

In  front  of  the  City  Hall,  a  review  by  the 
Common  Council,  and  presentations  by  private 
citizens,  took  place.  The  Hon.  Samuel  B.  Bug¬ 
gies  presented  a  flag,  and  said  : 

Colonel  Weber  and  the  Officers  and  Soldiers 
under  your  command: — 

In  behalf  of  Mrs.  Charles  Edward  Strong, 
and  other  patriotic  ladies  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  I  present  you  this  National  Flag  for 
your  ’Begiment,  which  they  commit,  with  un¬ 
doubting  faith,  to  your  brave  and  loyal  keep¬ 
ing.  To  whom  could  they  more  properly  en¬ 
trust  it  than  to  you,  the  lineal  descendants  of 
the  Germans  of  those  early  ages  who,  amid  the 
verdant  forests  and  sparkling  waters  of  the 
Fatherland,  bravely  battled  for  liberty  and  free¬ 
dom  against  the  cruel  domination  of  imperious, 
slaveholding,  and  all-enslaving  Rome  ? 

Gallant  Germans!  Friends  and  brethren! 
we  hail  you  as  fellow-countrymen  and  co-equal 
heirs  of  our  nation’s  destiny.  The  land  of 
poetry,  of  song,  of  science ;  the  birthplace  of 
Schiller,  and  Mozart,  and  Ivepler,  has  given  you 
to  us,  to  share  our  fortunes  and  our  fate.  This 
goodly  Western  continent  is  not  less  yours  than 
ours ;  upon  its  broad  and  teeming  bosom  we 
stand  or  fall  together.  Side  by  side,  we  now 
battle  for  our  nation’s  life. 

For  this  very  purpose  it  was  that  you  sought 
this  western  world.  You  came  here  that  you 
of  the  present  generation  might  enjoy  that 
long-deferred  but  dearly-cherished  object  of 
every  German  heart,  a  comprehensive  and  unit¬ 
ed  nationality.  You  left  your  native  land,  dis¬ 
membered  and  disintegrated  by  long  centuries 
of  strife,  that  you  might  here  breathe  in  free¬ 
dom  the  invigorating  air  of  a  great,  united,  in¬ 
divisible  Republic.  You  left  without  regret 
the  rival  and  contending  Hapsburghs  and  IIo- 
henzollerns,  that  you  and  your  descendants, 
through  coming  ages,  might  inhabit  and  enjoy 
the  land  of  Washington  ;  that  you  might  law¬ 
fully  inherit  and  peacefully  occupy  the  one 
great  continental  nation  of  the  globe,  stretching 
in  unbroken  expanse  from  ocean  to  ocean. 

Noble  Germans !  Will  you  now  permit  this 
goodly  heritage  to  be  rudely  torn  from  you  ? 
Will  you  abandon,  -without  a  struggle,  this  your 
magnificent  domain,  your  own  chosen  land  of 
refuge,  to  dismemberment  and  ruin?  With  the 
example  fresh  in  memory  of  the  fatherland, 
frittered  by  internal  strife  into  dozens  of  petty 
principalities,  can  you  now  consent  to  dash 
down  and  demolish  this  majestic.  Republic,  a 
dominant  power  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  to  set  up  in  its  place  four  and  thiity 


rebel  “  sovereignties,”  falsely  so-called,  “all  in 
a  row  ”  ? 

Thanks  to  the  excellence  of  your  German 
schools,  you  are  men  of  education..  Have  you 
not  been  taught,  and  do  you  not  instinctively 
know,  that  men  in  these  modern  days  must 
live  in  nations  and  can  no  longer  live  in  tribes? 
But  what  is  the  present  treasonable  attempt, 
alike  wicked  and  weak,  to  throw  down  the 
united,  organic  sovereignty  of  our  nation,  but 
an  attempt  to  restore  the  ancient  rule  of  chief¬ 
tains  and  tribes  ;  to  substitute  the  rattlesnake 
for  the  eagle ;  to  hold  aloft,  not  the  immortal 
ensign  of  the  Republic,  radiant  with  its  united 
stars,  but  local  emblems,  suited  only  for  Chick- 
asaws  and  Choctaws,  the  aboriginal  and  veri¬ 
table  inventors  of  “  State  sovereignty  ”  ? 

Intelligent  and  patriotic  Germans !  .  You 
now  go  bravely  forth  to  arrest  this  suicidal 
work  of  madness  and  ruin.  Trebly  armed 
with  the  justice  of  the  cause,  you  march  to 
battle  to  uphold  the  priceless  boon  of  national 
existence,  vital  not  alone  to  us,  the  natives  of 
the  soil,  but  to  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
loyal  German  hearts  thickly  congregated  in  all 
our  cities,  and  already  counted  by  millions  be¬ 
tween  our  two  great  oceans.  You  go  to  pre¬ 
vent  dismemberment,  not  alone  from  the  mis¬ 
guided  South,  but  from  all  your  brethren,  of 
the  German  race  clustered  around  our  wide¬ 
spread  western  waters ;  to  preserve  the  nation¬ 
al  unity,  not  only  of  this  great  Republic,  but  of 
your  race  itself. 

In  this  flag  as  a  symbol,  you  carry  with  you 
the  affectionate  regards,  the  fervent.prayers,  of 
the  men  and  women  of  New  York,  invoking  in 
your  behalf  the  gracious  protection  of  that  All- 
Wise  Being,  the  Great  Architect  of  Nations,  to 
uphold  and  reward  your  bravery,  your  patriot¬ 
ism,  your  public  virtue. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Ruggles’  remarks, 
Mrs.  Rupp,  on  behalf  of  a  committee  of.  ladies, 
presented,  with  a  brief  speech,  a  regimental 
standard,  with  mottoes  of  the  society  of 

Turners.  . 

Miss  Sophie  L.  Beisel  presented  (also  in  be¬ 
half  of  a  committee  of  ladies)  the  German 
colors  of  black,  red,  and  gold,  and  made  a  neat 
speech,  reminding  the  soldiers  that  the  present 
was  given  to  remind  them  of  the  donors  and 
those  left  behind,  their  brothers  and  weeping 
sisters,  hoping,  too,  that  they  would  be  gallant, 
and  return  with  the  prestige  of  many  victories. 

Mrs.  Stapps,  a  tall,  masculine,  but  finely- 
spoken  and  intelligent  lady  of  forty-five,  who 
served  as  a  private,  disguised,  under  Hecker,  in 
the  revolution  of  1848,  delivered  a  stirring 
speech,  calling  upon  the  soldiers  to  be  coura¬ 
geous,  to  fight  nobly  for  their  second  .father- 
land  ;  as  they  loved  their  sisters  and  wives,  to 
promise  to  contend  fitly  for  universal  freedom, 
so  that  cannons  and  church  bells  might  wel¬ 
come  them  back  with  honor,  pride,  and  general 
ioy. 

Col.  Weber  made  a  brief  reply,  thanking  the 


366 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


donors,  on  behalf  of  the  regiment,  for  their  re¬ 
gard,  their  presents,  and  their  encouraging 
words ;  pledging  that  not  only  would  the  Unit¬ 
ed  Turner  Rifles  do  honor  to  their  original 
fatherland,  hut  their  adopted  fatherland,  whose 
flag  they  would  seek  to  vindicate,  and  whose 
honor  to  raise  above  rebellion. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers  of  the 
20th  Regt. : 

Field  and  Staff  Officers  : — Colonel,  Max 
Weber  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel  Francis  Weiss  ; 
Major,  Engelberth  Schnepf;  Adjutant,  Rudolph 
Kluckhuhn  ;  Quartermaster,  George  Minch ; 
Surgeon,  Julius  Hausen;  Assistant  Surgeon, 
Charles  Ileiland ;  Sergeant  Major,  Henry  R. 
Walter ;  Assistant  Quartermaster,  Charles 
Lorch ;  Drum  Major,  William  Kaufman ;  Bugle 
Major,  Paul  Gruchlin. 

Company  A — Captain,  Lorenz  Meyer ;  1st 
Lieut.,  William  Knecht  ;  Ensign,  Herman 
Stoeckel.  Company  B  —  Captain,  Anthony 
Brecklin ;  1st  Lieut.,  Franz  Munich;  Ensign, 
Fritz  Letzeiser.  Company  C — Captain,  Charles 
Hochleitner ;  1st  Lieut.,  Otto  Hoym ;  Ensign, 
Gustav  Lorens.  Company  D — Captain,  J.  W. 
Einbigler;  1st  Lieut.,  William  Drackers;  En¬ 
sign,  Conturier  Charles.  Company  E — Cap¬ 
tain,  Ernst  Otto  Bernet;  1st  Lieut.,  Henry 
Clober;  Ensign,  Chares  Voelker.  Company  F 
- — Captain,  Charles  Semsey  ;  1st  Lieut.,  Herman 
Benecke  ;  Ensign,  Rudolph  Beutler.  Company 
G — Captain,  William  Schoen  ;  1st  Lieut.,  Wil¬ 
liam  Syring ;  Ensign,  Jacob  Pabst.  Company 
H — Captain,  William  Yon  Doehr ;  1st  Lieut., 
William  Scliul ;  Ensign,  Robert  Merlde.  Com¬ 
pany  I — Captain,  Henry  Stumpf ;  1st  Lieut., 
Adolph  Wilson  ;  Ensign,  George  Ivoenig.  Com¬ 
pany  K — Captain,  Joseph  Hoeffling ;  1st  Lieut., 
Wm.  Ilafner;  Ensign,  Louis  Kroeck. 

— Ar.  Y.  Tribune,  J uno  14. 

Doc.  249. 

SIXTn  REGIMENT  N.  Y.  VOLUNTEERS. 

DEPARTURE  FROM  NEW  YORK,  JUNE  13. 

Tiie  regiment  arrived  from  Staten  Island,  at 
the  foot  of  Fourteenth  street,  and  proceeded 
without  delay  through  Fourteenth  street  and 
Fifth  avenue  to  No.  63  Clinton  place,  where  a 
magnificent  silk  banner  was  to  be  presented  to 
them  by  the  ladies  of  the  Relief  Committee. 
On  arriving  at  the  house  the  men  were  dis¬ 
posed  in  lines,  the  officers  in  front,  and  a  large 
concourse  of  people  surrounding  the  place. 

Rev.  S.  H.  Weston,  chaplain  of  the  Seventh 
regiment,  accompanied  by  Mrs.  George  Strong, 
who  held  the  banner,  proceeded  to  present  it 
in  the  following  speech  : — 

Fellow-Soldiers— I  say  fellow-soldiers,  for 
we  are  all  comrades  in  this  holy  war — I  have  been 
requested  by  the  fair  donors  to  address  to  you 
a  few  words  on  the  presentation  of  this  flag.  I 
trust  you  appreciate  this  beautiful  flag  as  thor¬ 
oughly  as  I  do  being  allowed  the  honor  of  par¬ 
ticipating  in  this  interesting  ceremony.  Fellow- 


soldiers,  this  standard  of  our  beloved  country  is 
confided  to  your  care.  It  is  a  precious  charge, 
for  it  is  an  emblem  of  your  country’s  integrity 
and  renown.  See  to  it,  then,  that  these  stars 
ever  float  over  your  heads  as  bright  and  pure 
as  those  above.  Preserve  its  stripes  stainless  as 
the  virtuous  hearts  that  tender  you  this  mag¬ 
nificent  gift.  As  it  sways  to  the  breeze  of 
Heaven,  let  it  marshal  you  to  an  honorable 
career.  Under  its  folds  you  may  win  imperish¬ 
able  glory,  and  write  your  names  in  the  pages 
of  history,  to  be  proudly  read  by  your  children 
and  a  grateful  posterity.  Tread  with  alacrity, 
then,  the  path  it  points  out  to  you.  If  it  lead 
perchance  to  a  bloody  grave,  it  is  M  sweet  to 
dio  for  your  country,”  and  all  coming  time  will 
hallow  your  resting  place  as  the  bed  of  glory. 
You  have  seen  what  a  burial  has  been  already 
accorded  to  the  first  martyrs  in  this  war.  If 
you  come  back  victorious — which  God  grant — 
a  grateful  people  will  know  how  to  honor  the 
brave,  and  hail  your  return  with  thunders  of 
applause.  Douglass  and  the  heart  of  Bruce ; 
Henry  of  Navarre,  on  the  eve  of  a  tremendous 
conflict,  bade  his  soldiers  look  for  the  crisis  of 
battle  where  streamed  the  white  plume  on  his 
helmet.  So  let  this  flag  wave  wherever  ebbs 
and  flows  the  fiercest  tide  of  war.  I  need  not 
bid  you  bring  it  back  with  you,  for  I  am  sure 
if  you  return  you  will  bear  this  standard  in 
your  midst.  The  Greeks  slain  in  battle  were 
borne  home  on  their  shields — it  was  a  dishonor 
to  return  without  them.  Remember,  then,  the 
counsel  of  the  Spartan  mother  to  her  son, 
when  she  presented  him  with  his  buckler : 
“  With  this,  or  on  this.”  Bring  back,  then, 
this  starry  flag,  without  a  stain,  or  let  it  be 
your  winding  sheet.  You  have  the  highest  in¬ 
centive  that  can  rouse  the  energies  of  man. 
You  are  engaged  in  a  righteous  quarrel ;  never 
was  there  a  juster,  a  holier  cause.  “  Thrice 
armed  is  he  who  hath  his  quarrel  just.”  You 
will  contend  under  this  banner  for  constitu¬ 
tional  liberty ;  you  will  help  to  solve  the  mighty 
problem  of  self-government.  The  eyes  of  the 
whole  world  will  be  on  you.  The  lovers  of 
freedom  in  all  lands  will  watch  the  strife  with 
tearful  eyes  and  beating  hearts.  This  flag  is 
the  exponent  of  liberty  ;  the  hope  of  humanity. 

You  will  march  under  no  bastard  ensign, 
with  half  the  stars  blotted  out,  and  the  re¬ 
mainder  travelling  in  dark  eclipse.  No  pal¬ 
metto  abomination  will  flaunt  treason  over 
your  heads,  but  above  you  will  stream  the  ban¬ 
ner  triumphant  on  a  hundred  battle-fields,  and 
under  which  your  dauntless  sires  rushed  to  vic¬ 
tory  and  renown.  As  fellow-soldiers,  around 
these  Stars  and  Stripes  cluster  dear  memories 
and  hallowed  associations.  Every  thread  in 
that  dear  flag  has  a  tongue  eloquent  of  human 
liberty,  and  reminds  you  of  the  priceless  legacy 
bequeathed  to  you  by  your  fathers.  Every 
stitch  is  eloquent  of  canonized  Lexington,  Bun¬ 
ker  Hill,  Saratoga,  and  Yorktown.  They  adjure 
you  by  the  memory  of  your  heroic  sires — by 
their  suffering,  toil,  and  blood — not  to  suffer  it 


DOCUMENTS. 


367 


to  bo  dishonored.  Thank  God,  we  have  such 
a  rallying  point  in  this  struggle.  Its  very 
presence  in  the  fight  hallows  the  cause  and  is 
an  earnest  of  success.  Every  star  that  blazes 
in  those  azure  folds  is  worth  a  hundred  thousand 
men.  The  ring  of  your  battle  cry  will  be  loud¬ 
er  and  clearer— your  hearts  firmer— your  arms 
stronger — where  it  leads  you  on.  Its  very  sight 
must  palsy  the  hands  of  the  traitors,  and,  blas¬ 
pheme  it  as  they  may,  they  hesitate  to  strike  it 
down.  It  is  like  an  unnatural  son  striking  at 
the  heart  of  the  mother  that  bore  him ;  for 
beneath  its  honored  folds  were  they  born,  and 
under  its  fostering  care  have  they  lived  and 
won  all  they  possess  of  prosperity  and  renown. 
This  proud  ensign  then  represents  not  only  the 
hopes  of  the  future,  but  the  glories  of  the  past. 
Every  friend  of  human  progress  alive  bids  it 
God  speed,  and  if  the  spirits  of  the  illustrious 
departed  are  permitted  to  visit  the  scenes  of 
their  early  triumphs,  then  are  the  shadows  of 
the  mighty  dead  leaving  the  skies  to  witness 
this  conflict— all  the  martyrs  of  liberty  down 
the  track  of  time,  from  Marathon  and  Ther- 
mopyla)  to  Lexington  and  Concord.  You  will 
fight  under  a  cloud  of  witnesses — both  the  liv¬ 
ing  and  the  dead.  But  I  adjure  you,  comrades, 
in  the  soldier  do  not  forget  the  Christian  and 
the  man.  War  too  often  appeals  to  the  worst 
passions  of  our  nature,  and  tends  to  deaden  the 
sensibilities,  brutalize  the  heart,  and  make  even 
the  compassionate  cruel.  In  the  heat,  then,  of 
victorious  fight  ever  remember  mercy.  _  Be  a 
magnanimous  enemy  in  the  hours  of  triumph. 
You  may  disdain  to  ask  quarter  for  yourselves, 
but  never  refuse  it  to  a  suppliant  or  prostrate 
foe.  Let  no  wanton  cruelty  stain  the  laurels 
you  may  win.  War,  at  best,  is  a  tremendous 
calamity.  Add  not  to  its  horrors  the  devilish 
spirit  of  hatred  and  revenge.  It  was  said  of 
Washington — Liberty  unsheathed  his  sword, 
Necessity  stained  it,  Victory  returned  it.  In 
this  unnatural  strife,  let  the  pleading  voice  of 
humanity  be  heard  even  over  the  roar  of  battle. 
Smite  with  the  sword  of  the  Lord  and  Gideon 
when  duty  commands ;  but  in  the  flush  of  con¬ 
quest,  remember  the  Divine  promise — “  Blessed 
is  the  merciful  man,  for  he  shall  obtain  mercy.” 
Above  all,  remember  Him  who  giveth  the  vic¬ 
tory.  The  race  is  not  always  to  the  swift,  nor 
the  battle  to  the  strong.  Implore  the  protec¬ 
tion  of  the  God  of  Battles.  You  may  feel  in¬ 
different  now.  You  will  be  serious,  thoughtful, 
in  the  presence  of  the  enemy.  You  will  not 
regret  then  your  daily  prayers.  If  your  duties 
are  exciting  you  may  make  them  brief.  That 
was  a  short  prayer  of  the  publican — “  God,  be 
merciful  to  me,  a  sinner.”  It  was  accepted. 
Imitate  the  great  captain  when  about  to  rush 
into  a  desperate  conflict.  You  can  remember 
it — “  Oh,  my  God,  if  I  forget  Thee  this  day,  do 
not  Thou  forget  me.”  Pray,  then,  yourselves, 
and  dear  ones  at  home  will  pray  for  you.  And 
now  God  be  with  you,  and  bear  your  shield 
and  buckler  against  all  your  foes,  temporal  or 
spiritual,  and  return  you  to  your  homes — con¬ 


querors  for  humanity’s  sake,  your  country’s 
sake, — conquerors  for  Christ’s  sake.  Amen. 

EEFLY  OF  COLONEL  WILSON. 

Colonel  Wilson  received  the  banner  from  the 
hands  of  Mrs.  George  Strong,  and,  carrying  it 
into  the  ranks,  gave  it  into  the  hands  of  the 
color-sergeant.  Colonel  Wilson  and  the  color- 
sergeant  then  returned  to  the  foot  of  the  steps, 
both  grasping  the  banner  of  liberty.  Tho 
Colonel  seemed  deeply  affected,  and  his  utter¬ 
ance  was  choked  for  some  time.  Ilis  wifo 
stood  on  the  stoop,  regarding  him  with  tearful 
emotion.  At  length  he  summoned  courage  and 
spoke  as  follows : — 

I  can  hardly  speak ;  utterance  has  been  taken 
from  me.  When  I  see  my  wife,  when  I  see  the 
ladies  of  New  York  city,  who  have  done  so 
much,  I  have  to  say  of  that  flag  that  I  love  it 
better  than  my  wife  or  child ;  better  than  I 
love  her,  my  wife,  do  I  love  the  honor  of  that 
flag.  For  my  God  first,  for  my  country  next, 
and  for  my  family  next.  (Cheers.)  I  have 
sacrificed  every  thing  except  my  God  for  that 
flag — (cheers) — and  I  do  believe  as  enthusiasti¬ 
cally  as  the  men  who  went  to  Palestine  to 
fight,  that  the  man  who  fights  for  that  flag,  al¬ 
though  he  dies,  he  dies  holy,  and  fighting  for 
the  Almighty.  (Enthusiastic  cheering.)  I  feel 
this  in  my  heart ;  I  can  hardly  speak,  for  I 
know  not  what  I  had  to  say.  What  I  do  say  I 
say  from  my  heart,  and  it  is  as  God  directs  me 
— that  this  is  a  religious  war.  It  is  a  war  for 
the  intelligence — for  the  freedom  of  the  world 
— not  for  this  country.  (Cheers.)  It  is  a  war 
to  protect  men,  women,  and  children;  that 
the  liberties  of  the  people  may  be  protected 
in  spite  of  aristocrats  or  would-be  traitors. 
(Cheers.)  It  is  not  for  the.  glory  of  fighting  or 
being  the  colonel  of  any  regiment  that  I  go  forth 
to  fight.  It  is  because  I  devote  my  life  to  this 
cause.  (Cheers.)  I  love  my  wife  and  child 
second  to  my  flag,  which  I  am  ready  to  defend 
and  die  for.  (Cheers.)  The  ladies  of  New 
York,  God  bless  them,  for  they  are  Heaven- 
born  angels — they  have  proved  Heaven-born 
angels  to  me— to  bless  and  protect  the  poor 
traveller  as  he  passes  through  the  world.  They 
have  looked  on  me  as  one  who  was  disgraced 
in  the  world— and  some  of  my  men  bore  hard 
names  once.  But  they  are  honest  and  true. 
They  are  nature’s  noblemen.  (Cheers.)  They 
are  such  men  as  those  who  guarded  the  liberty 
of  this  country— such  as  those  who  guarded 
the  liberties  of  England,  made  the  King  sign 
Magna  Charta— (cheers) ;  they  are  such  men 
as  made  Home  a  republic,  and  fought  for  liber¬ 
ty  in  France.  (Cheers.)  They  are  as  the  sons 
of  Abraham,  who  went  forth  to  fight  the  Philis¬ 
tines.  I  love  that  flag,  (pointing  to  the  banner,) 
and  though  I  go  upon  the  torrid,  sandy  beach 
of  Pensacola,  and  die  there ;  though  I  go  on  the 
plains  of  Texas,  it  matters  not.  If  I  go  on  the 
plains  of  Virginia  and  gain  renown,  it  is  well ; 
but  wherever  we  are  told  to  go,  we  go  there, 
as  long  as  it  is  for  the  honor  and  perpetuity  of 


368 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


the  flag,  the  freedom  of  the  world,  and  the  pro¬ 
tection  of  the  beautiful  city  of  New  York. 
(Tremendous  cheering.)  That  man  (pointing  to 
the  standard-bearer)  will  carry  that  flag,  and 
when  he  goes  another  will  carry  it  who  will 
not  be  afraid  of  ten  thousand  traitors — (cheers) 
— and  when  he  dies  every  man  will  jump  to 
grasp  the  flag.  (Cheers.)  It  will  take,  how¬ 
ever,  a  good  many  to  kill  him,  and  I  don’t 
think  the  ball  is  moulded,  or  will  be  moulded 
this  year,  to  kill  either  him  or  me.  (Cheers 
and  laughter.)  Ladies,  I  thank  you  from  the 
inmost  recesses  of  my  heart.  I  again  express 
every  feeling  in  full  on  behalf  of  my  gallant 
officers  and  my  devoted  and  patriotic  men. 
(Loud  applause.) 

OFFICERS  OF  THE  SIXTII  REGIMENT. 

.  The  following  is  a  list  of  the  field,  staff,  and 
line  officers : 

Field  Officers  Colonel,  William  Wilson  ; 
Lieut.-Col.,  John  Creighton;  Major,  William 
B.  Newby. 

Staff  Officers  Adjutant,  J.  J.  Heary  ; 
Quartermaster,  M.  E.  Bradley ;  Surgeon,  P.  B. 
Peace  ;  Assistant  Surgeon,  Edward  Lynch. 

Company  A— Captain,  Burgess;  1st  Lieut., 
Latham ;  Ensign,  Cox.  Company  B— Captain, 
A.  T.  Whiting;  Ensign,  Vangieson.  Company 
C— Captain,  R.  II.  Hazeltine;  1st  Lieut.,  R. 
Baily  ;  Ensign,  M.  Hanliam.  Company  D— 
Captain,  Patrick  Duffy;  1st  Lieut.,  Hagger¬ 
ty;  Ensign,  Enwhistle.  Company  E— Cap¬ 
tain,  Dufraine;  1st  Lieut.,  Roddy;  Ensign, 
Matthews.  Company  _  F— Captain,  Norman  ; 
1st  Lieut.,  Heary ;  Ensign,  Barker.  Company 
G— Captain,  Dobie;  1st  Lieut.,  D’Orville  ;  En¬ 
sign,  Black.  Company  II— Captain,  Peter  Duf¬ 
fy  ;  1st  Lieut.,  Clapp ;  Ensign,  Evarts.  Com¬ 
pany  I— Captain,  McCormick;  1st  Lieut,, 
Kauffman  ;  Ensign,  Spence.  Company  Iv — 
Captain,  Hoelzle ;  1st  Lieut.,  Silloway ;  En¬ 
sign,  Kl-aehl.  -iv.  y.  Herald,  June  14. 


Doc.  249|. 

AN  APPEAL  TO  MARYLAND. 

BY  JOHN  P.  KENNEDY. 

It  is  the  most  deplorable  misfortune  of  our 
unhappy  country,  at  this  moment,  that  it  lias 
no  authentic  voice  to  speak  its  honest,  sober 
judgment  on  the  public  affairs.  Here  we  are 
in  Maryland,  involved  in  a  dreadful  revolution 
which  has  already  convulsed  society  to  the 
centre,  torn  up  its  prosperity  by  the  roots,  sown 
discord  in  families,  alienated  old  and  familiar 
friends,  and  spread  consternation  through  the 
whole  community.  It  has  visited  peaceful  and 
thriving  households  with  want,  stricken  down 
tortunes  acquired  by  long  and  patient  industry, 
scattered  the  small  accumulations  of  humble 
ni  t,  and  reduced  to  absolute  beggary  thou¬ 
sands  and  thousands  of  the  best  and  most  useful 
ot  our  working  population.  These  are  the  rav¬ 
ages  of  the  first  act  in  the  Great  Drama. 


The  second  act  is  about  to  open  upon  us.  The 
pride  and  flower  of  our  yontli  are  in  arms.  Hos¬ 
tile  camps  are  gathering  their  forces.  Wild, 
ungovernable,  and  savage  men  are  openly  and 
stealthily  armed  with  terrible  weapons.  Ha- 
tieds  ai  e  cast  abroad  and  sown  in  fierce  hearts. 
Denunciation  and  proscription  are  uttered  in 
under  tones  and  with  ominous  threats  of  mis¬ 
chief.  Soon  we  shall  hear  the  clash  of  arms. 
What  then  ?  Read  the  wars  of  the  Roses ;  read 
the  marches  and  the  raids  of  Cromwell;  the 
ravages  of  the  Palatinate;  the  fusilades  of  Ly¬ 
ons.  Read,  at  random,  any  page  that  records 
the  rage,  the  demonism,  the  hellish  passion  of 
civil  war,  and  fancy  the  sack  of  cities,  the  bru¬ 
tal  and  indiscriminate  murder  of  old  and  young 
of  either  sex,  the  rape  and  rapine,  the  confla¬ 
gration,  the  shriek  of  surprised  families,  the 
midnight  flight  of  mothers  and  children  track¬ 
ing  their  way  with  bleeding  feet— the  mourn¬ 
ing,  the  desolation,  the  despair  which  are  all 
painted  in  such  horrid  colors  in  that  history — 
fancy  all  these  pictures  converted  into  the  real¬ 
ities  of  our  own  experience,  and  we  shall  then 
come  to  the  perception  of  the  second  act  of  this 
portentous  drama. 

How  does  it  come  to  pass  that  this,  our  pros¬ 
perous  State  of  Maryland — this,  our  beautiful 
City  of  Baltimore,  is  suddenly  hurled  into  the 
bosom  of  this  commotion  ?  Why  is  it  that  Mary¬ 
land,  so  remote  from  the  first  theatre  of  revolu¬ 
tion,  so  little  concerned  in  its  issues,  so  reluc¬ 
tant  to  take  sides  in  this  miserable  quarrel _ 

Maryland,  happy  and  peaceful— why  is  it  that 
she  is  doomed  to  stand  forward,  the  first  to 
encounter  the  sweep  of  this  storm,  to  bear  its 
continuous  brunt,  and  to  give  up  her  substance, 
her  children,  and  her  homes,  to  the  alternate 
ravage  of  contending  factions,  until  war,  wea¬ 
ried  with  slaughter  and  exhausted  by  its  own 
destruction,  shall  no  longer  find  a  victim  or  a 
country  to  punish  ? 

We  answer  this  terrible  question  truly  when 
we  say  that  Maryland,  like  her  sisters  of  the 
Confederacy,  is  allowed  no  free  and  honest  ex¬ 
pression  of  her  thoughts.  It  is  too  painfully 
obvious  that  Maryland  opinion  is  surrendered 
to  the  control  of  influences  that  repress  all  wise 
and.  earnest  consideration  of  the  momentous 
topics  that  belong  to  the  public  welfare.  Its 
key  note  is  derived  from  the  heated  utterances 
ot  passionate  and  thoughtless  youth,  of  impres¬ 
sible  w  omen  and  girls,  of  infuriated  politicians, 
ot  all  that  multitude  of  excitable,  rash,  unrea¬ 
soning  persons  who  fly  to  conclusions  under  the 
impulse  of  prejudice,  desire,  or  interest ;  and 
lastly  and.  more  significantly,  of  wily,  unscrupu¬ 
lous  partisan  leaders  who  are  moved  by  pre¬ 
meditated  design  to  accomplish  a  selfish  "party 
triumph.  In  the  domineering  ascendency  of 
these  agencies  over  the  public  mind,  the  quiet, 
reflective  good  sense  of  the  community  is  re¬ 
pressed  ;  the  orderly  and  industrious  arc  kept 
in  the  background ;  the  timid  are  overawed ; 
the  weak  are  silenced,  and  the  credulous  are 
misled. 


DOCUMENTS. 


369 


The  whole  movement  towards  secession,  even 
in  the  States  most  favorable  to  it,  has  been  art¬ 
fully  promoted  by  the  fabrications  of  a  false 
opinion.  It  has  been  borne  along  by  a 
whirlwind  of  contrived  excitement.  The  pas¬ 
sions  of  the  people  have  been  inflamed  by  ex¬ 
aggerated  representations  of  impending  dangers ; 
by3 skilful  exhibition  of  the  idle  ravings  of  mad 
and  wicked  fanatics  as  the  settled  views  of  the 
Government ;  by  startling  conjunctures  precon¬ 
certed  by  the  managers  to  madden  the  temper 
and  overwhelm  the  discretion  of  the  populace, 
and  by  provoking  outbreak  and  violence  as  the 
topics  for  frantic  appeal  to  the  manhood  and 
patriotism  of  the  State.  The  unnecessary  bom¬ 
bardment  of  the  starving  garrison  of  Sumter 
was  intended  to  stimulate  the  reluctant  mind 
of  Virginia  to  secession.  The  simultaneous 
seizures  of  Gosport  Navy  \ard  and  of  Harper  s 
Ferry  were  the  arranged  stimulants  to  confiim 
the  wavering  resolution  of  that  State.  The 
futile  and  calamitous  attempt  to  resist  the  pas¬ 
sage  of  the  troops  through  Maryland  was  but 
another  spur  to  quicken  the  speed  of  secession, 
by  driving  the  State  against  its  better  judgment 
into  rebellion.  The  secession  enterprise,  every¬ 
where,  has  been  remarkably  characterized  by 
the  signs  of  a  conspiracy  to  give  the  minority 
a  command  over  tho  majority.  It  avoids  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  popular  consent,  screens  its  plans 
from  public  criticism  by  secret  sessions,  and 
plies  the  machinery  of  passion  to  rush  the  peo¬ 
ple  into  the  abyss  of  revolution,  with  the  re¬ 
nunciation  of  all  thought  and  forecast  of  its 
consequences. 

There  is  something  ungenerous,  and  even 
worse,  in  the  advantage  which  the  Seceding 
States  have  taken  of  the  wise  and  patriotic 
sentiment  of  the  Border  States  against  coercion. 
When  these  latter  States  pledged  themselves, 
in  the  beginning  of  the  rupture,  that  they  would 
not  sanction  any  attempt  of  the  Government 
to  coerce  the  Seceders  into  submission,  it  was  a 
pledge  that  the  experiment  of  secession  should 
be  aflowed  to  take  its  allotted  course  in  peace, 
with  the  hope  that  peace  would  bring  calm 
judgment  into  action,  and,  through  its  influ¬ 
ence,  an  early  return  to  harmony  in  the  Union. 
Such  a  pledge  implied  a  counter-pledge  of  mod¬ 
eration  of  counsel  and  honest  confidence  in  the 
unbiassed  judgment  of  the  people,  by  the  Seced¬ 
ing  States.  It  implied  that  the  good  sense  of 
the  country  should  be  left  free  to  act,  with  per¬ 
fect  immunity  from  artificial  excitement,  on  the 
whole  subject  wherever  it  might  be  brought 
into  debate.  Instead  of  granting  this  freedom 
from  agitation  to  the  Border  States,  the  seces¬ 
sion  party  of  the  South,  taking  advantage  of 
the  promise  against  coercion,  has  busily  em¬ 
ployed  itself  in  provoking  collision  by  assault 
and  spreading  panic  by  alarm,  and  thus  stirring 
the  population  of  the  Border  into  sudden  revolt 
against  the  Government.  They  contrive  a  ne¬ 
cessity  for  coercion,  and  then  call  on  the  Bor¬ 
der  States  to  resist  it,  in  fulfilment  of  a  promise 
really  made  to  secure  peace. 


Such  are  the  conditions  in  which  Maryland 
is  now  invoked  to  imbrue  her  hands  in  the 
blood  of  civil  war.  It  cannot  escape  observa¬ 
tion,  that,  notwithstanding  the  large  majority 
of  tho  people  of  Maryland  are  now,  and  ever 
have  been,  true  and  faithful  to  the  Union,  and 
averse  to  every  design  to  drag  thern  into  this 
ruinous  career  of  revolution,  there  is  an  active, 
intelligent,  and  ardent  minority  in  tho  State, 
who  are  bent  upon  forcing  her  into  the  South¬ 
ern  Confederacy ;  and  that  although  this  seces¬ 
sion  party,  now  accidentally  in  possession  of  tho 
legislative  power,  finds  itself  compelled  to  suc¬ 
cumb  to  the  force  gathering  around  it,  and  to 
temporize  with  the  difficulties  it  cannot  sur¬ 
mount,  it  still  cherishes  the  purpose  of  future 
control,  and  only  lies  at  lurch,  waiting  tho  events 
of  the  day  to  make  a  new  effort  to  array  the 
State  against  the  Government.  _ 

In  this  condition  of  things,  it  is  of  the  pro- 
foundest  moment  that  we  should  invoke  the 
good  sense  of  every  patriotic  citizen  in  our 
Commonwealth  to  look  the  danger  around  us 
in  the  face,  and  before  it  is  too  late  to  make  a 
united  effort  to  recall  our  excited  brothers  to 
an  honest  and  sober  consideration  of  our  destiny. 
The  men  of  Maryland,  of  all  parties,  are  too 
earnest,  too  faithful  to  their  duty  to  themselves 
and  the  community  in  which  they  live,  too 
honorable,  frank,  and  just,  knowingly  to  perpe¬ 
trate  a  wrong  against  the  prosperity  and  hap¬ 
piness  of  their  own  homes  and  kindred — their 
children  and  their  friends.  We  accord  the  full¬ 
est  honesty  of  intention  even  to  tho  rasliest  and 
most  thoughtless  of  those  who  are  endeavoring 
to  cast  our  lot  upon  the  path  of  disunion.  We 
believe  them  sincere  in  thinking  that  the  honor 
and  the  welfare  of  the  State  demand  that  we 
should  follow  the  lead  of  the  bold  spirits  of  the 
South  who  have  plunged  the  country  into  this 
commotion.  Our  ingenuous  and  excitable  youth 
have  yielded  to  what  we  regard  as  but  a  natuial 
impulse,  when  they  bravely  rushed  to  arms  to 
resent  what  they  were  taught  to  think  an  in¬ 
vasion  of  our  rights.  In  doing  this,  they  have 
only  demonstrated  a  noble  and  mistaken  ardor 
proper  to  their  age  and  temper,  and  which  now 
but  wants  a  good  cause  to  win  all  the  applause 
to  which  they  aspire.  They  prove  to  us  how 
much  we  may  depend  upon  their  manhood 
when  tho  country  really  requires  their  arm. 
But  they,  like  many  of  their  elders,  are  acting 
under  a  delusion. 

Maryland  has  no  cause  to  desert  our  honored 
Stars  and  Stripes.  Out  of  this  Union,  there  is 
nothing  but  ruin  for  her.  In  the  Union,  dark 
as  may  bo  the  present  day,  the  stout  resolve  of 
Maryland  to  maintain  her  fealty  to  tho  faith  of 
her  fathers,  will  secure  to  her  yet  a  glorious 

future.  , .  . 

Let  us  not  fall  into  the  fatal  error  of  thinking 
that  the  great  interests  of  tho  Union  are  irre¬ 
trievably  lost  by  tho  election  of  an  Administra¬ 
tion  we  do  not  like.  At  tho  worst  the  present 
predominance  of  a  sectional  party  in  the  Na¬ 
tional  Government  is  but  a  transient  evil.  We 


370 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


shall  never  have  another  but  through  the  igno¬ 
ble  surrender  of  the  loyal  men  of  the  South. 
Even  indeed  now,  the  perpetuation  of  such  a 
party  is  an  impossibility  in  the  North.  The 
excitement  and  storm  of  this  day — if  it  has,  for 
a  season,  unseated  the  prosperity  of  the  nation 
— is  worth  all  its  privations,  in  the  good  it  has 
already  accomplished.  It  has  forever  put  an 
end  to  that  pestilent  agitation  of  slavery  which, 
for  thirty  years,  has  disturbed  the  repose  of  the 
country ;  it  lias  forever  put  an  end  to  sec¬ 
tional  Presidents  and  parties ;  it  has  revealed 
a  great  truth  to  this  nation — that  the  Union  is 
above  all  party,  and  that  peaceful  brotherhood 
is  the  most  beneficent  of  all  our  blessings. 

Let  us  bring  our  minds  to  a  calm  estimate 
of  our  own  duty  in  this  great  crisis.  There  is 
but  one  issue  before  us,  Union  or  Disunion. 
Every  man  in  Maryland  must  meet  that  issue. 

Union,  on  the  one  side,  is  loyalty,  faith  in 
the  traditions  of  our  ancestors,  devotion  to  our 
historical  renown,  brave  support  of  our  coun¬ 
try  in  its  adversity. 

Disunion — let  us  not  evade  the  conclusion — 
is  rebellion,  desertion  of  our  duty,  dishonor  to 
our  flag ;  voluntary  disgrace  cast  upon  the 
names  of  the  heroes  and  sages  who  have  made 
our  country  illustrious  in  human  annals.  It  is 
prompted  by  the  assertion  of  a  principle  of 
anarchy,  which  makes  all  government  impossi¬ 
ble  ;  a  false  dogma  Avhicli  affirms  a  right  of  dis¬ 
integration  that  may  pervade  every  division  of 
society. 

This  assumed  right  of  secession  is  scouted  by 
the  judgment  of  the  world.  No  jurist,  no 
statesman,  no  man  of  honest  judgment  ever 
affirmed  it  until,  in  these  later  days,  it  was  found 
to  be  the  convenient  pretext  for  a  party  design. 
Every  President  who  has  heard  it  uttered, 
every  Cabinet,  every  State,  every  party,  at  one 
period  or  another  of  our  progress,  has  dis¬ 
owned  it.  If  Washington  or  Jackson  were 
alive  they  would  account  it  only  as  rank  rebel¬ 
lion,  and  would  so  treat  it. 

We  may  not  shelter  ourselves  under  the  plea 
of  revolution.  Maryland  has  no  cause  for  revo¬ 
lution.  No  man  in  Maryland  can  lay  his  hand 
upon  his  heart  aud  say  that  this  Government 
of  ours  has  ever  done  him  wrong ;  has  ever 
stinted  its  bounty  to  him  in  the  full  enjoyment 
of  his  life,  liberty,  and  pursuit  of  happiness. 
We  cannot  answer  to  God  or  man,  therefore, 
for  plunging  into  the  great  crime  of  rebellion 
and  treason.  Our  honor,  our  faith,  our  religion 
will  rise  up  in  judgment  against  us,  to  convict 
us  of  the  greatest  wickedness  man  can  commit, 
if,  on  such  a  pretence,  wo  lifted  a  bloody  hand 
against  the  blessed  parent  of  our  political  life. 
Is  loyalty  nothing?  Submission  to  law  noth¬ 
ing?  Fidelity  to  duty  nothing?  Gentlemen 
of  Maryland,  do  these  things  no  longer  touch 
your  honor?  Will  you  listen  to  the  sordid 
arguments  of  gain,  to  the  mean  persuasions  of 
interest,  to  the  fear  of  danger,  to  the  wretched 
slanders  of  fanatics,  to  the  dread  of  that  vulgar 
obloquy  which  brands  you  with  the  name  of 


“  Submissionists,”  to  seduce  you  from  your 
allegiance  to  the  Government  you  have  inher¬ 
ited  from  brave  ancestors  ?  Has  the  cavalier 
blood  become  so  diluted  in  your  veins  that  you 
can  for  such  motives  abandon  your  country  in 
her  distress?  We  mistake  you,  and  have  long 
misunderstood  you,  if  that  be  the  spirit  in 
which  you  meet  this  crisis.  No,  no.  Stand 
by  your  ancient  flag.  Be  true  to  Maryland,  and 
keep  her  where  your  fathers  placed  her,  and 
when  the  time  comes  redeem  your  country. 

For  what  does  Secession  now  rear  a  muti¬ 
lated  banner  ? 

For  what  cause  does  it  invite  us  to  take  up 
arms? 

We  hear  different  answers  to  these  questions. 

Some,  who  think  a  sectional  patriotism  to  be 
their  greatest  duty,  answer,  “  For  Southern 
rights.” 

Others,  who  think  worldly  profit  a  higher 
motive,  say,  “For  Southern  trade.” 

Others  again,  who  seem  to  be  swayed  by  a 
kind  of  fatalism,  say,  “  We  have  no  choice — 
we  must  go  as  Virginia  goes.” 

We  have  not  yet  heard  the  first  man  on  that 
side  say  any  thing  about  Maryland  rights, 
Maryland  honor,  or  Maryland  independence. 

Is  it  not  strange  that  they  forget  Maryland 
ha3  any  duty  to  perform  to  herself  and  for  her¬ 
self? 

Let  us  weigh  these  answers. 

What  are  Southern  rights?  Everybody 
speaks  of  them,  nobody  defines  them.  So 
vague,  so  misty,  so  variable,  they  escape  every 
attempt  to  grasp  them. 

Do  they  comprise,  as  a  chief  demand — as 
many  say  they  do — the  right  to  maintain  the 
institution  of  slavery  unmolested  and  unim¬ 
paired  in  the  States  that  possess  it  ? 

If  so,  no  one  now  disputes  that  right.  It  is 
affirmed  and  offered  to  be  made  perpetual,  even 
by  the  late  Republican  Congress,  by  the  enact¬ 
ment  of  an  irrepealable  amendment  to  the 
Constitution,  which  guarantees  it  forever. 

Do  they  assert  the  right  to  take  slaves  into 
all  the  territory  of  the  United  States  south  of 
the  Missouri  line,  as  proposed  by  the  Crittenden 
resolutions  ? 

If  that  be  the  demand,  that  right  now  exists 
to  its  fullest  extent,  and  slavery  is  at  this  day 
by  law  protected  in  every  foot  of  territory 
south  of  36°  30' ;  and  even  the  three  new  terri¬ 
tories  north  of  that  line  are  open  to  the  admis¬ 
sion  of  slaves  without  restriction. 

Do  they  mean  tho  right  to  recover  fugitive 
slaves  from  the  Free  States  ? 

If  so,  all  impediment  to  that  right  is  virtu¬ 
ally  withdrawn.  The  Administration  affirms  a 
purpose  to  execute  the  law,  and,  in  point  of 
fact,  the  law  is  now  executed  with  more  effi¬ 
ciency  and  less  obstruction  than  it  has  been  for 
thirty  years  past. 

Are  these  the  Southern  rights  for  which  we 
are  invited  to  get  up  revolution  and  war,  and 
will  war  be  likely  to  secure  them  in  more  full 
enjoyment  than  we  have  them  now  ? 


DOCUMENTS. 


371 


Are  there  any  other  Southern  rights  in  dis¬ 
pute?  We  hear  sometimes  of  a  right  to  free 
trade  and  direct  taxation  ;  a  right  to  traffic  in 
African  slaves ;  a  right  to  Cuba,  to  Mexico,  to 
Central  America.  Is  Maryland  willing  to  fight 
for  these  ? 

Then  as  to  “  Southern  trade,”  which  has  cap¬ 
tivated  the  imagination  of  somo  who  have  tallen 
into  the  secession  ranks. 

There  are  many  variant  and  contradictory 
notions  on  this  point.  Carolina  hopes  to  make 
a  New  York  of  Charleston,  Georgia  claims  this 
bounty  for  Savannah,  A  irginia  demands  it  foi 
Norfolk,  Louisiana  pleases  her  fancy  with  the 
miraculous  growth  of  New  Orleans.  The  vision¬ 
aries  of  Maryland  quietly  smile  at  all  these  de¬ 
lusions,  perfectly  confident  that  the  cornucopia 
is  to  he  emptied  upon  Baltimore. 

We  say  nothing  of  the  heart-burnings  and 
jealousies  which  these  various  hopes  must  en¬ 
gender  if  any  one  of  these  dreams  are  realized 
to  the  disappointment  of  the  others.  We  are 
only  concerned  to  look  at  the  probable  result 

upon  Maryland.  . 

This  supposed  commercial  advantage  is  found¬ 
ed  upon  the  idea,  much  commended  in  the 
South,  of  free  trade  with  all  the  foreign  world, 
and  heavy  restrictions  upon  the  trade  with  the 
United  States;  a  system  of  commerce  built 
upon  complacency  on  one  side  and  revenge  on 
the  other.  The  Southern  Confederacy,  it  is 
presume'!,  will,  in  the  future  permanent  ar¬ 
rangement  of  its  policy,  encumber  one-half  of 
its  trade— and  that  its  most  indispensable  and 
necessary  supply — with  heavy  duties,  and  leave 
the  other  half,  which  chiefly  concerns  its  luxu¬ 
ries  free.  Does  any  experienced  merchant  be¬ 
lieve  this  ?  What  will  the  South  gain  by  lay¬ 
ing  duties  upon  the  thousand  productions  of 
the  North  that  now  enter  so  largely  into  their 
common  household  and  agricultural  wants? 
AVill  they  get  their  farming  implements,  their 
machinery,  their  wooden  ware,  their  fish,  theii 
beef,  their  hay,  their  ice,  their  carriages,  shoes, 
hats,  and  clothing — any  part  of  their  whole  in¬ 
ventory  of  family  requisitions — more  cheaply 
for  that?  No  other  country  can  supply  them 
so  well,  and  the  experiment  will  soon  prove 
that  every  cent  of  tax  so  levied  is  but  a  charge 
upon  themselves.  AVhen  that  is  proved,  and 
the  passion  of  the  day  subsides,  it  is  reasoning 
against  all  the  motives  of  human  conduct  to 
suppose  that  a  merely  vindictive  restriction  will 
be  allowed  to  exist.  The  North  would  soon 
grow  to  be  in  the  same  category  to  the  South 
with  all  the  rest  of  the  world — in  war,  enemies, 
in  peace,  friends  ;  and  the  free  trade  system,  if 
practicable  at  all,  will  be  extended  equally  to 
all  within  the  range  of  Southern  commerce.. 

There  are  some  who  think  these  discrimina¬ 
tions  will  be  made  with  a  view  to  the  establish¬ 
ment  of  large  manufacturing  interests  in  the 
South.  But  to  this  there  is  the  obvious  reply, 
that  no  manufacturing  . system  ever  was  built 
up  in  companionship  with  free  trade ;  and  the 
Southern  Constitution  has  already  put  a  veto 


upon  the  attempt  by  a  specific .  prohibition  of 
all  power  to  protect  any  domestic  industry. 

The  Northern  manufactures  are  sufficiently 
established  and  prosperous  to  compete  with  tho 
world  in  free  trade,  and  they  will  always,  con¬ 
tinue  to  find  a  Southern  market  from  their  ex¬ 
act  adaptation  to  Southern  wants.  But  the 
manufactures  of  Maryland,  in.  great  part,  are 
precisely  those  which  would  wither  and  perish 
under  tho  free  trade  policy.  AVe  could  supply 
no  iron  from  our  mines,  no  iron  fabrics,  from 
our  workshops.  Our  great  steam  enginery, 
our  railroad  apparatus,  our  heavy  works  of  the 
foundry,  our  cast  and  rolled  metal,  could  never 
hold  their  own  in  the  presence  of  free  importa¬ 
tions  from  England.  It  will  occur  to  any  one 
conversant  with  our  workshops,  that  much  of 
our  most  important  industry  here  in  Baltimore, 
and  throughout  the  State,  would  be  compelled  to 
yield  under  the  pressure  of  European  rivalry. 

Again,  free  trade  implies  direct  taxation  to 
raise  revenue  for  the  support  of  government. 
A  glance  at  this  will  supply  another  element 
for  the  consideration  of  those  who  fancy  that 
Maryland  is  to  prosper  in  a  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy. 

The  expenses  of  the  new  Government  arc  in¬ 
evitably  to  be  cast  upon  a  higher  estimate  than 
we  have  ever  witnessed  in  our  heretofore  har¬ 
monious  Union.  Large  armies  and  navies  are 
to  be  provided  as  tho  necessary  apparatus  of 
government.  Fifty  millions  a  year  will  not  be 
an  unfamiliar  experience  to  the  Southern  finan¬ 
cier.  If  that  amount  is  to  be  levied  upon  somo 
nine  millions  of  free  population,  which  about 
represent  the  present  number  of  the  whole  of 
the  Southern  States,  it  affords  a  ratio  of  more 
than  five  dollars  a  head.  If  but  thirty  millions 
be  tho  expenditure,  it  will  be  over  three  dollars 
ahead.  Maryland  contains  near  six  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  free  persons,  and  thus  we 
estimate  her  annual  share  of  the  tax.  at  over 
three  millions  per  annum,  on  a  fifty  million  ex¬ 
penditure,  and  on  the  supposition  of  thirty  mil¬ 
lions,  something  near  two  millions  per  annum. 
Our  present  State  tax  is  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  dollars.  The  addition  to 
this,  for  the  support  of  the  Confederate  Gov¬ 
ernment,  will,  on  the  first  supposed  rate  of.  ex¬ 
penditure,  be  twelve,  on  the  other,  eight  times 
the  present  tax.  I  give  these  figures  as  a  for¬ 
mula  of  calculation  which  any  one  may  apply 
to  his  own  estimate  of  the  probable  expendi¬ 
ture  of  the  new  Government,  if  its  revenues  are 
to  be  supplied  by  direct  taxation. 

How  the  trade  and  industry  of  Maryland 
may  reconcile  themselves  to  such  a  system,  I 
leave  those  to  judge  who  are  best  ,  acquainted 
with  the  tax  bills  our  present  necessities  impose 
upon  us. 

If  it  should  be  discovered,  as  I  have  no  doubt 
it  will  be,  after  some  sore  and  short  experience, 
that  this  free  trade  fancy  is  but  an  expensive 
delusion,  and  that  the  old,  long-tried,  univeisal 
and  inevitable  system  of  duties,  known  to  and 
practised  by  all  nations,  as  the  most  commend- 


372 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


able  system  of  national  support,  must  be  sub¬ 
stituted  by  the  Confederate  States,  what  then 
will  be  the  condition  of  their  commerce  ?  It 
will  then  be  found  that  the  revolution  has  been 
a  vain  work  The  bubble  will  have  burst,  and 
the  experimenters,  after  having  turned  the 
whole  nation  baek  a  quarter  of  a  century  in  its 
career — having  ruined  a  generation,  subverted 
more  capital  than  would  suffice  to  purchase 
every  slave  in  the  nation,  accumulated  a  debt 
impossible  to  be  paid,  and  spread  repudiation 
and  bankruptcy  over  a  whole  circle  of  States— 
happy,  if  to  these  evils  it  has  not  added  the 
clothing  of  every  household  in  mourning— the 
experimenters  will  then  find  themselves  vainly 
endeavoring  to  restore  trade  to  the  same  rela¬ 
tions  and  arrangement  in  which  it  was  at  the 
fatal  moment  when  they  initiated  their  new 
career.  All  that  will  then  have  been  achieved 
will  be  the  creation  of  a  double  set  of  political 
dignitaries,  and  the  distribution  of  a  double 
supply  of  loaves  and  fishes  to  the  patriots  of 
the  ferment. 

A  tariff  of  duties  for  revenue  once  adopted,  it 
then  becomes  the  plain  policy  of  the  United 
States  of  the  old  Confederacy  to  enact  the  same 
rates,  and  commerce  will  immediately  oscillate 
back  to  the  track  and  custom  of  its  old  career. 

Even  if  it  should  not  be  drawn  again  into 
that  current,  what  has  Baltimore  to  hope  for  ? 
Will  she  import  for  the  South,  from  the  head 
of  the  Chesapeake,  whilst  Norfolk  lies  on  the 
margin  of  the  sea  at  its  mouth,  with  an  admi¬ 
rable  harbor,  and  with  all  the  means  of  West¬ 
ern  and  Southern  distribution  by  railroads  that 
penetrate  to  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio?  Do  old 
and  sagacious  merchants  of  Baltimore  allow 
this  delusion  to  seize  their  minds  ?  Boys  may 
prate  about  such  things,  but  surely  men  of 
sense  will  repeat  no  such  absurdity.  But,  we 
have  heard  it  said,  if  Maryland  be  not  a  mem¬ 
ber  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  Virginia,  in 
time  of  war,  may  close  all  access  to  the  Chesa¬ 
peake  against  us.  That  is  true.  But  if  Maryland 
should  be  a  member  of  that  Confederacy,  then  the 
North,  in  time  of  war,  may  also  shut  up  the  Ches¬ 
apeake  against  us  ;  and  not  only  that,  but  may 
also  shut  up  our  Western  and  Northern  railroads. 
It  may  deny  us  the  Ohio  River ;  it  may  deny  us 
access  to  Philadelphia,  to  New  York — utterly 
obliterate  not  only  our  trade,  but  cut  off  our 
provisions.  In  the  other  case,  Virginia  could 
not  do  that,  nor  even  impede  our  transit  on  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  as  long  as  West¬ 
ern  V  irginia  shall  stand  our  friend,  as  assured¬ 
ly  it  will  if  we  are  true  to  ourselves. 

The  last  argument  popularly  used  in  favor  of 
the  secession  of  Maryland,  is  that  which  asserts 
a  necessity  that  compels  us  “  to  go  as  Virginia 
goes.” 

It  is  supposed  that  the  recent  attempted  se¬ 
cession  of  Virginia  leaves  us  no  choice.  It  is 
declared  that  our  sympathies  as  well  as  our  in¬ 
terests  are  with  \ irginia;  in  fact,  that  our  fate 
is  in  her  hands.  If  this  were  true,  it  would 
have  been  but  a  becoming  decorum  in  Virginia 


to  have  invited  us  into  her  counsels,  or,  at 
least,  to  have  wmrned  us  of  the  complications 
she  was  preparing  for  us.  As  it  is,  she  has  led 
us  blindfold  to  the  edge  of  the  precipice,  and 
those  of  our  own  fellow-citizens  who  renounce 
for  us  all  freedom  of  opinion  on  our  own  des¬ 
tiny,  tell  us  we  have  no  choice  but  to  take  the 
leap. 

We  deny  that  Maryland  is  so  bound  up  in  the 
fortunes  of  Virginia.  We  regard  the  interest 
of  that  State  to  be  quite  as  dependent  upon  the 
favor  of  Maryland  as  Maryland  is  upon  her.  In 
all  that  denotes  vigor,  growth  of  power,  and 
capacity  for  great  enterprise,  Maryland  is  ahead 
of  Virginia.  Whilst  our  population  in  the  last 
decade  has  increased  twenty-five  per  cent.,  that 
of  \  irginia  has  not  advanced  over  twelve. 
W hat  we  have  accomplished  in  public  works  and 
in  the  extension  of  commercial  activity,  bears  a 
still  more  favorable  comparison  in  the  estimate 
of  the  resources  of  the  two  States.  Let  us  not  so 
derogate  from  the  influence  and  capability  of 
our  own  State  as  to  surrender  our  independence 
to  the  control  of  politicians  who  have  as  yet 
shown  so  little  capacity  in  governing  their 
own.  In  truth,  we  might,  with  good  reason, 
reverse  the  affirmation  of  the  argument  we  are 
considering,  and  say  that  Virginia  should  look 
to  Maryland,  and  should  adapt  her  policy,  on 
this  question  of  separation,  to  ours.  She  should 
at  least  consult  the  other  Border  States,  Ken¬ 
tucky,  Tennessee,  Missouri,  as  well  as  Mary¬ 
land,  and  shape  her  course  in  conformity  with 
their  common  views. 

WThen  we  speak  of  Virginia,  there  is  another 
most  significant  question  to  be  considered.  To 
what  portion  of  Virginia  are  we  to  attach  our 
fortunes  ?  Is  it  to  that  waning  Eastern  section 
which  at  present  holds  the  political  power  over 
the  State — that  section  whose  population,  scat¬ 
tered  over  the  region  visited  by  the  tide,  is 
gradually  declining  in  numbers  and  losing  its 
ascendency  in  the  public  affairs,  and  whose 
power  at  this  day  is  founded  rather  upon  the 
traditions  ot  the  past  than  upon  any  inherent 
capacity  to  govern  ?  or  is  it  to  that  vigorous 
and  healthful  Western  Virginia,  upon  whom 
nature  has  lavished  her  bounty  in  the  provision 
of  all  the  elements  of  a  prosperous  and  power¬ 
ful  community  ? 

Virginia  is  divided  into  two  distinct  sections, 
altogether  diflerent  in  physical  quality  and  in 
moral  character.  The  one  teems  with  a  redun¬ 
dant  slave  population,  of  which  the  excess  is 
kept  down  by  a  continual  drain  of  emigration 

the  South.  Its  habits  are  Southern,  its 
affinities  are  for  the  South.  These  are  not  less 
nourished  by  the  character  of  its  labor  than  by 
the  temper  of  its  leading  men — talented  and 
impulsive  and  educated  in  strong  sympathy 
with  the  Secession  States. 

The  other  division  includes  the  land  of  the 
mountaineer — a  land  of  mineral  wealth,  of 
rapid  streams,  of  fertile  pastures,  of  bracing 
atmosphere,  where  the  people  have  little  de¬ 
pendence  on  slave  labor,  and  who  see  in  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


373 


resources  of  the  soil  and  climate  an  invitation 
to  all  the  varied  industry  of  populous  and  thriv¬ 
ing  States. 

We  of  Maryland  are  solicited  to.  associate 
ourselves  with  the  first  of  these  divisions.  It 
is  said  our  natural  relationship  is  with  them.  . 

We  certainly  have  had  abundant  reason,  m 
the  past,  to  know  that  the  governing  power  of 
Virginia  does  not  reciprocate  the  favor  of  this 
relationship.  Maryland  has  no  more  peisist- 
ent  and  steady  antagonism  to  her  policy  to 
contend  against  than  she  has  ever  found  in  the 
domination  of  this  low  country  influence.  Let 
those  who  have  had  the  management  of  our 
public  works,  our  railroad  and  canal,  say  what 
difficulties  they  have  had  to  encounter  in  the 
hostility  of  Virginia  to  the  grant  of  the  small¬ 
est  privilege  or  aid  from  that  State ;  and  let 
them  describe  how  all  solicitations  have  been 
refused  until  the  friendly  intercession  of  the 
Western  counties,  often  baffled,  has  at  last  by 
peremptory  demand  secured  us  the  grace 
being  permitted  to  expend  millions  of  Maiy- 
land  capital  upon  Virginia  soil. 

The  true  friends  and  allies  of  our  policy  are 
in  the  West.  At  this  moment  that  region  is 
making  its  protest  against  secession.  It  is  a 
matter  of  the  deepest  moment  that  we  should 
wisely  appreciate  this  fact.  It  is.  not  for  us 
now  to  discuss  the  probable  contingencies  of 
the  future,  which  may  spring  out  of  the  state 
of  opinion  in  the  Western  counties;  but  we 
shall  not  blindly  adopt  a  policy  in  the  present 
juncture,  which  may  forever  alienate  them  from 
the  interest  which  makes  them  the  guardians 
and  protectors  of  our  road  and  the  ministers  to 

our  trade.  , 

The  singular  change  of  opinion  which  has 
recently  brought  Virginia  into  secession  is  one 
of  the  inexplicable  things  of  the  day.  Time 
may  perhaps  prove  it  to  be  a  forced  assent  ob¬ 
tained  by  the  arts  which  have,  everywhere  in 
the  seceding  States,  more  or  less  subdued  and 
coerced  public  opinion.  At  present  the  world 
can  only  perceive  that  4<  the  Mother  of  States, 
in  spite  of  her  protestations  of  independence,  in 
spite  of  the  contumely  and  insult  heaped  upon 
her,  has  succumbed  to  the  dictation  of  Caro¬ 
lina— has  been  “  dragged  ”  into  revolution,  and 
compelled  to  an  act  of  submission,  by  which 
she  has  surrendered  her  lofty  position  as  a 
mediator  in  the  national  quarrel,  and  sunk  into 
a  secondary  power  in  the  new  Confederacy. 
She  is  the  first  of  the  Border  States  that  has 
given  way.  Let  Maryland  be  the  last  to  follow 
her  example. 

We  cannot  forget  that  the  Southern  Confed¬ 
eracy  has  hitherto  repudiated  all  connection 
with  the  Border  States ;  that  they  were  con¬ 
temptuously  repelled  as  unworthy  of  consulta¬ 
tion.  It  is  only  now,  when  a  severe  experience 
has  demonstrated  the  necessity  of  friends  able 
both  to  pay  and  to  fight,  that  these  States  are 
approached  with  flattering  appeals  to  take  a 
stand  in  the  very  front  of  war  and  bear  the 
brunt  of  its  worst  assaults.  We  who  never 


felt  or  professed  any  respect  for  their  cause, 
who,  indeed,  accuse  them  of  having  produced 
all  the  difficulties  and  disgraces  which  have 
resulted  from  the  recent  Presidential  Election, 
are  now  counselled  to  patient  submission  to 
this  coercion,  and  even  to  embrace  it  with 
thankful  avidity  as  an  honorable  duty.  Vir- 
ginia  has  placed  herself  at  the  head  of  the 
Submissionists,  and  men  whom  we  have  es¬ 
teemed,  hero  in  Maryland,  for  their  manhood, 
tell  us  wo  have  no  choice  but  to  follow  her 
example! 

I  draw  this  view  of  our  condition  to  a  close 
by  repeating  my  clear  conviction  that  the  in¬ 
terest  and  safety  of  Maryland  coincide  with  liei 
loyalty  to  the  Union,  that  disunion  is  ruin  to 
her. 

Let  us  not  be  moved  by  the  taunt  that  we 
are  aiding  the  Republican  cause  and  vidicating 
the  Administration  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  That  is  but 
the  party  vituperation  of  those  who  seek  to 
frighten  us  by  false  clamor  into  an  abandon¬ 
ment  of  our  opposition  to  their  own  party 
schemes.  We  deplore  the  unfortunate  ascend¬ 
ency  of  the  Republican  party  ;  we  censure 
the  policy  of  the  Administration.  We  may 
claim  much  more  respect  for  our  sincerity  in  this 
than  our  opponents  are  entitled  to  ask,  since 
it  is  only  by  their  machinations  that  the  Repub¬ 
lican  party  has  won  its  ascendency.,  and  by 
their  desertion  of  their  posts  and.  their  duty  in 
Congress,  that  Mr.  Lincoln’s  Administration  has 
obtained  any  power  to  involve  the  country,  in 
the  present  commotion.  In  the  stage  at  which 
the  public  embarrassments  have  now  arrived, 
all  the  questions  of  the  late  canvass  have  dis¬ 
appeared.  The  country  is  aroused  to  the  pro¬ 
tection  of  the  Union,  to  the  defence  of  oui  sys¬ 
tem  of  government.  The  men  who  were  most 
earnest  in  opposing  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
throughout  the  whole  North,  and  Mest,  are 
united  into  a  compact  body,  in  a  unanimous 
determination  to  vindicate  the  right  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  to  the  Union  bequeathed  to  them  by  their 
fathers.  Large  numbers  in  the  South,  whose 
voices  are  suppressed  by  the  despotism  of  party 
rule,  have  the  same  sentiment  deeply  impressed 
upon  their  hearts.  The  conservative  Northern 
men  who  have  come  so  sternly  and  with,  such 
alacrity  to  this  duty  of  defence— a  majority  of 
the  Northern  people— will  visit  with  indignant 
disgust  the  fanatical  agitators  of  the  slavery 
question,  whose  wicked  pertinacity  has  raised 
this  storm  in  the  nation,  and  we  shall  hear  no 
more  of  the  wretched  cant  of  the  sin  of  slavery 
in  the  South.  That  abuse  of  the  peace  of  the 
nation  will  be  purged  away  by  this  commotion, 
if  no  other  good  result  from  it.  . 

On  one  side  of  us  is  a  united  nation  of  nine¬ 
teen  millions  of  people.  On  the  other,  a  divided 
population  of  nine  millions.  We  stand  between 
them.  If  we  remain  true  to  the  Union,  we 
shall  have  protection  and  peace,  and  hereafter 
an  easy  settlement  of  all  our  complaints.  If 
we  desert  the  Union,  we  shall  be  driven  into  a 
Confederacy  which  has  but  little  sympathy 


374 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


•with  our  interests,  and  less  power  to  protect 
us  against  the  ravage  of  the  frequent  wars 
which  must  inevitably  arise  between  the  two 
sections. 

The  Southern  Confederacy  is  essentially  weak 
in  the  basis  of  its  construction.  It  is  founded 
on  a  principle  which  must  lead  to  the  ever-re¬ 
curring  dangers  of  new  secessions,  and  the  ex¬ 
hibition  of  a  worse  than  Mexican  anarchy.  It 
may  witness pronunciamientoes upon  every  dis¬ 
content,  and  the  strife  of  parties  ending  in  fur¬ 
ther  disintegration.  If  the  Border  States  go 
into  that  Confederacy,  the  opposition  of  mate¬ 
rial  interests  will  soon  develop  the  utter  -want 
of  capacity  in  the  new  Government  to  secure 
its  cohesion. 

Maryland,  under  any  circumstances  of  peace 
or  war,  must  soon  become  a  free  State,  and 
she  will  then  be  found  to  be  wholly  ungenial 
to  the  principle  upon  which  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy  is  established.  It  would,  therefore, 
not  be  long  before  she  would  be  compelled  to 
retire  from  the  alliance,  and  become  a  suppliant 
for  shelter  under  the  wing  of  that  old  Union 
which  in  a  rash  moment  she  had  abandoned. 

If  she  remain  where  she  is,  her  example  may 
influence  the  course  of  the  other  Border  States 
which  now  are  drawn  to  the  verge  of  secession, 
and  with  them  may  happily  bring  about  a  res¬ 
toration  of  the  whole  Union.  Four  years  hence, 
this  Administration  will  give  place  to  another. 
A  popular,  conservative  President  then  elected 
will  restore  confidence  to  the  whole  country. 
The  Union  sentiment  of  tho  South  will  make 
itself  heard  in  the  remotest  sections  of  tho 
secession,  and  disenthralled  from  the  domina¬ 
tion  that  now  forbids  it  to  speak,  it  will  once 
more  assert  its  attachment  to  tho  Stars  and 
Stripes. 

Let  the  true  voice  of  our  State  now  be  heard 
on  these  questions.  The  Legislature  now  in 
session  has  one  solemn  duty  to  perform.  It  is 
to  give  the  State  an  opportunity  to  declare  its 
wish.  Much  has  been  said  about  the  desire  of 
Maryland  to  fall  into  the  ranks  of  the  Seceding 
States.  There  has  been  a  great  clamor  for  a 
Convention  by  those  who  have  been  anxious 
for  secession.  Let  the  Legislature  now  put  the 
question  to  tho  people — Do  you  want  a  Conven¬ 
tion,  with  power  to  declare  Maryland  out  of 
the  Union  ? 

Put  that  question,  and  wre  shall  then  know 
what  part  Maryland  will  take  in  the  Great  Drama. 
Baltimore,  May  9, 1801. 


Doc.  250. 

SPEECH  OF  JOHN  S.  CARLILE, 

IN  THE  WHEELING  CONVENTION,  JUNE  14,  1861. 

I  think,  sir,  that  a  moment’s  consideration 
will  satisfy  this  Convention  that  upon  this  ques¬ 
tion  there  is  at  least  no  difference  of  opinion 
between  the  advocates  of  a  separation  of  this 
State.  If  I  may  be  allowed,  I  can  claim  some 
credit  for  my  sincerity,  when  I  say  that  it  has 


been  an  object  for  which  I  have  labored  at 
least  since  the  year  1850.  The  Convention 
that  met  in  Richmond  in  that  year  and  adopted 
our  present  State  Constitution,  clearly  disclosed, 
to  my  mind,  the  utter  incompatibility  consistent 
with  the  interests  of  the  people  of  North-west¬ 
ern  Virginia  of  remaining  in  a  connection  with 
the  Eastern  portion  of  the  State.  And,  sir,  the 
first  favorable  opportunity  that  discovered  it¬ 
self  to  mo  for  affecting  that  separation  was  in 
the  Convention  that  met  in  this  city  in  May 
last.  And  I  appeal  to  members  who  are  pres¬ 
ent,  and  who  were  members  of  that  Conven¬ 
tion,  to  say  if  I  did  not  zealously  press  that 
measure.  Why  did  I  do  it?  For  the  reason 
which  I  then  stated — for  the  reason  that  now 
prevents  me  doing  it.  I  then  stated  that  we 
were  still  citizens  of  the  United  States,  accord¬ 
ing  to  even  the  theory  of  the  Disunionists;  that 
a  separation  could  be  effected  then  by  the  pro¬ 
vision  of  tho  U.  S.  Constitution  providing  for 
it ;  but  when  the  23d  of  May  came  and  went, 
and  the  sun  had  set  behind  the  hills  in  the 
evening  of  that  day,  we  would  be  transferred, 
according  to  the  theory  of  tho  Secessionists,  to 
another  and  different  Confederacy,  and  would 
bo  deprived  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  tho  mode  and  manner  in  wrhich  a 
separation  could  thereafter  be  effected  under 
the  authority  of  these  Secessionists  by  virtue 
of  that  transfer,  could  only  be  by  treaty  and 
recognition ;  that  although  all  Virginia  should 
agree  to  the  separation,  yet  she  -would  have  to 
obtain  the  consent  of  the  Southern  Confederacy, 
expressed  in  accordance  with  the  Constitution 
which  she  has  adopted  for  its  government,  be¬ 
fore  we  could  be  allowed  to  transfer  ourselves 
to  what  they  would  then  call  another,  a  differ¬ 
ent,  and  a  hostile  Government.  I  saw  difficul¬ 
ties  innumerable  and  insurmountable  if  we  did 
not  act  then.  But  the  wisdom  of  that  body 
thought  otherwise,  and  I  gracefully,  as  I  should, 
bowed  to  its  decision. 

#  Now,  sir,  where  are  we?  I  call  the  atten¬ 
tion  of  my  friend  from  Monongalia,  and  I  tell 
him  if  he  beats  me  in  this  race  of  separation,  he 
will  have  to  be  swifter  than  I  think  he  is.  We 
have  no  Legislature  now  ;  and  mark  you,  it  is 
only  by  the  assent  of  the  Legislature  a  separa¬ 
tion  can  be  effected.  The  people  themselves, 
through  their  representatives  assembled,  cannot 
assent  to  a  separation.  It  can  only  be  done  as 
is  provided  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  by  the  assent  of  the  Legislature  of  the 
State.  Now,  sir,  have  we  a  Legislature  ?  Gov. 
Letcher  would  say  that  we  have;  and  its  mem¬ 
bers  will  be  sworn  to  support  the  Constitution 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  Then  you  see 
we  can  never  effect  a  separation  in  the  manner 
in  which  we  would  have  accomplished  it. 

Now,  sir,  let  us  pursue  the  policy  laid  down 
in  tho  declaration,  and  let  us  repudiate  Letcher 
and  his  transfer ;  let  us  assemble  a  Legislature 
hero  of  our  own,  sworn  to  support,  not  the 
Southern  Confederacy  Constitution,  but  that 
which  Washington  and  Madison  formed,  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


375 


Constitution  of  our  fathers,  under  which  we 
have  grown  and  prospered,  as  never  people  grew 
and  prospered  before.  Let  us  maintain  our 
position  under  that  tree  of  Liberty,  watered  by 
the  blood  and  tears  of  the  patriots  of  the  Revo¬ 
lution-planted  by  them,  its  roots  having  taken 
deep  and  firm  hold  in  the  hearts  of  a  great 
people,  and  having,  from  a  little  spot  on  earth, 
spread  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  P acific,  embrac¬ 
ing,  I  might  say,  a  continent,  and  spreading  its 
branches  of  protection  over  the  whole  unbound¬ 
ed  land. 

Let  us  organize  a  Legislature,  swearing  alle¬ 
giance  to  that  Government,  and  let  that  Legis¬ 
lature  be  recognized  by  the  United  States  Gov- 
vernment,  as  the  Legislature  of  V  irginia. 

Then  we  have  still  a  direct  recognition  of  the 
protecting  care  of  our  ancient  Government,  and 
then  we  will  effect  this  separation.  Rut  now, 
with  no  Legislature  recognized  as  owing  alle¬ 
giance  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
we  could  not  do  it.  But  with  the  Legislature 
recognized  as  still  the  Legislature  of  the  Stato  ; 
with  Virginia  in  the  Union ;  with  a  Legislature 
recognized  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  with  its  assent  to  our  separation, 
our  way  is  clear.  And  if  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy  dares  to  interpose,  we  have  the  strong 
arm  of  that  same  old  Government  to  be  thrown 
around  us,  and  to  shelter  us  from  harm. 

Let  us  then  go  on  as  we  propose.  Let  us  be 
recognized  as  the  true  and  lawful  authorities, 
speaking  for  and  on  behalf  of  the  loyal  people 
of  the  whole  State  of  Virginia.  Give  us  that 
recognition,  and  then  the  separation  will  come. 
And  I  here  say  that  one  of  the  first  acts  I  shall 
perform,  if  no  one  else  does  it — and  I  believe  it 
a  duty  I  owe  to  the  people  who  have  honored 
me  with  a  seat  in  Congress,  will  be  to  obtain 
from  that  body  a  legislative  declaration  recog¬ 
nizing  this  Legislature  you  will  assemble  here, 
as  the  Legislature  of  the  State ;  and  then  let 
my  friends,  the  representatives,  assent  to  it, 
and  my  word  for  it,  we  will  be  the  State  of 
New  Virginia. 

It  is  a  mere  question  now  whether  we  shall 
wait  until  we  are  solemnly  recognized  as  the 
true,  legal,  constitutional  representatives  of  the 
people  of  Virginia,  or  whether  we  shall  now 
attempt  an  impossibility ;  for  every  man  who 
will  reflect  a  moment  will  know  that,  until  re¬ 
bellion  is  crushed,  no  assent  will  be  attained  for 
our  separation  from  the  rebellious  portion  of 
this  State. 

But,  sir,  there  is  another  object  which  I  have 
at  heart.  Two  great  objects  influence  and 
govern  my  actions.  The  first,  I  am  free  to  say 
the  dearest,  the  highest,  and  the  nearest  my 
heart,  is  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union. 

Keeping  forever  undimmed  the  thirty-four 
stars  that  now  deck  the  constellation  of  our 
national  ensign,  adding  to  them,  as  we  have 
done,  star  after  star — when  that  is  done — when 
safety  and  perpetuity  are  again  secured  to  that 
flag — then  we  can  consider  our  own  State  in¬ 
terests;  then  we  can  consider  the  interests  of 


our  own  immediate  section  of  this  State ;  but 
until  then,  we  owe  it  to  our  loyal  brothers 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  this  great 
land,  to  stand  by  them  and  aid  them  in  resist¬ 
ing  a  crime,  the  greatest  that  has  ever  been 
attempted  to  be  perpetrated  on  humanity.  Let 
us  do  this,  succeed  in  this,  and  we  will  succeed 
in  all  we  desire  in  a  very  short  time.  Let  tts 
bring  peace  again  to  our  Loudon,  Alexandria, 
and  Hampshire  friends.  Let  our  brothers  over 
the  mountains,  through  our  aid  and  assistance, 
and  that  of  this  great  and  good  Government  of 
ours,  again  see  harmony  throughout  the  land ; 
again  sit  around  their  hearthstones  with  their 
families,  and  again  instil,  in  the  quiet  hours  of 
peace,  the  lessons  the  Father  of  his  Country  has 
bequeathed  to  us  in  his  Farewell  Address. 
Then  we  may  say  to  them:  “  We  love  you  still 
as  brothers,  but  your  interests  and  ways  and  ours 
are  diverse.  Let  this  line  be  drawn  between 
us.  We  will  have  two  separate  and  distinct 
sovereign  States ;  but,  brethren,  wro  will  be 
American  citizens !  ” 

—N.  Y.  Tribune ,  Juno  20. 


Doc.  251. 

THE  FIRST  PRIVATEER. 

A  EEAL,  but  not  very  formidable  specimen 
of  a  privateer,  sailing  under  the  pirate  flag  of 
the  Southern  Confederacy,^  with  a  letter-of- 
marque  duly  signed  by  Jeff.  Davis,  arrived  at 
New  York  in  charge  of  Midshipman  McCook, 
and  a  prize  crew  from  the  U.  S.  frigate  Minne¬ 
sota,  on  the  15th  of  June.  She  is  a  “low  black  ” 
schooner,  but  not  “  long,”  being  only  some  fifty 
tons’  measurement,  with  raking  masts  like  a 
pilot-boat,  and,  for  an  old-fashioned  vessel,  is 
quite  sharp,  and  is  said  to  bo  a  first-rate  sailer. 
She  has  no  name  on  the  stern,  but  the  word 
Savannah,  in  raised  letters,  on  the  front  part  of 
her  trunk  cabin,  is  no  doubt  the  name  of  the 
vessel.  She  has  been  a  Charleston  pilot-boat, 
and  for  two  years  past  was  laid  up  in  that  port, 
condemned. 

She  carries  a  formidable  18-pounder  gun, 
mounted  on  a  swivel  amidships,  and  on  each 
side  of  the  mainmast  are  small  open  lockers  fox- 
holding  the  ammunition  for  immediate  use.  In 
these  lockers  there  were  observed  a  quantity  of 
hollow  pointed  shot,  with  grape,  canister,  and 
other  missiles.  The  gun  is  of  old  English  make, 
having  a  crown  on  the  top,  with  figures  denot¬ 
ing  its  rate,  &c.  There  is  a  magazine  in  th© 
after  part,  under  the  cockpit,  containing  a  large 
quantity  of  ammunition  of  every  description. 
She  had  on  board,  when  she  left  Charleston, 
nominally  provisions  and  wrater  enough  for  a 
two  weeks’  cruise,  but  really  sufficient  fox-  a 
much  longer  time.  Her  cabin  is  well  supplied 
with  small  arms,  such  as  cutlasses,  of  a  rather 
antique  pattern,  hanging  aci-oss  each  other  on 
hooks  driven  up  for  the  purpose,  holsters  and 
revolving  pistols,  old  style,  dirks,  muskets, 
handcuffs,  &c.,  such  as  might  have  furnished  a 


876 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


respectable  outfit  for  a  pirate  in  the  time  of 
Robert  Kidd.  The  after  part,  or  cabin,  was 
occupied  by  the  commander  and  his  associate 
pirates  who  ranked  as  officers,  while  the  for¬ 
ward  part  of  the  hold  was  set  apart  for  the  pi¬ 
rates  of  second  grade,  and  also  answered  as  a 
cooking  galley.  There  could  scarcely  be  room 
for  more  than  one-half  of  her  crew  below  decks 
at  a  time. 

As  soon  as  she  came  to  anchor,  Mr.  McCook 
proceeded  to  the  United  States  marshal’s  office, 
to  surrender  the  prize  to  his  custody.  Among 
the  officers  in  charge  of  the  prize  is  Mr.  Isaac 
Seeds,  of  New  Jersey.  Mr.  Seeds  states  that 
he  arrived  at  Charleston  on  the  12th  of  May,  as 
mate  of  the  schooner  II.  &  J.  Neil,  of  Balti¬ 
more,  from  Cardenas,  with  a  cargo  of  molasses. 
This  vessel  was  stopped  by  the  secessionists, 
and  in  order  to  escape  from  the  place,  he  went 
on  board  of  an  English  schooner  bound  to  Nas¬ 
sau.  This  vessel  was  stopped  by  the  Minnesota 
as  she  was  going  to  sea,  and  compelled  to  re¬ 
turn,  and  discharge  her  cargo  of  rice.  Mr. 
Seeds  accordingly  took  refuge  on  board  of  the 
frigate  Minnesota.  He  states  that  he  saw  the 
Savannah  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston  on  the 
30th  of  May,  and  heard  the  people  of  Charleston 
speaking  of  her  as  a  privateer  fitting  out  to 
cruise  for  merchant  vessels.  It  was  the  inten¬ 
tion  to  send  her  across  the  Gulf  to  Great  Abaco, 
where  she  was  to  intercept  vessels  near  the 
“Hole  in  the  Wall,”  which  might  pass  that 
way  on  the  voyage  to  Cuba.  Cargoes  of  pro¬ 
visions  were  to  be  particularly  looked  after 
I  he  little  craft  was  observed  lying  at  anchor 
under  Fort  Sumter,  having  the  Confederate  flag 
flying,  and  evidently  in  sea  trim.  Twelve  to 
fifteen  men  were  noticed  on  board. 

On  the  Sunday  following,  viz. :  the  2d  of 
May,  the  Minnesota,  which  is  blockading  off 
Charleston,  had  occasion  to  proceed  to  the 
southward  in  pursuit  of  a  suspicious  vessel, 
Avhen  the  piratical  craft  seized  the  opportunity 
to  emerge  from  the  harbor  by  the  north  chan¬ 
nel  and  sailed  northward,  in  order  to  elude 
observation.  Her  movements  were  noticed  on 
board  the  frigate,  but  as  there  were  many  little 
craft  continually  plying  about  the  entrance  to 
the  port,  she  did  not  attract  particular  atten¬ 
tion. 

On  Monday,  the  3d  of  May,  the  pirate  fell  in 
with  the  brig  Joseph,  of  Rockland,  Me.,  with  a 
cargo  of  sugar,  from  Cardenas,  Cuba,  bound  to 
Philadelphia,  and  consigned  to  Welch  &  Co. 
On  seeing  the  Joseph,  she  set  an  American  en¬ 
sign  in  her  main  rigging,  which  is  understood 
to  be  a  signal  to  speak,  for  latitude  and  longi¬ 
tude,  or  any  other  purpose.  When  the  Joseph 
had  come  within  speaking  distance,  the  com¬ 
mander  of  the  pirate  ordered  the  captain  to 
lower  his  boat  and  come  on  board  of  the  schooner. 
As  soon  as  the  captain  had  come  on  board,  he 
was  told  that  his  vessel  was  a  prize  under  au¬ 
thority  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America, 
his  vessel  being  fitted  out  by  authority  of  the 


Confederate  States  to  seize  all  American  ves¬ 
sels.  He  found  on  the  pirate  schooner  twenty- 
two  men ,  including  oflicers.  Resistance  was 
useless,  and  they  submitted  as  prisoners,  the 
captain  being  detained  on  board  of  the  schooner 
while  the  crew  of  the  Joseph  was  allowed  to 
remain  on  their  own  vessel.  A  prize  crew  of 
eight  armed  men,  with  muskets,  cutlasses, 
bowie-knives,  and  revolvers,  were  put  on  board. 
The  brig  was  sent  into  Georgetown,  S.  C. 

About  5  p.  m.  of  the  same  day,  the  brig 
Perry  hove  in  sight,  the  schooner  running  for 
the  Perry,  under  the  belief  that  they  had  another 
merchant  prize  ahead.  Their  surprise  can  be 
imagined  when  they  discovered  that  the  vessel 
was  one  of  Uncle  Sam’s  men-of-war,  and  that 
they  were  already  in  her  power.  The  pirate 
immediately  hauled  on  a  wind,  and  endeavored 
to  escape  by  sharp  sailing,  believing  that  they 
could  thus  run  away  from  the  Perry.  This  was 
at  5  o’clock  p.  m.  The  Perry  set  all  sail  and 
took  chase  after  the  little  pirate,  firing  her  guns 
to  bring  her  to.  I  he  Savannah  returned  four 
shots,  which  passed  over  the  Perry ,  one  shot 
going  through  the  rigging,  but  without  doing 
her  any  damage.  At  1  o’clock  a.  m.,  the  Perry 
had  hauled  close  on  to  the  pirate,  and  ordered 
her  to  heave  to,  when  the  schooner  lowered 
down  all  her  sails,  and  the  officers  ran  Mow. 
The  Perry  lowered  away  her  two  quarter 
boats,  and  in  a  few  minutes  more,  men  were 
alongside  and  sprang  upon  the  pirate’s  deck. 
Ihe  men  came  forward  and  surrendered  their 
side-arms,  and  in  a  moment  more  the  leaders 
also  came  out  of  the  cabin  and  gave  themselves 
up.  They  were  ordered  into  the  Perry’s  boats, 
and  in  a  short  time  were  transferred  to  that 
vessel.  The  men  were  ironed  and  the  officers 
put  under  guard. 

A  prize  crew  was  put  in  charge,  and  the 
captured  vessel  followed  the  Perry  to  Charleston 
Bar,  where  they  met  the  Minnesota  on  Thurs¬ 
day,  at  4  p.  m.  Here  the  prisoners  were 
tiansferred  to  the  Minnesota,  and  the  schooner 
was  handed  over  to  her  commander.  On  Fri¬ 
day  night,  Midshipman  McCook,  with  a  crew 
from  the  same  vessel,  wTas  ordered  to  carry  the 
schooner  to  New  York.  One  of  the  parties  on 
board  the  Savannah  is  a  young  man  hailing 
from  New  Tork,  who  represents  that  ho  was 
impressed  on  board  of  the  privateer  while  un¬ 
conscious.  He  had  been  two  months  in  the 
hospital  in  Charleston,  and  from  appearances  he 
is  very  much  broken  down  in  health,  and  the 
last  man  who  would  adopt  privateering  as  a 
profession,  ne  states  that  the  name  of  the 
captain  of  the  schooner  was  Baker,  and  that  he 
had  been  in  the  Chilian  navy.  The  other  offi¬ 
cers  were  a  Commissary,  Lieutenant,  Prize- 
Master,  and  Navigator,  whose  names  he  did  not 
know.  He  refuses  to  give  his  own  name,  but 
says  he  is  a  Northern  man  with  Northern  sen¬ 
timents. 

— N.  Y.  Times ,  Juno  16. 


DOCUMENTS. 


377 


Doc.  252. 

FIRST  REGIMENT  MASS.  VOLUNTEERS. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  officers: 

Colonel,  Robert  Cowdin;  Lieutenant-Col¬ 
onel,  George  D.  Wells;  Major,  Charles  P. 
Chandler;  Adjutant,  William  H.  Lawrence, 
Quartermaster,  J ohn  B.  Lee,  of  Salem ;  Assist¬ 
ant-Surgeon,  Dr.  Samuel  A.  Green;  Sergeant- 
Major.  James  AV.  Hall;  Quartermaster-Ser¬ 
geant,  Wm.  P.  Cowie;  Commissary-Sergeant, 
John  B.  Gibbs;  Hospital  Steward,  Edward  R. 
Hutchins. 

Company  A — Captain,  Edward  A.  Wilde, 
vice  Chandler,  promoted  to  major ;  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Wm.  L.  Chandler;  Second  Lieutenant, 
Chas.  L.  Chandler.  Company  B  (Union  Guards) 
— Captain,  Edward  Pearl ;  First  Lieutenant, 
George  H.  Smith ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Chas.  S. 
Kendall.  Company  C  (True  Blues)— Captain, 
Gardner  Walker;  First  Lieutenant,  Joseph 
Hibbert;  Second  Lieutenant,  D.  G.  E.  Dick¬ 
inson.  Company  D  (Roxbury  City  Guard) — 
Captain,  Ebenezer  W.  Stone,  Jr. ;  First  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Chas.  M.  Jordan;  Second  Lieutenant, 
Oliver  Walton.  Company  E  (Pulaski  Guards) 
— Captain,  C.  B.  Baldwin;  First  Lieutenant, 
John  H.  Johnson;  Second  Lieutenant,  Miles 
Farwell.  Company  F  (National  Guards) — Cap¬ 
tain,  Albert  W.  Adams ;  First  Lieutenant,  John 
L.  Ruggles;  Second  Lieutenant.  George  E. 
Henry.  Company  G  (Independent  Boston 
Fusiliers) — Captain,  Henry  A.  Snow;  First 

Lieutenant,  - -  Smith;  Second  Lieutenant, 

Francis  H.  Ward.  Company  II  (Chelsea  Light 
Infantry) — Captain,  Sumner  Carruth;  First 
Lieutenant,  Albert  S.  Austin ;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Robert  S.  Saunders.  Company  I  (Schouler 
Volunteers) — Captain,  Chas.  F.  Rand;  First 
Lieutenant,  Chas.  E.  Mudge;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Elijah  B.  Gill,  Jr.  Company  K  (Chadwick 
Light  Infantry) — Captain,  A.  G.  Chamberlain ; 
First  Lieutenant,  Wm.  H.  Sutherland;  Second 

Lieutenant,  F.  W.  Carruth. 

—N.  Y.  World,  June  17. 


Doo.  253. 

TO  THE  GERMANS  OF  KENTUCKY. 

The  following  address  to  the  Germans  of 
Kentucky,  from  the  pen  of  one  of  the  best  of 
their  countrymen,  well  deserves  attention : 

Frankfort,  Ky.,  June  11, 1861. 

You  and  I  are  Germans  by  birth,  but  we  are  all 
American  citizens  from  choice,  and  as  such  we 
are  now  called  upon  to  aid  either  in  sustaining 
or  overthrowing  the  Government  of  our  adop¬ 
tion.  Let  the  enemies  of  the  country  disguise 
and  falsify  facts  as  they  may,  there  is  but  really 
one  question  submitted  to  the  brave  and  free 
people  of  Kentucky,  and  that  is  this:  Shall  we 
any  longer  have  a  free  Government  or  not?  I 
warn  you,  my  German  brethren  and  fellow-cit¬ 
izens  of  Kentucky,  not  to  be  deceived  by  those 
who  are  trying  to  overthrow  the  Government, 


and  reduce  you  and  me  to  bondage  again.  We 
all  left  our  fatherland  because  we  desire  to  rid 
our  necks  of  the  heel  of  the  tyrant  that  tram¬ 
pled  upon  our  rights.  We  have  learned  to  hate 
tyrants — the  proud  spirit  of  our  race  will  never 
submit  to  the  yoke  of  bondage  which  Jeff. 
Davis  and  his  followers  are  striving  to  fasten 
upon  us. 

My  countrymen,  beware  of  all  the  tricks  and 
treachery  of  Disunionists,  for  they  are  traitors 
to  their  Government.  They  will  approach  you 
pretending  to  be  your  best  friends,  and  under 
the  sacred  guise  of  friendship  seek  to  seduce 
you  from  your  allegiance  and  your  duty.  Tell 
the  rebel  who  may  thus  approach  you  that  you 
have  left  the  sacred  graves  of  your  ancestors 
and  the  homes  of  your  fathers  to  enjoy  the 
blessings  of  this  free  Government — that  you 
have  crossed  the  ocean  to  enjoy  its  benefits; 
and  tell  him  also  that  you  have  taken  a  solemn 
oath  to  support  in  good  faith  its  Constitution 
and  laws,  and  that  you  intend  to  make  good  your 
obligations  and  your  oath  ;  and  should  he  still 
ask  you  to  violate  your  oath,  and  assist  him  in 
destroying  the  Government  which  you  have 
sworn  to  support,  reply  to  the  insult  as  becomes 
your  patriotism  and  your  unquestioned  man¬ 
hood.  In  all  your  deportment  show  yourselves 
worthy  of  the  freedom  which  this  glorious 
country  has  hitherto  bestowed  upon  you,  which 
you  can  only  do  by  yielding  to  it  your  earnest 
and  unreserved  support — follow  its  fortunes 
and  its  flag  wherever  they  go,  and  proudly 
share  their  fate. 

Having  once  tasted  of  the  sweets  of  liberty, 
let  ns  surrender  it  only  with  our  lives.  If  this 
Government  is  destroyed,  liberty  will  be  again 
banished  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  The 
Southern  States  will  soon  become  so  many  lit¬ 
tle  monarchies  and  despotisms,  continually  at 
war  with  each  other,  subduing  and  subdued  in 
turn,  until  they  become  a  hiss  and  a  by-word 
among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  They  will  be 
far  less  desirable  for  us  than  the  oppressed 
lands  from  which  we  have  all  fled. 

The  plain  duty  of  the  United  States  Govern¬ 
ment  is  to  protect  us,  to  guard  our  rights  as  its 
adopted  citizens  wherever  and  by  whomsoever 
they  may  be  invaded,  and  this  duty  has  been 
performed  to  the  letter.  No  adopted  citizen 
ever  claimed  the  protection  of  this  Govern¬ 
ment  upon  any  land  or  sea  where  its  flag  waved, 
where  his  rights  were  not  immediately  guaran¬ 
teed  and  his  wrongs  redressed.  In  return  for 
all  this  our  plain  duty  is  to  support  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  that  protects  us  in  good  faith — to  stand 
by  it  in  this  hour  of  peril,  and  sustain  it,  if  need 
be,  with  our  fortunes  and  our  lives. 

Then  stand  firmly  by  the  Union  which  you 
have  sworn  to  support — vote  for  the  Union  men 
and  Union  measures  alone — respect  and  obey 
the  laws  of  your  adopted  State  and  nation, 
and  labor  unceasingly  for  their  peace  and  pros¬ 
perity. 

Again,  I  say,  take  an  immovable  stand  for 
the  Union,  which  is  alono  able  to  protect  you 


378 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


from  the  despotism  with  which  we  are  all 
threatened.  Very  respectfully, 

•  Leonard  Streiff. 

— Louisville  Journal. 


Doc.  254. 

TEE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY. 

AN  ADDRESS  DELIVERED  AT  MOUNT  KISCO,  WEST¬ 
CHESTER  COUNTY,  NEW  YrORK,  ON  THE  4tH  OF 

JULY,  1861,  BY  JOHN  JAY. 

My  Fellow-Countrymen  : — "We  have  assem¬ 
bled  to  celebrate  the  eighty-sixth  birthday  of 
American  independence,  and  we  come  together 
under  circumstances  that  seem  to  make  us  con¬ 
temporaries,  and  co-actors  as  it  were,  with  our 
fathers  of  the  Revolution.  The  crisis  which 
they  met,  and  which  their  heroism  decided 
after  a  seven  years’  war  with  Great  Britain, 
again  meets  us  face  to  face.  The  early  scenes 
of  their  struggle  for  constitutional  liberty  have 
found  in  our  recent  experience  an  historic  par¬ 
allel  of  even  chronological  exactness. 

The  blood  of  Massachusetts,  shed  at  Lexing¬ 
ton  on  the  19th  of  April,  1775,  was  not  shed 
more  gloriously  than  that  of  the  sons  of  the 
same  old  commonwealth,  who,  marching  by 
our  national  highway  to  the  defence  of  our 
common  capital,  were  slain  at  Baltimore  on  the 
19th  of  April,  1861.  The  midnight  ride  of 
Paul  Revere,  famed  in  history  and  song,  rousing 
the  sleepers  as  he  passed  to  hasten  to  defend 
their  country,  created  no  deeper  emotion  among 
the  colonists  of  that  day,  than  did  our  electric 
wires  flashing  far  and  wide  the  news  of  the 
assault  on  Sumter  and  the  massacre  at  Balti¬ 
more,  and  thrilling  with  a  simultaneous  burst 
of  sympathy  the  loyal  heart  of  the  American 
people. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1776,  the  Congress  that 
met  in  the  State  House  at  Philadelphia  ap¬ 
proved  the  solemn  instrument  that  declared 
the  independence  of  the  American  colonies,  and 
announced  to  the  world  the  birth  of  a  nation. 
Eighty-five  years  have  rolled  by  :  the  actors  in 
that  eventful  scene  have  long  since  gone  to 
their  graves ;  their  names  belong  to  history ; 
their  sons  have  grown  to  manhood  and  age, 
and  have  followed  them  to  the  unseen  world  ; 
and  we  of  the  third  and  fourth  generations  oc¬ 
cupy  the  stage  they  trod,  and  represent  the  na¬ 
tionality  which  then  was  born.  Eighty-five  years 
of  almost  uninterrupted  prosperity  and  unexam¬ 
pled  growth !  eighty -five  years  of  culture  and  ex¬ 
perience  in  a  century  of  progress  such  as  the 
world  has  never  seen  before  !  eighty-five  years 
of  thoughtful  reflection  on  the  character  of  the 
men  who  laid  the  foundation  of  our  national 
glory  and  of  the  broad  principles  of  right  on 
which  they  based  the  edifice  of  American  free¬ 
dom  ! 

Those  years  have  passed ;  their  results  are 
written  on  the  map  of  America,  on  the  page  of 
history,  and  to-day,  the  4th  of  July,  1861,  the 
American  Congress  convenes  again  at  the  call 


of  the  President,  at  the  capital  bearing  the 
name  of  Washington,  to  meet  the  question, 
whether  the  republic  is  to  be  maintained  in  its 
integrity,  with  the  Constitution  proclaimed  by 
Washington,  based  on  the  will  of  the  majority, 
or  whether  it  is  to  be  sundered  and  shattered  by 
a  defeated  faction,  that  sets  at  defiance  the  will 
of  the  people  and  would  trample  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  in  the  dust  ? 

If  ever  the  spirits  of  the  departed  are  per¬ 
mitted  to  revisit  the  seenes  they  loved,  and 
hover  like  angels  around  the  steps  of  their  suc¬ 
cessors,  we  may  suppose  that  Hancock  and  the 
Adamses,  Sherman  and  Wolcott,  Carroll  and 
Livingston,  Jefferson  and  Franklin,  Robert  and 
Lewis  Morris,  Wilson  and  Rush  and  all  their 
noble  compeers  look  down  from  heaven  in  this 
hour  upon  the  Congress  at  Washington;  and 
God  grant  that  the  sturdy  spirit  which  inspired 
the  first  Congress  may  equally  inspire  the  last ! 

“  Whatever  may  be  our  fate,”  said  John 
Adams,  with  prophetic  vision,  after  the  adop¬ 
tion  of  the  Declaration — “  be  assured  that  this 
Declaration  will  stand.  It  may  cost  treasure 
and  it  may  cost  blood,  but  it  will  richly  com¬ 
pensate  for  both.  Through  the  thick  gloom  of 
the  present  I  see  the  brightness  of  the  future 
as  the  sun  in  heaven.  We  shall  make  this  a 
glorious  and  immortal  day.  When  we  are  in 
our  graves  our  children  will  honor  it.  They 
will  celebrate  it  with  thanksgiving,  with  fes¬ 
tivities,  with  bonfires,  with  illuminations.  On 
its  annual  return  they  will  shed  tears,  not  of 
subjection  and  slavery,  not  of  agony  and  dis¬ 
tress,  but  of  exultation,  of  gratitude,  and  of  joy. 
Sir,  before  God,  I  believe  the  hour  is  come ; 
all  that  I  have,  all  that  I  am,  all  that  I  hope 
for  in  this  life,  I  am  now  ready  here  to  stake 
upon  it,  and  I  leave  off  as  I  began,  that  live  or 
die,  sink  or  swim,  survive  or  perish,  I  am  for 
the  Declaration.  It  is  my  living  sentiment,  and 
by  the  blessing  of  God  it  shall  be  my  dying 
sentiment — Independence  now,  and  independ¬ 
ence  forever !  ” 

The  integrity  and  independence  of  our  coun¬ 
try  are  again  in  peril,  and  to-day  the  issue  is 
with  us.  We  come  together  now,  not  as  in 
past  years,  to  rejoice  over  a  national  domain 
boundless  in  extent,  peopled  by  countrymen 
differing,  it  may  be,  in  their  views  and  institu¬ 
tions,  but  united  in  loyalty  and  affection,  at 
peace  in  their  own  borders,  and  with  the  great 
arm  of  the  Union  protecting  its  citizens  alike 
on  sea  or  land,  at  home  or  in  foreign  climes. 
But  we  meet  in  sadness  to  overlook  a  divided 
nation,  and  to  listen  to  the  tramp  of  martial 
forces  larger  than  ever  before  trod  the  soil  of 
America  :  the  one  army  bearing  proudly  aloft 
the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  keeping  step  to  the 
music  of  the  Union ;  the  other  grasping  the 
banner  of  rebellion  and  the  black  flag  of  piracy, 
proclaiming  death  to  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union,  and  ruin  to  the  commerce  of  the  Re¬ 
public. 

Several  States,  about  one-fourth  of  our  whole 
number,  profess  to  have  resumed  their  sov- 


DOCUMENTS. 


379 


ereignty  and  seceded ,  as  they  term  it,  from  the 
Federal  Union  ;  and  certain  persons,  professing 
to  act  in  their  name,  have  extemporized  what 
they  call  the  Southern  Confederacy,  elected  a 
president,  Jefferson  Davis,  and  a  vice-president, 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  organized  an  army,  is¬ 
sued  letters  of  marque,  and  declared  war  on  the 
people  and  the  Government  of  the  United 
States;  and  they  have  publicly  announced, 
through  Walker,  the  secretary  of  Davis,  their 
intention  of  speedily  seizing  our  capital  at 
Washington,  with  its  national  archives  and 
muniments  of  title. 

To  meet  the  rebel  force  arrayed  against  the 
capital,  President  Lincoln  has  called  upon  the 
loyal  States,  and  at  the  word,  fresh  from  the 
plough,  the  loom,  and  the  workshop,  fresh  from 
college  seats  and  the  professor’s  chair,  from  the 

bar,  the  pulpit,  and  the  counting-house,  fresh 
from  every  department  of  American  industry, 
the  army  of  the  Union  is  in  the  field,  and  the 
world  awaits  the  impending  crisis.  Europe 
looks  on  with  undisguised  and  wondering  in¬ 
terest,  and  while  France  and  Germany  seem 
instinctively  to  appreciate  our  situation,  the 
British  cabinet  and  the  British  press  have 
strangely  blundered,  and  have  muttered  some¬ 
thing  we  do  not  understand,  about  “  rights  of 
belligerents,”  “  a  wicked  war,”  and  the  “burst¬ 
ing  of  the  bubble  of  democracy.” 

Such  in  brief  is  our  position  at  home  and 
abroad,  and  this  day  is  destined  to  be  memor¬ 
able — perhaps  as  memorable  in  history  as  that 
which  we  have  met  to  celebrate.  The  action 
of  the  Congress  now  assembled  will  decide 
whether  the  national  independence,  established 
against  the  united  strength  of  the  British  em¬ 
pire  in  ’76,  is  to  fall  ignominiously  before  the 
attacks  of  a  rebel  minority  of  our  own  country¬ 
men  in  ’61. 

It  is  to  decide  the  question,  whether  in  the 
next  century  our  descendants  shall  refer  to  the 
Fourth  of  July  as  the  forgotten  birthday  of  an 
extinct  republic,  or  whether,  when  we  shall 
sleep  with  our  fathers,  and  our  children  shall 
slumber  by  our  side,  their  grandsons  shall  meet 
as  we  do  this  day  to  bless  our  memories  as  we 
bless  those  of  our  revolutionary  sires ;  to  spread 
to  the  breeze  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific, 
on  every  hill-side  and  in  every  valley,  the  flag 
of  our  Union,  the  Stars  and  Stripes  that  we  so 
proudly  love,  and  join  their  voices  in  swelling 
the  cry  of  Adams—11  Independence  now,  and 
independence  forever !  ” 

W  hile  the  great  issue,  the  success  or  failure 
of  the  American  experiment,  the  continuance 
of  our  Union  or  its  disintegration,  rests  imme¬ 
diately  with  the  President  and  with  Congress, 
it  rests  in  an  almost  equal  degree  upon  each  one 
of  us.  The  American  people  are  at  once  citi¬ 
zens  and  sovereigns — the  fountain  and  source 
of  the  supreme  authority  of  the  land,  and  to 

us,  the  people,  will  our  servants  in  Congress 
naturally  and  properly  look  for  guidance  in  this 
extremity.  Already  have  you  seen  how  fairly 
an  honest  Executive  represents  the  sentiments 


of  the  majority  of  his  countrymen,  availing 
himself  of  their  counsels,  gathering  strength 
from  their  energy  and  determination,  and  so 
directing  the  Government  that  its  action  keeps 
time  to  the  beating  of  the  national  pulse.  Al¬ 
ready  in  response  to  the  nation’s  call  has  the 
national  Government  arisen  in  gigantic  strength 
from  the  depths  of  imbecility  to  which  it  had 
fallen,  to  a  position  of  grandeur,  dignity  and 
power,  which  has  silenced  the  half-uttered  sar¬ 
casms  of  European  declaimers  about  the  inter¬ 
nal  weakness  of  popular  institutions. 

Most  of  you,  perhaps  all  of  you,  have  made 
up  your  minds  deliberately,  intelligently,  and 
dispassionately,  in  regard  to  your  duty ;  and  it 
is  a  general  and  proper  sentiment  among  us 
that  this  is  a  time  for  energetic  action,  not  for 
discussion.  But  still  as  I  am  here,  honored  by 
your  appointment,  to  say  something  befitting 
the  occasion,  I  think  you  will  permit  me,  if  in¬ 
deed  you  do  not  regard  it  as  my  especial  prov¬ 
ince,  to  speak  frankly  of  our  present  duty  ;  to 
say  something  of  the  great  theme  which  en¬ 
grosses  the  nation;  of  which  we  think  when 
we  rise  in  the  morning  and  when  we  retire  at 
night,  as  we  go  to  our  work  and  return  to  our 
meals,  when  we  open  the  morning  paper  for 
news  and  close  it  for  reflection,  when  we  kneel 
at  the  family  altar  and  by  our  own  bedsides — 
the  one  great  overwhelming  subject,  the  issue 
of  this  rebellion,  the  destiny  of  our  country. 

I  can  speak  to  you  about  it  more  familiarly 
perhaps  than  I  should  speak  to  strangers ;  for 
you  are  familiar  with  the  whole  matter,  you 
know  by  heart  the  history  of  the  revolutionary 
war  in  which  the  county  of  W estchester  bore 
from  the  beginning  so  prominent  a  part,  and 
from  boyhood  our  thoughts  and  associations 
have  been  intimately  connected  with  the  facts 
of  our  colonial  dependence  and  the  incidents 
that  marked  the  struggle  by  which  that  depend¬ 
ence  was  at  length  terminated.  Let  me  refer 
for  an  instant  to  some  of  the  local  memories 
which  linger  all  around  us.  On  the  angle  of 
Connecticut,  which  juts  into  the  State  of  New 
York  close  by  this  town  of  Newcastle,  stands 
the  boundary  rock  still  bearing  the  initials  “  G. 
R.,”  bi'ief  memento  of  King  George  III.,  whoso 
sovereignty  over  our  fathers,  loyal  subjects 
though  they  were,  and  backed  as  was  the 
crown  by  the  armies  of  Great  Britain,  faded 
before  the  steadfastness  of  their  resistance  to 
unconstitutional  usurpation. 

New  York  in  ’76  being  selected  by  the 
British  as  the  centre  of  their  operations,  com¬ 
manding,  as  they  did,  the  Hudson  River,  and 
acting  in  connection  with  a  force  from  Canada, 
their  march  into  Westchester  was  designed  to 
control  the  two  principal  routes  to  New  Eng¬ 
land,  by  the  way  of  Rye  and  Bedford,  and  so 
cut  off  the  American  army  from  its  Eastern 
supplies.  Washington,  penetrating  their  de¬ 
signs,  skilfully  conducted  his  forces  northward¬ 
ly  from  King’s  Bridge,  moving  in  a  line  parallel 
with  the  British,  keeping  a  little  in  advance, 
facing  them  constantly  with  the  Bronx  in  his 


380 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


front,  the  banks  of  the  stream  being  fortified  in 
convenient  places. 

I  need  not  remind  yon  of  the  battle  of  White 
Plains  on  the  28th  October,  1776,  where  Alex¬ 
ander  Hamilton  distinguished  himself  as  a  cap¬ 
tain  of  artillery,  nor  of  the  heights  of  New¬ 
castle  to  which  Washington  repaired  after 
the  battle.  At  Bedford,  where  we  hold  our 
farms  under  Indian  titles,  bearing  the  mark 
of  Katonah,  sagamore,  that  were  confirmed 
by  patent  of  Queen  Anne,  some  houses  were 
burned  in  ’79  by  Lieut.-Colonel  Tarleton  head¬ 
ing  a  detachment  of  the  Queen’s  Rangers,  as 
related  in  his  despatch  to  Sir  Guy  Oarleton. 
At  Poundridge  and  Ilitching’s  corner  occurred 
bloody  skirmishes.  Then,  there  are  near  by  us 
Mile-square,  where  the  Americans  kept  a  strong 
guard ;  Pine’s  Bridge,  which  served  as  the 
principal  communication  between  the  hostile 
lines,  and  -where  Enoch  Crosby,  the  West¬ 
chester  spy — known  to  all  readers  of  our  great 
novelist  as  Harvey  Birch,  commenced  his  career 
of  secret  service  ;  King’s  Bridge,  the  barrier  of 
the  British  lines  on  the  Harlem  River,  com¬ 
manded  in  New  York  by  Lord  Cathcart,  where 
the  Cow-boys  made  their  rendezvous  when 
they  had  plundered  the  surrounding  hills,  and 
where  a  battle  was  fought  between  the  Conti¬ 
nentals  and  the  Hessians.  Indeed  the  whole 
of  the  “  neutral  ground,”  as  portrayed  by  Fen- 
imore  Cooper,  extending  to  the  Croton,  the 
banks  of  the  Hudson,  Northcastle,  and  Salem, 
connected  with  the  sad  drama  of  Andre,  and 
the,  till  recently,  unsurpassed  treason  of  Ar¬ 
nold,  all  abound  with  revolutionary  incidents  ; 
not  forgetting  Valentine’s  Hill,  at  Mile-square, 
where  Washington  was  encamped  in  ’76,  Sir 
William  Erskine  in  ’78,  and  where  in  ’82,  as 
Mr.  Bolton  tells  us,  a  grand  foray  was  made 
with  some  6,000  men  by  Sir  Guy  Carleton  in 
person,  attended,  among  other  officers  of  note, 
by  the  young  Duke  of  Clarence,  afterwards 
William  the  Fourth. 

Dwelling  as  you  do  amid  scenes  so  sugges¬ 
tive,  there  should  be  no  traitors  in  Westchester, 
unless,  indeed,  they  are  the  descendants  of  the 
Cow-boys  and  Skinners,  those  pests  of  the  Revo¬ 
lution,  who  were  at  once  selfish,  treacherous, 
cowardly,  and  cruel ;  and  if  any  traitors  should 
again  be  found  in  our  borders — men  ready,  for 
their  own  selfish  interests,  to  betray  either  the 
national  principles  or  the  national  integrity, 
that  our  fathers  bought  for  us  at  so  great  a 
price,  do  not  forget  to  remind  them  that  the 
“Cow-boy  oak”  yet  stands  near  Yonkers,  on 
which  their  traitorous  ancestors  were  suspend¬ 
ed  with  “  a  short  shrift  and  a  sure  cord ;  ”  and 
that  equally  patriotic  oaks  in  every  part  of 
Westchester  send  forth  their  broad  arms  ready 
to  perform  for  our  country,  should  its  safety  at 
any  time  unhappily  demand  it,  the  same  excel¬ 
lent  service. 

You  are  familiar  also  with  the  history  of  our 
Constitution  and  with  those  marked  lines  of 
distinction  between  the  authority  of  the  States 
and  that  of  the  Federal  Government,  which  to 


some  of  the  statesmen  and  authors  of  England 
seem  so  difficult  of  comprehension  ;  and  in  re¬ 
gard  to  which,  perhaps  naturally  enough,  they 
occasionally  fall  into  blunders,  which  unfortu¬ 
nately  are  not  always  as  harmless  as  the  droll 
liberties  they  are  accustomed  to  take  with  our 
history,  our  geography,  and  our  nomenclature. 

If  ever  the  constitutional  history  of  America 
shall  receive  in  the  education  of  English  gentle¬ 
men  a  tithe  of  the  attention  bestowed  on  the  con¬ 
stitutions  of  Greece  and  Rome,  or  a  share  of  that 
devoted  to  the  fabulous  heroes,  the  gods  and 
goddesses  of  classic  mythology,  the  British 
Senate  may  occasionally  find  a  familiarity  with 
our  institutions  of  no  slight  value,  especially  if 
it  shall  save  them  from  rashly  interrupting  the 
cordial  friendship  of  a  kindred  people. 

The  universality  of  such  knowledge  here, 
makes  us  perhaps  more  ready  to  remark  the 
want  of  it  in  foreign  critics.  Dr.  Franklin  said 
during  the  last  century,  and  the  progress  of 
education  and  improvements  in  our  newspapers 
have  made  the  remark  more  true  of  the  present 
than  of  the  past, — “We  are  more  thoroughly 
an  enlightened  people  with  regard  to  our  political 
interests  than  perhaps  any  other  under  heaven.” 

You  remember  that  in  1774  the  members  of 
the  first  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  on  behalf  of 
the  colonies  which  they  represented,  entered 
into  certain  articles  of  association  “  under  the 
sacred  ties  of  virtue,  honor,  and  love  of  coun¬ 
try.”  That  in  1778  the  States  united  in  a  con¬ 
federacy,  or  what  they  called  “  a  firm  league 
of  friendship  with  each  other,”  under  the  title 
of  the  United  States,  and  that  under  this  league 
made  by  the  States  they  continued  until  1789, 
when,  “  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,” 
— not  the  States — but  “  We,  the  people  of  the 
United  States,”  ordained  and  established  the 
present  Federal  Constitution.  You  remember 
that  from  the  date  of  the  peace  in  ’83,  when  we 
were  a  mere  league  of  petty  sovereignties,  we 
sank  rapidly,  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Motley, 
whose  conclusive  essay  in  the  London  Times 
has  enlightened  Europe,  “  into  a  condition  of 
utter  impotence,  imbecility,  and  anarchy,” 
which  continued  until  we  were  rescued  from  it 
by  “  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States,” 
which  made  us,  in  every  sense,  one  nation — 
with  one  supreme  Government,  although  for 
convenience  we  retained  the  plural  title  under 
which  we  had  achieved  our  independence,  of 
“  The  United  States.” 

Any  argument,  therefore,  addressed  to  you 
upon  the  constitutional  right  alleged  by  the 
rebels,  of  a  State  to  secede  from  the  Union 
would  be  quite  superfluous.  Men  have  been 
allowed  to  talk  of  State  sovereignty  as  it  liked 
them,  because  ours  is  a  free  country,  and  in 
ordinary  times  the  utmost  liberty  of  speech  is 
permissible,  but  the  doctrine  has  not  even  a  re¬ 
spectable  foothold.  Washington,  as  if  foresee¬ 
ing  the  evil  it  has  assisted  to  bring  forth,  de¬ 
nounced  it  as  “  that  monster,  state  sovereign¬ 
ty.”  Webster  and  Jackson  successively  de¬ 
molished  it,  and  the  argument  now  insolently 


DOCUMENTS. 


381 


advanced  by  leaders  of  the  rebel  States,  that 
in  seceding  from  the  Union  and  seizing  its 
property,  they  are  only  exercising  their  reserved 
rights  under  the  Constitution,  is  one  which  to 
every  intelligent  and  loyal  American  carries 
with  it  its  own  refutation.  The  man  who  at¬ 
taches  to  it  the  weight  of  a  feather,  is  either 
singularly  ignorant  of  American  history,  or 
his  reasoning  powers  are  hopelessly  perverted. 

The  rebels,  despite  their  pretended  plea  of 
constitutional  right,  virtually  admit  its  ground¬ 
lessness,  and  fall  back  on  the  right  of  revolu¬ 
tion.  That  is  a  right  which  no  American  can 
deny,  when  the  causes  of  justification  are  suffi¬ 
cient.  The  simple  cry  of  rebel  and  revolution¬ 
ist  has  no  terror  for  us  who  remember  that 
Washington  and  our  ancestors  occupied  the 
position  of  both  the  one  and  the  other. 

All  then  depends  upon  the  reality  and  suffi¬ 
ciency  of  the  assigned  causes  of  this  attempt  at 
revolution.  Are  they  such  as  to  justify,  the 
effort  to  break  in  pieces  the  American  Union? 
to  destroy  this  last  experiment  of  popular  gov¬ 
ernment  ? 

The  arguments  offered  by  the  insurrectionists 
and  their  friends,  to  show  that  the  Federal 
Government  and  the  loyal  States  should  quietly 
allow  them  to  depart  and  form  a  separate  con¬ 
federacy,  are  these : 

That  the  rebellion  or  revolution  is  the  act  of 
the  people  of  those  States,  exercising  their 
sovereign  will. 

That  they  have  been  compelled  to  this  step 
in  self-defence  by  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  the  refusal  of  certain  Northern  States  to 
fulfil  the  constitutional  obligation  of  returning 
fugitive  slaves. 

That  the  present  position  of  the  rebels,  and 
the  fact  of  their  having  ousted  the  Federal 
Government  from  its  forts  and  other  property, 
exhibit  their  strength,  make  the  revolution  an 
accomplished  fact,  and  render  the  attempt  to 
subjugate  the  Southern  people  utterly  hopeless. 

That  even  if  they  were  subjugated,  harmo¬ 
nious  feeling  could  never  be  restored ;  and  that 
for  these  reasons,  and  especially  the  last,  a  war 
to  maintain  the  integrity  of  the  Union  would 
be  alike  wicked  and  foolish. 

These,  I  believe,  are  their  strong  points  fair¬ 
ly  stated,  and  I  will  briefly  state  some  of  the 
grounds  on  which  we  believe  them  to  be,  one 
and  all,  erroneous  and  delusive. 

In  the  first  place,  the  fact  is  clear  that  the 
rebellion  at  the  South  was  not  in  its  inception 
like  the  rebellion  of  the  American  colonies — a 
calm,  deliberate,  determined  movement  of  the 
people ;  but  that  it  was  a  conspiracy  originat¬ 
ing  with  a  few  ambitious  politicians,  and  was 
by  them  suddenly  precipitated  upon  the  peo¬ 
ple,  whose  right  to  pass  upon  their  acts  of  se¬ 
cession  has  been  purposely,  systematically,  and 
practically  denied.  “  There  is,”  said  W  ebster 
— and  his  words  were  never  before  so  fearfully 
illustrated— “  no  usurpation  so  dangerous  as 
that  which  comes  in  the  borrowed  name  of  the 
people ;  which,  calling  itself  their  servant,  ex¬ 


ercises  their  power  without  legal  right  or  con¬ 
stitutional  sanction.” 

You  all  remember  the  stern  rebukes  uttered 
by  the  Southern  press,  of  the  rash  precipitancy 
of  South  Carolina,  and  the  efforts  made  by 
their  prominent  statesmen,  among  whom  Mr. 
Stephens  was  one,  to  stay  the  efforts  of  the 
rebel  leaders  to  plunge  the  South  into  rebel¬ 
lion.  Even  after  several  States  had  by  their 
conventions— and  the  convention  of  Louisiana 
was  elected  by  a  minority  of  the  people — been 
declared  out  of  the  Union ;  and  after  delegates 
from  those  conventions  had  met  in  congress  at 
Montgomery,  and  extemporized  their  new  con¬ 
federacy,  the  bolder  part  of  the  Southern  press 
did  notdiesitate  to  denounce  the  usurpation.  • 

The  “  Augusta  Chronicle  and  Sentinel  ” — a 
leading  paper  of  Georgia — openly  declared  that 
the  result  had  been  produced  by  “  wheedling, 
coaxing,  and  bullying,  and  all  the  arts  of  de¬ 
ception.”  It  said : 

“  We  know  as  well  as  any  one  living  that  the 
whole  movement  for  secession  and  the  forma¬ 
tion  of  a  new  government,  so  far  at  least  as 
Georgia  is  concerned,  proceeded  only  on  a 
quasi  consent  of  the  people,  and  was  pushed 
through  under  circumstances  of  great  excite¬ 
ment  and  frenzy  by  a  fictitious  majority.”  And 
then,  passing  to  the  Montgomery  congress,  it 
added : 

“  The  Georgia  convention  and  the  confed¬ 
erate  congress  have  gone  forward  in.  their 
work,  as  none  can  deny,  without  explicit  and 
direct  authority  from  the  people.”  *  *  *  “It 
is  time  that  this  assumption  of  power  should 
cease,  and  that  the  people  should  be  heard. 
Sooner  or  later  they  must  be  heard.”.*  *  * 
“  Before  the  convention  assumes  to  ratify  the 
permanent  constitution  let  them  submit  it  to  a 
vote  of  the  people — or  else,  let  us  have. an  elec¬ 
tion  for  a  new  convention.  For  union — for 
harmony — for  strength — we  ask  this  simple  act 
of  justice.” 

Simple  justice  was  not  the  aim  of  Jefferson 
Davis  and  his  co-conspirators.  To  this  day  the 
people  of  the  South  have  been  allowed  no  op¬ 
portunity  of  passing  upon  the  profoundest  ques¬ 
tion  that  can  affect  a  nation — the  preservation 
or  overthrow  of  its  institutions ;  and  the  rebel 
government  is  an  usurpation  of  the  grossest 
kind,  not  only  against  the  people  of  the  United 
States  in  their  sovereign  capacity,  but  against 
the  people  of  the  States  in  whose  name  it  as¬ 
sumes  to  act,  and  by  whose  will  it  pretends  to 
have  been  established. 

The  declaration,  so  solemnly  made  by  the 
seceding  conventions,  appealing  to  the  world 
for  the  justice  of  their  cause,  that  Mr.  Lincoln’s 
election,  the  non-execution  of  the  fugitive  slave 
law,  and  the  personal  liberty  laws  of  Northern 
States,  compelled  them  to  separate  from  a  Gov¬ 
ernment  that  threatened  their,  dearest  rights, 
is  equally  disproven  out  of  their  own  mouths. 
Listen  to  the  following  utterances  from  the 
very  leaders  of  the  rebellion  : 

Mr.  Rhett  said: — “The  secession  of  South 


382 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Carolina  is  not  the  event  of  a  day.  It  is  not 
any  thing  produced  by  Mr.  Lincoln  or  by  the 
non-execution  of  the  fugitive  slave  law.  It  is 
a  matter  which  has  been  gathering  head  for 
years.” 

Mr.  Parker : — “  It  is  no  spasmodic  effort  that 
has  come  suddenly  upon  us,  but  it  has  been 
gradually  culminating  for  a  long  series  of 
years.” 

Mr.  Keitt: — “I  have  been  engaged  in  this 
movement  ever  since  I  entered  political  life.” 

Mr.  Inglis  “  Most  of  us  have  had  this  mat¬ 
ter  under  consideration  for  the  last  twenty 
years.” 

That  these  declarations  had  a  broad  basis  of 
truth,  and  that  a  plot  to  destroy  the  Union  has 
been  hatching  for  a  long  period,  and  has  been 
deterred  only  until  a  convenient  opportunity,  is 
no  longer  a  matter  of  speculation.  The  elec¬ 
tion  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  the  cause,  but  only 
the  occasion.  Mr.  Everett,  in  a  recent  letter, 
said,  that  ho  was  “  well  aware,  partly  from 
facts  within  his  personal  knowledge,  that  lead¬ 
ing  Southern  politicians  had  for  thirty  years 
been  resolved  to  break  up  the  Union  as  soon  as 
they  ceased  to  control  the  United  States  Gov¬ 
ernment,  and  that  the  slavery  question  was  hut 
a  pretext  for  keeping  up  agitation  and  rallying 
the  South” 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  in  1856  declared, 

“  If  Fremont  is  elected  the  Union  will  not  last 
an  hour  after  Mr.  Pierce’s  term  expires,”  and  a 
careful  examination  will  show  that,  from  the  I 
attempt  at  nullification  by  South  Carolina  in 
1832,  which  was  defeated  by  the  stern  deter¬ 
mination  of  General  Jackson  that  the  “Union 
must  and  shall  be  preserved,”  a  sentiment  that 
was  enthusiastically  responded  to  by  the  coun¬ 
try  at  large,  the  design  has  been  secretly  cher¬ 
ished,  by  a  knot  of  conspirators  at  the  South, 
of  destroying  the  Union  whenever  the  men  en¬ 
tertaining  this  design  should  no  longer  be  able 
to  control  its  Government.  So  long  as  they 
could  enjoy  its  honors  and  emoluments,  and 
use  its  prestige,  its  treasury,  its  army,  and  its 
navy,  for  their  own  purposes,  they  were  con¬ 
tent  that  it  should  stand ;  but  the  moment 
these  were  wrested  from  their  grasp  by  the 
will  of  the  people,  that  moment  the  Union  was 
to  be  destroyed. 

So  long  ago  as  the  year  1799,  Judge  Mar¬ 
shall,  in  a  letter  to  Washington,  dated  at  Eich- 
mond,  remarked 

*  I  ( 

“  To  me  it  seems  that  there  are  men  who  \ 
■will  hold  power  by  any  means  rather  than  not  1 
hold  it,  and  who  would  prefer  a  dissolution  of  1 
the  Union  to  the  continuance  of  an  Administra¬ 
tion  not  of  their  own  party.”  And  Mr.  Ste-  ] 
phens  declared,  in  regard  to  the  present  con-  < 
spiracy,  that  the  ambition  of  disappointed  of-  i 
fice-seekers  constituted  “a  great  part  of  the  i 
trouble.”  t 

General  Jackson,  after  the  South  Carolina  c 
rebellion  of  1832  was  suppressed,  foretold  its  1 
attempted  revival  at  no  distant  period,  remark-  i 
ing  that  “  the  first  time  the  pretence  was  the  I  j 


tariff,  and  that  next  it  would  be  the  negro 
■  question.” 

In  1836,  twenty-five  years  ago,  a  political 
novel,  called  the  “  Partizan  Leader,”  was  pub¬ 
lished  by  Professor  Beverly  Tucker,  of  William 
and  Mary  College,  in  Virginia.  It  excited  no 
sensation  then,  but  it  possesses  a  singular  in¬ 
terest  now.  It  proceeds  upon  the  theory  that 
the  events  it  describes  as  then  happening  would 
happen  twenty  years  after,  that  is,  in  1856, 
when  Fremont  would  have  probably  been  elect¬ 
ed  but  for  the  frauds  in  Pennsylvania ;  and  it 
gives,  with  singular  accuracy,  the  programme 
of  the  conspiracy  which  is  now  in  progress. 
The  author  describes  the  Southern  States  as  se¬ 
ceding  “  by  a  movement  nearly  simultaneous,” 
and  immediately  forming  a  Southern  Confed¬ 
eracy.  Let  me  quote  a  single  paragraph  : 

“  The  suddenness  of  these  measures  was  less 
remarkable  than  the  prudence  with  which  they 
had  been  conducted.  The  two  together  left  little 
doubt  that  there  had  been  a  preconcert  among 
the  leading  men  of  the  several  States,  arranging 
previously  what  should  be  done.  *  *  Nor  was 
it  confined  to  the  seceding  States  alone.  In 
Virginia  also  there  were  men  who  entered  into 
the  same  views.  *  *  Not  only  had  they  sketched 
provisionally  the  plan  of  a  Southern  Confed¬ 
eracy,  but  they  had  taken  measures  to  regulate 
their  relations  with  foreign  po'wers.” 

What  a  flood  of  light  is  thrown  upon  the 
conspiracy  by  these  few  words  from  one  of  the 
earliest  of  the  conspirators,  who  seems  to  have 
anticipated  in  part  the  role  to  be  played  by  his 
own  State  of  Virginia.  There  being  indica¬ 
tions  of  her  ultimate  accession  to  the  confed¬ 
eracy,  the  author  says : 

il  The  leading  men  ”  referred  to  “  had  deter¬ 
mined  to  wait  tor  her  no  longer,  but  to  proceed 
to  the  execution  of  their  plans,  leaving  her  to 
follow.” 

Could  the  acute  novelist  have  anticipated  tho 
proceedings  of  the  pseudo-peace  convention, 
and  the  conduct  of  Virginia  traitors,  headed  by 
an  ex-President  Tyler  and  an  ex-Governor 
Wise,  he  might  have  eulogized  the  leaders  of 
the  Ancient  Dominion  for  their  treacherous  skill 
in  deluding  the  country  with  schemes  of  com¬ 
promise  while  the  preparations  of  the  rebels 
were  advancing  to  completion. 

Mr.  Everett,  who  was  a  warm  advocate  for 
the  peace  convention,  has  told  us  that  “  those 
conciliatory  demonstrations  had  no  effect  in 
staying  the  progress  of  secession,  because  the 
leaders  of  that  revolution  were  determined  not 
to  be  satisfied.” 

In  reference  to  the  measures  referred  to  by 
Professor  Tucker,  looking  towards  the  relations 
of  the  new  confederacy  with  foreign  powers,  it 
may  be  worth  while  to  allude  to  a  recent  state¬ 
ment  that  in  the  days  of  Mr.  Calhoun  a  plan  for 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union  and  the  formation 
of  a  great  slaveholding  power,  was  presented 
by  his  friends  to  Lord  Aberdeen,  and  that  some 
words  attributed  to  that  statesman,  are  sup¬ 
posed  to  have  given  rise  to  the  hopes  of  British 


DOCUMENTS. 


383 


sympathy,  in  which  Southern  politicians  have 
so  frequently  indulged.  It  is  said  on  high  au¬ 
thority  that  at  different  times,  and  especially 
in  1851,  these  projects  have  been  broached  to 
members  of  the  British  ministry,  and  that  on 
that  occasion  they  were  disclosed  by  Lord 
Palmerston  to  our  minister,  Mr  Abbott  Law¬ 
rence,  and  that  the  Southern  commissioners, 
disheartened  by  the  coolness  with  which  their 
overtures  were  received,  and  also  by  the  fate 
of  the  Lopez  expedition,  returned  discomfited 
to  the  United  States. 

In  1857  Mr.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  announced 
as  a  fact  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  that  the 
British  Government  had  changed  its  opinion  on 
the  slavery  question;  but  an  early  occasion 
was  taken  by  that  government  to  contradict 
the  assertion  of  Mr.  Mason,  the  Duke  of  Aigyil 
declaring  that  he  was  instructed  by  her  Majes¬ 
ty’s  ministers  to  do  so.* 

Blind  as  we  have  all  been  to  the  catastrophe 
that  awaited  us,  unconscious  as  were  the  peo¬ 
ple,  both  at  the  North  and  at  the  South,  of  this 
preconcert  among  a  few  leaders  in  the  different 
States,  we  can  now  trace  step  by  step  the  prog¬ 
ress  of  the  conspiracy,  and  read  the  history  of 
the  last  thirty  years  without  an  interpreter; 
we  can  understand  the  motive  of  the  Texan 
rebellion,  the  war  with  Mexico,  the  persistent 
efforts  to  secure  Cuba,  the  filibustering  expedi¬ 
tions  to  Central  America,  and  the  determination 
to  re-open  the  African  slave  trade.  We  can 
appreciate,  too,  the  caution  with  which  the 
plan  of  the  rebellion  was  concealed,  and  espe¬ 
cially  the  adroitness  with  which  the  people  were 
allowed  no  time  for  reflection,  no  opportunity 
for  action,  their  consent  assumed  on  the  plea 
of  necessary  haste,  and  the  acts  ot  secession 
pushed  through  the  conventions,  as  charged  by 
the  Georgian  editor,  with  no  regard  to  popular 
rights,  and  under  circumstances  of  excitement 
and  frenzy  by  fictitious  majorities. 

The  doctrine  of  secession,  earnestly  as  it  had 
been  advocated,  failed  to  convince  the  capital¬ 
ists,  the  planters,  and  the  common-sense  states¬ 
men  of  the  South— even  in  South  Carolina,. 

A  few  years  since  Mr.  Boyce,  of  that  State, 
late  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
in  an  address  to  the  people,  after  showing  that 
by  secession  they  would  lose  the  vitality  of  a 
State,  that  they  would  exist  only  by  tolerance, 
a  painful  and  humiliating  spectacle,  that  it 
would  involve  a  sacrifice  of  the  present  without 
in  anywise  gaining  in  the  future,  emphatically 
declared,  “  such  is  the  intensity  of  my  convic¬ 
tion  on  the  subject,  that  if  secession  should 
take  place,  of  which  I  have  no  idea,  for  I  cannot 
believe  in  such  stupendous  madness,  I  shall  con¬ 
sider  the  institution  of  slavery  as  doomed,  and 
that  the  great  God  in  our  blindness  has  made 
us  the  instrument  of  its  destruction.” 

Even  so  late  as  the  autumn  of  1860,  and  after 
the  Presidential  election  that  announced  the 

*  See  a  letter  dated  London,  December  10,  185S,  pub¬ 
lished  and  endorsed  by  the  Commercial  Advertiser ,  Janu¬ 
ary  30,  1861. 


defeat  of  the  slave  power  which  had  so  long 
ruled  the  country,  the  leading  men  of  the  South 
who  had  not  been  in  the  plot,  battled  manfully 
against  it.  On  the  14th  of  November  last,  Mr. 
Stephens,  of  Georgia,  now  the  vice-president, 
of  the  rebel  confederacy,  delivered  a  long  and 
able  speech  in  the  Georgia  house  of  representa¬ 
tives,  in  which,  in  answer  to  the  question 
whether  the  Southern  States  should  secede  in 
consequence  of  Mr.  Lincoln’s  election,  he  said. 

“  My  countrymen,  I  tell  you  frankly,  candid¬ 
ly,  and  earnestly,  that  I  do  not  think  that  they 

ought.”  . 

Reminding  them  of  the  sacred  obligation 
resting  on  them  to  be  true  to  their  national  en- 
gagements,  he  exclaimed : 

“  If  the  Republic  is  to  go  down,  let  us  be 
found  to  the  last  moment  standing  on  the  deck, 
with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
waving  over  our  heads.”  And  this  sentiment 
was  greeted  with  applause. 

He  expressed  his  belief  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
would  do  nothing  to  jeopard  tlieir  safety  or 
security,  and  showed  them  the  wisdom  of  our 
system  with  its  checks  and  guards.  He  re¬ 
minded  them  that  the  President  was  powerless 
unless  backed  by  Congress — that  the  House  ot 
Representatives  was  largely  against  linn,  and 
that  there  would  be  a  majority  of  four  against 
him  in  the  Senate,  and  referring  to  a  remark 
that  no  Georgian,  who  was  true  to  his  State, 
could  consistently  hold  office  under  Mr.  Lin¬ 
coln  reminded  them  that  such  office  could  be 
honorably  held,  for  it  would  be  conferred  by 
the  approval  of  a  Democratic  Senate  and.  this 
exposition  was  received  with  “  prolonged  ap- 

*  Mr.  Stephens  frankly  avowed  that  he  would 
never  submit  to  any  Republican  aggression  on 
their  constitutional  rights  to  preserve  the 
Union ;  but  insisted  that  all  their  rights  could 
be  secured  in  the  Union,  and  emphatically  de¬ 
clared,  “That  this  Government  of  our  fathers 
with  all  its  defects,  comes  nearer  the  objects  of 
all  good  governments  than  any  other  on  the 
face  of  the  earth,  is  my  settled  conviction. 

“  Have  we  not  at  the  South,  as  well  as  at  the 
North,  grown  great,  prosperous,  and  happy 
under  its  operation?  Has  any  part  of  the 
world  ever  shown  such  rapid  progress  in  the 
development  of  wrealth,  and  all  the  material  re¬ 
sources  of  national  power  and  greatness  as  the 
Southern  States  have  under  the  General  ^Gov¬ 
ernment,  notwithstanding  all  its  defects? 

Mr.  Stephens  then,  with  philosophic  skill, 
showed  that  the  institutions  of  a  people  consti¬ 
tute  the  matrix  from  which  spring  all  their 
characteristics  of  development  and  greatness. 
“Look,”  he  said,  “at  Greece.  There  is  the 
same  fertile  soil,  the  same  blue  sky,  the  same 
inlets  and  harbors,  the  same  iEgean,  the  same 
Olympus;  there  is  the  same  land  where  Homer 
sung,  where  Pericles  spoke  ;  it  is  the  same  old 
Greece — but  it  i:  living  Greece  no  more.”  He 
pictured  its  ruin  of  art  and  civilization,,  and 
traced  that  ruin  to  the  downfall  of  their  insti- 


384 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


tutions.  He  drew  the  same  lesson  from  Italy 
and  Rome,  once  mistress  of  the  world,  and 
solemnly  warned  them  that  where  liberty  is 
once  destroyed  it  may  never  return  again. 

Coming  back  to  the  State  of  Georgia  he  re¬ 
ferred  to  the  anxiety  of  many  there  in  1850  to 
secede  from  the  Union — and  showed  that  since 
1850  the  material  wealth  of  Georgia,  as  a  mem¬ 
ber  of  the  Union,  had  nearly  if  not  quite 
doubled. 

lie  spoke  of  the  prosperity  in  agriculture, 
commerce,  art,  science,  and  every  department 
of  education,  physical  and  mental,  and  warned 
them  against  listening  to  the  like  temptation  as 
that  offered  to  our  progenitors  in  the  Garden  of 
Eden — when  they  were  led  to  believe  that  they 
would  become  as  gods,  and  yielding  in  an  evil 
hour  saw  only  their  own  nakedness. 

“  I  look,”  he  said,  “  upon  this  country,  with 
its  institutions,  as  the  Eden  of  the  world,  the 
paradise  of  the  universe.  It  may  be  that  out 
of  it  we  may  become  greater  and  more  pros¬ 
perous  ;  but  I  am  candid  and  sincere  in  telling 
you,  that  I  fear  if  we  rashly  evince  passion,  and 
without  sufficient  cause  shall  take  that  step, 
that  instead  of  becoming  greater  or  more  peace¬ 
ful,  prosperous,  and  happy — instead  of  becom¬ 
ing  gods,  we  will  become  demons,  and  at  no 
distant  day  commence  cutting  one  another’s 
throats.” 

There,  my  countrymen,  we  have  the  testi¬ 
mony  of  the  vice-president  of  the  rebel  confed¬ 
eracy,  and  the  fact  that  Mr.  Stephens,  like  our 
progenitors  of  whom  he  spoke,  yielded  to 
temptation  and  became  a  chief  abettor  of  the 
scheme  of  ruin  which  he  so  strongly  depre¬ 
cated,  detracts  nothing  from  the  value  of  this 
remarkable  speech.  His  treachery  proves  only 
his  own  weakness,  it  impeaches  neither  the 
truth  of  his  facts,  the  aptness  of  his  illustra¬ 
tions,  nor  the  conclusions  to  which  he  was  led 
by  his  historic  experience  and  irresistible  logic. 

Already  in  South  Carolina,  first  and  chiefest 
of  the  seceding  States,  have  men  professing  to 
be  respectable,  men  whose  names  connect  them 
in  past  generations  with  Englishmen  of  gentle 
blood  and  Huguenots  of  heroic  fame,  men  who 
for  years  have  borne  in  foreign  climes  the 
proud  title  of  American  citizens,  and  who  know 
the  simple  dignity  of  the  American  Republic 
among  the  nations  of  the  earth — already  are 
these  men,  since  they  discarded  the  protection 
of  the  Federal  Government,  so  lost  to  self-re¬ 
spect  that  they  are  not  only  ready  to  submit  to 
a  foreign  yoke,  but,  according  to  their  eulogist, 
Mr.  Russell,  in  a  paragraph  I  will  presently 
quote,  they  actually  whimper  like  children  for 
the  privilege  of  becoming  the  vassals  of  an  Eu¬ 
ropean  princelet. 

We  have  glanced  at  the  secret  history  of  the 
conspiracy.  Now,  let  me  ask,  on  what  ground 
does  this  usurping  confederacy  ask  to  be  recog¬ 
nized  as  independent,  and  admitted  to  the  fam¬ 
ily  of  nations  ? 

In  the  convention  of  South  Carolina,  in  reply 
to  an  objection  that  the  declaration  reported 


by  the  committee  dwelt  too  mnch  on  the  fugi¬ 
tive  slave  law  and  the  personal  liberty  bills,  as 
giving  it  the  appearance  of  special  pleading, 
Mr.  Memminger  said  :  “Allow  me  to  say  to  the 
honorable  gentleman,  that  when  you  take  posi¬ 
tion  that  you  have  a  right  to  break  your  faith, 
to  destroy  an  agreement  that  you  have  made,’ 
to  tear,  off  your  seal  from  the  document  to 
which  it  is  affixed,  you  are  bound  to  justify 
yourself  fully  to  all  the  nations  of  the  world, 
for  there  is  nothing  that  casts  such  a  stain  upon 
the  escutcheon  of  a  nation  as  a  breach  of 
faith.” 

In  this  Mr.  Memminger  was  clearly  right, 
and  the  alleged  breach  of  faith  by  the  North, 
touching  the  execution  of  the  fugitive  slave  law, 
was  resorted  to  as  affording  a  plausible  pretext 
for  seceding  from  the  Union.  But  the  debates 
show  that  this  pretext  was  a  sham,  and  Mr. 
Rhett  frankly  declared  that  he  regarded  the 
fugitive  slave  law  as  unconstitutional,  and  that 
Mr.  Webster  aud  Mr.  Keitt  had  expressed  the 
same  opinion. 

You  have  seen,  too,  from  Mr.  Stephens,  that 
all  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  South  were 
protected  within  the  Union— and  that  the  South 
was  indebted  to  the  Union  for  her  safety,  pros¬ 
perity,  and  happiness. 

What  then  is  the  real  ground  on  which  the 
breach  of  faith  committed  by  the  seceding 
States  is  to  be  justified,  if  it  cau  be  justified  at 
all ;  on  what  ground  is  it  recommended  to  the 
prejudices  of  the  South  and  to  the  impartial 
judgment  of  the  world? 

After  secession  was  an  accomplished  fact,  so 
far  as  their  conventions  could  manage  it  by 
usurped  authority  and  fictitious  majorities,  and 
Mr.  Stephens  had  become  not  only  a  member 
but  a  prominent  leader  of  the  conspiracy,  he 
said  at  Atlanta : 

“  The  foundations  of  our  new  government 
are  laid,  its  corner-stone  rests  upon  the  great 
truth  that  the  negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white 
man ;  that  slavery,  subordination  to  the  su¬ 
perior  race,  is  his  natural  and  moral  condition. 
This,  our  new  government,  is  the  first  in  the 
history  of  the  world  based  upon  this  great 
physical,  philosophical,  and  moral  truth.” 

Mr.  Stephens  enlarged  upon  this  distinguish¬ 
ing  characteristic  of  the  government,  to  estab¬ 
lish  which  the  Union  was  to  be  dissolved, 
sneered  at  the  principle  that  all  men  are  equal, 
enunciated  by  our  fathers  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  “  as  the  pestilent  heresy  of 
fancy  politicians ’’—declared  that  “African  in¬ 
equality  and  the  equality  of  white  men  were 
the  chief  corner-stone  of  the  Southern  repub¬ 
lic!  ”  and  claimed  that  with  a  government  so 
founded,  the  world  would  recognize  in  theirs 
the  model  nation  of  history.” 

Here  we  have  their  only  apology  for  this  re¬ 
bellion,  stripped  of  all  shams  and  disguises,  and 
thus  at  length,  in  the  latter  half  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  stand  face  to  face  in  deadly 
conflict  the  antagonist  systems  of  the  new 
world. 


DOCUMENTS. 


385 


“  All  men,”  said  the  founders  of  the  Ameri¬ 
can  Republic,  “  are  created  free  and  equal,  and 
endowed  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  among 
which  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  hap¬ 
piness.”  “  Let  it  ever  be  remembered,”  said 
the  Continental  Congress,  “  that  the  rights  for 
which  we  have  contended  were  the  rights  of 
human  nature,”  and  on  that  foundation  arose 
the  fair  fabric  of  our  liberties. 

The  dark  shadow  arises  of  another  confed¬ 
eracy  which  Davis,  and  Keitt,  and  Floyd,  and 
Toombs,  are  striving  to  establish  on  the  ruins 
of  the  republic  erected  by  Washington  and 
Franklin,  and  Hamilton  and  Jefferson,  and  the 
one  great  plea  with  which  this  new  power 
seeks  to  recommend  itself  to  the  Christian  world 
is,  the  assumption  that  the  white  man  was  born 
to  be  the  master  and  the  black  man  was  created 

to  be  his  slave.  .  . 

The  attempt  of  the  slavery  insurrectionists  to 
bring  into  contempt  the  great  principle  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  their  charac¬ 
terizing  the  men  who  uttered  it  and  the  men 
who  believe  in  it  as  “  fancy  politicians,”  shows 
how  absolutely  antagonist  in  their  principles 
were  those  who  rebelled  in  ’76  against  uncon¬ 
stitutional  acts  of  parliament,  and  those  who  in 
’61  are  rebelling  against  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  Even  in  the  august  year  which 
we  are  met  to  celebrate,  the  principles  and 
reasonings  of  our  fathers  commanded  the  ad¬ 
miration  of  Europe,  and  called  forth  in  the 
House  of  Lords  that  magnificent  eulogy  of 
Chatham,  when  he  said  that  for  himself  he  must 
declare  that  he  had  studied  and  admired  the 
free  states  of  antiquity,  the  master  states  of 
the  world ;  but  that  for  solidity  of  reasoning, 
force  of  sagacity,  and  wisdom  of  conclusion,  no 
body  of  men  could  stand  in  preference  to  the 
Congress  of  Philadelphia. 

Whatever  may  be  the  future  of  America  the 
past  is  safe. 

The  confederates  of  the  slave  republic,  unri¬ 
valled  as  may  be  their  skill  in  robbing  us  of 
material  wealth  and  power,  cannot  rob  the 
founders  of  our  Union  of  their  glory— cannot 
filch  from  us  the  treasures  we  possess  in  their 
great  principles,  cannot  lessen  by  the  tithe  of  a 
hair,  the  truth  and  force  of  their  example. 

On  the  contrary,  the  formation  of  the  South¬ 
ern  Confederacy  adds  new  proof  to  their  far¬ 
sighted  and  prophetic  sagacity.  Look  at  the 
rebel  States,  plunged  into  anarchy  and  war  by 
Jefferson  Davis,  with  a  fettered  press,  free 
speech  silenced,  forced  loans,  and  an  army  en¬ 
larged  by  conscription,  and  then  listen  to  a 
single  passage  from  William  Pinkney,  .  the 
great  orator  of  Maryland,  which  occurs  in  a 
speech  made  in  the  Maryland  House  of  Dele¬ 
gates,  in  1789  :  and  remember  as  you  listen  to 
ft  the  proof  I  have  already  given  you  that  the 
so-called  Southern  confederacy  is .  a  military 
despotism,  extemporized  and  precipitated  on 
the  people  of  the  South,  who  have  never  been 
allowed  to  express  their  will  in  regard _  to  the 
substitution  of  the  Montgomery  constitution, 


for  the  ancient  Constitution  and  Government 
which  the  confederates  are  striving  to  destroy. 

Said  Mr.  Pinkney : 

“That  the  dangerous  consequences  ot  the 
system  of  bondage  have  not  as  yet  been  felt 
does  not  prove  that  they  never  will  be. 

To  me,  sir,  nothing  for  which  I  have  not  the  evi¬ 
dence  of  my  senses  is  more  clear  than  that  it 
will  one  day  destroy  that  reverence  for  liberty 
which  is  the  vital  principle  of  a  republic. 

“  While  a  majority  of  your  citizens  are  ac¬ 
customed  to  rule  with  the  authority  of  despots 
within  particular  limits,  while  your  youth  are 
reared  in  the  habit  of  thinking  that  the  great 
rights  of  human  nature  are  not  so  sacred  but 
they  may  with  innocence  be  trampled  on,  can 
it  be  expected  that  the  public  mind  should 
glow  with  that  generous  ardor  in  the  cause  of 
freedom  which  alone  can  save  a  government 
like  ours  from  the  lurking  demon  of  usurpa¬ 
tion?  Do  you  not  dread  contamination  of 
principle?  Have  you  no  alarms  for  the  con¬ 
tinuance  of  that  spirit  which  once  conducted  us 
to  victory  and  independence  when  the  talons 
of  power  were  unclasped  for  our  destruction? 
Have  you  no  apprehension  that  when  the  vota¬ 
ries  of  freedom  sacrifice  also  at  the  gloomy 
altars  of  slavery,  they  will  at  length  become 
apostates  from  the  former  ?  For  my  own  part, 

I  have  no  hope  that  the  stream  of  general  liber¬ 
ty  will  flow  forever  unpolluted  through  the  foul 
mire  of  partial  bondage,  or  that  they  who  have 
been  habituated  to  lord  it  over  others,  will  not 
in  time  be  base  enough  to  let  others  lord  it 
over  them.  If  they  resist,  it  will  be  the  strug¬ 
gle  of  pr  ide  and  selfishness,  not  of  pr  inciple. 

The  hour  so  philosophically  predicted  seven¬ 
ty-two  years  ago  has  come.  The  usurping 
hand  is  lifted  against  the  most  benignant  gov¬ 
ernment  the  world  has  ever  seen.  The  usurpa¬ 
tion  is  unresisted,  the  country  is  precipitated 
into  war,  and  popular  government  overthrown, 
and  a  military  rule  established :  the  people,  it 
would  seem,  have  cast  to  the  world  the  historic 
memories  we  this  day  meet  to  celebrate.  .  Mr. 
Russell,  the  correspondent  of  the  London  Times , 
now  travelling  at  the  South,  treated  with  every 
attention,  charmed  with  their  courtesy,  and 
evidently  inclined  to  regard  their  rebel  move¬ 
ment  with  a  favorable  eye,  writes  from  South 
Carolina  on  the  30tli  April,  and  makes  this  sad 
disclosure :  “  From  all  quarters  have  come  to 
my  ears  the  echoes  of  the  same  voice  ;  it  may 
be  feigned,  but  there  is  no  discord  in  the  note, 
and  it  sounds  in  wonderful  strength  and  mo¬ 
notony  all  over  the  country.  Shades  of  George 
III.,  of  North,  of  Johnson,  of  all  who  contended 
against  the  great  rebellion  which  tore  these 
colonies  from  England,  can  you  hear  the  chorus 
which  rings  through  the  State  of  Marion,  Sum¬ 
ter,  and  Pinckney,  and  not  clash  your  ghostly 
hands  in  triumph  ?  that  voice  says,  ‘  If  we 
could  only  get  one  of  the  royal  race  of^England 
to  rule  over  us  we  should  be  content.’  ” 

Let  me  say  next  a  word  of  the  means  by 
which  a  conspiracy  so  contemptible  in  its  ori- 


386 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


gin,  so  destitute  of  moral  weight  and  of  popular 
support,  has  attained  to  its  present  dimensions, 
ousting  the  Federal  Government  of  its  jurisdic¬ 
tion  in  more  than  half  of  our  national  territory 
to  the  east  of  the  Rooky  Mountains,  and  ob¬ 
taining  possession  of  arsenals  and  navy-yards 
and  fortresses,  seventeen  in  number,  which  had 
cost  the  American  people  more  than  seven  mil 
lions  of  dollars. 

On  the  29th  October,  1860,  before  the  Presi¬ 
dential  election,  Lieut.-General  Scott  wrote  a 
letter  to  President  Buchanan,  in  which  he  re¬ 
ferred  to  the  secession  excitement  which  the 
leaders  of  the  conspiracy  were  actively  fanning 
at  the  South,  and  remarked  that  if  this  glorious 
Union  were  broken  by  whatever  line  political 
madness  might  contrive,  there  would  be  no 
hope  of  reuniting  the  fragments  except  by  the 
laceration  and  despotism  of  the  sword ;  point¬ 
ing  out  the  danger,  he  proceeded  to  point  out 
the  prevention. 

“  From  a  knowledge  of  our  Southern  popula¬ 
tion,”  he  said,  “it  is  my  solemn  conviction  that 
there  is  some  danger  of  an  early  act  of  rashness 
preliminary  to  secession,  viz.,  the  seizure  of 
some  or  all  of  the  following  posts :  Forts  Jack- 
son  and  Philip  in  the  Mississippi,  below  New 
Orleans,  botli  without  garrisons ;  Fort  Morgan 
below  Mobile,  without  a  garrison ;  Forts  Pick¬ 
ens^  and  McRae,  Pensacola  harbor,  with  an  in¬ 
sufficient  garrison  for  one  ;  Fort  Pulaski  below 
Savannah,  without  a  garrison  ;  Forts  Moultrie 
and  Suinter,  Charleston  harbor,  the  former  with 
an  insufficient  garrison,  and  the  latter  without 
any  ;  and  Fort  Monroe,  Hampton  Roads,  with¬ 
out  a  sufficient  garrison.  In  my  opinion  all 
these  works  should  immediately  be  so  garri¬ 
soned  as  to  make  any  attempt  to  take  any  one 
of  them,  by  surprise  or  coup  de  main,  ridicu¬ 
lous. 

“  With  an  army  faithful  to  its  allegiance,  and 
the  navy  probably  equally  so,  and  with  a  Fed¬ 
eral  Executive  for  the  next  twelve  months  of 
firmness  and  moderation,  which  the  country 
has  a  right  to  expect — moderation  being  an 
element  of  power,  not  less  than  firmness — there 
is  good  reason  to  hope  that  the  danger  of  seces¬ 
sion  may  be  mado  to  pass  away  without  one 
conflict  of  arms,  one  execution,  or  one  arrest 
for  treason.” 

Gentlemen,  Lieut.-General  Scott  knew  well, 
we  all  know,  that  what  he  recommended  Mr. 
Buchanan  to  do,  an  honest  Executive  might 
have  done.  Again  and  again  in  the  history  of 
our  country  have  attempts  been  mado  to  resist 
the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  again  and  again 
has  the  Federal  Government  triumphantly  vin¬ 
dicated  its  supremacy. 

Jhe  first  armed  rebellion  was  that  headed  by 
Shay,  in  Massachusetts,  in  the  winter  of  1787. 
Tiie  rebels  attempted  to  seize  the  arsenal,  and 
were  met  with  cannon  that  killed  three  and 
wounded  another  of  their  number,  and  the 
State  militia,  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Lin¬ 
coln,  routed  their  forces,  taking  many  prisoners,  j 


and  peace  was  restored,  not  by  any  compro¬ 
mise,  but  by  the  enforcement  of  the  laws. 

As  a  Lincoln  suppressed  the  first  rebellion 
so  will  a  Lincoln  suppress  the  last. 

You  will  readily  call  to  mind  other  similar 
occasions,  where  the  Federal  Government,  by 
prompt  action,  maintained  its  supremacy  unim¬ 
paired. 

First  came  the  whiskey  rebellion  in  Pennsyl¬ 
vania,  during  the  administration  of  Washing¬ 
ton,  to  suppress  which  the  President  called  out 
fifteen  thousand  men  from  three  different 
States,  led  by  their  Governors  and  General 
Morgan,  whom  Washington  at  first  proposed 
himself  to  accompany  across  the  Alleghanies. 

Next  President  Jefferson  crushed  in  the  bud 
the  opening  conspiracy  of  Aaron  Burr. 

President  Madison,  during  the  war  of  1812, 
when  doubts  were  entertained  of  the  loyalty  of 
the  Hartford  conventionists,  who  were  falsely 
reported  to  be  in  correspondence  with  the 
enemy,  stationed  Major  Jessup,  of  Kentucky,  at 
Hartford,  with  a  regiment,  to  suppress  any 
sudden  outbreak.  Gen.  Jackson,  about  the 
same  time,  in  New  Orleans,  proclaimed  martial 
law  in  consequence  of  attempts  by  the  civil  au¬ 
thorities  to  embarrass  the  necessary  measures 
of  defence. 

President  Jackson,  in  1832,  repressed  by  the 
arm  of  General  Scott,  and  amid  the  hearty  ap¬ 
plause  of  the  nation,  the  defiant  nullification  of 
South  Carolina,  and  President  Tyler,  in  1843, 
with  the  approval  of  his  Secretary,  Mr.  John  o! 
Calhoun,  sent  United  States  troops  to  Rhode 
Island  to  suppress  the  State  revolution,  organ¬ 
ized  by  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  State, 
but  in  violation  of  the  existing  State  constitu¬ 
tion,  under  the  leadership  of  Governor  Thomas 
W.  Dorr. 

W  hen  in  1860  General  Scott,  in  advance  of 
any  outbreak,  recommended  President  Buchan¬ 
an  to  reinforce  the  forts,  instead  of  recommend¬ 
ing  active  measures  of  interference,  such  as  his 
predecessors  whom  I  have  named  did  not  hesi¬ 
tate  to  take,  he  simply  asked  of  the  President 
to  do  what  any  intelligent  school-boy  could  see 
was  absolutely  proper  and  essential,  and  what 
he  could  accomplish  by  a  single  word.  Mr. 
Buchanan,  guided  by  his  Secretary  of  War,  the 
traitor  and  thief,  John  B.  Floyd,  refused  to 
order  the  reinforcement  of  the” fortresses ;  all 
the  forts  named  by  General  Scott,  excepting 
Fort  Pickens,  were  seized  by  the  confederates  ; 
and  on  the  fact  of  their  quiet  possession  and 
the  aid  and  comfort  thus  given  to  the  rebels  by 
the  Federal  cabinet,  was  based  the  secession  of 
the  traitorous  States  and  the  formation  of  the 
new  confederacy. 

_  The  fact  thus  becomes  clear  as  day,  that  not 
simply  all  the  strength  the  rebel  confederacy 
originally  possessed,  but  its  very  organization 
and  existence,  were  due  not  to  the  people  of 
the  South  on  whom  without  their  sanction  it 
was  precipitated,  nor  to  the  leaders,  skilful  as 
they  have  been,  who  had  neither  arms  nor 


DOCUMENTS. 


38T 


armies  to  overpower  the  Government,  but.  they 
were  due  to  the  Federal  Executive  and  his  ad¬ 
visers  of  the  cabinet.  Tiiis  fact  is  so  interest¬ 
ing  as  a  matter  of  history,  it  is  so  important  to 
a  right  understanding  of  the  whole  subject,  and 
hears  so  clearly  upon  the  question,  what  is  oui 
duty  as  citizens  and  what  the  policy  ot  out 
Government,  as  regards  the  tolerance  01  sup¬ 
pression  of  this  rebellion,  that  you  will  allow 
me  to  quote  one  authority  upon  the  point  from 
among  the  rebels  themselves. 

The  Richmond  Examiner  in  an  elaborate  eu¬ 
logy  of  Floyd,  who  in  the  extent  and  infamy 
of  his  treachery  certainly  excelled  liis  fellow- 
traitors  in  the  cabinet,  makes  this  plain  avow¬ 
al  :  “  All  who  have  attended  to  the  develop¬ 
ments  of  the  last  three  months  and  knew  aught 
of  the  movements  of  the  Buchanan  Admimsti  a- 
tion  up  to  the  time  of  Floyd’s  resignation,  w  ill 
justify  the  assertion  that  the  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy  would  not  and  could  not  be  in  exist¬ 
ence  at  this  hour  but  for  the  action  of  the  late 
Secretary  of  W ar. 

“  The  plan  invented  by  General  Scott  to  stop 
secession  was,  like  all  campaigns  devised  by 
him  very  able  in  its  details  and  nearly  certain 
of  general  success.  The  Southern  States  are 
full  of  arsenals  and  forts  commanding  their 
rivers  and  strategic  points ;  General  Scott  de¬ 
sired  to  transfer  the  army  of  the  United  States 
to  these  forts  as  speedily  and  as  quietly  as  pos¬ 
sible.  The  Southern  States  could  not  cut  off 
communication  between  the  Government  and 
the  fortresses  without  a  great  fleet,  which  they 
cannot  build  for  years ;  or  take  them  by  land 
without  one  hundred  thousand  men,  many  hun¬ 
dred  millions  of  dollars,  several  campaigns,  and 
many  a  bloody  siege.  Had  Scott  been  able  to 
have  got  these  forts  in  the  condition  he  desired 
them  to  be,  the  Southern  Confederacy  would 
not  now  exist.” 

Such  is  the  truth  fairly  stated  by  the  Rich¬ 
mond  Examiner ,  in  the  interest  of  the  rebels. 
The  Union  has  been  severed,  not  by  violence 
from  without,  but  by  treachery  within.  It  has 
been  convulsed  from  its  centre  to  its  circum¬ 
ference,  not  from  any  internal  weakness  in  our 
Federal  system,  but  by  the  infernal  villany  of 
our  Federal  rulers. 

Traitors  have  betrayed  the  Union,  traitors 
have  betrayed  our  forts ;  and  the  betrayal  no 
more  proves  moral  weakness  in  the  one  case 
than  it  does  material  weakness  in  the  other. 
There  is  no  fortification  so  impregnable  but 
that  a  traitorous  governor  may  yield  it  without 
a  blow— neither  is  there  any  government  on 
God’s  earth  that  secret  treachery  may  not  en¬ 
feeble  or  temporarily  overthrow. 

“  if,”  said  Webster,  “  those  appointed  to  de¬ 
fend  the  castle  shall  betray  it,  woe  betide  those 
within.  Let  us  hope,”  he  added,  and  how 
vain  the  hope  as  regards  ourselves !  “  that  we 
shall  never  see  the  time  wflien  the  Government 
shall  be  found  in  opposition  to  the  Constitution, 
and  when  the  guardians  of  the  Union  shall  be¬ 
come  its  betrayers.” 


I  do  not  mean  to  say,  gentlemen,  that  Presi¬ 
dent  Buchanan,  who  at  the  close  of  his  Admin¬ 
istration,  partially  redeemed  his  character,  by 
calling  to  his  counsels  those  brave  men  and  true 
patriots,  Mr.  Holt  and  General  Dix,  was  per¬ 
sonally  privy  to  the  designs  of  the  false  secre¬ 
taries  whom  they  replaced ;  but  it  is  neverthe¬ 
less  true  that  he  is  the  man  who,  under  the 
Constitution,  is  directly  responsible  to.  the 
American  people  for  the  acts  of  his  Administra¬ 
tion. 

In  his  position  timidity  was  treason  and  in¬ 
action  was  crime.  He  alone  could  execute  the 
laws,  he  had  the  power  to  execute  them,  and  he 
did  not  execute  them  ;  and  for  the  simple  want 
of  their  non-execution  the  country  drifted  rap¬ 
idly  towards  destruction.  This  was  a  case 
which  the  founders  of  our  Republic  had  not 
anticipated.  As  Mr.  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  aptly 
said,  “  the  Constitution  provided  against  every 
probable  vacancy  in  the  office  of  President,  but 
did  not  provide  for  utter  imbecility.” 

I  am  aware  that  Mr.  Buchanan’s  friends  at¬ 
tribute  his  conduct  in  the  whole  matter  to  an 
amiable  credulity  and  a  humane  desire  to  avoid 
the  shedding  of  a  drop  of  blood.  I  am  sure 
that  none  of  us  would  wish  to  deprive  hint  of 
whatever  benefit  he  may  derive  from  the  plea 
of  virtuous  motives,  but  allowing  them  all  the 
force  they  are  entitled  to,  we  must  still  ex- 
claim:  “Curse  on  his  virtues,  they’ve  undone 

his  country !  ”  . 

For  no  other  of  the  confederates  in  this  great 
villany  will  the  candid  historian  venture  with 
success,  the  apology  of  mental  imbecility  01 
moral  cowardice.  They  are  men  who  make 
the  boast  that  for  long  years  it  has  been  the 
of  their  existence  to  overthrow,  not  by 


aim  yjL  iuvu  - -  —  -  ,  .  > 

open  and  honorable  opposition,  but  secretly, 
traitorously,  and  by  subornation  of  treason,  the 
most  benignant  Government  in  the  world,  and 
one  to  which  they  were  bound  by  solemn  oaths 
and  by  sacred  honor.  They  are  men  who,,  pre¬ 
tending  to  be  gentlemen,  have  made  conspiracy 
a  trade,  and  perjury  a  habit.  They  have  blend¬ 
ed  professions  of  patriotism  with  the  practice 
of  treason,  linked  the  duties  of  a  senator  with 
the  position  of  a  spy,  and  made  a  seat  in  the 
cabinet  the  office  of  a  thief.  With  a  refinement 
of  meanness  that  could  belong  to  no  chivalry 
but  that  of  slaveholding,  and  would  be  prac¬ 
tised  by  no  knights  save  those  of  “  the  golden 
circle,”  they  have  to  the  last  moment  drawn 
their  official  salaries  from  the  nation  they  were 
betraying ;  they  have  perfected  their  schemes 
of  plunder  in  the  very  capital  which  they  were 
seeking  to  cripple,  and  beneath  the  folds  of  the 
flag  that  they  were  swearing  to  support,  and 
plotting  to  humble.  They  are  men,  in  brief — 
for  the  subject  is  a  revolting  one — who,  imitat¬ 
ing  Judas  and  rivalling  Arnold,  have  made  their 
dally  life  simply  and  purely  a  daily  lie. 

Did  time  permit  me  I  would  like  briefly  to 
refer  to  the  national  events  that,  follow  ing  in 
quick  succession,  have  interrupted  what  Mr 
Seward  happily  culls  “  the  majestic  maich  of 


388 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


our  national  progress :  ”  the  successive  seizure 
of  Southern  forts  in  obedience  to  telegrams 
from  the  Senate  chamber,  the  spread  of  South¬ 
ern  treason  like  the  wild  fire  of  the  prairies ; 
the  consternation  of  the  people,  the  apathy  of 
the  Executive,  the  plot  to  seize  the  capitol,  in¬ 
tended  to  be  executed  in  January  and  repeat¬ 
edly  postponed  till  the  attempt  involved  too 
serious  danger,  the  systematic  efforts  in  the  de¬ 
partments  of  the  Treasury,  of  the  Interior,  of 
War,  and,  I  fear,  also  of  the  Navy,  to  cripple 
the  United  States,  to  strengthen  the  rebels,  anc 
to  close  the  term  of  the  Administration  by  a 
coup  d  ctat ,  that  should  give  to  the  new  con¬ 
federacy  the  power  and  the  prestige  of  the  ole 
Government,  and  the  preparations  made  by 
Northern  confederates,  who,  the  rebels  had 
been  taught  to  believe,  represented  the  great 
Northern  Democracy,  for  assisting  the  plot  ant 
joining  at  the  right  moment  in  a  general  revo¬ 
lution. 

Lost  themselves  to  a  sense  of  honor,  they 
ceased  to  believe  in  its  existence  at  the  North. 
They  seem  to  have  been  unable  to  distinguish 
between  a  defence  of  the  constitutional  rights 
of  slaveholders  within  the  Union  and  under  the 
Constitution,  and  a  war  in  behalf  of  slavery  for 
the  severance  of  the  Union,  the  overthrow  of 
the  Constitution,  the  desecration  of  our  flag, 
and  the  humiliation  of  our  country.  The^n 
came  the  interruption  of  their  plans  by  the 
premature  discovery  of  the  theft  of  the  Indian 
bonds  and  other  villanies,  compelling  the  re¬ 
tirement  of  the  traitorous  secretaries  Cobb, 
Thompson,  and  Floyd  ;  the  advent  of  Ilolt  and 
Dix,  reviving  the  hopes  of  the  nation,  and  the 
immortal  order  of  the  latter,  which  rung  like  a 
trumpet  through  the  land,  “  If  any  man  shall 
attempt  to  pull  down  the  National  Flag,  shoot 
him  on  the  spot.” 

Then  came  the  official  announcement  to  the 
country,  by  the  counting  of  the  electoral  votes, 
of  the  people’s  choice,  next  the  safe  arrival  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  in  Washington,  unharmed  by  the 
assassins  who  had  sworn  to  take  his  life ;  then 
the  inauguration,  simple  and  imposing,  the 
oath  administered  by  the  Chief  Justice  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  quiet  transfer  of  such 
remnants  of  the  Federal  property  as  had  not 
been  stolen  from  the  people  under  the  retiring 
Administration. 

A  month  of  apparent  inaction  on  the  part  of 
the  new  Administration,  engaged  in  disentan¬ 
gling  the  web  of  treachery,  and  learning  how 
much  of  treason  lingered  in  the  departments — 
a  month  of  active  preparation  by  the  rebel  con¬ 
federates,  and  we  began  to  hear  the  bitter 
taunts  of  England  at  the  spiritless  people  of  the 
great  Ivorth,  who  were  being  driven  to  dissolu¬ 
tion  and  infamy  without  an  effort  at  resistance, 
and  relinquishing  their  nationality  to  a  rebel¬ 
lion  without  striking  a  blow  in  its  defence. 

We  had  a  brief  foretaste  of  the  ignominy 
that,  awaits  a  nation  which  basely  surrenders 
its  integrity  and  its  independence,  and  we 
heard  the  prelude  of  the  shout  that  would  greet 


the  downfall  of  the  Union,  and  the  epitaph, 
that  should  record — 

*  *  *  u  But  yesterday  it  might 
Have  stood  against  the  world  ;  now  lies  it  there 
And  none  so  poor  to  do  it  reverence.” 

Assured  of  the  integrity  and  patriotism  of 
the  President,  and  the  wisdom  of  his  cabinet, 
the  North  waited  as  only  a  brave  people,  con¬ 
scious  of  their  strength  and  of  the  justice  of 
their  cause,  could  afford  to  wait.  The  strength 
of  the  Government  was  gradually  devel¬ 
oped,  the  war  and  navy  departments  began  to 
exhibit  signs  of  life — and  the  great  statesman 
of  the  West,  who,  sacrificing  political  ambition 
and  personal  pi-eferences,  had  consented  to  pre¬ 
side  over  a  depleted  treasury,  renewed  the 
miracle  attributed  by  Webster  to  Alexander 
Hamilton :  “  He  smote  the  rock  of  the  national 
resources,  and  abundant  streams  of  revenue 
gushed  forth.  He  touched  the  dead  body  of 
the  public  credit,  and  it  sprang  upon  its  feet.” 

Desperate  as  our  situation  seemed,  capitalists 
demanded  no  other  security  than  the  name  of 
Chase ;  and  when  he  asked  for  a  loan  of  eight 
millions,  more  than  thirty  millions  were  in¬ 
stantly  offered. 

Gentlemen,  I  have  not  time  to  dwell  on  the 
attack  on  Sumter,  the  attack  of  ten  thousand 
men  on  one  hundred  men,  and  the  ill-judged 
boast  of  Governor  Pickens  that  they  had  hum¬ 
bled  the  star  spangled  banner  for  the  first  time 
in  seventy  years.  They  themselves  by  that  act 
and  that  boast  initiated  an  irresistible  conflict 
that  will  hardly  cease  till  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
again  float  in  their  beauty  from  every  fortress 
in  our  land. 

That  bombardment,  as  was  remarked  by  one 
of  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  “blew  all 
the  plots  of  the  traitors  into  the  air,  and  inau¬ 
gurated  a  change  in  the  sentiment  of  the  coun¬ 
try  that  seemed  all  but  miraculous.”  It  awoke 
the  deep  love  of  country  which  had  slumbered 
beneath  the  platforms  of  party  and  commercial 
interest.  It  ended  at  once  the  absurd  cry  of 
no  coercion,  ’  as  applicable  to  a  Government  in 
enforcing  its  laws  and  protecting  its  existence. 
The  i.ebels  by  that  act  closed  the  door  of  com¬ 
promise  and  reconciliation  which  had  thus  far 
jeen  kept  open.  Ihey  rejected  the  appeal  to  a 
convention  of  the  American  people,  to  which 
the  President  in  his  inaugural  had  assented — 
they  selected  instead  the  arbitrament  of  force 
the  great  trial  by  battle.  They  struck  at  the 
very  heart  of  the  nation  when  they  sought  to 
nimble  the  flag  of  our  Union,  that  had  pro¬ 
tected  them  from  infancy,  and  which  from 
childhood  we  have  loved.  They  themselves 
inaugurated  war.  They  imposed  upon  us  the 
most  sacred  duty  that  can  devolve  upon  a  peo- 
ple,  of  protecting  their  nationality,  and  the 
world  that  had  wondered  at  a  forbearance 
which  they  could  not  understand,  now  won¬ 
dered  again  at  the  spontaneous  uprising  of  a 
mighty  nation. 

The  threatened  attack  on  Washington,  the 
disloyalty  of  Baltimore,  the  cutting  off'  of  all 


DOCUMENTS. 


389 


communication  by  railroad  and  telegraph  be¬ 
tween  the  national  capital  and  the  great  North, 
completed  the  work  begun  at  Sumter. 

Party  lines  grew  faint  and  vanished  as  though 
they  had  never  existed.  Washington  has  been 
described  as  leaning  in  the  darkest  hour  ot  the 
revolution,  with  one  arm  resting  on  Massachu¬ 
setts,  and  the  other  on  South  Carolina,  ihe 
faithlessness  of  the  latter  to  her  historic  memo¬ 
ries,  prevents  the  parallel  being  now  complete : 
but  we  may  say  of  Lincoln  wliat  can  be  said  ot 
no  other  President  since  Washington,  that  in 
this  dark  hour  he  rests  with  one  great  arm 
upon  his  political  friends,  and  the  other  on  his 
political  opponents,  and  that,  as  he  looks  abroad 
over  the  country  whose  destinies  are  in  his 
keeping,  he  sees  neither  republicans  nor  demo¬ 
crats— neither  nativists  nor  aliens,  he  sees  but 
two  classes,  loyal  citizens  on  the  one  side,  and 

traitors  on  the  other.  ,  ,  , 

The  feeling  exhibited  throughout  the  loyal 
States  is  not,  as  some  Europeans  have  supposed, 
an  ebullition  of  enthusiasm,  based  upon  sudden 
and  evanescent  passion,  but  the  expression  ot  a 
profound  conviction  gradually  forced  upon 
them  by  a  long  train  of  facts  that  culminated 
at  Sumter,  that  both  duty  and  honor  impera¬ 
tively  demand  that  they  shall  crush  this  gigan¬ 
tic  conspiracy  against  the  integrity  ot  the 

C°It  was  this  that,  within  six  weeks,  called 
forth,  as  if  by  magic,  any  army  of  200,000,  con¬ 
verting  our  cities  into  camps,  and  making  the 
repression  of  this  rebellion  the  one  great  busi¬ 
ness  of  the  American  people. 

The  scene  has  been  one  which,  day  by  day, 
has  thrilled  us  with  emotion,  one  upon  which 
the  Bancroft  and  the  Motley  of  the  next  cen¬ 
tury  will  linger  with  admiration.  _ 

Massachusetts  first  in  the  field,  as  in  the 
olden  days  of  trial,  shedding  the  first  blood  at 
Baltimore,  first  to  occupy  and  protect  the  capi¬ 
tal  where  her  great  senator  was  stricken  down, 
against  the  traitors,  whose  hatred  to  him  fore¬ 
shadowed  their  hatred  towards  the  American 
Constitution,  of  which  he  had  been  the  faithful 
and  eloquent  expounder.  . 

New  York,  “  herself  the  noblest  eulogium  on 
the  Union,”  following  close  behind  with  her 
gallant  Seventh,  reaching  Washington  by  a 
march  already  famous,  and  insuring  by  their 
presence  the  safety  of  Washington  The  New 
England  States,  Pennsylvania  and  the  Great 
West,  pouring  in  their  quotas  with  generous 
rivalry,  and  our  foreign  population  rising  in¬ 
stantly  to  the  grandeur  of  the  occasion,  and 
hastening  to  the  defence  of  their  adopted  coun¬ 
try  present  features  of  strength  in  the  Ameri¬ 
can  Republic  of  which  the  most  ardent  of  its 
eulogists  had  hardly  dreamed.  . 

If  any  man  has  regarded  our  large  foreign 
element  as  one  that  threatened  danger  to  the 
perpetuity  of  popular  institutions,  let  him  glance 
at  the  regiments  now  gathering  to  battle  in 
their  behalf.  He  will  find  among  them  men 
who  have  fought  for  freedom  in  other  lands, 


and  who  have  pined  for  their  love  of  it  in  con¬ 
tinental  dungeons.  He  will  find  scholars  from 
far-famed  universities,  and  graduates  ot  the 
military  schools  of  Europe  who  have  emeiged 
from  positions  in  which  they  were  gaining  an 
independency  to  proffer  to  their  country  then 
dear-bought  experience,  and  guide  and  instruct 
the  military  ardor  that  sweeps  like  a  whirlvv  ind 
over  the  land.  Call  the  roll  of  nationalities 
and  you  will  have  responses  from  England  and 
Ireland,  Scotland  and  Wales,  from  natives  ot 
Catholic  France  and  Protestant  Germany— you 
will  have  replies  from  Poles  who  yet  dream  ot 
an  independent  Poland,  from  Hungarians  in 
whose  ears  still  lingers  the  eloquence  of  Kos¬ 
suth,  from  Italians  rejoicing  in  a  regenerated 
Italy,  and  who  are  fresh  from  executing  the 
policy  of  the  lamented  Cavour  and  from  fight¬ 
ing  by  the  side  of  Garibaldi.  Every  people  of 
Christendom  has  its  representatives  in  the  army 
of  the  Union  that  has  gone  forth  to  fight  tor 
national  unity,  national  independence,  and  the 
rights  of  human  nature,  against  the  confederated 
forces  of  slavery  and  treason. 

In  this  crisis  of  our  national  history  it  is 
natural  that  we  should  regard  with  interest  the 
view  taken  of  our  course  by  the  great  powers 
of  Europe,  and  especially  by  that  country  with 
which  as  colonies  we  were  so  long  connected, 
and  which,  despite  the  two  wars  that  have 
been  waged  between  us,  we  are  accustomed  to 
remember  as  our  mother-land.  Mingled  w  ltfi 
our  Dutch  and  Huguenot  ancestry,  a  very  lai  ge 
proportion  of  the  older  families  ot  America 
trace  their  descent  from  England  and  many 
who  do  not  are  yet  connected  with  her  by  no 
common  ties.  For  myself,  I  may  say  that  1 
have  always  entertained  for  her  people  an  hered¬ 
itary  feeling  of  attachment,  from  the  fact  that 
my  Huguenot  ancestors,  when  they  fled  ironi 
Rochelle,  after  the  revocation  by  Louis  Al  V . 
of  the  edict  of  Nantes,  found  upon  her  soil  a 
welcome  and  a  home ;  and  that  one  of  them, 
volunteering  for  King  William  against  James 
1L,  shed  his  blood  for  English  freedom  at  the 
battle  of  the  Boyne,  that  great  era  in  English 
history,  ending,  as  we  hope,  forever  her  civil 
wars  from  which  dates  the  establishment  on  a 
firm  basis,  of  the  unity,  the  strength,  and  the 
world-wide  dominion  of  the  British  empire. 
Such  memories,  and  doubtless,  my  countrymen, 
you  have  many  such,  descend  from  lather  to 
son  undimmed  by  national  revolutions.  .  they 
inspire  sentiments  of  affection  and  kinship, 
that  like  family  heir-looms  gather  new  value 
from  the  lapse  of  time,  and  instead  of  lading  as 
years  and  centuries  roll  by,  seem  the  more 
sacred  and  imperishable  from  the  thought  ot 
the  generations  by  whom  they  have  been  cher¬ 
ished,  and  who  have  each  in  turn  added  a  link 
to  the  chain  of  association. 

The  recent  visit  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  com¬ 
ing  to  us  as  the  representative  of  the  British 
nation,  characterized  as  it  .  was  by  the  most 
graceful  courtesy  and  cordiality  on  his  part, 
and  by  the  heartiest  welcome  upon  ouis,  with 


390 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


the  single  exception  of  the  rude  treatment  he 
met  at  Richmond — now  the  head-quarters  of 
the  rebels — had  accomplished  what  no  diplo¬ 
macy  could  have  effected.  It  seemed  to  have 
blotted  out  the  last  lingering  remnant  of  ill- 
feeling,  and  left,  on  this  side  the  Atlantic  at 
least,  the  belief  that  henceforth  there  was  a 
firm  alliance  between  England  and  America, 
not  based  on  treaty  stipulations,  but  upon  that 
heartfelt  cordiality  which  springs  from  mutual 
regard,  and  from  a  common  devotion  to  the 
great  principles  of  right  which  belong  to  the 
institutions  of  both  countries,  and  which  their 
example  is  recommending  to  the  world ;  nor 
should  we  overlook  the  belief  cherished  by 
many  thoughtful  men,  that  if  in  the  distant  fu¬ 
ture  England  should  be  set  upon  by  the  des¬ 
potisms  of  Europe,  and  should  require  the  aid 
of  her  American  daughter  to  save  her  from  an¬ 
nihilation,  that  aid  would  be  promptly,  effec¬ 
tively,  and  cordially  given. 

It  is  with  profound  regret  that  we  have  seen 
that  friendly  feeling  suddenly  converted  into  one 
of  intense  and  bitter  disappointment  by  the  con¬ 
duct  and  tone  of  the  English  government  and 
the  ill-judged  comments  of  the  English  press. 

The  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the  first  time 
entitled  to  the  control  of  the  Federal  Government 
a  party  with  whose  political  principles  the 
English  people  were  supposed  to  sympathize. 
By  a  scheme  of  treachery  unparalleled  in  base¬ 
ness,  a  few  of  the  defeated  faction  holding 
office  in  the  cabinet,  in  Congress,  in  the  army, 
and  in  the  navy,  conspired  together  to  betray 
the  forts,  arsenals,  and  other  property  of  the 
Government  into  the  hands  of  their  confed¬ 
erates,  with  the  view  of  destroying  the  Union, 
and  erecting  upon  its  ruins  a  Southern  confed¬ 
eracy,  of  which  slavery  is  to  be  the  grand,  per¬ 
manent,  and  distinguishing  characteristic.  They 
accomplish  the  seizure  of  the  public  property 
without  difficulty,  for  they  themselves  were 
intrusted  with  its  guardianship,  and  they  pro¬ 
ceed  to  develop  the  great  conspiracy  and  or¬ 
ganize  the  rebel  government,  while  the  loyal 
citizens  of  the  United  States  are  helplessly 
compelled  to  await  the  inauguration  of  the  new 
President.  The  4th  of  March  arrives  at  last, 
Mr.  Lincoln  takes  the  oath  to  maintain  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws,  and  when  in  obe¬ 
dience  to  that  oath  he  orders  the  rebels  to  dis¬ 
perse,  and  calls  upon  the  country  for  assistance, 
the  loyal  States,  as  one  man,  prepare  to  crush 
the  conspiracy  and  restore  the  integrity  and 
the  honor  of  the  nation.  Neither  from  Eng¬ 
land  nor  from  any  foreign  power  have  we 
asked  or  would  we  accept  assistance  in  regulat¬ 
ing  our  own  household  ;  but  from  England,  of 
all  the  states  of  the  world,  we  thought  we  had 
a  right  to  expect  a  ready  sympathy,  and  that 
moral  support  which  is  given  by  the  counte¬ 
nance  of  a  great  nation. 

The  Southern  rebels  also  counted  upon  the 
support  of  England,  on  the  simple  ground  that 
iter  interest  in  cotton  would  incline  her  to  their 
side ;  but  we,  although  well  aware  of  the  de¬ 


moralizing  effect  of  interest  upon  national  prin¬ 
ciples,  still  believed  it  impossible  that  the  Brit¬ 
ish  government  could  consent  from  pecuniary 
motives  to  look  with  complacency  on  the  prog¬ 
ress  of  a  rebellion  whose  only  strength  was 
gained  by  treachery,  and  which  was  avowedly 
prosecuted  for  the  maintenance  of  a  system 
which  England  herself  had  taught  the  world  to 
regard  with  abhorrence.  In  thus  believing,  we 
were  confirmed  by  the  tone  of  the  English  press 
when  the  insurrection  first  began,  one  of  the 
ablest  representatives  of  which  indignantly  de¬ 
clared  in  substance  that  Manchester  and  Bir¬ 
mingham  would  be  the  first  to  reject  as  an  in¬ 
sult  the  idea  that  they  were  to  be  moved  from 
their  position  by  pecuniary  appeals,  and  that 
if  any  British  cabinet  should  sacrifice  the  anti¬ 
slavery  principles  of  the  nation  to  the  question 
of  cotton,  England  would  lose,  and  deservedly 
lose,  her  place  at  the  council  table  of  Europe. 

The  exclamation  of  Lord  John  Russell,  in  re¬ 
ply  to  a  question  as  to  the  position  of  England, 

“  For  God’s  sake  let  us  keep  out  of  it,”  was 
followed  by  what  is  termed  a  proclamation  of 
neutrality,  in  which  British  subjects  are  forbid¬ 
den  to  render  assistance  to  either  the  United 
States  on  the  one  hand,  or  the  States  calling 
themselves  the  Confederate  States  on  the  other, 
both  of  which  parties  are  recognized  by  the 
proclamation  as  “  belligerents.” 

The  British .  government  is  accustomed  to 
preserve  an  attitude  of  neutrality  towards  con¬ 
tending  nations ;  but  it  would  seem  that  neu¬ 
trality  does  not  so  far  interfere  with  the  sym¬ 
pathies  and  freedom  of  its  subjects  as  to  compel 
it  to  issue  proclamations  against  Irishmen  en¬ 
listing  with  Francis  Joseph,  or  Englishmen 
fighting  for  Victor  Emanuel  and  Garibaldi. 

The  proclamation  in  this  case  is  so  warmly 
eulogized  by  the  British  press  as  precisely  the 
proclamation  demanded  by  the  crisis,  they  pro¬ 
fess  such  profound  astonishment  that  the 
American  people  are  not  satisfied  with  it,  and 
rate  so  severely  Mr.  Cassius  M.  Clay  for  ex¬ 
pressing  with  Western  bluntness  his  frank  sur¬ 
prise,  that  I  will  dwell  for  a  moment  on  what 
seems  to  be  its  meaning  and  effect. 

.  What  has  the  proclamation  effected  ?  How 
did  we  stand  before  it  was  issued,  and  how  do 
we  stand  now  ? 

In  the  case  of  the  United  States,  the  laws  of 
England  and  its  treaty  stipulations  with  our 
Government  already  forbade  its  subjects  from 
engaging  in  a  conspiracy  to  overthrow  our  in¬ 
stitutions.  The  proclamation,  therefore,  in  for¬ 
bidding  English  subjects  to  fight  in  the  service 
of  the  rebels  against  the  United  States,  simply 
declared  the  law  as  it  was  already  understood ; 
while  in  forbidding  Englishmen  to  fight  for  the 
United  States  against  the  rebels,  it  intervened 
to  change  the  existing  practice,  to  revive  the 
almost  obsolete  act  of  Geo.  III.  forbidding  Eng¬ 
lish  subjects  from  engaging  in  foreign  service 
without  the  royal  consent,  which  had  slum¬ 
bered  in  regard  to  Austria  and  Italy,  for  the 
qurpose  of  forbidding  Englishmen  from  assist- 


DOCUMENTS. 


391 


in"  to  maintain  in  the  United  States  constitu¬ 
tional  order  against  conspiracy  and  rebellion, 
and  the  cause  of  freedom  against  chattel  sla- 
very* 

The  first  effect  of  the  proclamation,  there¬ 
fore,  was  to  change  the  position  in  which  Eng¬ 
land  and  Englishmen  stood  to  the  United  States, 
to  the  disadvantage  of  the  latter.  Before  the 
proclamation,  for  an  Englishman  to  serve  the 
United  States  Government  in  maintaining  its 
integrity  was  regarded  honorable ;  aftei .  the 
proclamation  such  service  became  a  cume. 
The  proclamation  makes  it  an  offence  now  tor 
an  Englishman  to  fight  for  the  Government  at 
Washington  as  great  as  it  was  for  Englishmen 
before  the  proclamation  to  fight  for  the  rebels 
of  Montgomery.  It  thus,  in  a  moral  view,  low¬ 
ered  the  American  Government  to  the  level  ot 
the  rebel  confederacy,  and  in  the  next  place, 
it  proceeded,  in  an  international  view,  to  place 
the  rebel  confederacy  on  a  par  with  the  Amer¬ 
ican  Government,  by  recognizing  them,  not  as 
rebels  and  insurgents  to  be  dealt  with  by  our 
Government  as  our  Constitution  and  laws  should 
determine,  but  as  a  belligerent  power,  to  be 
classed  with  the  United  States,  (of  which  they 
were  but  a  rebellious  fraction,)  and  equally  en¬ 
titled  with  the  United  States  to  the  rights  of 
belligerents  under  the  law  of  nations. 

No  ingenuity  can  blind  us  to  these  facts  : 
Before  the  proclamation,  to  support  our  Gov¬ 
ernment  was  an  honorable  office  for  the  sub¬ 
jects  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  rebels  were  in¬ 
surgents,  with  no  rights  save  under  the  Ameri¬ 
can  Constitution.  After  the  proclamation,  for 
an  Englishman  to  serve  the  United.  States  is  a 
crime,  and  the  rebels  are  elevated  . into  a  belli¬ 
gerent  power — and  this  intervention  ot  Eng¬ 
land,  depriving  us  of  a  support  which  her  prac¬ 
tice  permitted,  and  giving  the  rebels  a  status 
and  right  they  did  not  possess,  we  are  coolly 
told  is  neutrality.  Dr.  Johnson  in  lus  famous 
letter  gave  us  a  sketch  of  a  Ohesterfieldian 
patron  seeing  a  man  struggling  for  life  in  the 
water,  and  when  he  reached  ground  encumber- 
in<r  him  with  help.  Lord  John  has  taught  us 
the  meaning  of  British  neutrality  towards  a  na¬ 
tion  supposed  to  be  in  like  condition.  Let  us 
trust  that  the  English  people  will  not  endorse 
the  definition. 

What  would  England  have  said  to  such  a 
proclamation  of  neutrality  from  us  in  her  do¬ 
mestic  troubles  in  Canada,  in  Ireland,  01  in 
India  ?  What  would  the  English  people  have 
thought  of  a  state  paper  from  Washington,  de¬ 
claring  it  the  sovereign  will  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States  to  remain,  perfectly  neutral 
in  the  contest  being  waged  in  Hindostan  be¬ 
tween  the  British  government  on  the  one  side 
and  the  Mogul  dynasty  on  the  other,  and  for¬ 
bidding  American  citizens  to  enter  the  service 
of  either  of  the  said  belligerents  ?  What  would 
they  have  thought  of  the  American  President 
intimating  with  cold  etiquette  that,  it  was  a 
matter  of  profound  indifference  to  tins  (jo's  ern- 
nient  which,  of  the  belligerents  should  do  vie- 


torious,  the  King  of  Oude  and  Nana  Sahib,  or 
Lord  Canning  and  the  immortal  Havelock? 

Or  is  it  that  the  British  have  become  so 
enamored  of  rebellion,  aye  and  of  treacheiy  too 
among  their  sepoys,  that  they  thus  court  oiu 
great  mogul  and  his  fellow-traitors  of  Mont¬ 
gomery  ? 

This  Queen’s  proclamation  strikes  not  simply 
at  the  moral  position  of  our  Government,  but 
according  to  the  English  press  it  strikes  also  at 
our  right  to  execute  our  own  laws  against 
jiracy  ;  and  we  are  told  by  the  London  Times 
that  if  we  venture  to  hang,  under  these  laws,  a 
pirate  who  is  licensed  to  plunder  and  murder 
by  Jefferson  Davis’s  letters  of  marque,  now  en¬ 
dorsed  by  the  sovereigns  of  England  and  France, 
it  will  be  regarded  as  an  outrage  by  the  civil¬ 
ized  world ;  and  this  gentle  intimation  comes 
to  us  from  a  nation  who  are  hardly  recovered 
from  the  effects  of  a  rebellion,  to  .  end  which, 
without  staying  to  ask  the  opinion  of  the 
world,  they  blew  their  rebels  from,  the  guns. 

It  was  intimated  that  the  British  cabinet 
were  puzzled  liow  to  act  in  regard  to  the  Unit¬ 
ed  States  on  the  one  hand,  and  her  rebel  con¬ 
spirators  on  the  other,  and  that  after  a  caieful 
search  for  precedents,  one  was  found  in  the 
royal  proclamation  touching  the  war  between 
Greece  and  Turkey,  and  that  on  that  was  based 
the  proclamation  which  has  so  displeased  and 
wounded  the  American  people. 

It  could  not  have  escaped  the  cabinet  . m 
their  search  for  precedents,  for  we  know  with 
what  thoroughness  such  searches  are  made, 
that  a  very  similar  state  of  things  existed  but  a 
few  years  since  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  when  the  integrity  and  honor  of 
the  British  empire  were  assailed  by  her  Cana¬ 
dian  colonists,  and  she  had  occasion  to  learn 
what  in  the  opinion  of  the  United  States  con¬ 
stitutes  the  duties  of  neutrality  tow  ai  ds  a  1 1  iend- 
ly  nation.  Unsuccessful  rebellions  are  soon 
forgotten,  and  perhaps  many  Englishmen  may 
be  surprised  on  being  told  that  the  Canadian 
rebellion  was  so  deeply  seated  and  so  widely- 
spread,  as  seriously  to  threaten  the  crown  with 
the  loss  of  the  Canadas.  Mr.  Leader  declared 
in  Parliament  that  all  the  English  government 
could  do  would  be  to  subjugate  and  hold  the 
principal  cities,  leaving  the  country  occupied, 
by  rebels.  The  number  of  British  ti  oops  under 
Sir  John  Colbourne  was  only  20,000,  while  the 
rebels  are  said  to  have  had  14,000  at  Montreal, 
4  000  at  Napiersville,  and  thousands  more  in 
arms  in  different  parts  of  the  Canadas,  fierce 
with  indignation  at  the  murder  of  a  party  of 
patriots  by  Indians  in  the  employ  of  the  British 
government. 

In  November  ’37  two  battles  were  fought 
between  the  British  and  the  rebels,  the  one.  at 
St.  Dennis,  and  the  other  at  St.  Charles,  which 
was  taken  from  a  force  of  3,000  Canadians,  ot 
whom  200  were  killed,  and  30  wounded. 

In  December,  Mackenzie,  the  head  rebel, 
who  seems  to  have  been  the  prototype  of  Davis, 
organized  a  provisional  government  and  assum- 


392 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


ing  the  right  to  dispose  of  “  ten  millions  of 
acres  of  land  fair  and  fertile,”  took  possession 
of  Montgomery  House,  near  Toronto,  with  a 
band  of  insurgents,  and  sent  a  demand  to  Sir 
Francis  B.  Head  to  dissolve  the  provincial  par¬ 
liament  and  to  leave  Toronto  within  fifteen 
days. 

Then  came  Lord  Gosford’s  proclamation  at 
Quebec,  declaring  martial  lawr,  and  denouncing 
the  conspiracy  and  rebellion,  and  on  the  8th  of 
January,  1888,  came  the  first  proclamation  from 
President  Van  Buren.  After  reciting  the  ef¬ 
forts  made  by  him  and  by  the  Governors  of 
New  York  and  Vermont  to  prevent  any  unlaw¬ 
ful  interference  on  the  part  of  our  citizens  in 
the  contest  unfortunately  commenced  in  the 
British  provinces,  and  notwithstanding  the 
presence  of  the  civil  officers  of  the  United 
States,  who,  by  his  direction,  had  visited  the 
scenes  of  commotion,  arms  and  ammunition 
have  been  procured  by  the  insurgents  in  the 
United  States,  the  proclamation  proceeded  : 

“  Now,  therefore,  to  the  end  that  the  author¬ 
ity  of  the  laws  may  be  maintained,  and  the 
faith  of  treaties  observed,  I,  Martin  Van  Buren, 
do  most  earnestly  exhort  all  citizens  of  the 
United  States  who  have  violated  their  duties, 
to  return  peaceably  to  their  respective  homes, 
and  I  hereby  warn  them  that  any  persons  who 
shall  compromise  the  neutrality  of  this  Govern¬ 
ment  by  interfering  in  an  unlawful  manner 
with  the  affairs  of  the  neighboring  British 
provinces,  will  render  themselves  liable  to  ar¬ 
rest  and  punishment  under  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,”  &c.,  &c. 

At  the  request  of  Lord  Durham,  Mr.  Van 
Buren  had  directed  our  commanding  officer  on 
Lake  Ontario  to  cooperate  in  any  measures 
which  might  be  suggested  by  Lord  Durham  for 
rooting  out  the  band  of  pirates  who  had  their 
quarters  among  “  the  thousand  isles,”  without 
the  slightest  regard  to  the  official  proclamation 
of  their  chief,  Mr.  "William  Johnson,  holding  a 
commission  from  the  patriot  government,  that 
the  patriots  would  carefully  respect  neutral 
waters  and  the  rights  of  all  citizens  of  the 
United  States. 

On  the  21st  November,  1838,  President  Van 
Buren  issued  a  second  proclamation,  calling 
upon  the  misguided  and  deluded  persons  to 
abandon  projects  dangerous  to  their  own  coun¬ 
try,  fatal  to  those  whom  they  profess  a  desire 
to  relieve,  impracticable  of  execution  without 
foreign  aid,  which  they  cannot  rationally  expect 
to  obtain,  and  giving  rise  to  imputations,  how¬ 
ever  unfounded,  against  the  honor  and  good 
faith  of  their  own  government. 

The  proclamation  further  called  upon  “  every 
officer,  civil  and  military,  and  upon  every  citi- 
zen,  by  the  veneration  due  by  all  freemen  to 
the  laws  which  they  have  assisted  to  enact  for 
their  own  government,  by  his  regard  for  the 
honor  and  good  faith  of  his  country,  by  his 
love  of  honor  and  respect  for  that  sacred  code 
of  laws  by  which  national  intercourse  is  regu¬ 
lated,  to  use  every  power  to  arrest  for  trial  and 


punishment  every  offender  against  the  law's 
providing  for  the  performance  of  our  obliga¬ 
tions  to  the  other  powers  of  the  world.” 

On  the  4th  of  December,  1838,  the  President, 
in  his  message  to  Congress,  declared,  “  If  an 
insurrection  existed  in  Canada  the  amicable 
disposition  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  their 
duty  to  themselves,  would  lead  them  to  main¬ 
tain  a  strict  neutrality,  and  to  restrain  its  citi¬ 
zens  from  all  violation  of  the  laws  which  have 
been  passed  for  its  enforcement.  But  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  recognizes  a  still  higher  obligation  to 
repress  all  attempts  on  the  part  of  its  citizens 
to  disturb  the  peace  of  a  country  where  order 
prevails  or  has  been  reestablished.” 

Such  was  the  neutrality  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  towards  Great  Britain.  It  re¬ 
cognized  the  rebels  of  Canada  not  as  belliger¬ 
ents ,  but  as  insurgents ,  and  it  enforced  its 
neutrality  not  by  forbidding  its  citizens  to  assist 
Great  Britain  to  maintain  its  authority  against 
the  insurgents,  but  by  forbidding  them  to  in¬ 
terfere  in  an  unlawful  manner  with  the  affairs 
of  the  provinces. 

It  needs  no  intimate  knowledge  of  interna¬ 
tional  law,  no  study  of  Grotius,  or  Puffendorf, 
or  Vattel,  or  "Wheaton,  no  definitions  of  the 
rights  of  belligerents  and  privateers  from  the 
Consolato  del  Mare,  from  Lampredi,  Galiani, 
Moser,  or  Hubner,  to  enable  us  to  appreciate 
the  wide  difference  between  the  neutrality  we 
practised  towards  England  and  her  rebels,  and 
that  which  England  has  inaugurated  against 
us  ;  and  no  refinement  of  reasoning,  nor  subtle 
glosses  indulged  in  by  the  English  press,  have 
at  all  blinded  the  American  people  to  the  un¬ 
friendly  character  of  this  royal  proclamation. 

The  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy  is  a  matter  in  the  dis¬ 
cretion  of  England,  and  of  all  foreign  nations. 
When  this  independence  is  established  as  a 
matter  of  fact  wTe  expect  it  to  be  recognized  ; 
but  England  does  not  so  recognize  it.  She  re¬ 
cognizes  the  confederacy  as  simply  struggling 
for  independence,  as  were  the  insurgents  in 
Canada,  and  pending  the  struggle  she  volun¬ 
teers,  under  professions  of  neutrality,  to  ignore 
our  constitutional  right  to  subdue  them,  and  to 
recognize  their  rebellion  as  lawful  war.  Bound 
to  us  by  treaty  stipulations,  she  elevates  them 
to  an  equality  of  position  as  regards  belligerent 
rights  under  the  law  of  nations.  She  places 
their  usurped  government,  based  on  treachery 
and  slavery,  on  a  par  with  that  founded  by 
Washington  and  his  associates  on  the  broad 
consent  of  the  American  people.  She  intro¬ 
duces  Jefferson  Davis  and  his  confederates  to 
a  limited  extent  into  the  family  of  nations,  en¬ 
dorses  the  licenses  given  by  them  to  pirates 
whose  brutal  cupidity  is  stimulated  by  bribes 
of  blood-money — twenty  dollars  for  every  mur¬ 
dered  American !  and  transforms  them  into 
letters  of  marque  which  the  ships  of  all  nations 
are  bound  to  recognize,  respect,  and  obey. 

Had  she  treated  them  as  insurgents  they 
would  have  had  no  other  rights  on  the  sea  than 


DOCUMENTS. 


had  Bill  Johnson,  the  pirate  of  the  St.  Law¬ 
rence.  Having  proclaimed  them  belligerents 
she  has  given  them  a  commission  not  simply  to 
capture  American  property  in  American  vessels, 
but  to  capture  on  the  high  seas  American 
property  on  board  of  whatever  vessel  it  may 
be  found,  and  to  carry  the  neutral  vessel  and 
cargo  into  a  belligerent  port  for  further  exami¬ 
nation.  She  recognizes  the  right  of  the  men 
who  have  robbed  our  treasury,  betrayed  our 
forts,  and  filched  our  navy-yards  and  arsenals, 
to  establish  prize  courts  to  decide,  upon  the 
lawfulness  of  captures  made  by  their  commis¬ 
sioned  cruisers,  and  brought  into  court  for  ad¬ 
judication,  and  the  title  to  be  given  by  Davis’s 
courts  is  to  be  held  valid  by  the  law  ot  nations. 

This  is  what  the  proclamation  of  neutrality 
really  means.  This  is  the  neutrality  which 
England  has  inaugurated  and  which  France  has 
adopted  ;  and  those  two  great  powers,  who  re- 1 
cently  declared  in  the  Congress  at  Paris  that 
privateering  is  and  shall  remain  abolished — by 
royal  and  imperial  proclamation  have  counter¬ 
signed  letters  of  marque  for  the  destruction  of 
American  ships,  and  which  threaten  with  spoli¬ 
ation  the  commerce  of  the  world.  The  aim 
and  effect  of  the  British  proclamation  seem  to 
us  so  clearly  unfriendly  and  injurious,  that  it  is 
hardly  worth  while  to  note  the  discourtesy  of 
adopting  such  a  policy  and  giving  it  a  definite 
and  irreversible  shape  in  advance  of  the  arrival 
of  Mr.  Adams,  without  allowing  us  the  oppor¬ 
tunity  to  offer  a  word  of  explanation  or  remon¬ 
strance.  Mr.  Adams  reached  Liverpool  the 
13th  of  May.  The  next  day  the  proclamation 
was  printed  in  London. 

The  United  States  by  their  neutrality  broke 
the  back  of  the  Canadian  rebellion,  dashed  the 
hopes  cherished  by  the  rebels  of  effective 
American  sympathy,  in  good  faith  assisted  the 
British  government  in  maintaining  its  author¬ 
ity,  and  restoring  order,  and  thus  materially 
diminished  the  cost  of  treasure  and  of  life  at 
which  alone  their  subjection  could  have  been 
accomplished. 

The  British  government  by  their  neutrality 
have  made  our  task  far  more  difficult,  apart 
from  the  injury  we  may  anticipate  from  the 
fleet  of  privateers  whose  letters  are  so  respect¬ 
ably  countersigned.  But  we  learn  from  this 
proclamation  one  lesson,  that  will  be  perhaps 
worth  all  that  it  shall  cost  us,  we  learn  the 
treatment  we  may  expect  if  we  fail  to  maintain 
our  national  integrity  and  the  honor  of  our 
flag. 

If  a  mere  supposition  that  the  rebels  of 
Montgomery  are  likely  to  be  successful,  can  in 
a  moment  dash  from  the  memory  of  the  Eng¬ 
lish  government  all  recollection  of  past  friend¬ 
ship,  and  induce  her  in  our  moment  of  trial  to 
condescend  to  a  course  so  different  from  that 
we  had  pursued  towards  her,  what  treatment 
may  we  not  expect  from  her,  and  from  every 
other  European  cabinet,  if  we  ourselves  by  our 
conduct  admit  that  we  are  powerless  at  home  ? 
IIow  will  wo  be  treated  abroad,  if  we  yield  to 


393 


the  threats  of  a  fraction  of  our  own  population  ? 
What  will  be  our  standing  among  nations  if, 
consenting  to  separation,  we  lose  nearly  half  ot 
our  territory,  and  two-thirds  of  our  Atlantic 
seaboard,  and  descend  to  the  position  of  a  third- 
rate  power  ?  Or  what  respect  will  be  paid  us, 
if  to  maintain  our  territory  we  compromise 
with  rebellion  ?  If  we  yield  at  the  cannon’s 
mouth  what  the  people  have  deliberately  re¬ 
fused  at  the  polls,  if  we  teach  the  world  by 
such  an  example  that  we  may  be  bullied  with 
success,  and  that  when  we  resist  on  principle 
unreasonable  demands,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
humble  our  flag,  and  to  threaten  Washington, 
to  induce  us  ignominiously  to  submit? 

Let  us  discard  all  reliance  upon  other  help 
than  that  of  God,  a  right  cause,  and  a  strong 
arm,  and  let  us  recognize  the  stubborn  fact 
that  “  the  government  or  nation  that  fails  to 
protect  itself  against  foes,  whether  foreign  or 
domestic,  deserves  to  perish  ingloriously.”  * 

Before  leaving  the  question  of  England’s 
neutrality,  I  think  we  should  distinguish  be¬ 
tween  the  hasty  action  of  the  British  cabinet 
and  the  deliberate  conviction  of  the  British 
people. 

That  the  heart  of  that  great  nation  is  sound, 
and  that  as  soon  as  they  understand  the  mo¬ 
tives  and  manner  of  this  rebellion  as  you  un¬ 
derstand  them,  they  will  appreciate  our  posi¬ 
tion,  approve  our  resolution,  and  wish  us  God 
speed  in  our  great  work  of  restoring  the .  Fed¬ 
eral  Union  to  its  integrity  and  its  great  original 
principles  of  freedom,  I  cannot,  I  will  not 
doubt. 

Already  their  cabinet  has  partially  atoned 
for  the  first  proclamation  by  an  order  that  will 
prevent  the  privateers  of  Davis  from  entering 
British  ports,  and  both  the  government  and  the 
people  must  soon  recognize  the  fact  that  we 
have  the  ability  and  the  will  to  crush  this  re¬ 
bellion  and  maintain  our  integrity,  however 
long  the  struggle,  however  great  the  cost ;  and 
that  we  no  more  recognize  the  right  of  England 
nor  of  Europe  to  dictate  to  us  in  this  matter, 
than  England  would  have  recognized  our  right 
to  interfere  between  her  and  Nana  Sahib.  The 
material  interests  based  on  cotton  must  yield  to 
the  national  and  moral  duties  that  to-day  de¬ 
volve  upon  the  American  people,  in  determin¬ 
ing,  perhaps  for  untold  ages,  the  destiny  ot  the 
American  continent. 

The  English  people  will  see  that  our  resolve 
to  crush  the  conspiracy  for  the  establishment 
of  a  slave  empire,  is  not  based  on  any  evanes¬ 
cent  burst  of  enthusiasm,  but  on  the  most  sober 
calculations  of  honor,  duty,  safety,  and  econo¬ 
my  ;  and  that  it  is  the  true  interest  of  England, 
her  pecuniary,  her  political,  and  her  moral  in¬ 
terest,  that  the  war  should  be  as  brief  as  pos¬ 
sible,  that  the  rebels  may  no  longer  be  deluded 
into  the  belief  that  any  true  Englishman  who 
understands  the  history  and  the  object  of  their 
rebellion,  can  regard  it  with  other  feelings  than 

*  Guetano  Filangieri. 


394 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


those  naturally  aroused  by  a  policy  of  fraud, 
treachery,  and  oppression. 

That  the  restoration  of  the  integrity  of  our 
Union  is  to  be  accomplished  without  a  vast  ex¬ 
penditure  of  treasure,  aud  perhaps  of  blood,  no 
one  anticipates.  We  all  know  something  of  the 
cost  of  European  wars,  hut  we  know  also  our 
own  resources,  and  the  immense  stake  for 
which  we  will  be  fighting.  Our  fathers  fought 
for  seven  years  for  our  national  freedom,  and 
the  spirit  abroad  throughout  our  land  indicates 
that  their  sons,  if  necessary,  will  fight  seven 
years  more  to  save  it  from  destruction  and  dis¬ 
grace.  Whether  the  debt  incurred  for  its  pres¬ 
ervation  shall  be  hundreds  or  thousands  of  mil¬ 
lions,  it  will  be  a  sacred  legacy  to  future  gen¬ 
erations.  A  debt  of  five  hundred  millions,  as 
remarked  by  an  English  journalist,  would  leave 
this  nation  less  severely  taxed  than  any  nation 
of  Europe. 

If  any  man  supposes  that  this  Republic  can 
be  advantageously  sundered  into  two,  let  him 
cast  his  eye  upon  the  map  and  endeavor  to  find 
a  natural  line  to  separate  the  two  confederacies. 
The  geographical  formation  of  our  country  in¬ 
dicates  that  it  is  one  ;  nature  has  provided  no 
boundary  line  between  the  North  and  the 
South  ;  no  river  like  the  Mississippi,  no  moun¬ 
tain  chain  like  the  Alleglianies,  or  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  running  from  the  West  to  the  At¬ 
lantic,  and  forming  an  Alpine  boundary  to  di¬ 
vide  the  sections.  On  the  contrary,  the  Father 
of  waters  stretches  out  his  great  arms  to  the 
East  and  to  the  West,  bearing  on  his  bosom  to 
the  Gulf  the  generous  products  of  the  valleys 
which  they  fertilize,  and  carrying  back  in  their 
place  the  cotton,  rice,  and  sugar  of  our  Southern 
borders,  and  imports  from  foreign  climes. 

The  Mississippi,  source  and  channel  of  pros¬ 
perity  to  North  and  South  alike  in  every  mile 
of  its  progress ;  on  the  West  to  Minnesota, 
Iowa,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  and  Louisiana ;  on 
the  East  to  Wisconsin,  Illinois,  Kentucky,  Ten¬ 
nessee,  and  Mississippi,  proclaims  to  the  citi¬ 
zens  of  the  immense  region  which  it  waters 
through  thousands  of  miles  in  extent,  from 
North  to  South,  and  East  to  West,  that  our 
country  is  one  and  indivisible. 

Our  duty  to  the  South  forbids  our  acquies¬ 
cence  in  this  rebellion,  for  it  would  reverse  the 
American  policy  for  the  last  half  century,  and 
reconsign  to  foreign  invasion,  to  anarchy  and 
ruin,  the  immense  territories  which  we  have 
rescued  from  European  sway,  and  united  as 
parts  of  our  great  nation. 

Look  back  to  the  olden  time  and  see  what 
the  Southern  country  would  again  become. 
Trace  the  history  of  Florida  from  the  days  of 
Charles  V.,  from  the  adventures  of  De  Leon 
and  De  Soto,  the  persecution  of  Protestants 
from  France,  and  the  retaliation  on  the  mur¬ 
derous  Spaniards ;  the  capture  of  St.  Augustine 
by  Sir  Francis  Drake,  the  buccaneering  inroads 
of  the  English,  the  transfer  of  Florida  to  the 
British  crown ;  its  partial  settlement  from  Italy 
and  Greece,  the  privateering  exploits  in  our 


revolution,  the  capture  of  Baton  Rouge  and 
Pensacola,  until  its  purchase  by  our  Govern¬ 
ment  in  1819. 

Remember  that  the  Spaniards  navigated  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  for  two  centuries,  without  dis¬ 
covering  that  it  was  the  outlet  of  the  great 
river  of  the  North  ;  a  fact  which,  perhaps,  in¬ 
duces  the  Southern  confederates  to  imagine 
that  we  also  may  be  persuaded  to  forget  its  ex¬ 
istence.  Look  at  Louisiana  from  the  days  of 
Law  and  the  Mississippi  bubble  to  its  cession 
to  Spain  in  1702,  and  its  retrocession  to  France 
in  1800,  when  we  hastened  to  buy  it  from  the 
First  Consul,  and  you  will  find  nothing  in  Flor¬ 
ida,  in  Louisiana,  nor  indeed  in  Texas,  to  indi¬ 
cate  even  the  first  beginning  of  the  prosperity 
which  has  been  so  rapidly  developed  under  the 
fostering  protection  of  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment. 

Let  the  American  Union  be  dismembered, 
and  what  is  to  prevent  foreign  powers  from  re¬ 
entering  upon  our  national  domain  from  which 
at  such  great  cost  and  labor  they  have  been 
ousted  ? 

An  old  officer  of  the  French  empire  writing 
to  the  Courrier  des  Etats-Unis ,  has  predicted 
that  in  the  first  place  France  would  retake 
Louisiana,  according  to  ancient  treaties,  that 
Spain  would  reclaim  Florida,  that  England  per¬ 
haps  would  seek  to  appropriate  Oregon,  and 
that  Mexico,  under  foreign  protection,  would 
retake  New  Mexico,  Texas,  and  California;  or 
supposing  that  we  should  consent  to  the  estab¬ 
lishment  of  the  so-called  Southern  Confederacy, 
which  we  know  to  be  a  mere  military  despot¬ 
ism,  what  possible  guarantee  can  we  have  for 
peace  in  the  future,  when  each  State  reserves 
the  right  to  secede  at  pleasure  and  enter  at  will 
into  foreign  alliances,  inaugurating  universal 
chaos  and  chronic  dissolution?  Even  now, 
while  the  struggle  is  being  waged,  the  leading 
men  of  South  Carolina,  already  sick  of  their  in¬ 
dependence  before  it  is  accomplished,  repudiate 
republican  institutions,  and  sigh  for  a  British 
prince  to  lend  the  odor  of  royalty  to  the 
aristocracy  which  they  boast — an  aristocracy 
based  not  upon  historic  deeds  and  noble  hero¬ 
ism,  but  simply  upon  the  color  of  their  skins, 
and  their  despotic  dominion  over  helpless  slaves 
— an  aristocracy  whose  wealth  is  invested  in 
human  flesh,  and  whose  revenues  are  collected 
in  the  field  by  the  lash,  and  on  the  auction 
block  by  the  hammer ! 

Let  our  Union  be  divided  with  the  view  of 
accomplishing  present  peace,  and  not  only  would 
the  United  States  fall  from  her  position  of  a 
first-class  power  to  that  of  a  minor  republic, 
with  a  contracted  seaboard  and  a  defenceless 
border — but  the  act  of  separation  would  inau¬ 
gurate  an  exposure  to  hostilities;  first,  from 
our  new  and  unfriendly  neighbor,  and  then 
from  every  foreign  power  with  which  one  or 
all  of  the  Southern  States  might  choose  to  form 
an  alliance.  Either  contingency  would  neces¬ 
sarily  change  our  national  policy,  require  the 
maintenance  of  a  standing  army,  and  compli- 


DOCUMENTS. 


395 


cate  endlessly  our  commercial  relations.  Now, 
we  stand  aloof  from  the  quarrels  of  the  rest  of 
the  world,  and  can  devote  our  energies  to  the 
development  of  our  marvellous  resources  and 
the  extension  of  civilization  and  freedom  over 
the  American  continent ;  then  we  should  he 
compelled  to  an  attitude  of  perpetual  self-de¬ 
fence  to  save  us  from  constant  entanglement  in 
the  web  of  European  politics.  Already  have 
we  had  a  foretaste  of  the  sort  of  treatment 
which  Europe  will  accord  to  the  severed  frag¬ 
ments  of  the  American  Republic. 

To  maintain  the  respect  of  the  world  we 
must  maintain  first  the  integrity  of  our  nation¬ 
al  territory,  and  next  the  integrity  of  our  fun¬ 
damental  principles.  As  for  the  argument  that 
if  the  rebellion  is  crushed  harmony  can  never 
he  restored,  Canada  furnishes  the  refutation. 
The  bloody  feuds  of  1838  have  hardly  left  a 
trace  to  mar  the  tranquil  prosperity  which 
marks  the  progress  of  that  great  province. 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  Union  men 
of  the  South  await  but  the  coming  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  forces  in  sufficient  strength,  to  show  them¬ 
selves  again  the  cordial  supporters  of  the  Fed¬ 
eral  Government.  But  even  if  this  were  not 
so,  and  there  was  reason  to  fear  a  long  period 
of  distrust  and  disaffection,  the  fact  remains 
that  the  interests  of  the  American  people  im¬ 
peratively  demand  that  the  integrity  of  the 
Union  shall  be  preserved,  whether  the  slavery 
propagandists  of  the  South  like  it  or  like  it 
not. 

This  is  one  of  those  decisive  epochs  that  oc¬ 
cur  in  the  history  of  all  great  nations.  One 
came  to  our  fathers  in  1776.  Submission  to 
usurped  authority,  or  national  independence, 
was  the  issue ;  and  on  the  day  we  commemo¬ 
rate  they  chose  the  latter ;  and  the  force  of  their 
example  on  the  world  is  yet  to  be  determined. 
To-day  the  imperious  demand  comes  from 
slavery,  “  Submit  or  be  destroyed !  ”  Already 
has  a  blow  been  struck  by  slavery  at  our  Re¬ 
public,  the  force  of  which  reverberates  through 
the  world.  Two  hundred  millions  of  debts  due 
from  rebels  to  loyal  citizens  are  repudiated,  the 
business  of  the  country  is  arrested,  bankruptcy 
stares  us  in  the  face ;  worse  than  all,  our  flag 
has  been  insulted,  our  prestige  impaired,  and 
from  foreign  courts  we  have  received  treatment 
that  our  American  pride  can  illy  .brook.  Honor, 
interest,  self-respect,  and  the  highest  duty,  call 
upon  us  to  crush,  and  crush  speedily,  the  inso¬ 
lent  traitors  -whose  secret  and  atrocious  perfidy 
has  temporarily  crippled  us;  and  while  we  re¬ 
call  the  motives  that  combine  to  compel  us  to 
resistance,  let  us  not  forget  the  duty  which  this 
nation  owes  to  the  oppressed  race  who  are  the 
innocent  cause  of  all  our  troubles,  and  who 
have  no  friends  to  look  to  but  ourselves,  to 
prevent  the  spreading  of  slavery  over  every 
foot  of  American  territory,  and  the  waving  of 
the  flag  of  the  slave  trader  over  the  fearful 
horrors  of  the  middle  passage. 

Gentlemen,  as  in  our  revolutionary,  struggle 
our  fathers  had  to  contend  with  the  timid  and 


the  avaricious,  who  feared  the  evils  of  war  and 
continually  cried  peace !  peace !  where  there 
was  no  peace,  so  may  we  expect  to  be  con¬ 
stantly  hampered  by  declaimers  in  favor  of 
compromise.  I  do  not  stop  to  consider  the  fit¬ 
ness  of  our  lending  an  ear  to  such  a  cry  until 
the  insult  to  our  flag  has  been  atoned  for,  and 
until  our  supremacy  is  acknowledged,  for  the 
great  mass  of  the  people  of  the  country  will  be 
unanimous  on  this  point ;  they  will  regard  the 
bare  suggestion  of  treating  with  the  rebels 
whose  hands  are  stained  with  the  blood  of  the 
sons  of  Massachusetts,  of  Ellsworth  and  of 
Wintlirop,  of  Greble  and  of  Ward,  as  a  per¬ 
sonal  insult,  and  will  reply  to  it  as  did  Patrick 
Iienry — “We  must  fight!  I  repeat  it,  sir,  we 
must  fight !  ”  The  sword  is  now  the  only  pen 
with  which  we  can  write  “  peace  ”  in  enduring 
characters  on  the  map  of  America. 

The  day  of  compromise  is  gone  ;  “  that  sort 
of  thing,”  as  the  Secretary  said,  “  ended  with 
the  Fourth  of  March.”  We  have  had  devices 
enough  for  saving  the  Union,  devices  suggested 
by  the  men  who  are  now  striving  to  destroy  it. 

There  is  one  good  old  plan  provided  by  the 
Constitution  that  was  successfully  practised  by 
Washington  and  Jackson  ;  we  are  about  to  try 
that ;  let  us  try  it  thoroughly ;  it  is  simply  the 
due  execution  of  the  laws  by  whatever  degree 
of  force  the  exigency  may  require.  If  our  army 
of  300,000  men  is  insufficient,  a  million  stand 
ready  to  follow  them  to  the  field. 

It  would  be  difficult,  my  countrymen,  to  ex¬ 
aggerate  the  solemn  importance  of  our  national 
position.  A  struggle  for  life  and  death  has 
commenced  between  freedom  and  slavery,  and 
on  the  event  of  the  struggle  depends  our  na¬ 
tional  existence.  Let  us  falter,  let  us  com¬ 
promise,  let  us  yield,  and  the  work  of  our 
fathers  and  the  inheritance  of  our  children,  our 
own  honor,  and  the  hopes  of  the  oppressed 
nationalities  of  the  world,  will  be  buried  in  a 
common  grave !  Let  us  be  demoralized  by  de¬ 
feat  in  the  field,  or  what  is  infinitely  worse,  by 
submission  to  rebellion,  and  in  foreign  lands  a 
man  will  blush  and  hang  his  head  to  declare 
himself  an  American  citizen.  A  whipped 
hound  should  be  the  emblem  of  the  Northern 
man  who  whimpers  for  a  peace  that  can  only 
be  gained  by  dishonor. 

But  let  us  remember  our  fathers  who,  eighty- 
five  years  ago,  this  day,  made  universal  free¬ 
dom  and  equal  right,  the  corner-stone  of  this 
republic ;  let  us  exhibit,  as  we  have  begun  to 
do,  their  stern  resolve  and  high  devotion  in  be¬ 
half  of  constitutional  freedom,  and  we  shall  se¬ 
cure  for  our  children  and  our  children’s  chil¬ 
dren,  a  gigantic  and  glorious  nationality,  based 
upon  principles  of  Christian  civilization,  such 
as  the  world  has  never  seen  before. 

There  is  nothing  impossible,  nothing  improb¬ 
able,  in  our  speedy  realization  of  a  glorious  fu¬ 
ture. 

The  seeds  of  this  rebellion  have  long  lurked 
in  our  system  ;  for  years  it  has  been  coming  to 
a  head,  and  simply  from  want  of  proper  treat- 


396 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


ment,  it  has  now  burst  with  angry  violence ; 
but  the  pulse  of  the  nation  beats  coolly  and 
calmly,  the  partial  local  inflammation  but 
serves  to  exhibit  the  lusty  health  of  the  body 
politic,  and  when  this  rebellion  is  extinguished, 
and  its  cause  removed,  we  may  hope  that  we 
are  safe  from  an  organized  rebellion  for  at  least 
a  century  to  come. 

With  what  speed  this  rebellion  shall  be 
crushed  depends  solely  upon  yourselves.  Let 
public  feeling  lag  throughout  the  land,  and  the 
War  Department  will  lag  in  Washington.  Let 
us  become  careless  and  indifferent  about  the 
matter,  and  contractors  will  cheat  our  soldiers, 
incompetent  officers  will  expose  them  to  defeat, 
official  indifference  will  produce  general  demor¬ 
alization.  But  let  us  keep  ever  in  mind  the 
lesson  we  have  so  dearly  learned — that  eternal 
vigilance  is  the  price  of  liberty.  Let  the  ad¬ 
ministration  and  the  army  feel  that  their  every 
act  is  canvassed  by  an  intelligent  people,  and, 
when  approved,  greeted  by  a  hearty  apprecia¬ 
tion  ;  that  every  branch  of  industry  awaits  the 
ending  of  the  war,  and  that  from  every  part  of 
the  land  comes  the  cry  of  “  forward,”  and  the 
arm  of  the  Union  at  Washington  will  obey  the 
heart  of  the  nation,  whenever  a  prayer  rises  in 
its  behalf,  or  its  flag  kisses  the  breeze  of  heaven. 

Let  us  with  this  sleepless  vigilance  on  our 
part,  repose  a  generous  confidence  in  our  Presi¬ 
dent,  who  has  won  the  generous  applause  of  his 
Democratic  opponents,  nor  scan  too  impatiently 
the  warlike  policy  of  Scott. 

Like  all  true-hearted  and  brave  veterans,  he 
wishes  to  spare  as  far  as  possible  the  blood  alike 
of  loyal  soldiers  and  deluded  rebels,  and  to 
carry  with  the  flag  of  our  Union  not  simply  the 
power  to  make  it  respected,  but  the  more  glo¬ 
rious  attributes  that  cause  it  to  be  loved. 
“Not,”  to  adopt  the  words  of  Gov.  Andrew, 
of  Massachusetts,  “  to  inaugurate  a  war  of  sec¬ 
tions,  not  to  avenge  former  wrongs,  not  to  per¬ 
petuate  ancient  griefs,  or  memories  of  conflict,” 
will  that  flag  move  onwards  until  it  floats  again 
in  its  pride  and  beauty  over  Richmond,  and 
Sumter,  and  Montgomery,  and  New  Orleans ; 
but  to  indicate  the  majesty  of  the  people,  to 
retain  and  re-invigorate  the  institutions  of  our 
fathers,  to  rescue  from  the  despotism  of  traitors 
the  loyal  citizens  of  the  South,  and  place  all, 
loyal  or  rebel,  under  the  protection  of  a  Union 
that  is  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole. 

The  eyes  of  the  whole  world  are  this  day 
fixed  upon  you.  To  Europeans  themselves, 
European  questions  sink  to  insignificance  com¬ 
pared  with  the  American  question  now  to  be 
decided.  Rise,  my  countrymen,  as  did  our 
fathers  on  the  day  we  celebrate,  to  the  majestic 
grandeur  of  this  question  in  its  twofold  aspect, 
as  regards  America,  and  as  regards  the  world. 
Remember  that  with  the  failure  of  the  Ameri¬ 
can  Republic  will  fall  the  wisest  system  of  re¬ 
publican  government  which  the  wisdom  of  man 
has  yet  invented,  and  the  hopes  of  popular  free¬ 
dom  cherished  throughout  the  globe. 

Let  us,  standing  by  our  fathers’  graves, 


swear  anew,  and  teach  the  oath  to  our  children, 
that  with  God’s  help  the  American  Republic, 
clasping  this  continent  in  its  embrace,  shall 
stand  unmoved,  though  all  the  powers  of  sla¬ 
very,  piracy,  and  European  jealousy  should  com¬ 
bine  to  overthrow  it ;  that  we  shall  have  in  the 
future,  as  we  have  had  in  the  past,  one  country, 
one  Gonstitution,  and  one  destiny;  and  that 
when  we  shall  have  passed  from  earth,  and  the 
acts  of  to-day  shall  be  matter  of  history,  and 
the  dark  power  now  seeking  our  overthrow 
shall  have  been  itself  overthrown,  our  sons 
may  gather  strength  from  our  example  in  every 
contest  with  despotism  that  time  may  have  in 
store  to  try  their  virtue,  and  that  they  may 
rally  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes  to  battle  for 
freedom  and  the  rights  of  man,  with  our  olden 
war  cry,  “  Liberty  and  Union,  now  and  for¬ 
ever,  one  and  inseparable.” 


Doo.  254^. 

SOVEREIGNTY  OF  SOUTII  CAROLINA. 

THE  ADDRESS  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA, 
ASSEMBLED  IN  CONVENTION,  DECEMBER,  1860, 
TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  TIIE  SLAVEHOLDING  STATES 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.* 

It  is  now  seventy-three  years  since  the 
Union  between  the  United  States  was  made  by 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  During 
this  period  their  advance  in  wealth,  prosperity, 
and  power,  has  been  with  scarcely  a  parallel  in 
the  history  of  the  world.  The  great  object  of 
their  Union  was  external  defence  from  the  ag¬ 
gressions  of  more  powerful  nations  ;  now  com¬ 
plete,  from  their  mere  progress  in  power,  thir¬ 
ty-one  millions  of  people,  with  a  commerce  and 
navigation  which  explores  every  sea,  and  of 
agricultural  productions  which  are  necessary  to 
every  civilized  people,  command  the  friendship 
of  the  world.  But,  unfortunately,  our  internal 
peace  has  not  grown  with  our  external  pros¬ 
perity.  Discontent  and  contention  have  moved 
in  the  bosom  of  the  Confederacy  for  the  last 
thirty -five  years.  During  this  time  South  Car¬ 
olina  has  twice  called  her  people  together  in 
solemn  convention,  to  take  into  consideration 
the  aggressions  and  unconstitutional  wrongs 
perpetrated  by  the  people  of  the  North  on  the 
people  of  the  South.  These  -wrongs  were  sub¬ 
mitted  to  by  the  people  of  the  South,  under  the 
hope  and  expectation  that  they  would  be  final. 
But  these  hopes  and  expectations  have  proved 
to  be  void.  Instead  of  being  incentives  to  for¬ 
bearance,  our  submission  has  only  instigated 
to  new  forms  of  aggression  and  outrage,  and 
South  Carolina,  again  assembling  her  people  in 
convention,  has  this  day  dissolved  her  connec¬ 
tion  with  the  States  constituting  the  United 
States. 

The  one  great  evil,  from  which  all  other 
evils  have  flowed,  is  the  overthrow  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution  of  the  United  States.  The  Govern- 

*  See  Document,  page  3. 


DOCUMENTS. 


397 


• 

ment  of  the  United  States  is  no  longer  a  gov¬ 
ernment  of  a  confederated  republic,  but  ot  a 
consolidated  democracy.  It  is  no  longer  a  free 
government,  but  a  despotism.  It  is,  in  fact, 
such  a  government  as  Great  Britain  attempted 
to  set  over  our  fathers,  and  which  was  resisted 
and  defeated  by  a  seven  years’  struggle  for  in¬ 
dependence. 

The  Revolution  of  1776  turned  upon  one 
great  principle,  self-government  and  self-taxa¬ 
tion,  the  criterion  of  self-government.  Where 
the  interests  of  two  people  united  together 
under  one  government  are  different,  eacli  must 
have  the  power  to  protect  its  interests  by  the 
organization  of  the  government  or  they  cannot 
be  free.  The  interests  of  Great  Britain  and  of 
the  colonies  were  different  and  antagonistic. 
Great  Britain  was  desirous  of  carrying  out  the 
policy  of  all  nations  toward  their  colonies,  of 
making  them  tributary  to  their  wealth  and 
power.  She  had  vast  and  complicated  relations 
with  the  whole  world.  Her  policy  towards  her 
North  American  colonies  was  to  identify  them 
with  her  in  all  these  complicated  relations,  and 
to  make  them  bear,  in  common  with  the  rest  of 
the  empire,  the  full  burden  of  her  obligations 
and  necessities.  She  had  a  vast  public  debt ; 
she  had  a  European  policy  and  Asiatic  policy, 
which  had  occasioned  the  accumulation  of  her 
public  debt,  and  which  kept  her  in  continual 
wars.  The  North  American  colonies  saw  their 
interests,  political  and  commercial,  sacrificed 
by  such  a  policy.  Their  interests  required  that 
they  should  not  be  identified  with  the  burdens 
and  wars  of  the  mother  country.  They  had 
been  settled  under  charters  which  gave  them 
self-government,  at  least  so  tar  as  their  proper¬ 
ty  was  concerned.  They  had  taxed  them¬ 
selves,  and  had  never  been  taxed  by  the  gov¬ 
ernment  of  Great  Britain.  To  make  them  a 
part  of  a  consolidated  empire,  the  Parliament 
of  Great  Britain  determined  to  assume  the 
power  of  legislating  for  the  colonies  in  all  cases 
whatsoever.  Our  ancestors  resisted  the  pre¬ 
tension.  They  refused  to  be  a  part  of  the  con¬ 
solidated  government  of  Great  Britain. 

The  Southern  States  now  stand  exactly  in  the 
same  position  towards  the  Northern  States  that 
our  ancestors  in  the  colonies  did  towards  Great 
Britain.  The  Northern  States,  having  the  ma¬ 
jority  in  Congress,  claim  the  same  power  of 
omnipotence  in  legislation  as  the  British  Par¬ 
liament.  “The  general  welfare,”  is  the  only 
limit  to  the  legislation  of  either  ;  and  the  ma¬ 
jority  in  Congress,  as  in  the  British  Parliament, 
are  the  sole  judges  of  the  expediency  of  the 
legislation  this  “general  welfare”  requires. 
Thus  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has 
become  a  consolidated  Government,  and  the 
people  of  the  Southern  States  are  compelled  to 
meet  the  very  despotism  their  fathers  threw  oft’ 
in  the  Revolution  of  1776. 

The  consolidation  of  the  Government  of 
Great  Britain  over  the  colonies  was  attempted 
to  be  carried  out  by  the  taxes.  The  British 
Parliament  undertook  to  tax  the  colonies  to 


promote  British  interests.  Our  fathers  resisted 
this  pretension.  They  claimed  the  right  of 
self-taxation  through  their  colonial  legislatures. 
They  were  not  represented  in  the  British  Par- 
iament,  and  therefore  could  not  rightly  bo 
taxed  by  its  legislature.  The  British  Govern¬ 
ment,  however,  offered  them  a  representative 
in  the  British  Parliament ;  but  it  was  not  suffi¬ 
cient  to  enable  them  to  protect  themselves  from 
;he  majority,  and  they  refused  it.  Between 
taxation  without  any  representation,  and  taxa¬ 
tion  without  a  representation  adequate  to  pro¬ 
jection,  there  was  no  difference.  By  neither 
would  the  colonies  tax  themselves.  Hence 
they  refused  to  pay  the  taxes  laid  by  the  Brit¬ 
ish  Parliament. 

The  Southern  States  now  stand  in  the  same 
relation  towards  the  Northern  States,  in  the 
vital  matter  of  taxation,  that  our  ancestors 
stood  towards  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 
They  are  in  a  minority  in  Congress.  Their 
representation  in  Congress  is  useless  to  protect 
them  against  unjust  taxation;  and  they  are 
taxed  by  the  people  of  the  North  for  their 
benefit,  exactly  as  the  people  of  Great  Britain 
taxed  our  ancestors  in  the  British  Parliament 
for  their  benefit.  For  the  last  forty  years  the 
taxes  laid  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
have  been  laid  with  a  view  of  subserving  the 
interests  of  the  North.  The  people  of  the 
South  have  been  taxed  by  duties  on  imports, 
not  for  revenue,  but  for  an  object  inconsistent 
with  revenue— to  promote,  by  prohibitions, 
Northern  interests  in  the  productions  of  their 
mines  and  manufactures. 

There  is  another  evil  in  the  condition  of  the 
Southern  towards  the  Northern  States,  which 
our  ancestors  refused  to  bear  towards  Great 
Britain.  Our  ancestors  not  only  taxed  them¬ 
selves,  but  all  the  taxes  collected  from  them 
were  expended  amongst  them.  Had  they  sub¬ 
mitted  to  the  pretensions  of  the  British  Gov¬ 
ernment,  the  taxes  collected  from  them  would 
have  been  expended  on  other  parts  of  the  Brit¬ 
ish  empire.  They  were  fully  aware  of  the 
effect  of  such  a  policy  in  impoverishing  the 
people  from  whom  taxes  are  collected,  and  in 
enriching  those  who  receive  the  benefit  ot  their 
expenditure.  To  prevent  the  evils  of  such  a 
policy  was  one  of  the  motives  which  drove 
them  on  to  revolution.  Yet  this  British  policy 
has  been  fully  realized  towards  the  Southern 
States  by  the  Northern  States.  The  people  of 
the  Southern  States  are  not  only  taxed  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Northern  States,  but  after  the 
taxes  are  collected  three-fourths  of  them  arc 
expended  at  the  North.  This  cause,  with 
others  connected  with  the  operation  of  the 
General  Government,  has  provincialized  the 
cities  of  the  South.  Their  growth  is  paralyzed, 
whilst  they  are  mere  suburbs  of  Northern 
cities.  The  basis  of  the  foreign  commerce  of 
the  United  States  are  the  agricultural  produc¬ 
tions  of  the  South  ;  yet  Southern  cities  do  not 
carry  it  on.  Our  foreign  trade  is  almost  anni¬ 
hilated.  In  1740  there  were  five  ship  yards  in 


398 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


South  Carolina  to  build  ships  to  carry  on  our 
direct  trade  with  Europe.  Between  1740  and 
1779  there  were  built  in  these  yards  twenty- 
five  square-rigged  vessels,  besides  a  great  num¬ 
ber  of  sloops  and  schooners,  to  carry  on  our 
coast  and  West  India  trade.  In  the  half  cen¬ 
tury  immediately  preceding  the  Revolution, 
from  1725  to  1775,  the  population  of  South 
Carolina  increased  seven-fold. 

No  man  can  for  a  moment  believe  that  our 
ancestors  intended  to  establish  over  their  pos¬ 
terity  exactly  the  same  sort  of  government 
they  bad  overthrown.  The  great  object  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  in  its  inter¬ 
nal  operation,  was,  doubtless,  to  secure  the 
great  end  of  the  Revolution — a  limited  free 
government — a  government  limited  to  those 
matters  only  which  were  general  and  common 
to  all  portions  of  the  United  States.  All  sec¬ 
tional  or  local  interests  were  to  be  left  to  the 
States.  By  no  other  arrangement  would  they 
obtain  free  government  by  a  constitution  com¬ 
mon  to  so  vast  a  confederacy.  Yet  by  gradual 
and  steady  encroachments  on  the  part  of  the 
people  of  the  North,  and  submission  on  the 
part  of  the  South,  the  limitations  in  the  Consti¬ 
tution  have  been  swept  away,  and  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States  has  become  consoli¬ 
dated,  with  a  claim  of  limitless  powers  in  its 
operations. 

It  is  not  at  all  surprising,  whilst  such  is  the 
character  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  that  it  should  assume  to  possess  power 
over  all  the  institutions  of  the  country.  The 
agitations  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the 
South  are  the  natural  results  of  the  consolida¬ 
tion  of  the  Government.  Responsibility  fol¬ 
lows  power;  and  if  the  people  of  the  North 
have  the  power  by  Congress  “  to  promote  the 
general  welfare  of  the  United  States  ”  by  any 
means  they  deem  expedient,  why  should  they 
not  assail  and  overthrow  the  institution  of 
slavery  in  the  South  ?  They  are  responsible 
for  its  continuance  or  existence,  in  proportion 
to  their  power.  A  majority  in  Congress,  ac¬ 
cording  to  their  interested  and  perverted  views, 
is  omnipotent.  The  inducements  to  act  upon 
the  subject  of  slavery,  under  such  circum¬ 
stances,  were  so  imperious  as  to  amount  almost 
to  a  moral  necessity.  To  make,  however,  their 
numerical  power  available  to  rule  the  Union, 
the  North  must  consolidate  their  power.  It 
would  not  be  united,  on  any  matter  common  to 
the  whole  Union — in  other  words,  on  any  Con 
stitutional  subject — for  on  such  subjects  divi¬ 
sions  are  as  likely  to  exist  in  the  North  as  in 
the  South.  Slavery  -was  strictly  a  sectional  in¬ 
terest  ;  if  this  could  be  made  the  criterion  of 
parties  at  the  North,  the  North  could  be  united 
in  its  power,  and  thus  carry  out  its  measures 
of  sectional  ambition,  encroachment,  and  ag¬ 
grandizement.  To  build  up  their  sectional  pre¬ 
dominance  in  the  Union,  the  Constitution  must 
be  first  abolished  by  constructions ;  but,  that 
being  done,  the  consolidation  of  the  North  to 


rule  South  by  the  tariff  and  slavery  issues,  was 
in  the  obvious  course  of  things. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was 
an  experiment.  The  experiment  consisted  in 
uniting  under  one  government  different  peoples, 
living  in  different  climates,  and  having  differ¬ 
ent  pursuits  of  industry  and  institutions.  It 
matters  not  how  carefully  the  limitations  of 
such  a  government  bo  laid  down  in  the 
Constitution,  its  success  must  at  least  depend 
upon  the  good  faith  of  the  parties  to-  the  con¬ 
stitutional  compact  in  enforcing  them.  It  is 
not  in  the  power  of  human  language  to  exclude 
false  inferences,  constructions,  and  perversions 
in  any  constitution ;  and  when  vast  sectional 
interests  are  to  be  subserved,  involving  the 
appropriation  of  countless  millions  of  money, 
it  has  not  been  the  usual  experience  of  mankind 
that  words  on  parchment  can  arrest  power. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  irrespec¬ 
tive  of  the  interposition  of  the  States,  rested 
on  the  assumption  that  power  would  yield  to 
faith — that  integrity  would  be  stronger  than 
interest ;  and  that  thus  the  limitations  of  the 
Constitution  would  be  observed.  The  experi¬ 
ment  has  been  fairly  made.  The  Southern 
States,  from  the  commencement  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment,  have  striven  to  keep  it  within  the  orbit 
prescribed  by  the  Constitution.  The  experi¬ 
ment  has  failed.  The  whole  Constitution,  by 
the  constructions  of  the  Northern  people,  has 
been  swallowed  up  by  a  few  words  in  its  pre¬ 
amble.  In  their  reckless  lust  for  power,  they 
seem  unable  to  comprehend  that  seeming  para¬ 
dox,  that  the  more  power  is  given  to  the  Gen¬ 
eral  Government  the  weaker  it  becomes.  Its 
strength  consists  in  its  generality  and  limita¬ 
tions. 

To  extend  the  scope  of  its  power  over  sec¬ 
tional  or  local  interests,  is  to  raise  up  against 
it  opposition  and  resistance.  In  all  such  mat¬ 
ters  the  General  Government  must  necessarily 
be  a  despotism,  because  all  sectional  or  local 
interests  must  ever  be  represented  by  a  minor¬ 
ity  in  the  councils  of  the  General  Government 
— having  no  power  to  protect  itself  against  the 
rule  of  the  majority.  The  majority,  constituted 
from  those  who  do  not  represent  these  sectional 
or  local  interests,  will  control  and  govern  them. 
A  free  people  cannot  submit  to  such  a  Govern¬ 
ment.  And  the  more  it  enlarges  the  sphere  of 
its  power,  the  greater  must  be  the  dissatisfac¬ 
tion  it  must  produce,  and  the  weaker  it  must 
become.  On  the  contrary,  the  more  it  abstains 
from  usurped  powers,  and  the  more  faithfully 
it  adheres  to  the  limitations  of  the  Constitution, 
the  stronger  it  is  made.  The  Northern  people 
have  had  neither  the  wisdom  nor  the  faith  to 
perceive,  that  to  observe  the  limitation  of  the 
Constitution  was  the  only  way  to  its  perpetuity. 

Under  such  a  Government  there  must,  of 
course,  be  many  and  endless  “irrepressible  con¬ 
flicts  ”  between  the  two  great  sections  of  the 
Union.  The  same  faithlessness  which  has 
abolished  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 


DOCUMENTS. 


399 


will  not  fail  to  carry  out  the  sectional  purposes 
for  which  it  has  been  abolished.  There  must 
be  conflict ;  and  the  weaker  section  of  the  Union 
can  only  find  peace  and  liberty  in  an  independ¬ 
ence  of  the  North.  The  repeated  efforts  made 
by  South  Carolina,  in  a  wise  conservatism,  to 
arrest  the  progress  of  the  General  Government 
in  its  fatal  progress  to  consolidation,  have  been 
unsupported,  and  denounced  as  faithless  to  the 
obligations  of  the  Constitution  by  the  very  men 
and  States  who  were  destroying  it  by  then- 
usurpations.  It  is  now  too  late  to  reform  01 
restore  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
All  confidence  in  the  North  is  lost  in  the  South. 
The  faithlessness  of  half  a  century  has  opened 
a  gulf  of  separation  between  them,  which  no 
promises  or  engagements  can  fill. 

It  cannot  be  believed  that  our  ancestors 
would  have  assented  to  any  union  whatever 
with  the  people  of  the  North  if  the  feelings  and 
opinions  now  existing  among  them  had  existed 
when  the  Constitution  was  framed.  There  was 
then  no  tariff— no  negro  fanaticism.  It  was  the 
delegates  from  New  England  who  proposed,  in 
the  Convention  which  framed  the  Constitution, 
to  the  delegates  from  South  Carolina  and  Geor¬ 
gia,  that  if  they  would  agree  to  give  Congress 
the  power  of  regulating  commerce  by  a  ma¬ 
jority,  they  would  support  the  extension  of  the 
African  slave  trade  for  twenty  years.  African 
slavery  existed  in  all  the  States  but  one.  lhe 
idea  that  they  would  be  made  to  pay  that  trib¬ 
ute  to  their  Northern  confederates,  which  they 
had  refused  to  pay  to  Great  Britain ;  or  that 
the  institution  of  African  slavery  would  be 
made  the  grand  basis  of  a  sectional  organization 
of  the  North  to  rule  the  South,  never  crossed 
their  imaginations.  The  union  of  the  Consti¬ 
tution  was  a  union  of  slaveholding  States.  .  It 
rests  on  slavery,  by  prescribing  a  representation 
in  Congress  for  three-fifths  of  our  slaves.  1  heie 
is  nothing  in  the  proceedings  of  the  convention 
which  framed  the  Constitution,  to  show  that 
the  Southern  States  would  have  formed  any 
other  Union;  and  still  less  that  they  would 
have  formed  a  Union  with  more  powerful  non¬ 
slaveholding  States,  having  a  majority  in  both 
branches  of  the  Legislature  of  the  Government. 
They  were  guilty  of  no  such  folly.  Time  and 
the  progress  of  things  have  totally  altered  the 
relations  between  the  Northern  and  Southern 
States  since  the  Union  was  established.  That 
identity  of  feelings,  interests,  and  institutions 
which  once  existed,  is  gone.  They  are  now 
divided  between  agricultural,  and  manufactur¬ 
ing,  and  commercial  States — between  slave 
bedding  and  non-slaveholding  States.  Their 
institutions  and  industrial  pursuits  have  niade 
them  totally  different  people.  That  equality  in 
the  Government  between  the  two  sections  ot 
the  Union  which  once  existed,  no  longer  exists. 
We  but  imitate  the  policy  of  our  fathers  in  dis¬ 
solving  a  Union  with  non-slaveh.olding  confed¬ 
erates”  and  seeking  a  confederation  with  slave¬ 
holding  States.  T.  IT 

Experience  has  proved  that  slaveholding 


States  cannot  be  safe  in  subjection  to  non-slave¬ 
holding  States.  Indeed,  no  people  ever  expect 
to  preserve  their  rights  and  liberties  unless  they 
are  in  their  own  custody.  To  plunder  and  op¬ 
press  where  plunder  and  oppression  can  be 
practised  with  impunity,  seems  to  be  the  nat¬ 
ural  order  of  things.  The  fairest  portions  of 
the  world  have  been  turned  into  wildernesses, 
and  the  most  civilized  aud  prosperous  commu¬ 
nities  have  been  impoverished  and  ruined  by 
anti-slavery  fanaticism.  The  people  of  the 
North  have  not  left  us  in  doubt  as  to  their 
designs  and  policy.  United  as  a  section  in  the 
late  Presidential  election,  they  have  elected  as 
the  exponent  of  their  policy  one  who  has  open¬ 
ly  declared  that  all  the  States  of  the  United 
States  must  be  made  free  States  or  slave  States. 

It  is  true  that  amongst  those  who  aided  in  his 
election,  there  are  various  shades  of  anti-slavery 
hostility.  But  if  African  slavery  in  the  South¬ 
ern  States  be  the  evil  their  political  combina¬ 
tions  affirm  it  to  be,  the  requisitions  of  an  inex¬ 
orable  logic  must  lead  them  to  emancipation. 

If  it  is  right  to  preclude  or  abolish  slavery  in  a 
Territory,  why  should  it  be  allowed  to  remain  in 
the  States  ?  The  one  is  not  at  all  more  unconsti¬ 
tutional  than  the  other,  according  to  the  decis¬ 
ions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
And  when  it  is  considered  that  the  Northern 
States  will  soon  have  the  power  to  make  that 
Court  what  they  please,  and  that  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  never  has  been  any  barrier  whatever  to 
their  exercise  of  power,  what  check  can  there 
be  in  the  unrestrained  counsels  of  the  North  to 
emancipation?  There  is  sympathy  in  associa¬ 
tion  which  carries  men  along  without  princi¬ 
ple  but  when  there  is  principle,  and  that  prin¬ 
ciple  is  fortified  by  long-existing  prejudices  and 
feelings,  association  is  omnipotent  in  party  in¬ 
fluences.  ,  .  . 

In  spite  of  all  disclaimers  and  professions, 
there  can  be  but  one  end  by  the  submission  of 
the  South  to  the  rule  of  a  sectional  anti-slavery 
Government  at  Washington;  and  that  end,  di- 
rectly  or  indirectly,  must  be  the  emancipation 
of  the  slaves  of  the  South.  The  hypocrisy  of 
thirty  years— the  faithlessness  of  their  whole 
course  from  the  commencement  of  our  union 
with  them— show  that  the  people  of  the  non¬ 
slaveholding  North  are  not  and  cannot  be  safe 
associates  of  the  slaveholding  South,  under  a 
common  government.  Not  only  their  fanati¬ 
cism,  but  their  erroneous  views  of  the  prin¬ 
ciples  of  free  government,  render  it  doubtful 
whether,  separated  from  the  South,  they  can 
maintain  a  free  government  among  themselves. 
Brute  numbers  with  them  is  the  great  element 
of  free  government.  A  majority  is  infallible 
and  omnipotent.  “  The  right  divine  to  rule  in 
kings”  is  only  transferred  to.  their  majority. 
The  very  object  of  all  constitutions,  in  fiee 
popular  governments,  is,  to  restrain  . the  major¬ 
ity.  Constitutions,  therefore,  according  to  their 
theory,  must  be  most  unrighteous  inventions, 
restricting  liberty.  None  ought  to  exist,  but 
the  body  politic  ought  simply  to  have  a  politi- 


400 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


cal  organization,  to  bring  out  and  enforce  the 
will  of  a  majority.  This  theory  may  be  harm¬ 
less  in  a  small  community  having  an  identity 
of  interests  and  pursuits,  but  over  a  vast  State — 
still  more  over  a  vast  Confederacy,  having 
various  and  conflicting  interests  and  pursuits — 
it  is  a  remorseless  despotism.  In  resisting  it, 
as  applicable  to  ourselves,  we  are  vindicating 
the  great  cause  of  free  government,  more  im¬ 
portant  perhaps  to  the  world  than  the  existence 
of  all  the  United  States.  Nor,  in  resisting  it, 
do  we  intend  to  depart  from  the  safe  instru¬ 
mentality  the  system  of  government  we  have 
established  with  them  requires.  In  separating 
from  them  we  invade  no  rights— no  interest 
of  theirs.  We  violate  no  obligation  or  duty  to 
them. 

As  separate,  independent  States  in  conven¬ 
tion,  we  made  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  with  them ;  and,  as  separate  independ¬ 
ent  States,  each  State  acting  for  itself,  we 
adopted  it.  South  Carolina,  acting  in  her  sov¬ 
ereign  capacity,  now  thinks  proper  to  secede 
from  the  Union.  She  did  not  part  with  her 
sovereignty  in  adopting  the  Constitution.  The 
last  thing  a  State  can  be  presumed  to  have 
surrendered  is  her  sovereignty.  Her  sover¬ 
eignty  is  her  life.  Nothing  but  a  clear,  express 
grant  can  alienate  it.  Inference  should  be  dumb. 
Yet  it  is  not  at  all  surprising  that  those  who 
have  construed  away  all  the  limitations  of  the 
Constitution,  should  also  by  construction  claim 
the  annihilation  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  States. 
Having  abolished  all  barriers  to  their  omnipo¬ 
tence  .by  their  faithless  constructions  in  the 
operations  of  the  General  Government,  it  is 
most  natural  that  they  should  endeavor  to  do 
the  same  towards  us  in  the  States.  The  truth  is, 
they  having  violated  the  express  provisions  of 
the.  Constitution,  it  is  at  an  end  as  a  compact. 
It  is  morally  obligatory  only  on  those  who 
choose  to  accept  its  perverted  terms.  South 
Carolina,  deeming  the  compact  not  only  violated 
in  particular  features,  but  virtually  abolished  by 
her  Northern  confederates,  withdraws  herself 
as  a  party  from  its  obligations.  The  right  to 
do  so  is  denied  by  her  Northern  confederates. 
They  desire  to  establish  a  despotism,  not  only 
omnipotent  in  Congress,  but  omnipotent  over 
the  States ;  and  as  if  to  manifest  the  imperious 
necessity  of  our  secession,  they  threaten  us 
with  the  sword,  to  coerce  submission  to  their 
rule. 

Citizens  of  the  slaveholding  States  of  the 
United  States,  circumstances  beyond  our  con¬ 
trol  have  placed  us  in  the  van  of  the  great  con¬ 
troversy  between  the  Northern  and  Southern 
States.  We  would  have  preferred  that  other 
States  should  have  assumed  the  position  we 
now  occupy.  .  Independent  ourselves,  we  dis¬ 
claim  any  design  or  desire  to  lead  the  counsels 
of  the  other  Southern  States.  Providence  has 
cast  our  lot  together,  by  extending  over  us  an 
identity  of  pursuits,  interests,  and  institutions. 
South  Carolina  desires  no  destiny  separated 
fiom  yours.  To  be  one  ot  a  great  slaveholding 


conlederacy,  stretching  its  arms  over  a  territory 
larger  than  any  power  in  Europe  possesses — 
with  a  population  four  times  greater  than  that 
of  the  whole  United  States,  when  they  achieved 
their  independence  of  the  British  empire — with 
productions  which  make  our  existence  more 
important  to  the  world  than  that  of  any  other 
people  inhabiting  it — with  common  institutions 
to  defend,  and  common  dangers  to  encounter — 
we  .  ask  your  sympathy  and  confederation. 
Whilst  constituting  a  portion  of  the  United 
States,  it  has  been  your  statesmanship  -which 
has  guided  it  in  its  mighty  strides  to  power 
and  expansion.  In  the  field,  as  in  the  cabinet, 
you  have  led  the  way  to  its  renown  and  gran¬ 
deur.  You  have  loved  the  Union,  in  whose 
service  your  great  statesmen  have  labored,  and 
your  great  soldiers  have  fought  and  conquered — 
not  for  the  material  benefits  it  conferred,  but 
with  the  faith  of  a  generous  and  devoted  chiv¬ 
alry.  You  havo  long  lingered  and  hoped  over 
the  shattered  remains  of  a  broken  Constitution. 
Compromise  after  compromise,  formed  by  your 
concessions,  has  been  trampled  under  foot  by 
your  Northern  confederates.  All  fraternity  of 
feeling  between  the  North  and  the  South  is 
lost,  or  has  been  converted  into  hate,  and  we 
of  the  South  are  at  last  driven  together  by  the 
stern  destiny  which  controls  the  existence  of 
nations. 

Your  bitter  experience  of  the  faithlessness 
and  rapacity  of  your  Northern  confederates 
may  have  been  necessary  to  evolve  those  great 
principles  of  free  government,  upon  which  the 
liberties  of  the  world  depend,  and  to  prepare 
you  for  the  grand  mission  of  vindicating  and 
re-establishing  them.  We  rejoice  that  other 
nations  should  be  satisfied  with  their  institu¬ 
tions.  Self-complacency  is  a  great  element  of 
happiness  with  nations  as  with  individuals. 
We  are  satisfied  with  ours.  If  they  prefer  a 
system  of  industry,  in  which  capital  and  labor 
are  in  perpetual  conflict— and  chronic  starva¬ 
tion  keeps  down  the  natural  increase  of  popu¬ 
lation — and  a  man  is  worked  out  in  eight 
years — and  the  law  ordains  that  children  shall 
be  worked  only  ten  hours  a  day— and  the  sabre 
and  bayonet  are  the  instruments  of  order — be 
it  so.  It  is  their  affair,  not  ours.  We  prefer, 
however,  our  system  of  industry,  by  which 
labor  and  capital  are  identified  in  interest,  and 
capital,  therefore,  protects  labor,  by  which  our 
population  doubles  every  twenty  years ;  by 
which  starvation  is  unknown,  and  abundance 
crowns  the  land  ;  by  which  order  is  preserved 
by  an  unpaid  police,  and  the  most  fertile  regions 
of  the  world  where  the  Caucasian  cannot  labor 
are  brought  into  usefulness  by  the  labor  of  the 
African,  and  the  whole  world  is  blessed  by  our 
own  productions.  All  we  demand  of  other 
peoples  is  to  be  let  alone  to  work  out  our  own 
high  destinies.  Lnited  together,  and  we  must 
be  the  most  independent,  as  we  are  the  most 
important  amongst  the  nations  of  the  world. 
United  together,  and  we  require  no  other  in¬ 
strument  to  conquer  peace  than  our  beneficent 


DOCUMENTS. 


401 


productions.  United  together,  and  we  must 
be  a  great,  free  and  prosperous  people,  whose 
renown  must  spread  throughout  the  civilized 
world,  and  pass  down,  we  trust,  to  the  remotest 
ages.  We  ask  you  to  join  us  in  forming  a  con¬ 
federacy  of  slaveholding  States. 

— Missouri  Republican ,  Dec.  29, 1860. 


Doo.  255. 

SLAVES  AND  SLAVERY. 

Me.  Jefferson  Davis,  in  his  Message  to 
those  whom  he  calls  “  Gentlemen  of  the  Con¬ 
gress  ”  of  the  “  Confederate  States,”  of  April 
29,  1861,  sets  forth  certain  alleged  reasons 
why  Southern  men  ought  to  refuse  to  live  un¬ 
der  the  same  General  Government  with  North¬ 
ern  men,  should  engage  in  battle  with  them  on 
land,  and  attack  their  commerce  at  sea.  The 
Message  is  a  carefully  prepared  document,  de¬ 
vised  and  intended  to  excite  Southern  men  to 
this  dreadful  work,  and  to  justify,  it  in  the 
view  of  the  civilized  world.  For  this  purpose, 
it  was  necessary  to  impute  to  Northern  men  a 
character  and  conduct  worthy  to  be  blamed, 
and  to  be  punished  with  all  the  inflictions  of 
war.  lie  accordingly  inserted  in  his  Message 
the  two  following  paragraphs : 

“  When  the  several  States  delegated  certain 
powers  to  the  United  States  Congress,,  a  large 
portion  of  the  laboring  population  consisted  of 
African  slaves  imported  into  the  country  by 
the  mother  couutry.  In  twelve  out  of  the 
thirteen  States  negro  slavery  existed,  and  the 
right  of  property  in  slaves  was  protected  by 
law.  This  property  was  recognized  in  the 
Constitution,  and  provision  was  made  against 
its  loss  by  the  escape  of  the  slave.  The  in¬ 
crease  in  the  number  of  slaves  by  further  im¬ 
portation  from  Africa  was  also  secured  by  a 
clause  forbidding  Congress  to  prohibit  the. slave 
trade  anterior  to  a  certain  date ;  and  in  no 
clause  can  there  be  found  any  delegation  of 
power  to  Congress,  authorizing  it  in  any  man¬ 
ner  to  legislate  to  the  prejudice,  detriment,  or 
discouragement  of  the  owners  of  that  species 
of  property,  or  excluding  it  from  the  protection 
of  the  Government. 

“The  climate  and  soil  of  the  Northern 
States  soon  proved  unpropitious  to  the  con¬ 
tinuance  of  slave  labor,  whilst  the  converse 
was  the  case  at  the  South.  Under  the  unre¬ 
stricted  free  intercourse  between  the  two  sec¬ 
tions,  the  Northern  States  consulted  their  own 
interest  by  selling  their  slaves  to  the  South,  and 
prohibiting  slavery  within  their  limits.  The 
South  were  willing  purchasers,  of  a  property 
suitable  to  their  wants,  and  paid  the  price  . of 
the  acquisition,  without  harboring  a  suspicion 
that  their  quiet  possession  was  to  be  disturbed 
by  those  who  were  inhibited,  not  only  by  . want 
of  constitutional  authority,  but  by  good,  faith  as 
vendors,  from  disquieting  a  title  emanating  fiom 
tll611isclv69  ^ 

In  a  communication  published  in  the  Courier 


of  May  8,  this  accusation  against  the  North  was 
called  “an  old  lie.”  On  reflection,  we  doubt 
whether  it  is  many  years  old.  It  was  indeed 
full-grown  when  Mr.  Davis  found  it  and  adopted 
it,  and  we  presume,  believed  it,  as  he  is  evi¬ 
dently  “  given  up  to  strong  delusions ;.”  but  it 
is  probably  not  much  older  than  secession,  hav¬ 
ing  been  invented  for  the  purpose  of  making 
Northern  men  appear  so  hateful  that  Southern 
men  would  be  willing  to  “  secede  ”  from  them, 
and  kill  them.  If  so,  it  was  skilfully,  invented ; 
and  as  a  device  for  exciting  the  passions  which, 
produce  and  sustain  civil  war,  it  is  deserving 
of  serious  attention. 

Mr.  Everett,  in  his  late  oration  at  New  York, 
treats  this  calumny  as  worthy  of  a  brief  notice, 
He  says : 

“The  theory  of  a  change  in  the  Northern 
mind,  growing  out  of  a  discovery  made  soon 
after  1789,  that  our  soil  and  climate  were  un¬ 
propitious  to  slavery,  (as  if  the  soil  and  climate 
tl^eu  were  different  from  what  they  always  had 
been,)  and  a  consequent  sale  to  the  South  of 
the  slaves  of  the  North,  is  purely  mythical;  as 
groundless  in  fact  as  it  is  absurd  in  statement. 
I  have  often  asked  for  evidence  of  this  last  al¬ 
legation,  and  I  have  never  found  an  individual 
who  attempted  even  to  prove  it.” 

A  disparaging  assertion,  put  forth  for  a  pur¬ 
pose  evidently  depreciatory,  and  which  no  one 
even  attempts  to  prove,  may  commonly  be  left 
to  die  of  itself;  but  when,  as  is  now  the  case, 
it  is  efficient  in  producing  rebellion,  devastation, 
and  slaughter,  it  is  fortunate  that  we  can  show 
its  true  character  by  unquestionable  document¬ 
ary  proof. 

The  first  census  of  the  United  States  was 
taken  in  1790,  which  was  “soon  after  1789,” 
the  time  spoken  of  by  Mr.  Davis.  According 
to  that  census,  there  were  then  the  following 
numbers  of  slaves  in  what  are  now  the  “  Free 
States  ” : 


New  Hampshire . 

.  15S 

.  IT 

.  952 

. 2,759 

. 21,324 

. 11,423 

.  3,7S7 

In  Massachusetts,  including  Maine,  there  were 
no  slaves,  and  had  been  none  for  some  ten  years. 

These  40,370  slaves,  Mr.  Davis  says,  “the 
North,”  finding  them  unprofitable,  sold  to  “  the 
South,”  and  “  the  South  ”  bought  and  paid  for. 
Let  us  see : 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

The  whole  colored  population  was,  in — 

Free.  Slave.  Total. 


1810. !!".!!. 1 970  none.  910 

From  1790  to  1800,  the  slaves  had  dimin¬ 
ished  150,  and  the  free  blacks  had  increased 
226.  From  1800  to  1810,  the  8  remaining 
slaves  disappeared,  and  the  free  blacks  in- 


402 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


creased  114.  Evidently,  there  had  been  no 
extensive  sale  of  slaves  to  the  South. 

VERMONT. 

Free.  Slavo.  Total. 


1790  .  255  17  272 

1800  .  557  none.  557 


The  17  slaves  disappeared,  and  the  free  in¬ 
creased  302.  Here,  too,  there  could  have  been 
no  sale  of  slaves  to  the  South.  In  fact,  no  slaves 
were  ever  held  by  the  people  of  Vermont,  un¬ 
der  the  laws  of  that  State.  The  17,  in  1790, 
if  not  a  mistake,  must  have  been  there  tempo¬ 
rarily,  for  some  peculiar  reason. 


NEW  YOKE. 


1790 . 

Free. 

Slave. 

21,324 

1800 . 

20,343 

1810 . 

15,017 

1S20 . 

10,088 

1830 . 

'775 

1S40 . 

4 

1S50 . 

none 

Total. 

25,978 

80,717 

40,860 

42,063 

44,915 

50,031 

47,914 


In  every  decade  while  slaves  remained,  the 
increase  of  the  free  was  greater  than  the  de¬ 
crease  of  slaves.  There  could  have  been  no  sale 
of  the  slaves  to  the  South.  All  that  became 
tree,  and  more,  were  added  to  the  number  of 
the  free. 


RHODE  ISLAND. 


NEW  JERSEY. 


> 


1790 . 

Free. 

Slavo. 

Total. 

952 

4,421 

1800 . 

3S1 

8,GS5 

1810 . . 

108 

3,717 

1820 . 

48 

8,C46 

1830 . 

17 

3,578 

1840 . 

5 

3,243 

1850 . 

none. 

3,544 

From  1790  to  1800, 

the  number 

of  slaves 

minished  571,  and  the  number  of  the  free,  165; 
and  of  the  total,  736.  This  may  look,  at  first 
sight,  as  if  about  one-eightieth  part  of  the  slaves 
a,t  the  North  had  been  virtually  sold  to  the 
South  ;  but,  fortunately,  we  are  able  to  explain 
it.  The  diminution  of  the  free,  165,  indicates 
an  emigration ;  and  we  know,  from  the  census 
of  Massachusetts,  that  the  increase  of  free  blacks 
in  that  State,  during  those  ten  years,  wras  about 
715  above  the  average  rate  of  increase.  In 
New  Bedford,  they  increased  from  38  to  160; 
in  Nantucket,  from  110  to  228;  in  Duke’s 
County,  from  33  to  202  ;  in  Suffolk  County  the 
increase  was  407.  There  was  a  great  flocking 
to  the  whaling  ports  and  to  Boston,  to  engage 
as  seamen.  These  715  must  have  come  from 
somewhere,  and  there  is  no  indication  in  the 
census  of  any  other  State  of  a  corresponding 
loss.  On  the  contrary,  as  we  shall  see,  there 
wras  a  similar  migration  into  Connecticut.  If, 
of  the  3,469  who  were  free  in  1790,  715  mi¬ 
grated  to  Massachusetts,  the  number  remaining 
would  be  only  2,754,  instead  of  3,304,  leaving 
550  places  of  free  men  to  be  supplied  by  eman¬ 
cipation.  And  such,  nearly,  was  doubtless  the 
fact.  For  the  next  ten  years,  the  increase  of 
the  free  is  greater  than  the  decrease  of  slaves. 


CONNECTICUT. 


Free. 

Slave. 

Total. 

1790 . 

2,759 

5,560 

1 800 . 

951 

6,2S1 

1310 . 

310 

6J53 

1S20 . 

. 7,944 

97 

8,041 

1830 . 

. S,047 

25 

8,072 

1840 . 

17 

8,121 

1850 . 

none 

7,486 

The  decrease  of  slaves  from  1790  to  1800  was 
1,808  ;  and  the  increase  of  the  free  was  2,529  ; 
that  is,  <21  more  than  the  decrease  of  slaves. 
There  had  evidently  been  an  immigration  into 
Connecticut,  as  well  as  Massachusetts ;  but  much 
of  it  probably  came  from  New  York,  though  not 
improbably  some  of  it  was  from  Rhode  Island. 

’n  the  succeeding  decades,  the  increase  of 
the  free  is  greater  than  the  decrease  of  slaves. 


Free-  Slave.  Total. 

.  2,762  11,423  14,185 

1800 .  4,402  12,422  16,824 

1810 .  7,S43  18,851  18,694 

1820 . 12,009  7,557  20  166 

J830 . 18,103  2,254  20,357 

1840 . 21,044  674  21  718 

1850 . 23,093  222  28,815 

Here,  too,  every  decrease  of  slaves  was  at¬ 
tended  by  an  increase,  more  than  equivalent, 
of  the  free.  There  was  no  sale  to  the  South. 


PENNSYLVANIA. 


1790 

1S00 

1810 

1820 

1S30 

1840 

1850 


Free.  Slave. 

6,537  3,737 

14,501  1,706 

22,492  795 

82,153  211 

37.930  403 

47,854  64 

53,323  none 


Total. 

10.274 

16,267 

23,287 

82.864 

3S,38S 

47,918 

58,323 


Here,  too,  the  increase  of  the  free  always  ex¬ 
ceeds  the  decrease  of  the  slaves.  There  has 
been  no  diminution  of  the  total,  such  as  must 
have  been  caused  by  a  general  sale  of  slaves  to 
the  South. 

It  stands  out  plainly,  on  the  face  of  these  ta¬ 
bles,  that  emancipation,  in  most  of  the  North¬ 
ern  States,  has  been  a  gradual  wrnrk,  spread  out 
over  about  half  a  century.  So  far  as  effected 
by  legislation,  it  has  been  conducted  on  what 
is  called  “the  post  nati  principle,”  that  those 
born  after  a  certain  date  shall  be  free  at  a  cer¬ 
tain  age.  This  plan  was  adopted,  in  part,  for 
the  sake  of  obliging  those  who  had  profited  by 
the  labor  of  slaves  while  able  to  labor,  to  sup¬ 
port  them  in  their  old  age  and  decrepitude. 
Such  an  operation  is  very  different  from  that 
■which  Mr.  Davis  charges  upon  “  the  North.” 

It  is  obvious,  too,  from  the  number  of  free 
blacks  in  the  several  States  in  1790,  that  the 
work  of  emancipation,  without  sale  to  “the 
South,”  was  already  far  advanced.  In  every 
State  except  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  it 
was  more  than  half  done;  for  the  free  were 
more  numerous  than  the  slaves.  This,  too,  ut¬ 
terly  disproves  the  assertion  of  Mr.  Davis,  that 
the  Northern  movement  began  “soon  after” 
1789.  Even  in  1787,  when  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  wyas  formed,  it  had  been  going 
on  for  years.  This  will  be  still  more  evident, 
when  we  look  at  the  case  of 


MASSACHUSETTS. 

Slavery  was  never  abolished  in  Massachusetts 
by  legislative  action.  A  State  Constitution  was 


DOCUMENTS. 


403 


adopted  in  1780,  with  a  Rill  of  Rights  prefixed  |  '“feht^Cthe  d^of  the  klteT Ite 
declaring  that  “all  men  were  born  tree  and  is  the  right,  it  1  J  of  virffinia, 

equal,  and  have  certain  natural  essential,  and  or ^aboli  h  .  B  in^1830  anQ  again 

unalienable  rights,”  among  which  »  Mm*.  this  right  to  the 

answered.  According  to  the  census  0  j  General  Assembly,  calling  the  Convention 

Province  of  Massachusetts ^ay  taken  m  065,  a/’Richmona  in  February 

the  coloied  population  in  -<  -A-  ]ast  was  therefore  a  usurpation ;  and  the  Con- 

Dr.  Jesse  Chickering,  in  his  “Statistical  View  last  was  tiereio  e  1  .  abused  the 

of  the  Population  of  Massachusetts”  a  work  of  vention  t0  it/b„t,  with  the 

the  very  highest  authority,  estimates  that  P ivonce  and  a£tive  aia  0f  the  Executive,  has 

Mi^er^o  returns,  usurpe^  and  exceed  other  powers,  to  «. 

specify  7oL?mnitoge54M  ioetr3Ihe  Sid,  will  taevitahly  suhject’them  to  a  mill- 

next  census  was  that  of  1790.  The  table  for  tai j^/con vention ,by  its  pretended  ordinances, 
Massachusetts  reads  thus :  hag  ^  tbe  people  of  Virginia  to  separate 

Total  Colored  Population.  from  ^  wage  war  against  the  Government  of 

Hn'o . :::::"V.V.V.V.V.V.Vr.A4«8  the  United  States,  and  against  the  citizens  of 

. . neighboring  States,  with  whom  they  have  here- 

^810 . 6)737  tof°re  maintained  friendly,  social,  and  business 

From  1765,  fifteen  years  before  slavery  ceased,  relat;0ns:  . 

to  1790,  ten  years  after  its  cessation,  the  colored  jt  bas  attempted  to  subvert  the  Union  tonncl- 

population,  instead  of  being  diminished  by  a  sale  ed  by  Washington  and  his  co-patriots  in  the 

of  slaves  to  the  South,  increased  264.  In  the  purer  Jays  of  the  Republic,  which  has  con- 
next  ten  years,  “soon  after”  1789,  it  increased  ferred  unexampled  prosperity  upon  every  class 
989.  In  the  next,  the  increase  was  only  285.  of  citizens  and  upon  every  section  of  the  coun- 
The  great  increase  of  989,  from  1790  to  1810,  j.ry  . 

was  at  the  very  time  of  the  decrease  of  colored  It  bas  attempted  to  transfer  the  allegiance  of 
people  iu  Rhode  Island,  as  stated  above.  The  tbe  people  t0  an  illegal  confederacy  of  rebel- 
increase  for  the  next  ten  years,  285,  represents  lious  states,  and  required  their  submission  to 
very  nearly  the  usual  increase  in  subsequent  jts  pretended  edicts  and  decrees : 
decades.  Even  that  small  increase  has  been  It  bas  attempted  to  place  the  whole^mihfary 
due  mostly,  and  perhaps  wholly,  to  immigra-  force  and  military  operations  of  the  Common- 
tion ;  for  their  natural  increase,  in  our  climate,  wea]th  under  the  control  and  direction  ot  such 
is  about  nothing.  ,  Confederacy,  for  offensive  as  well  as  defensive 

So  far  is  this  statement,  which  Mr.  Davis  has  purp0ses :  .  .  ,  _ 

put  forth  with  all  the  solemnity  of  an  official  jfc  baS(  jn  conjunction  with  the  State  Execu- 
document,  from  being  true ;  so  unsupported  tive  instituted  wherever  their  usurped  power 
are  some  of  the  grounds  on  which  Southern  extends,  a  reign  of  terror,  intended  to  suppress 
men  are  officially  exhorted  to  separate  them-  f.be  free  expression  of  the  will  of  the  people, 
selves  utterly  from  their  fellow-citizens  of  the  making  elections  a  mockery  and  a  fiaud  . 

North  •  and  so  easily  detected  and  conclusively  The  same  combination,  even  before  the  pas- 
proved  is  a  misrepresentation,  which  would  be  sage  0f  the  pretended  Ordinance  of  Secession, 
so  discreditable  to  us,  as  a  fact.  May  we  not  instituted  war  by  the  seizure  and  appropriation 
hope  that  men  who,  whether  deliberately  or  0f  the  property  of  the  Federal  Government,  and 
carelessly,  indulge  in  such  statements,  will  soon  by  organizing  and  mobilizing  armies,  with  tlie 
lose  their  present  control  over  Southern  minds?  avovved  purpose  of  capturing  or  destroying  the 

— Boston  Courier.,  July  9.  Capital  of  the  Union: 

_  They  have  attempted  to  bring  the  allegiance 

of  the  people  of  the  United  States  into  direct 
Doo.  256.  conflict  with  their  subordinate  allegiance  to 

rvppT  AT?  ATTON  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  VA.,  the  State,  thereby  making  obedience  to  their 
DECLARATION  OI  1  HE  ^  ,  t(jnded  0rdinance  treason  against  the  former 

represented  in  convention  in  wheeling,  June  we,  therefore,  the  delegates  here  assembled. 

17,  1861.  ;n  Convention  to  devise  such  measures  and  take 

Tftf  true  purpose  of  all  government  is  to  such  action  as  the  safety  and  welfare  of  theloya 
mote  tbe  welfare  and  provide  for  the  pro-  citizens  of  Virginia  may  demand,  having  t  - 


404 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


this  once  happy  Commonwealth  must  be  re¬ 
duced,  unless  some  regular  adequate  remedy  is 
speedily  adopted,  and  appealing  to  the  Supreme 
Ruler  of  the  Universe  for  the  rectitude  of  our 
intentions,  do  hereby  in  the  name  and  on  the 
behalf  of  the  good  people  of  Virginia,  solemnly 
declare,  that  the  preservation  of  their  dearest 
rights  and  liberties,  and  their  security  in  person 
and  property,  imperatively  demand  the  reor¬ 
ganization  of  the  Government  of  the  Common¬ 
wealth,  and  that  all  acts  of  said  Convention 
and  Executive,  tending  to  separate  this  Com¬ 
monwealth  from  the  United  States,  or  to  levy 
and  carry  on  war  against  them,  are  without  au¬ 
thority  and  void ;  and  the  offices  of  all  who  ad¬ 
here  to  tho  said  Convention  and  Executive, 
whether  legislative,  executive,  or  judicial,  are 
vacated. 


Doo.  257. 

GENERAL  LYON’S  PROCLAMATION. 

Bt.  Lodis,  Mo.,  June  17. 
To  the  Citizens  of  Missouri : 

Prior  to  the  proclamation  issued  by  Gov. 
Jackson,  of  date  of  June  12,  it  is  well  known 
to  you  that  the  Governor  and  Legislature  sym¬ 
pathized  with  the  rebellion  movements  now  in 
progress  in  the  country,  and  had  adopted  every 
means  in  their  power  to  effect  a  separation  of 
this  State  from  the  General  Government.  For 
this  purpose,  parties  of  avowed  secessionists 
have  been  organized  into  military  companies 
throughout  the  State,  with  the  full  knowledge 
and  approval  of  the  Governor.  The  establish¬ 
ment  of  encampments  in  the  State  at  an  unu¬ 
sual  period  of  the  year,  and  authorized  for  an  in¬ 
definite  period,  could  have  had  no  other  object 
than  the  concentration  of  a  large  military  force, 
to  be  subjected  to  the  provisions  of  the  military 
law  then  in  contemplation,  and  subsequently 
passed — a  bill  so  offensive  to  all  peaceable  in¬ 
habitants,  and  so  palpably  unconstitutional,  that 
it  could  be  accepted  by  those  only  who  were 
to  conform  to  its  extraordinary  provisions  for 
the  purpose  of  effecting  their  cherished  object 
— the  disruption  of  the  Federal  Government. 
That  bill  provides  for  an  obligation  to  the  State 
on  the  part  of  all  persons  enrolled  under  its 
provisions  irrespective  of  any  obligation  to  the 
United  States,  when  the  Constitution  requires 
all  State  officers  to  take  an  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  United  States.  This  of  itself  is  a  repu¬ 
diation  of  all  authority  of  the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment,  whose  Constitution  is  the  supreme  law, 
on  the  part  of  the  State  Government,  its  offi¬ 
cers,  and  such  citizens  as  might  choose  to  adopt 
the  provisions  of  the  bill,  and,  coupled  as  it 
was,  on  the  part  of  the  Legislature  and  the 
Governor,  with  declarations  hostile  to  its  au¬ 
thority  and  in  sympathy  with  those  who  were 
arrayed  in  a  condition  of  actual  hostility  against 
it,  could  leave  no  doubt  of  its  object  to  carry 
out  _  the  provisions  of  this  extraordinary  bill, 
having  in  direct  view  hostilities  to  tho  Federal 


Government.  It  was  so  denounced  by  Gen. 
Harney,  who  characterized  it  as  a  secession  or¬ 
dinance  in  his  proclamation  of  14th  May  last. 
That  proclamation,  doubtless,  gave  rise  to  an 
interview  between  Gen.  Harney  and  Gen.  Price, 
that  resulted  in  an  agreement  which  it  was 
hoped  would  lead  to  a  restoration  of  tranquillity 
and  good  order  in  your  State.  That  a  repudi¬ 
ation  of  the  military  bill,  and  all  efforts  of  the 
militia  of  the  State  under  its  provisions  was  the 
basis  of  the  agreement,  was  shown  as  well  by 
this  proclamation  of  Gen.  Harney  immediately 
preceding  it,  as  by  a  paper  submitted  to  Gen. 
Price,  containing  the  preliminary  conditions  to 
an  interview  with  him. 

This  agreement  failed  to  define  specifically 
the  terms  of  the  peace,  or  how  far  a  suspension 
of  the  provisions  of  tho  military  bill  should 
form  a  part  of  it,  though  from  the  express 
declaration  of  General  Harney  at  the  time  of 
the  conference,  as  well  as  from  the  foregoing 
paper,  a  suspension  of  any  action  under  the  bill 
until  there  could  be  a  judicial  termination  of 
its  character  by  some  competent  tribunal,  must 
in  good  faith  bo  regarded  as  a  fundamental 
basis  of  the  negotiation. 

Nevertheless,  immediately  after  this  arrange¬ 
ment,  and  up  to  the  time  of  Gov.  Jackson’s 
proclamation  inaugurating  complaints  of  at¬ 
tempts  to  execute  the  provisions  of  this  bill,  by 
which  most  exasperating  hardships  have  been 
imposed  upon  peaceful  loyal  citizens,  coupled 
with  persecutions  and  proscriptions  of  those  op¬ 
posed  to  its  provisions,  have  been  made  to  me 
as  commander  of  the  United  States  forces  here, 
and  have  been  carried  to  the  authorities  at 
Washington,  with  appeals  for  relief,  from  the 
Union  men  of  all  parties  of  the  State  who  have 
been  abused,  insulted,  and,  in  some  instances, 
driven  from  their  homes. 

That  relief  I  conceive  it  to  be  the  duty  of  a 
just  government  to  use  every  exertion  in  its 
power  to  give.  Upon  this  point  the  policy  of 
the  Government  is  set  forth  in  the  following 
communication  from  the  department  at  Wash¬ 
ington  : 

Adjutant-General’s  Office,  ) 
Washington,  May  27, 1861.  J 

Brig. -Gen.  W.  S.  Harney,  Commanding  De¬ 
partment  West  St.  Louis: 

Sir:  The  President  observes  with  concern 
that,  notwithstanding  the  pledge  of  the  State 
authorities  to  co-operate  in  preserving  the  peace 
of  Missouri,  loyal  citizens  in  great  numbers 
continue  to  be  driven  from  their  homes.  It  is 
immaterial  whether  these  outrages  continue 
from  inactivity  or  indisposition  on  the  part  of 
the  State  authorities  to  prevent  them.  It  is 
enough  that  they  continue,  and  it  will  devolve 
on  you  the  duty  of  putting  a  stop  to  them  sum¬ 
marily  by  the  force  under  your  command,  to  be 
aided  by  such  troops  as  you  may  require  from 
Kansas,  Iowa,  and  Illinois.  The  professions  of 
loyalty  to  the  Union  by  the  State  authorities  of 
Missouri  are  not  to  be  relied  upon.  They  have 
already  falsified  their  professions  too  often,  and 


DOCUMENTS. 


405 


are  too  far  committed  to  secession  to  be  admit- 
ted  to  your  confidence,  and  you  can  only  be 
sure  of  their  desisting  from  their  wicked  pur¬ 
poses  when  it  is  not  in  their  power  to  prosecute 
them.  You  will,  therefore,  be  unceasingly 
watchful  of  their  movements,  and  not  permit 
the  clamors  of  the  partisans  and  opponents  ol 
the  measures  already  taken  to  prevent  you  n  om 
checking  every  movement  against  the  Govern- 
ment,  however  disguised,  under  the  pretended 
State  authority.  The  authority  of  the  United 
States  is  paramount,  and  whenever  it  is  apparent 
that  a  movement,  whether  by  order  ot  State  au¬ 
thority  or  not,  is  hostile,  you  will  not  hesitate 
to  put  it  down. 

L.  Thomas,  Adjutant-General. 

It  is  my  design  to  carry  out  these  instruc¬ 
tions  in  their  letter  and  spirit.  Their  justice 
and  propriety  will  be  appreciated  by  whoever 
takes  an  enlightened  view  of  the  relations  ot 
the  citizens  of  Missouri  to  the  General  Govern¬ 
ment.  Nor  can  such  policy  be  construed  as  at 
all  disparaging  to  the  rights  or  dignity  of  the 
State  of  Missouri,  or  as  infringing  in  any  sense 
upon  the  individual  liberty  of  its  citizens.  The 
recent  proclamation  of  Gov.  Jackson,,  by  which 
he  has  set  at  defiance  the  authorities  of  the 
United  States,  and  urged  you  to  make  war 
upon  them,  is  hut  a  consummation  of  liis  treason¬ 
able  purposes,  long  indicated  by  his  acts  and 
expressed  opinions,  and  now  made  manifest. 
If  in  suppressing  these  treasonable  projects, 
carrying  out  the  policy  of  the  Government  and 
maintaining  its  dignity  as  above  indicated,  hos¬ 
tilities  should  unfortunately  occur,  and  unhappy 
consequences  should  follow,  I  would,  hope  that 
all  aggravation  of  those  events  may  be  avoided, 
and  that  they  may  be  diverted  from  the  inno¬ 
cent,  and  may  fall  only  on  the  heads  of  those  by 
whom  they  have  been  provoked.. 

In  the  discharge  of  these  plain  but  onerous 
duties,  I  shall  look  for  the  countenance  and  ac¬ 
tive  co-operation  of  all  good  citizens,,  and  I  shal 
expect  them  to  discountenance  all  illegal  com¬ 
binations  or  organizations,  and  support  and  up¬ 
hold  by  every  lawful  means,  the  Fedeial  Gov 
eminent,  upon  the  maintenance  of  which  de^ 
pend  their  liberties  and  the  perfect  enjoyment 
of  all  their  rights.  N.  Lyok, 

Brig.-Genoral  United  States  Vols.,  Commanding. 


Doo.  258. 

AFFAIR  AT  VIENNA,  Va. 

REPORT  OF  GEN.  8CHENCK. 


To  Lieut.- Gen.  Scott: 

I  left  camp  with  six  hundred  and  sixty-eight 
rank  and  file  and  twenty-nine  field  and  com¬ 
pany  officers,  in  pursuance  of  General  McDow¬ 
ell’s  orders  to  go  upon  this  expedition  with  the 
available  force  of  one  of  my  regiments  The 
regiment  selected  was  the  First  Ohio  Volun- 

t0Gl*S 

I  left  two  companies,  Company  I  and  Com¬ 


pany  K,  in  the  aggregate  one  hundred  and 
thirty-five  men,  at  the  crossing  of  the  road.  I 
sent  Lieutenant-Colonel  Parrott  with  two  com¬ 
panies  of  one  hundred  and  seventeen  men  to 
Fall’s  Church  and  to  patrol  the  roads  in  that 

direction.  , 

I  stationed  two  companies,  Company  D  and 
Company  F,  one  hundred  and  thirty  men,  to 
guard  the  railroad  and  the  bridge  between  the 
crossing  and  Vienna.  I  then  proceeded  slowly 
to  Vienna  with  four  companies,  Company  E, 
Captain  Paddock;  Company  C,  Lieutenant 
Woodward,  (afterwards  joined  by.  Captain 
Pease;)  Company  G,  Captain  Bailey,  and 
Company  II,  Captain  Hazlett.  Total,  two 
lundred  and  seventy-five  men. 

On  turning  the  curve  slowly,  within  one 
quarter  of  a  mile  of  Vienna,  we  were  fired  upon 
Inj  ralcing  mashed  batteries  of,  I  think,  three 
guns,  with  shells,  round  shot  and  grape,  killing 
and  wounding  the  men  on  the  platform  and  in 
the  cars  before  the  train  could  be  stopped. 
When  the  train  stopped  the  engine  could  not, 
on  account  of  damage  to  some  part  of  the  lun- 
ning  machinery,  draw  the  train  out  of  the  fire. 
The  engine  being  in  the  rear,  we  left  the  cars, 
and  retired  to  the  right  and  left  of  the  train 
through  the  woods. 

Finding  that  the  enemy’s  batteries  were  sus¬ 
tained  by  what  appeared  about  a  regiment  of 
infantry  and  by  cavalry,  which  force  we  have 
since  understood  to  have  been  some  fifteen 
hundred  South  Carolinians,  we  fell  back  aloDg 
the  railroad,  throwing  out  skirmishers  on  both 
flanks,  and  this  was  about  7  p.  m.  Thus  we 
retired  slowly,  bearing  off  our  wounded  five 
miles  to  this  point,  which  we  reached  at  10 
o’clock. 

Tho  following  is  a  list  of  tbo  casualties : 
Captain  Hazlett’s  Company  H— two  known  to 
be  killed,  three  wounded,  five  missing.  Cap¬ 
tain  Bailey’s  Company  G— three  killed, ^two 
wounded,  two  missing.  Capt.  Paddock’s  Com¬ 
pany  E— one  officer  slightly  wounded.  Com¬ 
pany  c— Captain  Pease  and  two  men  missing. 

The  engineer,  when  the  men  left  the  cars, 
instead  of  retiring  slowly,  as  I  ordered,  detach¬ 
ed  his  engine  with  one  passenger  car  from  tho 
rest  of  the  disabled  train  and  abandoned  us,  run¬ 
ning  to  Alexandria,  and  we  have  heard  nothing 
from  him  since.  Thus  we  were  deprived  of  a 
rallying  point,  and  of  all  means  of  conveying 
the  wounded,  who  had  to  be  carried  on  litters 
and  in  blankets.  We  wait  here,  holding  the 
road  for  reinforcements.  The  enemy  did  not 
pursue. 

I  have  ascertained  that  the  enemy’s  forco  at 
Fairfax  Court  House,  four  miles  from  Vienna, 
is  now  about  four  thousand. 

When  all  the  enemy’s  batteries  opened  upon 
us,  Major  Hughey  was  at  his  station  on  the 
foremost  car.  Colonel  McCook  was  with  me 
in  one  of  the  passenger  cars.  Both  these  offi¬ 
cers  with  others  of  the  commissioned  officers 
and  many  of  the  men,  behaved  most  coolly 
under  this  galling  fire,  which  we  could  not  re- 


406 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


turn,  and  from  batteries  which  we  could  not 
flank  or  turn  from  the  nature  of  the  ground. 

The  approach  to  Vienna  is  through  a  deep 
cut  in  the  railway.  In  leaving  the  cars,  and 
before  they  could  rally,  many  of  my  men  lost 
their  haversacks  or  blankets,  but  brought  off 
all  the  muskets,  except  it  may  be  a  few  that 
were  destroyed  by  the  enemy’s  first  fire  or  lost 
with  the  killed. 

Kobekt  0.  Sciience:,  Brigadier-General. 

THE  AMBUSCADE  AT  VIENXTA* 

A  correspondent  of  the  N.  Y.  Tribune, 
writing  from  the  federal  camp  near  Vienna, 
the  day  after  the  surprise,  says :  In  the  case 
of  our  surprise  near  Vienna,  yesterday  after¬ 
noon,  there  is  another  reason  why  a  minute 
narrative  should  be  received  with  interest. 
The  general  plan  and  intention  of  the  rebels, 
for  the  present,  seem  to  have  been  indicated 
here,  and  it  will  be  our  own  fault  if,  under¬ 
standing  thus  early  their  indisposition  to  meet 
us  in  an  open  way— until  they  shall  have  united 
their  forces  in  some  desperate  stronghold — and 
their  fondness  for  lurking  slaughter  and  preci¬ 
pitate  retreat,  we  do  not  take  thorough  pre¬ 
cautions  against  such  fatal  consequences  in 
future  as  those  which  yesterday  unhappily 
befell  us. 

It  is  probably  known  that  no  important 
movement  in  advance  was  intended  by  the 
Ohio  regiment.  The  railway  from  Alexandria 
to  Vienna  had  just  been  restored,  and  the  day 
before  a  number  of  troops  had  passed  over  the 
line,  and  returned,  though  not  without  moles¬ 
tation.  The  shot  which  wounded  the  Connec¬ 
ticut  soldier  should  have  served  us  as  a  warn¬ 
ing  that  treachery  flourished  in  all  this  region. 
It  was  evident  that  the  road  would  not  remain 
safe  without  a  proper  protection,  and  the  duty 
upon  which  the  First  Ohio  regiment  started  was 
that  of  stationing  efficient  guards  at  all  the 
bridges  and  other  dangerous  positions.  The 
Ohio  camp  was  situated  about  three  miles  out¬ 
side  of  Alexandria,  in  the  direction  of  Vienna, 
which  is  some  thirteen  miles  distant.  The  ex¬ 
pedition — if  an  affair  with  so  comparatively 
peaceful  a  purpose  requires  to  be  called  so — 
was  under  the  direction  of  Brigadier-General 
Schenck,  who,  I  believe,  arranged  the  details. 
The  immediate  command  of  the  regiment  was 
in  the  hands  of  Col.  McCook.  The  troops  were 
embarked,  and  on  their  way  early  in  the  after¬ 
noon.  I  hey  proceeded  leisurely,  pausing  at 
intervals,  and  detailing  guards.  By  this  pro¬ 
cess,  the.  regiment  naturally  grew  thinner  at 
every  mile,  until,  when  at  the  outskirts  of 
Vienna,  only  four  companies  were  left.  IIow- 
e\er  wise  or  necessary  this  plan  of  dropping 
squads  behind  might  be  in  an  ordinary  advance, 
it  certainly  was  ot  doubtful  expediency  in  this 
case.  There  were  no  villages  or  groups  of 
houses  along  the  route,  among  which  the  ene- 
iny  s  men  could  have  established  themselves  in 
force,  and  the  only  point  from  which  an  attack 
could  be  seriously  apprehended  was  Vienna 


itself.  Had  the  entire  regiment— and  a  larger 
body  would  have  been  better — been  pushed 
rapidly  down  to  Vienna,  we  should  have  been 
more  lully  prepared  to  encounter  and  act  against 
an  ambush  ;  and,  had  all  proved  quiet,  nothing 
would  have  been  lost,  since  we  had  the  advan¬ 
tage  of  railroad  speed,  by  stationing  the  guards 
on  the  return,  instead  of  the  advance.  It  is 
true  that  the  entire  course  of  the  road  is  through 
a  valley,  and  that  the  hills  on  either  side,  and 
the  heavy  thickets  which  screen  them,  appear 
to  offer  excellent  situations  for  ambuscade ; 
but  the  roads  in  the  neighborhood  are  few,  and 
those  which  exist  are  quite  impracticable  for 
the  ready  transportation  of  troops,  not  to  speak 
of  artillery.  Decidedly  the  suspicious  spot  was 
Vieuna  and  its  vicinity.  A  certain  disposition 
to  tardy  caution  was  frustrated  by  the  careless¬ 
ness  ot  the  engine-driver.  lie  had  been  directed 
to  stop  at  the  distance  of  a  mile  from  the  town, 
whence  skirmishers  were  to  be  thrown  out, 
and  proper  reconnoissances  to  be  made.  Instead 
of  doing  so,  he  shot  ahead  until  within  half  a 
mile  or  less,  so  that  this  single  chance  of  avert¬ 
ing  the  impending  danger  was  wasted.  The 
train  was  rounding  a  gentle  curve,  and  the  men 
were  laughing,  quite  unconscious  of  peril,  when 
the  first  round  of  shot  fell  among  them,  tearing 
five  of  them  to  pieces,  and  wounding  many 
others.  .  The  rebels’  guns  had  been  carefully 
planted  in  the  curve,  and  were  hidden  until 
the  worst  part  of  their  work  was  accomplished. 
The  first  discharge  was  the  most  fatal.  The 
four  companies  were  disposed  upon  open  plat¬ 
form  cars,  and  were  first  of  all  exposed  to  the 
enemy’s  fire.  The  engine  was  at  the  rear  of 
the  train.  It  was  fortunate  that  most  of  the 
men  were  sitting,  for  the  shot  flew  high,  and 
only  those  who  stood  erect  were  struck.  Major 
Hughey  was  among  the  foremost,  but  was  un¬ 
harmed.  Gen.  Schenck  and  Col.  McCook  were 
in  a  covered  car  behind  the  troops.  The  Col. 
instantly  sprang  out,  and  gathered  the  best  part 
of  his  men  together.  The  enemy’s  field-pieces 
had  been  stationed  to  command  the  line  of  the 
railroad  and  nothing  else.  They  were  at  the 
termination  of  the  curve,  to  the  left  of  the 
track,  and  elevated  a  few  feet  above  the  grade. 
With  the  exception  of  that  company  which  was 
the  most  exposed,  and  which  suffered  the  most, 
the  men  promptly  assembled  near  Col.  McCook, 
who  proceeded  to  form  them  in  line  of  battle, 
and  to  lead  them  into  the  protection  of  a  little 
wood,  or  thicket,  at  the  right  of  the  track, 
apart  from  the  range  of  the  battery.  Mean¬ 
while  shot  and  shell  continued  to  assail  the 
train,  and  those  who  lingered  near  it.  The 
engine-driver,  in  a  panic,  detached  his  locomo¬ 
tive  and  a  single  car,  and  dashed  off  at  full 
speed.  The  rebel  artillerists  then  directed 
their  range,  so  as  to  menace  Col.  McCook’s 
three  companies,  upon  which  the  Col.  quietly 
marched  them  over  to  the  left  of  the  track,  into 
another  clump  of  trees,  where  he  collected  all 
his  little  force,  and  arrayed  them  boldly  in  line. 
The  shot  from  the  rebels  now  flew  very  wild, 


DOCUMENTS. 


407 


cutting  the  trees  overhead  and  around,  and, 
in  their  hurry,  they  made  the  frequent  blunder 
of  discharging  their  shell  without  opening  the 
faze.  But,  notwithstanding  this,  Col.  McCook  s 
position  was  far  from  comfortable.  He  saw 
that  he  was  prodigiously  outnumbered,  and 
that  if  the  enemy  could  only  keep  their  wits 
for  a  few  minutes,  he  must  inevitably  be  cap¬ 
tured,  or  venture  a  struggle  at  fearful  odds. 
He  had  only  about  180  men,  while  the  rebel 
force  exceeded  2,000.  Their  field-pieces  alone, 
decently  managed,  would  have  destroyed  the 
little  Ohio  band  in  a  twinkling.  But  the  Ohio 
men  never  flinched,  and  this  was  the  reward 
of  their  bravery :  The  rebels  observing  such  a 
mere  handful  bearing  themselves  undaunted 
before  their  superior  host,  were  at  first  amazed, 
and  then  startled  into  the  conviction  that  pow¬ 
erful  reinforcements  must  be  close  at  hand. 
How  else,  it  seemed  to  them,  could  this  sprink¬ 
ling  of  troops  hold  their  ground.  It  could  be 
nothing  but  the  confidence  of  overwhelming 
strength  that  sustained  them.  And  this  is  not 
conjecture.  The  information  since  received 
from  Vienna  proves  it  to  have  been  their  real 
belief.  Disheartened  by  this  belief,  they  became 
irresolute,  their  fire  slackened,  they  wavered, 
and  in  a  few  minutes,  broke  up  their  lines  and 
slowly  retired.  At  the  same  time  Col.  McCook, 
having  secured  his  wounded,  also  withdrew, 
his  two  thousand  assailants  making  no  attempt 
or  motion  to  oppose  his  retreat. 

Thus,  by  a  manly  defiance,  our  Ohio  men 
preserved  themselves.  The  first  indication  of 
weakness  or  trepidation  would  have  undone 
them.  But  now  they  can  proudly  and  truly 
say  that  they  stood  before  ten  times  their  num¬ 
ber  of  opponents,  and  saw  those  opponents,  all 
men  of  South  Carolina,  glide  away  from  their 
sight,  while  they  never  for  an  instant  swerved. 
Their  own  retreat  was  in  perfect  order,  and 
they  would  have  carried  away  their  dead,  as 
well  as  wounded,  had  any  been  visible  at  the 
moment  of  their  departure.  But  the  poor  fel- 
lows  were  all  lying  out  of  sight  upon  the  plat- 
form  cars,  and  were  for  a  short  time  overlooked. 
When  they  were  missed,  their  bodies  were 
sought,  and  brought  in.  In  most  of  the  cases, 
death  must  have  been  instantaneous.  They 
were  frightfully  mangled.  One  man’s  arm  was 
torn  or  wrenched  away  by  a  round  shot,  and 
hung  to  the  socket  by  a  half-severed  muscle. 
The°rush  of  blood  through  the  ruptured  arteries 
must  have  put  him  beyond  all  suffering  at  once. 
Another’s  head  was  shot  almost  from  the  neck, 
and  with  another,  the  missile  passed  straight 
through  his  chest,  beneath  the  shoulder.  Still 
another  was  literally  cut  into  shreds,  below  the 
waist,  and  his  musket  was  bent  into  a  curve. 
It  was  evident  that  all  had  been  killed  by  heavy 
shot,  and  that  the  shell  and  smaller  projectiles 
had  inflicted  only  serious  wounds,  at  the  worst. 
The  bodies,  folded  in  blankets,  were  all  brought 
to  the  1st  Ohio  regiment’s  camp  this  morning. 
They  were  tenderly  taken  in  charge  by  their 
former  comrades,  and  in  the  afternoon,  among 


the  shadows  of  the  woodland,  the  last  offices 
were  fulfilled,  and  they  were  buried  together 
in  the  soil  which  their  sacrifice  makes  truly 
sacred. 

The  rebels  deserted  Vienna,  but  their  brief 
opposition  transformed  our  movement  into  a 
regular  and  important  advance.  Many  iegi- 
ments  have  since  changed  places,  rim  G9th 
New  York  regiment  moved  on  to  Vienna. 
The  two  Ohio  regiments  are  encamped  upon 
the  way.  The  Connecticut  men  are  neai  at 
hand.  Cavalry  and  artillery  support  the  G9th, 
so  that,  if  an  attack  is  made  upon  them,  (which 
is  not  immediately  apprehended,)  they  will  be 
able  to  show  the  rebels,  in  whatever  force  they 
come,  that  retreating  is  a  game  of  which  we 
do  not  seek  to  share  the  glory.  The  Ohio  men 
are  fixed  in  their  new  position.  Last  night  they 
slept  upon  the  grass,  without  shelter,  in  the 
rain.  But  no  one  thought  of  the  exposure. 
They  were  looking  forward,  and  you  may  feel 
sure  that  when  these  men  and  the  men  of  South 
Carolina  meet,  the  reckoning  will  be  no  light 
one. 

A  KEBEL  ACCOUNT. 

A  gentleman  who  arrived  in  Richmond, 
direct  from  the  scene  of  action,  furnishes  the 
following  account  of  the  Vienna  fight : 

On  Sunday  morning,  Col.  Gregg  received 
orders  to  go  out  on  a  reconnoitring  expedi¬ 
tion.  He  took  with  him  600  South  Carolinians, 
a  company  of  Kemper’s  artillery,  and  two  com¬ 
panies  of  cavalry,  including  45  of  Capt.  Ball  s 
Chester  company  and  Capt.  Terry’s  company, 
of  Bedford.  He  started  at  8  o’clock  a.  m. 
They  remained  Sunday  night  at  a  place  called 
Dranesville.  On  Monday  morning,  Col.  Gregg, 
with  a  detachment  of  cavalry,  went  forty-five 
miles  down  to  the  Potomac  River  to  make 
observations.  They  remained  in  the  vicinity 
about  an  hour,  and  distinctly  saw  tents  and 
men  on  the  Maryland  side.  They  judged 
they  were  about  300  men  encamped  at  that 

P°Ooi.  Gregg  afterwards  returned  to  Dranes¬ 
ville  formed  his  command  into  column  and 
marched  down  the  road  to  a  place  called 
Vienna.  Here  they  remained  only  long  enough 
to  tear  up  the  track  of  the  Alexandria,  Loudon 
and  Hampshire  railroad,  and  destroy  a  water 
tank — probably  about  an  hour  after  which 
they  started  to  return  to  DranesviRe.  The 
troops  had  proceeded  about  half  a  mile  when 
the  whistle  of  the  locomotive  was  heard  in  the 
distance,  whereupon  Col.  Gregg  ordered  a  halt, 
wheeled  his  column,  and  marched  rapidly  back 
to  Vienna.  They  had  scarcely  time  to  place 
two  cannon  in  position,  when  a  train  of  cars, 
consisting  of  six  flats  and  a  baggage  car,  came 
slowly  around  the  curve,  pushed  by  a  locomo¬ 
tive.  Each  flat  was  crowded  with  armed  men, 
whose  bayonets  glistened  in  the  evening  sun, 
and  gave  our  men  an  impression  that  a  severe 
contest  was  at  hand.  This,  however,  was  not 
realized,  as  the  result  will  show. 


408 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Just  as  the  train  was  about  to  stop,  the  artil¬ 
lery  fired  a  well-directed  shot  from  one  of  their 
guns,  which  raked  the  Hessians  fore  and  aft. 
Consternation  and  dismay  were  distinctly  visi¬ 
ble,  and,  alter  another  fire,  the  enemy  were 
seen  hastily  leaving  the  cars  and  taking  to  the 
woods.  The  engineer  of  the  train  was  smart 
enough  to  uncouple  the  locomotive  and  take  tho 
back  track  for  Alexandria,  leaving  the  entire 
train  to  be  captured  by  our  troops.  Col.  Gregg’s 
infantry  and  the  cavalry  pursued  tho  fugitives 
a  short  distance  through  the  woods,  but  were 
unable  to  overtake  them.  A  few  of  the  party 
exhibited  some  bravery,  and  endeavored  by 
shouts  to  rally  their  flying  comrades,  but  it 
was  impossible.  They  then  turned  and  dis¬ 
charged  their  pieces  at  our  men  without  effect. 
Six  of  the  enemy  were  left  dead  upon  the 
ground. 

It  is  believed  that  this  invading  party  con¬ 
sisted  of  regulars  and  Michigan  volunteers. 
Col.  Gregg  has  received  information  that  a 
detachment  of  Federalists  came  to  Vienna  on 
Sunday  evening,  and  brought  timber  to  repair 
the  bridge ;  and  that  they  stated,  while  there, 
that  they  would  come  on  Monday  with  men 
enough  to  whip  and  hang  every  d — d  seces¬ 
sionist  in  the  neighborhood.  They  made  a 
slight  mistake  in  their  calculations. 

About  twelve  rounds  were  fired  by  our 
artillery,  but  the  enemy  scattered  after  the 
second.  Neither  the  infantry  nor  cavalry 
fired  a  shot. 

Our  troops  burnt  the  cars  and  captured 
a  considerable  quantity  of  carpenters’  tools, 
blankets,  and  other  baggage,  together  with 
about  twenty  muskets  and  a  number  of  pistols. 
Mr.  Hancock  brings  with  him  as  trophies  a  U. 
S.  soldier’s  cap,  a  havelock  thoroughly  saturated 
with  blood,  and  a  bayonet. 

The  fire  of  our  artillerists  was  most  effective. 
One  man  was  found  with  his  hand  shot  com¬ 
pletely  off,  another  with  his  arm  shot  off  at  the 
shoulder,  and  other  ghastly  objects  proved  the 
destructive  effect  of  the  shots.  It  is  thought 
by  some  that  one  of  the  balls  broke  the  coup¬ 
lings  of  the  locomotive ;  at  all  events,  the  en¬ 
gine  was  taken  away  from  the  scene  of  action 
with  all  possible  speed. 

After  the  engagement,  Colonel  Gregg  re¬ 
tired  with  his  command  to  Fairfax  Court 
House. 

—Louisville  Courier ,  June  29. 


Doc.  2581. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  BOONEVILLE. 

Head-qcartebs  Dep’t  op  the  West,  ) 
Booneville,  Mo.,  June  17, 1861.  ( 

Tnn  steamers  A.  McDowell,  Iatan,  and  City 
of  Louisiana,  left  Jefferson  City  yesterday  after¬ 
noon  at  two  o’clock,  and  reached  a  point  a  mile 
below  Providence  last  night,  where  it  was 
thought  best  to  lie  up  a  few  hours.  Three  com¬ 
panies  of  Boernstein’s  regiment  under  his  com¬ 


mand  were  left  to  protect  the  capital.  We 
were  cheered  enthusiastically  by  the  little  town 
of  Marion,  as  we  passed  there  yesterday  even¬ 
ing.  This  morning  we  took  an  early  start,  and 
reached  Rocheport  before  six  o’clock,  where 
we  made  a  short  stop,  but  found  the  people 
mostly  surly  and  not  disposed  to  be  communi¬ 
cative.  We  learned,  however,  that  the  enemy 
were  in  considerable  force  a  few  miles  below 
this  place,  and  preparing  to  make  a  vigorous 
defence.  Leaving  there,  and  taking  the  steam 
ferry-boat  Paul  Wilcox  with  us,  we  ran  up 
steadily  till  we  had  passed  the  foot  of  the  island 
eight  miles  below  here,  and  seeing  a  battery  on 
the  bluffs,  and  scouts  hastening  to  report  our 
arrival,  we  fell  back  to  a  point  opposite  to  the 
foot  of  the  island,  and  at  7  o’clock  a.  m.  dis¬ 
embarked  on  the  south  shore,  where  the  bot¬ 
tom  land  between  the  river  and  bluffs  is  some 
mile  and  a  half  wide.  No  traitors  were  visible 
there,  and  the  troops  at  once  took  the  river 
road  for  this  city.  Following  this  road  some 
what  over  a  mile  and  a  half  to  where  it  ascends 
the  bluffs,  several  shots  from  our  scouts  an¬ 
nounced  the  driving  in  of  the  enemy’s  pickets. 

We  continued  to  ascend  a  gently  undulating 
slope  for  nearly  half  a  mile,  when  the  enemy 
were  reported  in  full  force  near  the  summit  of 
the  next  swell  of  ground,  about  three  hundred 
yards  from  our  front.  The  enemy  were  ex¬ 
ceedingly  well  posted,  having  every  advantage 
in  the  selection  of  their  ground,  but  as  you  will 
see,  it  has  been  clearly  demonstrated  that  one 
secessionist  is  hardly  superior  to  many  more 
than  his  equal  number. 

Arriving  at  the  brow  of  the  ascent,  Capt. 
Totten  opened  the  engagement  by  throwing  a 
few  9-pounder  explosives  into  their  ranks, 
while  the  infantry  filed  oblique  right  and  left 
and  commenced  a  terrible  volley  of  musketry, 
which  was  for  a  short  time  well  replied  to, 
the  balls  flying  thick  and  fast  about  our  ears, 
and  occasionally  wounding  a  man  on  our  side. 
The  enemy  were  posted  in  a  lane  running  tow¬ 
ards  the  river  from  the  road  along  which  the 
grand  army  of  the  United  States  were  advanc¬ 
ing,  and  in  a  brick  house  on  the  north-east  cor¬ 
ner  of  the  junction  of  the  two  roads.  A  couple 
of  bombs  were  thrown  through  the  east  wall 
of  that  house,  scattering  the  enemy  in  all  direc¬ 
tions.  The  well-directed  fire  of  the  German 
Infantry,  Lieut.-Col.  Schaeffer  on  the  right, 
and  Gen.  Lyon’s  company  of  regulars  and  part 
of  Col.  Blair’s  regiment  on  the  left  of  the  road, 
soon  compelled  the  enemy  to  present  an  inglo¬ 
rious  aspect.  They  clambered  over  the  fence 
into  a  field  of  wheat,  and  again  formed  in  line 
just  on  tho  brow  of  tbe  hill.  They  then  ad¬ 
vanced  some  twenty  steps  to  meet  us,  and  for 
a  short  time  the  cannons  were  worked  with 
great  rapidity  and  effect.  Just  at  this  time  the 
enemy  opened  a  galling  fire  from  a  grove  just 
on  the  left  of  our  centre,  and  from  a  shed  be¬ 
yond  and  still  further  to  the  left. 

The  skirmish  now  assumed  the  magnitude 
of  a  battle.  The  commander,  Gen.  Lyon,  ex- 


DOCUMENTS. 


409 


hibited  the  most  remarkable  coolness,  and  pre-  1 
served  throughout  that  undisturbed  presence  ’ 
of  mind  shown  by  him  alike  in  the  camp,  in 
private  life,  and  on  the  field  of  battle.  ‘‘For¬ 
ward  on  the  extreme  right ;  ”  “  Give  them 
another  shot,  Oapt.  Totten,”  echoed  above  the 
roar  of  musketry  clear  and  distinct,  from  the 
lips  of  the  general,  who  led  the  advancing  col¬ 
umn.  Our  force  was  2,000  in  all,  but  not  over 
500  participated  at  any  one  time  in  the  battle. 
The  enemy,  as  we  have  since  been  reliably  in¬ 
formed,  were  over  4,000  strong,  and  yet,  twenty 
minutes  from  the  time  when  the  first  gun  was 
fired,  the  rebels  were  in  full  retreat,  and  our 
troops  occupying  the  ground  on  which  they 
first  stood  in  line.  The  consummate  cowardice 
displayed  by  the  “  seceshers  ”  will  be  more  fully 
understood  when  I  add  that  the  spurs  or  suc¬ 
cessive  elevations  now  became  more  abrupt, 
steep,  and  rugged,  the  enemy  being  fully  ac¬ 
quainted  with  "their  ground,  and  strong  posi¬ 
tions  behind  natural  defences,  orchards,  and 
clumps  of  trees  offering  themselves  every  few 
yards.  Nothing  more,  however,  was  seen  of 
the  flying  fugitives  until  about  one  mile  west 
of  the  house  of  William  M.  Adams,  where  they 
were  first  posted.  Just  there  was  Camp  \est, 
and  a  considerable  force  seemed  prepared  to 
defend  the  approaches  to  it.  Meanwhile,  a 
shot  from  the  iron  howitzer  on  the  McDowell 
announced  to  us  that  Capt.  Voester,  with  his 
artillery  men,  and  Capt.  Richardson’s  company 
of  infantry,  who  were  left  in  charge  of  the 
boats,  were  commencing  operations  on  the  bat¬ 
tery  over  a  mile  below  Camp  V est.  This  but 
increased  the  panic  among  the  invincible  (?) 
traitors,  and  Capt.  Totten  had  but  to  give  them 
a  few  rounds  before  their  heels  were  again  in 
requisition,  and  Captain  Cole  and  Miller,  at  the 
head  of  their  companies,  entered  and  took  pos¬ 
session  of  the  enemy’s  deserted  breakfast  tables. 

About  twenty  horses  had  by  this  time  arrived 
within  our  lines  with  vacant  saddles,  and  the 
corps  reportorial  were  successfully  mounted  on 
chosen  steeds.  The  amount  of  plunder  secured 
in  Camp  Vest,  or  Bacon,  as  the  citizens  here 
call  it,  from  the  name  of  the  gentleman  owning 
a  fine  house  close  by,  was  very  large.  One 
thousand  two  hundred  shoes,  twenty  or  thirty 
tents,  quantities  of  ammunition,  some  fifty  guns 
of  various  patterns,  blankets,  coats,  carpet 
sacks,  and  two  secession  flags  were  included  in 
the  sum  total. 

Leaving  Captain  Cole  in  command  of  the 
camp,  we  pushed  on  towards  Booneville,  chasing 
the  cowardly  wretches  who  outmanned  us  two 
to  one.  The  McDowell  now  came  along  up  in 
the  rear  and  off  to  the  right  from  our  troops, 
and  having  a  more  distinct  view  of  the  enemy 
from  the  river,  and  observing  their  intention  to 
make  another  stand  at  the  Fair  Grounds,  one 
mile  east  of  here,  where  the  State  has  an  ar¬ 
mory  extemporized.  Captain  V oester  again 
sent  them  his  compliments  from  the  old  howit¬ 
zer’s  mouth,  which,  with  a  couple  of  shots 
from  Captain  Totten,  and  a  volley  from  Lo- 


throp’s  detachment  of  rifles,  scattered  the  now 
thoroughly  alarmed  enemy  in  all  directions. 
Their  flight  through  the  village  commenced 
soon  after  8  o’clock,  and  continued  till  after  11 
o’clock.  Some  three  hundred  crossed  the  river, 
many  went  south,  but  the  bulk  kept  on  west- 
wardly.  A  good  many  persons  were  taken  at 
the  different  points  of  battle,  but  it  is  believed 
the  enemy  secured  none  of  ours. 

Capt.  Richardson  had  landed  below,  and, 
with  the  support  of  the  howitzer  from  the 
steamer  McDowell,  captured  their  battery, 
consisting  of  two  6-pounders,  (with  which  they 
intended  to  sink  our  fleet,)  twenty  prisoners, 
one  caisson,  and  eight  horses  with  military 
saddles.  The  enemy  did  not  fire  a  shot  from 
their  cannon.  Speaking  of  prizes,  the  brilliant 
achievement  in  that  line  was  by  our  reverend 
friend,  W.  A.  Pill,  chaplain  of  the  First  regi¬ 
ment.  lie  had  charge  of  a  party  of  four  men, 
two  mounted  and  two  on  foot,  with  which  to 
take  charge  of  the  wounded.  Ascending  the 
brow  of  a  hill,  he  suddenly  came  upon  a 
company  of  twenty-four  rebels,  armed  with  re¬ 
volvers,  and  fully  bent  upon  securing  a  place 
of  safety  for  their  carcasses.  Their  intentions, 
however,  were  considerably  modified,  when 
the  parson  ordered  them  to  halt,  which  they 
did,  surrendering  their  arms.  Surrounded  by 
the  squad  of  five  men,  they  were  then  marched 
on  board  the  Louisiana,  prisoners  of  war.  The 
parson  also  captured  two  other  secessionists 
during  the  day,  and  at  one  time,  needing  a 
wagon  and  horses  for  the  wounded,  and  finding 
friendly  suggestions  "wasted  on  a  stubborn  old 
rebel,  placed  a  revolver  at  his  head,  and  the 
desired  articles  were  forthcoming.  In  time  of 
peace  the  preacher  had  prepared  for  war. 

After  passing  the  Fair  Grounds,  our  troops 
came  slowly  towards  town.  They  were  met  on 
the  east  side  of  the  creek  by  Judge  Miller  of  the 
District  Court,  and  other  prominent  citizens, 
bearing  a  flag  of  truce,  in  order  to  assure  our 
troops  of  friendly  feelings  sustained  by  three- 
fourths  of  the  inhabitants,  and  if  possible  pre¬ 
vent  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood.  They 
were  met  cordially  by  Gen.  Lyon  and  Col. 
Blair,  who  promised,  if  no  resistance  was  made 
to  their  entrance,  that  no  harm  need  be  feared. 
Major  O’Brien  soon  joined  the  party  from  the 
city,  and  formally  surrendered  it  to  the  Federal 
forces.  The  troops  then  advanced,  headed  by 
the  Major  and  Gen.  Lyon,  and  were  met  at  the 
principal  corner  of  the  street  by  a  party  bear¬ 
ing  and  waving  that  beautiful  emblem  under 
which  our  armies  gather  and  march  forth  con¬ 
quering  and  to  conquer.  The  flag  party  cheered 
the  troops,  who  lustily  returned  the  compli¬ 
ment.  American  flags  are  now  quite  thick  on 
i  the  street,  and  secessionists  are  nowhere, 
i  As  usual,  the  traitors  had  destroyed  the  tele¬ 
graphic  communication  with  the  East,  and  I 
have  therefore  been  unable  to  transmit  the 
news  of  our  victory.  The  gallant  bearing  of 
i  our  men  is  the  subject  of  constant  remark  and 
■  praise  from  the  officers,  while  Colonel  Blair, 


410 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Lieutenant-Colonel  Andrews,  Adjutant  Has- 
cock,  Major  Conant,  and  many  others,  won 
golden  opinions  from  the  soldiers  for  their 
fearless  and  determined  behavior.  There  were 
two  men  killed  on  our  side — Jacob  Iviburz, 
commissary  of  Company  B,  Second  regiment, 
who  kept  a  segar  manufactory  on  Second  street, 
St.  Louis,  between  Plum  and  Poplar,  and  M. 
N.  Coolidge,  of  Company  H,  First  regiment. 
Nine  of  our  men  were  wounded,  but  few  of 
them  severely.  One  man  is  also  missing,  who 
was  known  to  have  been  badly  shot.  Thos. 
McCord,  of  Lothrop’s  regulars,  was  one  of  the 
most  seriously  hurt.  The  loss  of  the  enemy 
will,  probably,  never  be  fully  ascertained.  It 
did  not  fall  short  of  fifty,  and  probably  will  run 
nearly  as  high  as  a  hundred.  Among  their 
dead  are  Dr.  William  Quarles,  Isaac  Ilodges, 
and  thirteen  others  of  the  Cooper  County  Com¬ 
pany;  Francis  A.  Hulin,  of  the  Pettis  County 
Rifles,  and  many  others  more  or  less  promi¬ 
nent,  some  of  whom  have  not  yet  been  recog¬ 
nized. 

The  enemy  had  two  regiments  of  1,800  men, 
under  command  of  Col.  J.  S.  Marmaduke  of 
Arrow  Rock,  and  nine  hundred  cavalry,  besides 
other  companies  whose  muster-rolls  have  not 
been  captured.  Horace  II.  Brand  was  Lieu¬ 
tenant-Colonel  of  Marmaduke’s  regiment.  It 
was  reported,  and  for  some  time  generally  be¬ 
lieved,  that  he  was  among  the  dead,  but  he  has 
since  been  heard  from,  taking  a  meal  several 
miles  away.  Gov.  Jackson  was  also  seen  at 
3  o’clock  this  afternoon,  at  a  blacksmith’s  shop, 
about  fifteen  miles  from  here.  Gen.  Price  left 
Sunday  morning,  on  the  steamer  H.  D.  Bacon, 
for  Arrow  Rock.  His  health  was  very  poor 
when  he  left. 

One  can  hardly  imagine  the  joy  expressed 
and  felt  by  the  loyal  citizens  when  the  Federal 
troops  entered  the  city.  Stores  which  had 
been  closed  all  day,  began  to  open,  the  national 
flag  was  quickly  run  up  on  a  secession  pole, 
cheers  for  the  Union,  Lyon,  Blair,  and  Lincoln 
were  frequently  heard,  and  every  thing  beto¬ 
kened  the  restoration  of  peace,  law,  and  order. 
True  men  say  had  the  troops  delayed  ten  days 
longer,  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  them 
to  remain  in  safety.  Irresponsible  vagabonds 
had  been  taking  guns  wherever  they  could  find 
them,  and  notifying  the  most  substantial  and 
prosperous  citizens  to  leave.  As  a  specimen 
of  the  feeling  here,  Mr.  McPherson,  proprietor 
of  the  City  Hotel,  denounces  the  whole  seces¬ 
sion  movement  as  the  greatest  crime  committed 
since  the  crucifixion  of  Our  Saviour. 

At  one  time,  when  bullets  were  flying  thick 
and  Gen.  Lyon  was  at  the  head  of  the  column 
mounted,  he  undertook  to  dismount,  that  his 
position  might  be  a  trifle  less  conspicuous, 
when  his  horse  suddenly  jumped  with  fright, 
throwing  the  general  to  the  ground,  but  with¬ 
out  injuring  him  seriously.  The  rumor  sud¬ 
denly  spread  through  the  ranks  that  General 
Lyon  had  been  shot  from  his  horse,  and  the  in¬ 


dignation  and  cries  of  vengeance  were  terrific. 
At  the  Fair  Grounds  several  hundred  muskets 
were  seized  at  the  armory,  where  flint  locks 
were  being  altered.  Capt.  Totten  says  he  fired 
about  100  rounds  of  ball,  shell,  and  canister. 

The  following  companies  of  Col.  Blair’s 
regiment,  though  actively  engaged  in  the  skir¬ 
mishing,  had  none  of  their  men  killed  or 
wounded :  Companies  A,  Capt.  Fusch ;  C,  Capt. 
Stone ;  D,  Capt.  Richardson ;  E,  Capt.  Cole ;  F, 
Capt.  Gratz;  G,  Capt.  Cavender;  Iv,  Capt. 
Burke.  Company  B,  Capt.  Maurice,  has  one 
wounded  and  one  missing ;  Company  II,  Capt. 
Yates,  has  one  killed  and  four  wounded ;  Com¬ 
pany  I,  Capt.  Miller,  one  wounded. 

The  following  interesting  documents  were 
found  among  others  equally  interesting  and 
more  decidedly  treasonable : 

Head-quarters  First  Reg’t  Rifles,  M.  8.  G.,  > 
Booneville,  Ho.,  June  14, 1S61.  \ 

General  Orders  No.  3. — The  commanders 
of  companies  of  the  regiment  and  of  the  troops 
attached  will  bring  their  companies  to  Boone¬ 
ville  with  the  greatest  despatch.  They  will 
proceed  to  move  the  instant  this  order  is  re¬ 
ceived,  bringing  with  them  all  arms  and  ammu¬ 
nition  it  is  possible  to  procure.  The  expenses 
of  said  movements  will  be  paid  by  the  State. 
All  orders  of  a  prior  date  conflicting  with  this 
from  any  head-quarters  whatever  will  be  dis¬ 
obeyed.  By  order  of 

Colonel  J.  S.  Marmaduke. 

John  TV.  Wood,  Adjutant. 

Captain — Hurry  on  day  and  night.  Every¬ 
body,  citizens  and  soldiers,  must  come,  bring¬ 
ing  their  arms  and  ammunition.  Time  is  every 
thing.  In  great  haste, 

J.  S.  Marmaduke. 

— St.  Louis  Dtmocrat. 

A  SECESSION  ACCOUNT. 

An  eye-witness  of  the  fight  at  Booneville,  on 
Monday  last,  at  8  a.  m.,  about  six  miles  below 
that  town,  gives  the  subjoined  facts  : 

Major-General  Price  was  ill  on  Sunday,  and 
issued  an  order  for  the  retirement  of  the  State 
troops  towards  Arkansas.  He,  himself,  left 
for  his  home,  at  Brunswick.  The  forces  under 
General  Lyon  landed  near  Rocheport,  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Missouri  River,  and  marched 
thence  toward  Booneville.  A  few  companies 
of  State  troops  met  them  about  six  miles  below 
Booneville,  and  attacked  Lyon’s  forces,  Com¬ 
pany  B,  Blair’s  regiment,  being  the  party  receiv¬ 
ing  the  fire.  About  ten  of  said  company  were 
killed  and  wounded,  as  the  result  of  that  fire. 
The  company  firing  then  retreated.  Several 
other  State  companies,  at  this  point  of  time, 
kept  firing  from  different  directions  on  Lyon’s 
forces.  Gen.  Lyon  then  planted  his  cannon, 
and  fired  about  twenty  rounds  on  the  State 
troops,  using  grape  and  ball.  None  of  the 
State  troops  were  killed  by  this  cannonad¬ 
ing,  so  far  as  is  known.  But  those  who  were 


documents. 


411 


seeking  the  State  troops,  to  join  in  the  fight, 
were  made  prisoners  to  the  number  of  fifteen 
or  twenty,  and  three  are  known  to  be  killed. 
These  prisoners  were  taken,  and  the  men  killed 
after  a  retreat  was  ordered  by  the  officers  com¬ 
manding  the  State  troops. 

The  State  troops  retired  in  good  order,  not 
more  than  three  hundred  having  engaged  in 
the  skirmish.  Some  ten  of  the  Federal  troops 
were  killed,  and  as  many  as  from  twenty  to 
thirty  wounded,  some  mortally. 

Col.  Marmaduke  commanded  the  State  troops; 
and  Gov.  Jackson  was  in  person  on  the  ground. 
No  cannon  were  captured  by  the  Federal 
troops ;  all  having  been  saved,  except  some 
pieces  which  were  thrown  into  the  river,  these 
having  been  placed  in  position  on  the  river, 
four  miles  south  of  Booneville. 

Gen.  Parsons,  with  some  fifteen  pieces  of 
ordnance,  was  advancing  to  meet  the  State 
troops,  at  the  time  they  were  retreating.  All 
these  were  saved.  No  word  of  disbanding  the 
State  troops  was  ever  heard  of;  nor  of  the 
flight  of  Governor  Jackson,  who,  on  the  con¬ 
trary,  coolly  remained  two  hours  after  the  re¬ 
treat  of  the  State  troops.  Gov.  Jackson  is 
now  with  his  men;  the  order  to  retreat  was 
given  on  Sunday,  purely  as  a  strategic  move¬ 
ment  ;  while  some  of  the  boys  determined  to 
have  the  fun  of  making  the  invaders  smell  burn¬ 
ing  gunpowder  anyhow ;  and  the  attack  was 
made  with  the  distinct  purpose  of  retreating  im¬ 
mediately  afterward.  It  was  currently  reported 
at  Booneville  that  Gen.  Lyon  remarked,  if  the 
fire  of  the  State  troops  had  been  continued,  he 
must  have  ordered  a  retreat.  The  Federal 
forces  stood  their  ground  and  returned  the  fire ; 
but  the  State  troops  were  covered  by  a  wood¬ 
land,  and  fired  from  different  directions  on 
Lyon’s  forces.  Lyon  has  now  possession  of 
Booneville,  and  has  issued  a  proclamation.  The 
State  troops  are  concentrating  at  a  point  fif¬ 
teen  or  twenty  miles  west  of  Booneville,  and 
are  organizing,  and  preparing  fully  for  the 
conflict. 

Ben.  McCulloch,  it  is  stated,  is  now  advanc¬ 
ing  between  Springfield  and  Tipton  with  10,000 
men  and  20,000  extra  stand  of  arms.  Gov. 
Jackson  intends  to  deal  kindly  and  humanely, 
not  only  with  any  iirisoners  who  may  be  taken 
in  battle,  but  with  all  those  citizens  of  Missouri, 
whether  native  or  adopted,  who  have  been  mis¬ 
led  and  deceived  by  the  wicked  teachings  of 
the  enemies  of  the  State  and  its  institutions. 
Those  men  who  have  been  forced  by  want  of 
bread  to  enter  the  Federal  service,  have  noth¬ 
ing  to  fear,  either  in  war  or  peace,  from  the 
civil  government  of  the  State,  or  from  the 
State  troops,  wrho  may  be  made  prisoners  of 

War*  .  T  nty 

— Louisville  (Ky.)  Courier,  Juno  26. 


Doc.  259. 

COL.  BOERNSTEIN’S  PROCLAMATION. 

Head-qcarters  Capital,  ) 
Jefferson  City,  June  17.  ) 

To  the  Citizens  of  Cole  County  and  the  adjoin¬ 
ing  counties  of  Missouri: 

Citizens  :  I  have  been  appointed  by  the  com¬ 
manding  general  commande  rof  this  place,  with 
the  view  to  extend  my  authority  over  Cole  and 
the  adjacent  counties,  in  order  to  preserve  the 
peace  and  tranquillity  of  all  citizens,  and  assist 
the  authorities  in  the  maintenance  of  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  and  of  the  Union,  the  enforcement  of 
the  constitutional  laws  of  the  country. 

By  the  precipitate  flight  of  Gov.  C.  F.  Jack- 
son  and  others,  you  have  been  left  without 
State  authority  and  without  a  government. 
This  state  of  things  would  have  produced  law¬ 
lessness  and  anarchy  and  all  their  consequent 
evils.  It  has  therefore  been  deemed  necessary 
to  supply  this  lack  by  appointing  a  commander 
of  this  place,  having  surveillance  over  the  city 
and  its  vicinity.  I  therefore  call  upon  the  city 
authorities,  as  well  as  the  authorities  of  this 
county,  to  continue  the  legal  exercise  of  their 
official  duties,  and  I  will  be  always  ready  to 
lend  them  my  assistance  for  the  enforcement 
of  the  constitutional  laws  of  the  country.  I  do 
not  wish  to  interfere  with  their  official  busi¬ 
ness,  neither  do  I  intend  to  meddle  with  the 
private  business  of  the  citizens.  Your  personal 
safety  will  be  protected  and  your  property  wilL 
be  respected.  Slave  property  will  not  be  in¬ 
terfered  with  by  any  part  of  my  command,  nor 
will  slaves  be  allowed  to  enter  my  lines  with¬ 
out  written  authority  from  their  masters ;  and 
notwithstanding  we  are  in  times  of  war,  I  shall 
endeavor  to  execute  my  instructions  with  mod¬ 
eration  and  forbearance,  and  at  the  same  time 
shall  not  suffer  the  least  attempt  to  destroy  the 
Union  and  its  Government  by  the  performance 
of  any  unlawful  act.  I  shall  prosecute  _  and 
deliver  up  to  the  proper  authorities  all  traitors 
and  their  accomplices,  aiders,  and  abettors. 

I  call  upon  all  friends  of  the  Union,  and  upon 
all  good  citizens,  to  form  themselves  into  com¬ 
panies  of  Home  Guards  for  the  protection  of 
the  Union  ;  to  arm  themselves  and  to  drill.  I 
will  be  very  glad  to  have  them,  as  far  as  possi¬ 
ble,  instructed  by  my  officers,  and  to  contribute 
with  all  my  power  to  their  military  education. 
Every  citizen  who  has  business  with  the  com¬ 
mander  of  the  place,  or  intends  to  bring  some 
complaint  before  him,  will  have  free  access  to 
my  head-quarters  from  10  to  12  o’clock. 

All  my  soldiers  will  observe  the  strictest 
discipline,  and  I  hope  that  the  support  of  all 
good  citizens  will  enable  me  to  keep  this  city 
and  vicinity  in  perfect  peace  and  order,  and  to 
keep  far  from  them  the  terror  and  devastation 
of  the  war. 

IIenry  Boernstein, 

Col.  Commanding  2d  Iieg’t  Mo.  Volunteer*. 


412 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Doc.  260. 

GENERAL  LYON’S  PROCLAMATION. 

Boonbville,  June  18,1861. 
To  the  People  of  Missouri : 

Upon  leaving  St.  Louis,  in  consequence  of 
war  made  by  the  Governor  of  this  State  against 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  because 
I  would  not  assume  on  its  behalf  to  relinquish 
its  duties,  and  abdicate  its  rights  of  protecting 
loyal  citizens  from  the  oppression  and  cruelty 
of  the  secessionists  in  this  State,  I  published 
an  address  to  the  people,  in  which  I  declared 
my  intention  to  use  the  force  under  my  com¬ 
mand  for  no  other  purpose  than  the  mainten¬ 
ance  of  the  authority  of  the  General  Govern¬ 
ment,  and  the  protection  of  the  rights  and 
property  of  all  law-abiding  citizens. 

The  State  authorities,  in  violation  of  an 
agreement  with  Gen.  Harney  on  the  2d  of 
May  last,  had  drawn  together  and  organized 
upon  a  large  scale  the  means  of  warfare,  and, 
having  made  a  declaration  of  war,  they  aban¬ 
doned  the  Capital,  issued  orders  for  the  de¬ 
struction  of  the  railroad  and  telegraph  lines, 
and  proceeded  to  this  point  to  put  into  execu¬ 
tion  their  hostile  purposes  toward  the  General 
Government.  This  devolved  upon  me  the  ne¬ 
cessity  of  meeting  this  issue  to  the  best  of  my 
ability,  and  accordingly  I  moved  to  this  point 
with  a  portion  of  the  force  under  my  command, 
attacked  and  dispersed  the  hostile  forces  gath¬ 
ered  here  by  the  Governor,  and  took  posses¬ 
sion  of  the  camp-equipage  left,  and  a  consider¬ 
able  number  of  prisoners,  most  of  them  young 
and  of  immature  age,  and  who  represent  that 
they  have  been  misled  by  frauds,  ingeniously 
devised  and  industriously  inculcated  by  de¬ 
signing  leaders,  who  seek  to  devolve  upon 
unreflecting  and  deluded  followers  the  task 
of  securing  the  object  of  their  own  false  am¬ 
bition. 

Out  of  compassion  for  these  misguided  youths, 
and  to  correct  the  impressions  created  by  un¬ 
scrupulous  calumniators,  I  liberated  them  upon 
the  condition  that  they  will  not  serve  in  the 
impending  hostilities  against  the  United  States 
Government. 

I  have  done  this  in  spite  of  the  well-known 
facts  that  the  leaders  in  the  present  rebellion, 
having  long  experienced  the  mildness  of  the 
General  Government,  still  feel  confident  that 
this  mildness  cannot  be  overtaxed  even  by  fac¬ 
tious  hostilities,  having  in  view  its  overthrow ; 
but  lest,  as  in  the  case  of  the  late  Camp  Jack- 
son  affair,  this  c  emency  shall  still  be  miscon¬ 
strued,  it  is  proper  to  give  warning  that  the 
Government  cannot  always  be  expected  to  in¬ 
dulge  in  it  to  the  compromise  of  its  evident 
welfare. 

Hearing  that  those  plotting  against  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  have  falsely  represented  that  the  Gov¬ 
ernment  troops  intended  a  forcible  and  violent 
invasion  of  Missouri  for  purposes  of  military 
despotism  and  tyranny,  I  hereby  give  notice  to 
the  people  of  this  State  that  I  shall  scrupu¬ 


lously  avoid  all  interference  with  the  business, 
right,  and  property  of  every  description  recog¬ 
nized  by  the  laws  of  the  State,  and  belonging 
to  law-abiding  citizens.  But  it  is  equally  my 
duty  to  maintain  the  paramount  authority  of 
the  United  States  with  such  force  as  I  have  at 
my  command,  which  will  be  retained  only  so 
long  as  opposition  makes  it  necessary,  and  that 
it  is  my  wish,  and  shall  be  my  purpose,  to  visit 
any  unavoidable  rigor  arising  in  this  issue  upon 
those  only  who  provoke  it. 

All  persons,  who,  under  the  misapprehen¬ 
sions  above  mentioned  have  taken  up  arms,  or 
who  are  preparing  to  do  so,  are  invited  to  re¬ 
turn  to  their  homes  and  relinquish  their  hos¬ 
tilities  towards  the  Federal  Government,  and 
are  assured  that  they  may  do  so  without  being 
molested  for  past  occurrences. 

N.  Lyon, 

Brigadier  IT.  S.  Army,  Commanding. 


Doc.  261. 

TWENTY-SECOND  PENN.  REGIMENT. 

Tite  following  are  the  names  of  the  com¬ 
manding  officers  : 

Colonel,  Max  Einstein;  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
Chas.  Angeroth  ;  Major,  William  Schoenleber ; 
Adjutant,  Shreve  Ackley ;  Aide-de-camp,  Chas. 
A.  Deron,  M.D. ;  Quartermaster,  Frederick 
Breitinger  ;  Surgeon,  H.  Heller ;  Assistant- 
Surgeon,  M.  Heller,  Jr.  ;  Sergeant-Major, 
Wash.  Cromlin ;  Quartermaster-Sergeant,  B. 
Reiter ;  Commissary-Sergeant,  A.  Gallen ;  Regi¬ 
mental  Ensign,  Herman  Hayman;  Drum-Ma¬ 
jor,  Chr.  Baker. 

Company  A — Capt.,  Solomon  Rodelslieimer; 
First  Lieutenant,  Charles  Auer ;  Second  Lieu¬ 
tenant,  Henry  Florslieim.  Company  B — Capt., 
W.  Jatho;  First  Lieutenant,  John  Ehrenberg; 
Second  Lieutenant,  Samuel  Wool.  Company 
C — Capt.,  Charles  Angeroth ;  First  Lieutenant, 
Augustus  Riedt ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Gustavus 
H.  Bopp.  Company  D— Capt.,  Jacob  Keifer ; 
First  Lieutenant,  Hermann  A.  Yogelbach. 
Company  E — Capt.,  Albert  N.  Kidney ;  First 
Lieutenant,  Charles  Friele;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Francis  Bierwith.  Company  F — Capt., 
Chauncey  Spering;  First  Lieutenant,  C.  S. 
Harrington  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  John  M.  Car- 
son.  Company  G — Capt.,  James  Harvey ;  First 
Lieutenant,  Martin  C.  Frost ;  Second  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Lawrence  Kelley.  Company  H — Capt., 
Raphael  Vogel;  First  Lieutenant,  Albert  Ileu- 
bel ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Lewis  F.  Resay.  Com¬ 
pany  I — Capt.,  John  M.  Lang;  First  Lieuten¬ 
ant,  Walter  F.  Evans ;  Second  Lieutenant,  John 
II.  Steiner.  Company  K — Capt.,  Duplat  Hage- 
meister  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Henry  Memminger ; 
Second  Lieutenant,  Peter  A.  McKoon.  The 
men  are  armed  with  percussion-cap  smoothed- 
bore  muskets,  and  their  uniforms  are  of  dark 
blue  cloth.  The  band  numbers  about  twenty- 
six  instruments,  and  as  they  marched  along 
performed  admirably.  Upon  their  arrival  at 


DOCUMENTS. 


413 


the  depot  and  at  the  request  of  several  gentle¬ 
men'  they  played  the  Star-Spangled  Banner, 
Washington’s  March,  Hail  Columbia,  and  \  an- 
kee  Doodle,  and  were  greatly  cheered. 

This  regiment  carry  with  them  a  magmh- 
cent  horse”  said  to  be  one  of  the  best-blooded 
animals  in  the  country,  and  which  will  be  pre¬ 
sented  to  Lieutenant-General  Winfield  Scott  as 
a  testimonial  of  the  regard  of  his  triends.  I  ie 
animal  attracted  considerable  attention,  and 
was  purchased  for  the  sum  of  $2,300. 

—Baltimore  American ,  J uno  18. 


Doo.  262. 

DUKE  OF  NEWCASTLE’S  ORDER 

IN  REFERENCE  TO  PRIVATEERS. 

Downing  Street,  1st  June,  1861. 

Sir  :  You  are  already  aware  that  the  Queen 
is  desirous  of  observing  the  strictest  neutrality 
in  the  contest  which  appears  to  be  imminent 
between  the  United  States  and  the  so-styled 
Confederate  States  of  North  America.  .  I  have 
now  to  inform  you  that,  in  order  to  give  full 
effect  to  this  principle,  Her  Majesty  has  been 
pleased  to  interdict  the  armed  ships,  and  also 
the  privateers  of  both  parties  from  carrying 
prizes  made  by  them  into  the  ports,  haibois, 
roadsteads,  or  waters  of  tlie  United  Kingdom, 
or  of  any  of  Her  Majesty’s  colonies  or  posses¬ 
sions  abroad. 

It  is  Her  Majesty’s  desire  that  this  prohibi¬ 
tion  should  be  forthwith  notified  to  all  proper 
authorities  within  her  dominions,  and  I  am  to 
desire  that  you  take  measures  to  secure  its 
effectual  observance  within  the  limits  of  your 
Government.  I  have,  &c., 

Newcastle. 

Governor— The  Right  Honorable  Sir  E.  W. 

Head,  Bart,  &C.  —Boston  Transcript ,  J une  20. 


Doo.  263. 

FOURTEENTH  REGIMENT,  N.  Y.  S.  V., 

ARRIVED  AT  NEW  YORK,  JUNE  18. 

Tiie  regiment  landed  at  the  foot  of  West 
Fourteenth  street.  The  Oneidas  of  the  Me¬ 
tropolis,  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  or  up¬ 
wards,  decorated  with  an  appropriate  badge, 
and  under  the  direction  of  William  W.  Backus, 
the  marshal  of  the  occasion,  assisted  by  John 
A.  Bryan,  Morris  S.  Brown,  James  M.  Tower, 
A.  D.  Barber,  Robert  J.  Hubbard,  J.  O.  Candee, 
and  Albert  T.  Battel,  assistant-marshals,  loi  Di¬ 
ed  a  line  and  received  the  volunteers  with 
the  usual  honors  ;  and,  preceded  by  a  city  band 
of  music,  escorted  them  through  Fourteenth 
street  and  Fifth  Avenue  to  Washington  Parade 
Ground,  where  the  flag  presentation  took  place. 
A  large  concourse  of  ladies .  and  gentlemen, 
many  of  them  natives  of  Oneida  County,  wit¬ 
nessed  the  ceremony.  The  welcoming  speech 
was  made  by  Charles  P.  Kirkland.  He  said  : 


Col.  McQuade  and  the  Officers  and  Men  of  the 
Fourteenth  Regiment : 

In  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  u  Sons  ol 
Oneida,”  residents  of  New  York  and  Brooklyn, 

I  most  cordially  welcome  you  to  this  city 
on  your  way  to  the  defence  of  that  blessed 
Constitution  and  Union,  which .  are  now  at¬ 
tempted  to  be  overthrown  by  parricidal  hands — 
by  those  who  owe  to  them  all  the  blessings  they 
have  ever  enjoyed.  The  contest  in  which  you 
are  about  to  be  engaged,  is  the  most  interest¬ 
ing  and  important  that  ever  occupied,  the 
attention  of  men  ;  for  this  war  is  emphatically 
a  war  to  sustain  the  only  truly  free  government 
on  earth.  Its  only  object  is  to  maintain  and 
to  transmit  to  future  generations  the  great  boon 
of  civil  and  religious  liberty  purchased  for  them 
by  the  blood  of  our  fathers.  It  is,  indeed,  a 
glorious  cause  ;  and  the  lovers  of  liberty  every- 
where  are  watching  the  contest  with  the  deep- 
est  interest.  On  its  result  may  well  be  said  to 
depend  the  momentous  question  of  man’s  ca¬ 
pacity  for  self-government. 

We,  your  old  friends  and  neighbors,  welcome 
you  with  the  most  earnest  heartiness ;  and  we, 
at  the  same  time,  congratulate  you  on  the  fact 
that  the  result  can  by  no  possibility  be  doubt¬ 
ful.  You  go  to  certain  victory,  you  march  to 
certain  triumph  ;  for  who  so  mad. as  to  beliei  e 
that  seven  millions  of  people,  resting. on  a  vol¬ 
cano  of  four  millions  of  slaves,  can  resist  twenty 
millions  led  on  by  the  holiest  patriotism,  and 
with  no  such  dreadful  element  in  their  midst  ? 
You  come,  my  friends,  from  a  county  distin¬ 
guished  in  the  history  of  our  great  Revolution ; 
and  as  long  as  the  battle  of  Oriskany  and  the 
siecre  of  Fort  Stanwix  are  remembered,  so  long 
will  the  men  of  Oneida  remember  the  brave 
deeds  of  their  fathers,  and.be  eager  to  imitate 
their  example.  This  war  is  not  second  in  im¬ 
portance  to  that  of  the  Revolution.  That  made 
us  a  nation ;  this  is  to  preserve  and  perpetu¬ 
ate  that  nation,  now  among  the  first  ot  the 
world.  I  may  to  allowed  to  say  that  my 
greatest  honor  at  the  present  moment  is  that 
my  two  sons  are  in  the  ranks  of  the  71st.  New 
York  regiment,  at  Washington,  engaged,  in  the 
same  holy  work  of  duty  and  of  patriotism  on 
which  you  are  about  entering.  They  are  both 
native  sons  of  Oneida.  Thrice  welcome,  my 
friends!  Your  watchwords  are  a  our  ^Consti¬ 
tution— our  Union— our  Country.”  You  and 
your  brave  compatriots,  from  more  than  twenty 
States,  will  march  hand  in  hand  to  victory,  as 
certainly  as  a  just  and  beneficent  God  rules  on 
earth  and  in  Heaven.  Your  cause  is  the  cause 
of  truth,  of  right,  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
and  human  history  records  no  defeat  in  such  a 
cause.  I  will  add  one  word :  if,  in  the  course 
of  events,  it  be  your  good  fortune  to  fall  in  with 
any  one  or  more  of  five  men  named  Cobb,  Floyd, 
Thompson,  Twiggs,  or  Davis,  do  not,  I  pray, 
permit  them  to  escape  you.  They  are  wanted 
to  satisfy  the  stern  demands  which  humanity 
makes  on  traitors  more  infamous  than  any 


414 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


whose  names  have  yet  been  mentioned  among 
men. 

Our  best  wishes  attend  you.  Again  I  say — 
welcome,  thrice  welcome,  ye  gallant  men  of 
the  Fourteenth ! 

The  regimental  color  was  now  brought  for¬ 
ward,  and  Charles  Tracy  addressed  the  regiment 
as  follows : 

Col.  McQuade  and  Officers  and  Members  of  the 
Regiment : 

The  Sons  of  Oneida  County  residing  in  New 
York  and  Brooklyn  present  to  you  this  regimen¬ 
tal  color.  The  Oneidas  here,  not  forgetting  the 
land  of  their  nativity  and  the  associations  of 
their  boyhood,  were  unwilling  that  the  third 
regiment  from  that  county — the  first  which 
passes  by  our  present  home — 'Should  go  to  the 
field  without  some  token  of  our  fraternity. 
This  is  the  most  we  can  do,  except  to  assure 
you  of  our  sympathy  in  the  glorious  cause 
you  have  adopted.  The  memory  of  Oneida 
County,  to  a  man  who  has  passed  his  boyhood 
among  its  green  hills,  its  rich  valleys,  and  its 
noble  woods,  never  dies  out,  but  deepens  with 
growing  years.  But  beyond  the  charms  of  its 
external  beauty  and  the  thrift  of  its  people,  the 
county  is  full  of  inspiring  associations.  It  was 
there  that  the  Baron  Steuben,  celebrated  for 
his  gallant  part  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution, 
passed  the  closing  years  of  his  life,  and  found 
his  grave.  It  was  there,  in  1777,  that  the  pa¬ 
triot  forces  in  Fort  Schuyler,  a  hundred  miles 
from  any  relief,  endured  a  siege  of  twenty  days, 
and  repelled  their  besiegers.  It  was  there 
that  the  farmers  of  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk, 
under  General  Herkimer,  met  the  enemy  in 
the  forest  of  Oriskany,  resisted  two  attacks  in 
the  same  day,  and  drove  away  both  British 
and  Indians.  During  that  battle,  the  general, 
dismounted,  and  bleeding  from  a  mortal  wound, 
sat  upon  his  saddle  on  a  log,  continued  the 
direction  of  the  fight,  and  smoked  his  pipe 
with  his  usual  calmness.  Any  one  familiar 
with  those  old  battle-fields,  who  has  traced  the 
hacks  of  the  tomahawk,  and  clambered  over 
the  ruins  of  the  ancient  forts,  and  now  witnesses 
the  uprising  at  the  same  place,  may  truly  ex¬ 
claim  : 

“  Again  there  breathe  that  haunted  air 

The  sons  of  sires  who  conquered  there  ; 

With  arm  to  strike,  and  soul  to  dare, 

As  quick,  as  far,  as  they.” 

Upon  the  flag  you  see  emblazoned,  in  a 
single  shield,  the  arms  of  the  Union  and  the 
arms  of  the  State  of  New  York — the  Stars  and 
Stripes  quartered  with  the  rising  sun — the 
morning  rays  bright  with  promise,  the  motto 
always  Excelsior — Higher.  Well  joined! 
What  State  is  more  identified  with  the  Ameri¬ 
can  Union  ?  The  very  first  Congress  of  the 
colonies,  long  before  the  revolution,  was  held 
in  Albany.  The  first  Congress  under  the  Con¬ 
stitution  was  held  in  this  city,  in  1789.  The 
first  President  of  the  United  States,  George 
Washington,  was  inaugurated  in  Wall  street, 
and  was  sworn  into  office  by  the  Chancellor  of 


this  State.  In  the  war  of  1812,  New  York 
furnished  vastly  beyond  its  quota  both  of  mili¬ 
tia  and  volunteers ;  and  now,  to  this  sacred 
war  of  liberty,  she  sends  forty  thousand  men. 
Ihese  united  arms  will  fly  together  upon  the 
flags  of  our  volunteers,  until  secession  and 
treason  shall  be  crushed  out  of  the  whole  land. 

Ours  is  a  war  of  defence.  The  whole  area 
of  the  Union  is  our  country.  Upon  every  acre 
of  this  soil  we  are  at  home,  until  our  feet  step 
into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  We  paid  for  Florida, 
and  our  army  will  see  to  it  that  our  national 
flag  again  waves  over  its  entire  territory.  It  is 
a  holy  war — a  war  for  principles,  a  war  for  our 
kind.  This  country,  for  three-quarters  of  a 
century,  has  stretched  out  its  hands  to  the  op¬ 
pressed  of  all  nations.  The  victims  of  tyranny 
and  of  want  have  fled  hither,  and  found  a  place 
of  refuge  and  an  abode  of  prosperity.  What  a 
spectacle  is  now  presented  to  the  world,  when 
traitors  rise  among  us  to  crush  this  beneficent 
Government,  and  dishearten  all  men  who 
struggle  for  liberty !  What  crime  can  surpass 
secession !  If  it  could  prevail,  the  heart  of 
every  man  sighing  for  liberty  in  Europe  must 
sink,  and  every  dungeon  of  tyranny  must  deepen 
its  gloom.  The  time  has  come,  in  the  affairs 
of  men,  when  liberty  and  justice  in  this  coun¬ 
try  must  be  maintained.  To  wage  war  against 
such  treason  is  to  wage  it  against  the  enemies 
of  humanity. 

War  is  now  a  necessity.  Alas !  politics,  theo¬ 
ries,  philosophy,  arts  and  the  like,  do  much  to 
ameliorate  the  condition  of  man ;  but  in  the 
matter  of  civil  government,  there  never  was, 
there  never  can  be,  any  great  deliverance  se¬ 
cured  to  man,  except  by  the  sword.  Some  may 
shrink  from  this  proposition;  but  it  is  inevi¬ 
table  truth ;  and  it  makes  the  profession  of  arms 
a  sacred  calling. 

It  is  no  pastime,  no  mere  parade,  no  Fourth 
of  July  celebration  to  which  you  are  going. 
Yours  are  the  actual  and  mortal  risks  of  war. 
Lamartine  has  eloquently  said: — “Every  revo¬ 
lution  must  have  its  birth ;  every  birth  its 
throes;  every  throe  its  pang;  every  pang  its 
groan.”  The  hazards  of  camp  and  battle  are 
before  you.  Great  is  the  sacrifice.  Yet  deem 
yourselves  fortunate  that  you  can  thus  devote 
your  lives  to  such  a  cause.  Many  who  are  kept 
at  home,  by  various  but  controlling  causes,  are 
ready  to  envy  your  lot  so  full  of  honor.  What¬ 
ever  your  fate  may  be,  the  people  of  this  day 
and  of  the  future  will  not  forget  you.  If,  in 
the  perilous  duties  which  are  before  you,  any 
shall  receive  the  last  summons,  then,  though 
the  call  of  death  come  by  a  singing  bullet,  yet 
shall 

“  Its  voice  sound  like  a  prophet’s  word, 

And  in  its  hollow  notes  be  heard 
The  thanks  of  millions  yet  to  be.” 

Go  forth,  gallant  men.  Go  with  no  doubt 
of  your  perfect  success.  Go,  assured  that  you 
are  remembered  by  us  in  every  thing  that  can 
serve  you,  and  not  forgotten  in  our  prayers. 
May  the  Almighty  Upholder  of  the  Right,  thb 


DOCUMENTS. 


415 


God  that  judgetii  in  tiie  earth,  guard  your 
heads  in  the  day  of  battle,  and  bring  you  back 
with  the  triumphs  of  victory. 

Mr  Tracy  thereupon  placed  the  banner  in  the 
hands  of  Col.  McQuade,  who  responded  as 


pany  K — Wm.  H.  Seymour,  Captain ;  Leman 
Bradley,  Lieutenant ;  Fayette  Butler,  Ensign. 

Among  the  officers  and  soldiers  there  are 
several  naturalized  Welshmen. 


follows : 

Mr.  Tracy  and  Gentlemen  : — I  regret  that 
an  unfortunate  detention  on  the  river  will  not 
give  me  time  to  make  a  fitting  response  to  the 
very  eloquent  address  which  has  been  delivered 
to  us.  I  can  say,  sir,  we  shall  ever  cherish  this 
color  on  account  of  the  donors.  We  shall  de¬ 
fend  it  in  the  great  and  holy  cause  in  which 
we  are  embarked.  I  assure  you,  sir,  that  those 
of  us  who  may  live  to  return  it  shall  return  it 
without  blemish,  except  it  may  be  the  blood 
of  traitors  shed  in  the  struggle. 

He  then  turned  to  his  regiment,  and  said  : — 
“If  there  is  any  man  in  the  ranks' who  is  not 
determined  to  defend  the  flag  to  the  last  drop 
of  his  blood,  let  him  now  leave.” 

Not  a  soldier  moved ;  and,  after  a  moment’s 
silence,  a  deafening  shout  of  hurrah  arose  along 
the  ranks  and  from  the  spectators,  testifying 
that  all  were  true. 

The  citizens  of  Oneida  were  again  formed  in 
column  by  their  marshal,  and  marched  in  front 
of  the  regiment  through  Broadway  (both  flags 
flying)  to  the  Park  barracks,  where  the  regi¬ 
ment"  took  up  its  quarters  for  the  night.  On 
the  following  day  the  Volunteers  were  escorted 
in  like  manner  to  the  New  Jersey  Railroad 
Station,  and  took  the  cars  for  Washington. 

The  regiment  contains  the  full  quota  of  7S0 
men,  enlisted  for  three  years.  The  officers  are 
as  follows : 

Field. — Colonel,  James  McQuade ;  Lieuten¬ 
ant-Colonel,  Chas.  H.  Skillen ;  Major,  Chas.  B. 
Young. 

Commissioned  Staff. — Surgeon,  A.  Church¬ 
ill  ;  Quartermaster,  Thomas  II.  Bates ;  Adju¬ 
tant,  John  F.  McQuade  ;  Surgeon’s  Mate,  J.  E. 
West;  Chaplain,  Rev.  George  M.  Hewes. 

Non-Commissioned  Staff.— Quartermaster- 
Sergeant,  James  P.  Ballou  ;  Sergeant-Major, 
Cassius  B.  Mervine ;  Drum-Major,  Thomas  J. 
Hines;  Fife-Major,  Samuel  E.  Gatlin. 

Line.— Company  A— Thomas  M.  Davies, 
Captain ;  George  II.  Cone,  Lieutenant ;  R.  D. 
Crocker,  Ensign.  Company  B — Wm.  P.  Bra- 
zee,  Captain  ;  Rufus  Dugget,  Lieutenant ;  Geo. 
T.  Hallingwortli,  Ensign.  Company.  C— Fred. 
Harrer,  Captain;  Joseph  Smith,  Lieutenant; 
Wm.  Rantenberg,  Ensign.  Company  D— W m. 
L.  Cowan,  Captain  ;  Robert  H.  Foote,  Lieuten¬ 
ant;  George  E.  Lee,  Ensign.  Company  E— 
Lewis  Michael,  Captain ;  Alfred  Sears,  Lieuten¬ 
ant  ;  William  War,  Ensign.  Company  F— Chas. 
A.  Muller,  Captain ;  Wm.  A.  Rowan,  Lieuten¬ 
ant  ;  Dilos  Craymer,  Ensign.  Company.  G  J. 
Babcock,  Captain  ;  Seth  L.  Wadworth,  Lieuten¬ 
ant  ;  John  Stryker,  Jr.,  Ensign.  Company  II— 
Samuel  E.  Thompson,  Captain;  Henry  Goss, 
Lieutenant;  Geo.  Morgan,  Ensign  Company 
I — Horace  B.  Lake,  Captain  ;  Geo.  W.  Bartlett, 
Lieutenant;  Sterling  W.  Hazen,  Ensign.  Gom- 


Doc.  264. 

HARPER’S  FERRY. 

REASON  OF  THE  EVACUATION. 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  says  : 

We  are  now  at  liberty,  on  the  best  authority, 
to  make  public  the  true  motives  actuating  Gen¬ 
eral  Johnston  in  what  the  Northern  and  some 
of  the  Southern  papers  have  called  the  “  Evacu¬ 
ation  of  Harper’s  Ferry.”  The  general,  like 
other  military  men  of  education,  had  long 
known  that  Harper’s  Ferry,  in  itself,  is  faulty 
and  untenable,  from  the  facility  with  which  it 
can  be  turned.  It  lies,  as  it  were,  in  the  small 
end  of  a  “  funnel,”  the  broader  end  of  which 
could  with  great  ease  be  occupied  by  the  enemy. 
The  heads  directing  the  operations  of  the  Yan¬ 
kee  forces  were  well  aware  of  this  fact,  but 
forgot  that  there  were  fully  as  astute  heads  on 
our  side.  The  minute  and  able  investigations 
of  Major  Whiting,  chief  engineer  to  General 
Johnston,  had  satisfied  our  leaders  of  the  just¬ 
ness  of  these  views.  General  Scott’s  plan  was 
to  turn  Harper’s  Ferry  by  a  column  from  Penn¬ 
sylvania  under  General  Patterson,  efiect  a  junc¬ 
tion  near  Winchester  or  Strasburg  with  an¬ 
other  column  of  McClellan’s  army,  passing 
through  Romney,  and  cut  off  Beauregard’s  and 
Johnston’s  armies  from  each  other.  This  plan 
was  completely  foiled,  and  the  enemy  check¬ 
mated  at  their  own  game,  as  we  shall  ex¬ 
plain.  . 

On  or  about  Thursday,  the  16th  instant, 
General  Johnston  having  waited  at  Harper’s 
Ferry  long  enough  to  make  the  enemy  believe 
that  he  intended  to  contest  that  position  to  the 
last,  and  learning  that  they  were  advancing  on 
Williamsport  and  Romney,  sent  a  portion  of 
his  force  to  Winchester  by  rail.  On  Friday  he 
continued  this  movement,  sent  back  his  tent 
equipage  and  other  heavy  baggage,  his  sick, 
&c.,  set  fire  to  and  burned  the  railroad  bridge, 
and  such  of  the  public  buildings  as  could  be 
burned  without  endangering  private  property, 
spiked  such  of  the  heavy  guns  at  Harper’s  Fer¬ 
ry  as  could  not  be  removed,  and  on  Saturday 
moved,  with  his  whole  army,  marching  on  foot, 
in  the  direction  of  Winchester,  encamping  about 
three  and  a  half  miles  southwest  of  Charles¬ 
town.  The  enemy,  taking  this  movement  as  it 
was  intended  they  should  take  it,  as  a  retreat, 
crossed  a  brigade  of  their  advance  division, 
commanded  by  General  Cadwalader,  (who 
joined  their  forces  on  Saturday  or  Sunday 
morning,)  which  was  moved  forward  towards 
Martinsburg. 

On  Sunday  morning,  however,  General  John¬ 
ston  changed  his  line  of  march,  at  right  angles, 
and  moved  square  towards  Martinsburg,  en¬ 
camping  at  Bunker’s  Hill,  on  the  Winchester 


416 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


and  Martinsbnrg  turnpike,  twelve  miles  from 
Martinsburg,  to  offer  battle  there,  or  advance 
an  attack  if  necessary.  This  movement  placed 
the  enemy  in  a  predicament.  He  had  not 
crossed  his  whole  force,  and  if  the  opposing 
forces  had  closed  he  must  have  been  beaten 
in  detail.  He  therefore  “  acknowledged  the 
corn,”  turned  tail  and  retreated,  recrossed  the 
river,  and  evacuated  the  valley,  retiring  beyond 
Hagerstown.  A  lieutenant-colonel  and  an¬ 
other  (member  of  the  Eighth  Pennsylvania 
Volunteers)  were  taken  prisoners  during  this 
retreat. 

A  day  or  two  after  this,  Col.  Hill,  Thirteenth 
Virginia  regiment,  in  command  of  a  part  of 
the  forces  who  had  “retreated”  from  Har¬ 
per’s  Ferry,  and  who  had  been  pushed  forward 
towards  Romney,  as  our  readers  have  learned 
from  our  Saturday’s  edition,  sent  forward 
towards  Hew  Creek,  on  the  Potomac  River, 
eighteen  miles  west  of  Cumberland,  four  com¬ 
panies  of  Tennessee  and  Virginia  troops,  under 
Col.  Vaughan,  of  Tennessee,  who  found  the 
Yankees  posted  on  the  Maryland  side  of  the 
Potomac.  Our  brave  fellows,  in  the  face  of  the 
enemy,  forded  the  stream,  waist-deep,  drove 
them  off  in  the  utmost  confusion,  captured  two 
pieces  of  loaded  artillery  and  a  stand  of  colors, 
destroyed  the  railroad  bridge  at  that  point,  and 
returned  to  Romney,  making  the  march  of  thir¬ 
ty-six  miles  and  gaining  a  brilliant  victory  with¬ 
in  twenty  hours. 

Our  readers  will  thus  see  what  General  John¬ 
ston’s  “  retreat  from  Harper’s  Ferry,”  has  done. 
It  has  thoroughly  broken  up  General  Scott’s 
paper  programme,  destroyed  his  whole  Western 
combination,  and  compelled  him  to  remodel  his 
whole  plan.  If  our  “  retreats”  do  thus  much, 
we  wait  with  confidence  to  see  what  our  ad¬ 
vance  will  do. 


Doo.  265. 

LETTER  OF  GOV.  CALL  OF  FLORIDA, 

TO  J.  8.  LITTELL,  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

Lake  Jackson,  Feb.  12th,  18G1* 
My  dear  Sir: — We  live  in  an  age  of  miracles 
and  wonders.  Great  events  are  in  progress, 
and  I  look  with  amazement  and  mortification 
at  the  developments  of  every  day  and  hour. 
We  are  in  the  midst  of  the  most  extraordinary 
revolution,  and  the  most  stupendous  ruin  is 
now  in  rapid  progress  that  the  world  has  ever 
known. 

A  great  nation  has  been  dismembered.  The 
bonds,  of  the  American  Union,  the  work  of 
Washington,  of  Franklin,  of  Madison,  and  other 
great  sages  and  statesmen  of  a  glorious  age, 
have  been  rent  and  snapped  like  cobwebs;  and 
the  greatest  fabric  of  human  government,  with¬ 
out  complaint  of  wrong  or  injustice ,  has  been 

*  This  letter  is  out  of  its  place  in  the  order  of  time,  not 
naving  been  received  until  August.  As  it  contains  some  re¬ 
markable  and  perhaps  important  suggestions,  we  give  the 
letter  in  this  place— (Aid.  R.  11.) 


I  destroyed  in  a  few  months — madly  and  rashly 
!  destroyed ,  without  reflection,  and  without  loss 
of  life  or  stain  of  blood. 

Star  after  star  from  the  once  glorious,  but 
now.  drooping,  banner  has  fallen,  others  are 
waning  in  their  light,  and  the  whole  heavens 
are  covered  with  the  gloomy  portent  of  uni¬ 
versal  destruction.  When  shall  this  ruin  end? 
V  here  is  the  rock  which  will  stand  and  throw 
back  the  mad  destructive  waves  of  revolution, 
and  arrest  the  fearful,  fatal,  desolating  progress 
of  secession !  Through  the  mist  of  the  tempest, 
I  think  I  see  that  roch  rising  in  moral  power 
and  sublimity  along  the  whole  southern  line  of 
North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  Arkansas,  sup¬ 
ported  by  Missouri,  Kentucky,  Virginia,  Mary¬ 
land,  and  Delaware,  and  above  the  mad,  riotous, 
and  exulting  shout  of  successful  secession  and 
triumphant  revolution.  From  that  rock  I  hear 
a  voice,  like  the  voice  of  God,  saying  to  the 
raging  sea,  “Thus  far  slialt  thou  go  aud  no  fur¬ 
ther,  and  here  shall  thy  proud  waves  be  stayed.” 
Here  I  trust,  is  the  rock  of  safety,  standing  in 
the  centre  of  the  American  Union.  The  ex¬ 
tremities  may  become  cold,  and  lose  their  sensi¬ 
bilities,  their  love  for  our  gallant  flag,  their 
pride  for  our  prestige  and  national  glory,  won 
on  so  many  battle-fields,  and  consummated  by 
so  many  civic  achievements;  they  may  retire 
to  the  idolatrous  worship  of  their  local  and 
sectional  divinities,  hut  the  American  heart 
will,  love  and  worship  the  God  of  our  fathers; 
it  will  continue  to  beat  in  the  American  bosom, 
in  the  centre  of  the  American  Union ;  its  warm 
blood  will  continue  to  circulate  on  both  sides 
of  the  line  of  slavery,  binding  together,  in  na¬ 
tional  bonds,  the  kindred  affections  of  one  race 
in  different  communities. 

.  Here.  I  trust  in  God  and  in  the  wisdom  and 
virtue  of  my  countrymen,  that  there  is  and  that 
there  ever  will  be  an  American  Union,  bearing 
as  the  emblein.of  its  power  and  glory,  the  broad 
stripes  and  bright  stars,  the  banner  of  freedom 
at  home,  and  the  sign  and  hope  of  liberty  to  the 
world.  Here,  at  least,  I  hope,  a  glorious  Union 
of  sovereign  States  may  stand  forever,  to  vindi¬ 
cate  the  success  of  the  representative  Republican 
system,  to  vindicate  the  success  of  the  great 
experiment  of  popular  government,  to  rebuke 
despotic  power,  to  disrobe  tyranny  of  its  pomp 
and  pride,  to  rebuke  anarchy  and  riot  in  the 
sanctuary  of  secession ;  to  sustain  the  cause  of 
law  and  government,  the  holy  cause  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty ;  to  bless  the  living,  honor  the 
dead,  justify  the  blood  of  our  glorious  Revolu¬ 
tion,  and  vindicate  the  cause  in  which  Hamp¬ 
den,  Elliot,  and  Moore  suffered  and  died;  to 
vindicate  the  cause  in  which  the  hundreds  and 
thousands  of  victims,  through  ages  and  gen¬ 
erations,  have  been  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of 
human  liberty !  May  God  bless  and  preserve 
this  remnant  of  the  great  American  Republic 
for  all  these  high  purposes,  and  permit  it  to 
stand  forever  as  a  perpetual  monument  to  the 
memory  and  glory  of  the  patriotic  men  who 
shall  have  the  wisdom,  virtue,  and  courage  to 


DOCUMENTS. 


417 


resist  local  sectional  feelings,  to  resist  the  pi  og¬ 
ress  of  a  mad,  desolating  revolution ! 

Disunion,  under  certain  contingencies,  may¬ 
be  justified  ;  it  may  become  an  imperative  ne¬ 
cessity,  but  it  should  be  the  last  lesoit,  like 
the  rite  of  extreme  unction ,  it  should  be  reserv¬ 
ed  for  the  last,  and  administered  only  in  the 
dying  hour  of  the  only  remaining  hope  within 
the  Union.  Disunion  must  be  fatal !  fatal  to 
the  peace,  safety,  and  happiness  of  both  divis¬ 
ions  of  the  country— fatal  to  the  progress  of 
liberty  and  civilization — latal  to  the  pride  and 
glory  of  the  American  name. 

Every  enlightened  statesman  may  see,  even 
through  the  mist  of  prejudice,  that  there  is  not 
room  between  the  lakes  of  Canada  and  the  Guli 
of  Mexico  for  two  great  nations  of  the  same 
race  and  lineage,  the  same  language  and  reli¬ 
gion,  the  same  pride,  ambition,  energy,  and 
high  courage,  to  live  in  peace  and  good  fellow¬ 
ship  together.  Every  one  may  see,  from  the 
map  of  our  country,  that  there  is  no  desert 
waste,  no  mountain  bar,  dividing  the  Northern 
from  the  Southern  States.  Every  one  may  see 
the  great  rivers,  with  their  outstretched  arms, 
rising  in  the  Northern  States,  flowing  down 
the  rich  valleys  through  the  Southern  States, 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  proclaiming  the  unity  of 
a  great  empire,  and  indicating  the  design  of  the 
Creator,  that  this  beautiful  land  should  be  for¬ 
ever  one  country,  for  one  great,  united,  pi  os- 
perous  people.  And  why  should  this  unity  be 
destroyed  ?  "Why  should  this  beautiful  land  be 
divided  ?  Why  should  this  one  kindred  people 
become  two  hostile  nations,  to  exhaust  in  iu- 
inous  wars  and  battles  between  themselves, 
those  vast  resources,  those  great  energies  here¬ 
tofore  so  successfully  united  for  the  unequalled 
progress  of  one  country,  one  great  and  happy 
people  ? 

There  is  one  disturbing,  one  dangerous  cause, 
_ the  angry  controversy  arising  on  the  institu¬ 
tion  of  African  slavery,  and  unless  this  contro¬ 
versy  can  be  amicably  adjusted  there  must  he  a 
perpetual  end  of  the  Union ,  an  everlasting  sep¬ 
aration  of  the  North  from  the  South. 

The  institution  of  slavery,  then,  demands  the 
earnest  attention  and  the  unprejudiced  consid- 
eration  of  every  American  citizen.  It  should 
be  viewed  as  it  is,  and  not  as  we  might  wish 
that  it  should  be.  Not  as  an  abstract  question 
of  right  or  wrong,  not  as  a  blessing  or  a  curse, 
but  as  an  existing  reality,  for  good  or  evil, 
thrown  upon  us  by  inheritance  from  a  past 
generation  and  another  Government,  and  for 
which  no  man  of  the  present  day  is  in  any 
manner  the  least  responsible.  It  should  be 
considered  as  it  is,  an  institution  interwoven 
and  inseparably  connected  with  our  social  and 
political  system,  as  a  domestic  institution  of 
the  States,  and  a  national  institution,  created  by 
the  American  people  and  protected  by  the  Con- 
stitutiou  of  the  United  States .  It  should  be 
considered  as  an  institution  which  cannot  be 
disturbed  in  its  present  political  relation  to 
some  of  the  States  of  the  Confederacy,  without 


great  detriment  to  all,  and  without,  perhaps, 
destruction  to  some  one  of  the  parties  to  this  re¬ 
lation.  It  should  be  considered  as  an  institu¬ 
tion  which  could  not  now  be  abolished,  even 
with  the  consent  of  all,  without  fatal  conse¬ 
quences  to  some  of  the  parties  holding  relations 
to  it. 

The  history  of  African  slavery  in  this  country 
proves  all  the  relations  I  claim  for  it,  and  it  is 
as  wonderful  as  any  other  portion  of  our  won¬ 
derful  history.  The  discovery  of  America,  with 
its  boundless  resources,  started  all  the  mari¬ 
time  nations  of  Europe  on  the  great  enterprises 
of  conquest  and  dominion  in  the  New  World. 

To  dig  the  golden  treasure  from  the  mountains, 
to  open  the  springs  of  vegetable  life  on  the 
plains  and  in  the  valleys,  to  quarry  the  rocks, 
to  fell  and  clear  the  forest,  and  make  America 
the  home  of  civilization,  human  labor  teas  in¬ 
dispensably  necessary.  The  climate  within  the 
tropics,  where  the  experiment  was  first  made, 
proved  unfriendly  to  the  success  of  European 
labor,  and  fatal  to  European  laborers.  Recourse 
was  first  had,  as  a  substitute,  to  the  labor  of  the 
natives.  Many  of  them  were  subdued  by  con¬ 
quest,  and  became  slaves  to  the  conquerers.  But 
the  brave  warrior  spurned  the  fetters  of  the  slave, 
and  when  his  bow  and  arrow  could  not  defend 
his  liberty,  his  proud  heart  broke,  and  he  died 
under  the  degradation,  and  in  the  humility  of 
bondage.  Whole  tribes  became  extinct,  pei- 
islied  and  disappeared.  And  it  was  in  the  fatal 
progress  of  this  destruction  of  human  life,  and 
the  ill  success  of  slavery  among  the  native 
tribes,  that  Portugal,  in  1503,  sent  from  her 
possessions  on  the  coast  of  Africa  the  fiist 
African  slaves  to  America.  The  experiment 
of  African  labor  proved  eminently  successful. 
Here  was  an  animal,  in  the  form  of  man,  pos¬ 
sessing  the  greatest  physical  power,  and  the 
greatest  capacity  for  labor  and  endurance, 
without  one  principle  of  his  nature,  one  faculty 
of  mind  or  feeling  of  heart,  without  spirit  or 
pride  of  character,  to  enable  him  to  regard 
slavery  as  a  degradation.  A  wild  barbarian, 
to  be  tamed  and  civilized  by  the  discipline  of 
slavery.  Here  was  the  discovery  of  an  animal 
power  almost  as  essential  as  the  discovery  of 
the  new  continent,  to  bring  forth  the  vegetable, 
animal,  and  mineral  productions  of  America,  to 
supply  the  wants  and  relieve  the  necessities  of 
Europe.  And  without  this  discovery,  and  the 
application  of  this  great  element  of  laboring 
power,  the  discovery  of  America,  with  all  its 
boundless,  uncultivated  resources  of  wealth, 
would  have  been  of  little  value  to  the  civilized 
world.  This  fact,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the 
South,  is  fully  illustrated  in  the  great  prosperity 
of  the  Spanish,  French,  and  English  provinces, 
during  the  whole  time  of  the  existence,  of 
slavery  in  them,  and  the  sudden  and  continu¬ 
ous  decline  of  every  agricultural  and  other  in¬ 
terest  in  each  and  every  one  of  those  provinces, 
from  the  day  on  which  African  slavery  was 
abolished.  Every  colonial  nation  availed  itself 
of  this  great  element  of  laboring  power.  Spain, 


418 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


under  Charles  the  Fifth,  France,  under  Louis 
Thirteenth,  and  England,  under  Elizabeth,  all 
granted  to  favorite  subjects  a  monopoly  of  the 
slave  trade,  and  each  derived  revenue  from  the 
traffic  ;  and  African  slavery  and  the  slave  trade 
became  a  part  of  the  political  system,  of  each 
of  these  great  European  powers.  England  was 
the  last  to  approve  and  encourage  this  traffic. 
At  first  its  advantages  were  rejected  by  her 
continental  provinces,  but  at  length  they  en¬ 
gaged  in  it  with  great  activity  and  success; 
and  the  profit  to  the  colonist,  as  well  as  to  the 
crown,  induced  England  to  demand  from  Spain, 
by  the  treaty  of  1763,  a  monopoly  in  the  Afri¬ 
can  slave  trade.  It  continued  until  suspended 
by  our  Eevolution.  And  in  1788,  when  Mr. 
Pitt  presented  a  petition  to  Parliament  for  its 
prohibition,  it  was  estimated  to  amount  annu¬ 
ally  to  80,000  slaves,  with  an  export  of  English 
goods  to  the  amount  of  £800,000  sterling,  bring¬ 
ing  a  return  value  of  £1,400,000  and  a  revenue 
to  the  country  by  the  tax  on  slaves  of  £256,000 
sterling.  And  it  is  now  little  more  than  two 
centuries,  since  a  few  of  these  wild  barbarians, 
naked,  savage  idolaters,  black  from  the  burning 
sun  of  their  native  clime,  with  knotted  and 
combined  locks,  more  like  the  wool  of  the  beast 
than  the  hair  of  the  human  head,  savage  in 
taste,  manner,  and  disposition,  were  brought 
as  slaves  from  the  wilderness  of  Africa,  to  clear 
the  forest  and  open  the  way  for  civilization  in 
the  British  colonies  of  North  America.  Nobly 
has  this  race  done  the  great  work  required, 
and  in  doing  it  they  have  become  civilized,  and 
they  have  multiplied  in  numbers  with  a  rapidity 
far  exceeding  the  increase  of  the  Israelites  dur¬ 
ing  their  bondage  in  Egypt,  until  now  they 
number  nearly  4,000,000  of  people.  And  their 
improvement  in  personal  appearance,  in  feeling 
and  sympathies,  in  civilization  and  religion,  is 
not  less  wonderful  than  their  increase  of  popula¬ 
tion.  And  while  they  have  been  elevated  in  the 
scale  of  human  beings,  while  they  have  been  lifted 
up  from  the  condition  of  the  untamed,  naked  bar¬ 
barian,  from  a  condition  of  superiority  only  to  the 
brute  in  the  form  of  man,  to  a  comparatively  high 
social  position,  to  a  capacity  for  receiving  and 
enjoying  the  blessings  of  the  Christian  faith, 
while  they  have  made  comfortable  homes  and 
supplied  themselves  abundantly  with  food  and 
raiment,  the  surplus  productions  of  their  labor 
has  done  more  for  commerce,  navigation,  man¬ 
ufactories,  and  the  general  prosperity  of  our 
own  country,  has  done  more  to  give  employ¬ 
ment,  has  done  more  to  feed  the  hungry  and 
clothe  the  naked  of  other  nations,  than  any 
other  institution  on  earth.  Under  the  cultiva¬ 
tion  and  care  of  African  slaves,  an  exotic  plant, 
known  for  ages  in  the  tropical  regions  of  Asia, 
Africa,  and  America,  but  there  comparatively 
of  little  value  to  commerce  and  the  civilized 
world,  a  stranger  to  our  soil  and  climate,  it  has 
been  by  their  strong  hands  brought  to  a  per¬ 
fection  before  unknown.  The  fibre  of  this 
plant,  filling  an  important  place  between  flax 
and  wool,  next  to  bread  has  become  one  of  the 


most  important  productions  of  human  labor. 
Besides  the  clothing  of  nations,  besides  the  em¬ 
ployment  of  labor  and  capital,  with  the  great 
profits  in  our  own  country,  besides  a  medium 
of  exchange  between  Europe  and  America  to 
the  annual  value  of  near  200,000,000  of  dollars, 
besides  giving  employment  to  more  tonnage 
and  navigation  than  any  other  article  of  com¬ 
merce,  and  besides  the  profit  and  employment 
which  it  gives  to  people  of  other  foreign  na¬ 
tions,  it  gives  employment  and  subsistence  to 
nearly  six  millions  of  people  in  the  British  em¬ 
pire.  All  this  is  a  part  of  the  great  work  and 
results  of  African  slavery.  And  though  Eng¬ 
land,  ever  foremost  in  every  great  enterprise, 
has  searched  the  globe  for  soil  and  climate,  and 
has  tried,  by  rigorous  compulsion,  with  many 
other  races,  under  a  far  worse  system  of  bond¬ 
age,  she  has  found  no  other  country,  and  she 
has  found  no  other  labor,  to  supply  her  great 
and  increasing  demand  for  cotton ;  and  she 
feels  and  knows  her  dependence  on  us,  and  on 
our  African  slave  labor,  to  supply  a  material 
constituting  one  of  the  greatest  sources  of  her 
wealth,  and  essential  to  sustain  her  vast  na¬ 
tional  power.  A  failure  of  our  cotton  crop  for 
three  years  would  be  a  far  greater  calamity  to 
England  than  three  years  war  with  the  greatest 
power  on  earth.  And,  next  to  the  failure  of 
the  grain  crops  of  Europe  and  America,  she 
would  suffer  most  from  a  failure  of  our  cotton 
crop. 

This  race,  so  distinctly  marked  by  nature 
with  inferiority,  physical,  moral,  and  mental, 
as  forever  to  forbid  amalgamation,  and  keep 
it  distinct  from  our  own,  has  become  a  great 
class  of  laboring,  civilized  people,  domesticated 
with  the  white  race,  and  dependent  on  the  dis¬ 
cipline  of  that  race  for  the  preservation  of  the 
civilization  it  has  acquired.  It  has  now  be¬ 
come  a  nation  considerable  in  numbers ,  and 
justly  considerable ,  for  its  usefulness  to  the 
whole  civilized  world.  Members  of  this  race 
form  a  part  of  the  domestic  association  of  al¬ 
most  every  family  in  the  South  ;  and  although 
the  relation  of  master  and  slave  is  that  of  au¬ 
thority  on  one  hand  and  obedience  on  the 
other,  there  is  a  mutual  dependence,  which 
produces  mutual  sympathies,  mutual  kindness, 
and  mutual  attachments.  The  African  seems 
designed  by  the  Creator  for  a  slave ;  docile 
and  humble,  with  a  heart  full  of  the  kindest 
sensibilities,  generally  grateful  and  affectionate, 
and  with  a  mind  incapable  of  a  higher  eleva¬ 
tion  than  that  which  is  required  to  direct  the 
machinery  of  his  limbs  to  useful  action.  He 
is  naturally  social,  cheerful,  and  contented ; 
and  when  he  has  a  good  master,  which  is  gen¬ 
erally  the  case,  he  is  much  the  happiest  man. 
The  rapid  increase  of  numbers  proves  his  com¬ 
forts  of  life.  All  his  wants  are  abundantly 
supplied,  and  he  has  no  care  for  to-morrow, 
either  for  himself  or  his  posterity.  His  spirit 
and  pride  of  character  wants  the  elevation,  and 
his  mind  wants  the  capacity,  to  contemplate 
slavery  as  a  degradation ;  and  no  liberty,  no 


DOCUMENTS. 


419 


freedom  from  the  control  of  his  master,  can 
exalt  him  to  a  higher  moral  and  intellectual 
condition.  You  may  give  him  physical  liber¬ 
ty,  but  it  will  be  only  the  liberty  of  indulgence 
in’sloth  and  indolence— the  liberty  of  gratifica¬ 
tion  in  animal  passions  and  propensities.  No 
human  power  can  ever  liberate  his  mind.  It 
is  enslaved  in  the  despotism  of  superstition  and 
ignorance,  of  natural  imbecility  and  inertness. 

It  can  never  be  elevated  to  the  comprehension 
of  the  dignity  and  sublimity  of  that  human 
liberty  which,  with  all  its  imperfections  and 
inferiority,  approaches  nearest  to  the  liberty 
and  power  of  God.  He  never  can  be  exalted 
to  that  society  and  regulation  of  liberty  which 
gives  man  his  high  place,  his  proud  dominion 
on  earth.  Whether  physically  bond  or  free, 
mentally  he  must  ever  remain  in  bondage. 
He  has  animal  courage  as  high  and  as  fierce  as 
the  energy  of  the  beast,  when  driven  to  des¬ 
peration  ;  but  he  is  docile  and  submissive,  with 
a  moral  timidity  arising  from  his  instinctive 
knowledge  of  natural  inferiority,  which  makes 
him  ever  yield  passive  obedience  to  every  rea¬ 
sonable  will  of  his  master.  He  looks  on  his 
master  as  a  superior  being,  depends  on  him  for 
instruction  and  direction  in  all  things,  and 
looks  to  him  for  support  and  protection. 
Though  naturally  indolent  and  improvident, 
he  works  cheerfully  for  his  master  ( even  with¬ 
out  compulsion)  much  better  than  he  does  for 
himself.  He  feels  himself  identified  with  his 
master  ;  he  is  interested  in  all  that  belongs  to 
his  master.  He  participates  in  his  master  s 
pride  of  reputation,  fortune,  and  success.  Ho 
prides  himself  on  his  master’s  position  in  socie¬ 
ty,  rejoices  with  him  in  prosperity  and  happi¬ 
ness,  and  mourns  with  him,  deeply  and  feel¬ 
ingly,  in  all  his  sorrows  and  afflictions.  His 
heart  is  filled  with  the  kindest  attentions,  and 
there  are  few  friendships  among  men  more  true 
and  faithful  than  those  of  the  African  slave  for 
a  kind  master.  Those  who  have  seen  the  un¬ 
feigned  sorrow  of  the  African  nurse,  watching 
over  the  dying  child  of  her  mistress,  with  an¬ 
guish  little  less  than  the  heart-rending  affliction 
of  the  mother,  those  who  have  heard  the  la¬ 
mentations,  and  seen  the  tears,  of  the  sla's  es 
around  the  grave  of  the  master,  can  want  no 
higher  proof  of  their  fidelity  and  attachment. 
And  under  the  civilizing  and  humane  influence 
of  the  Christian  religion,  there  are  few  com¬ 
munities  of  people  of  any  race  or  color  who 
would  be  more  shocked  and  distressed,  or  who 
would  shudder  and  shrink  with  greater  horror 
and  dismay  from  scenes  of  bloodshed  and  hu¬ 
man  suffering,  than  the  African  slaves  of  this 

country.  . 

I  am  describing  African  slavery,  not  as  fiction 
_ not  from  fancy — hut  as  I  see  and  Tcnow  it  to  ex¬ 
ist — at  least  in  some  places.  I  have  marked  its 
condition  and  progress  for  many  years,  while 
living  a  plantation  life,  and  I  have  seen  with 
delight  the  continued  progress  of  improvement 
in  the  condition  of  all  slaves  within  my  knowl¬ 
edge.  And  I  have  seen  a  development  of  ca¬ 


pacity  as  it  has  advanced,  for  a  yet  higher  im¬ 
provement,  which  it  must  and  will  attain,  with 
the  progress  of  improvement  in  other  institu¬ 
tions.  In  the  description  I  have  here  given  of 
African  slavery  and  the  African  race,  may  be 
found  the  true  reason  why  this  black  man  is  a 
slave  in  Africa,  Asia,  Europe,  and  America — 
the  reason  why  he  has  ever  been  a  slave,  and 
the  reason  why  he  will  ever  remain  a  slave,  so 
long  as  there  is  a  superior  race ,  willing  to  he 
his  master.  This  is  the  reason  why  I  sleep 
soundly  with  my  doors  unlocked,  unbarred, 
unbolted,  when  my  person  is  accessible  to  the 
midnight  approach  of  more  than  two  hundred 
African  slaves.  This  is  the  reason  why  I  feel 
security  in  knowing  that  if  there  should .  bo 
danger,  every  slave  would  be  a  voluntary,  faith¬ 
ful,  and  vigilant  sentinel  over  my  slumbers. 
And  this  is  the  reason  why  every  slaveholder 
may  sleep  in  the  same  manner,  and  with  equal 
security,  if  the  white  man  will  not  corrupt  the 
virtue,  or  seduce  the  fidelity,  of  the  faithful 
African  slave.  This  general  security  from  as¬ 
sault  and  violence  is  fully  proven  by  the  his¬ 
tory  of  the  slave  in  this  country.  There  have, 
indeed,  been  some  few  individual  cases  of 
shocking  murders  of  masters  and  overseers  by 
slaves ;  but  they  are  by  no  means  so  frequent, 
nor  have  they  been  marked  by  greater  treach¬ 
ery  and  ferocity,  than  the  murders  committed 
by  white  men  on  both  races  within  the  same 
time.  There  should  be  no  better  evidence  re¬ 
quired  of  the  fidelity  and  attachment  of  the 
slaves  to  their  masters  than  the  results  devel¬ 
oped  in  the  mission  of  John  Brown.  For  six 
months,  without  suspicion  of  his  fiendlike 
treachery,  he  was  domesticated  among  .  the 
slaves,  and  hospitable  masters  of  Yirginia, 
on  the  very  border  from  which,  in  a  few  hours, 
they  might  have  made  successful  escape.  And 
when  his  bloody  and  horrible  plans  were  all 
matured  5  when  he  thought  it  only  necessaiy 
for  him  to  strike,  and  all  must  fall ;  when  he 
thought  it  only  necessary  for  him  to  light  the 
torch  for  the  slaves  to  rise  and  burn  alive  their 
masters  and  mistresses,  men,  women,  and  chil¬ 
dren,  while  they  slept,  to  his  amazement,  no 
slave  rose  against  his  master;  and  when  he 
called  John  at  midnight,  (the  faithful  servant 
of  Col.  Washington,)  when  he  told  him  he 
must  fight,  putting  a  murderous  pile  into  his 
hands  to  butcher  his  master,  the  faithful  Afri¬ 
can,  in  the  virtues  of  humanity,  civilization, 
and  Christian  charity,  far  above  the  devil  who 
tempted  his  fidelity  with  the  promise  of  free¬ 
dom,  reproved  his  hell-born  tempter  by  the 
earnest  inquiry,  “  On  which  side  will  Mass  John 
fight  ?  I  want  to  he  with  him."  Never  did 
treachery  and  depravity  receive  a  more  wither¬ 
ing  rebuke ;  never  was  fidelity  better,  vindi¬ 
cated  ;  never  was  human  virtue  more  triumph¬ 
ant  over  damning,  insidious  temptation.  But 
besides  the  security  arising  from  the  fidelity 
and  attachment  of  the  slave  to  the  master, 
there  is  one  which  will  ever  be  found  in  the 
total  incapacity  of  the  African  mind  to  con- 


420 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


ceive  the  plan,  and  combine  the  elements,  ne¬ 
cessary  to  the  success  of  a  general  revolt  over 
any  considerable  district  of  country.  The  suc¬ 
cess  of  the  murderous  insurrection *in  St.  Do¬ 
mingo  arose  from  its  limited  territory,  its  iso¬ 
lated  situation,  the  peculiar  character  of  both 
races  of  the  islanders,  one  cruel,  the  other  sav¬ 
age,  the  vastly  superior  number  of  the  slaves, 
and  the  unfriendly  relations  existing  between 
the  Spanish  and  French  divisions  of  the  island. 
The  extent  of  slave  territory  in  this  country 
has  ever  constituted  a  great  element  of  strength 
to  the  institution ;  and  so  long  as  there  shall 
be  a  just  correspondence  between  the  area  of 
slavery  and  the  number  of  slaves,  this  security 
will  remain.  In  every  attempt  of  insurrection  in 
the  United  States,  the  plot  has  been  confined  to 
very  few  persons  ;  and  most  generally  in  that 
small  number  some  one,  shocked  at  the  proposi¬ 
tion  of  murdering  a  kind  master,  mistress,  or  ten¬ 
der  nursling,  has  disclosed  the  horrible  design 
before  its  maturity,  and  thus  averted  the  terri¬ 
ble  calamity.  Thus  it  has  generally  been,  and 
so  it  will  be,  so  long  as  the  slaves  have  room 
enough  to  work,  and  to  live  comfortably  and 
happily  with  their  masters. 

With  this  brief  historical  sketch  of  the  insti¬ 
tution  of  slavery,  and  the  description  I  have 
given  of  the  slave,  the  relation  subsisting  be¬ 
tween  the  master  and  slave,  we  are  prepared 
to  examine  the  angry  controversy  which  has 
arisen  on  this  institution,  which  has  already 
caused  seven  States  to  withdraw  from  the  Con¬ 
federacy,  and  if  not  soon  amicably  adjusted, 
may  cause  every  Southern  State  to  retire  with 
indignant  scorn  from  a  Union  prostituted  of 
every  virtue,  and  proposed  to  be  continued 
only  for  the  advantage  of  one  section,  the  ruin 
of  another,  and  the  violation  of  the  rights  of 
humanity. 

The  first  point  arising  in  this  dangerous  con¬ 
troversy  is  from  the  disregard  and  violation,  by 
certain  Northern  States,  of  the  law  and  the 
Constitution  requiring  the  rendition  of  fugitive 
slaves  to  their  masters.  This  alone,  if  contin¬ 
ued,  must  be  fatal  to  the  Union.  But  there  is 
another  point,  involving  still  more  dangerous 
consequences.  It  has  been  proposed  by  states¬ 
men  of  great  ability,  and  a  sectional  party  has 
come  triumphantly  into  power  on  the  proposi¬ 
tion,  to  confine  slavery  forever  within  its  pres¬ 
ent  limits.  This  proposition  is  not  the  result 
of  hasty  and  thoughtless  determination.  It  has 
been  long  discussed,  maturely  considered,  and 
deliberately  made.  And  yet  I  could  hope,  for 
the  sake  of  law  and  justice,  for  the  sake  of  hu¬ 
manity,  and  the  civilization  of  the  age,  I  could 
hope  that  the  far-sighted  statesman  by  whom 
this  proposition  has  been  made,  and  that  few 
of  the  Christian  men  by  whom  it  has  been  suc¬ 
cessfully  maintained,  have  yet  fully  contem¬ 
plated,  and  measured,  the  stupendous  and  ter¬ 
rible  consequences  which  must  inevitably  follow 
the  execution  of  this  fearful  design.  It  is  ad¬ 
mitted  by  those  sagacious  statesmen,  and  by 
all  other  intelligent  men,  that  the  Government 


of  the  United  States  has  no  power  to  abolish 
slavery  in  any  State  of  the  Confederacy  ;  and 
yet  here  is  a  proposition  distinctly  made,  and  a 
President  of  the  United  States  has  been  elected 
on  an  implied  pledge  to  carry  that  proposition 
into  execution,  which  must  destroy  slavery  in 
all  the  States ,  and  may  destroy  4,000,000  of 
slaves  and  their  increase ,  or  drive  the  white 
population  beyond  those  limits.  The  present 
population  of  the  slaveholding  States  is  now 
estimated  at  12,000,000  of  people ;  of  this  num¬ 
ber,  near  4,000,000  are  slaves.  When  we  look 
back  fifty  years,  and  see  the  number  of  slaves 
of  that  time,  and  consider  the  present  number, 
it  may  not  be  an  extravagant  calculation  to  es¬ 
timate  the  slave  population  within  its  present 
limits,  at  the  end  of  the  next  half  century,  at 
20,000,000  of  people.  The  natural  increase  of 
this  prolific  race  far  exceeds  the  increase  of  the 
white  race.  But  its  proportion  to  the  white 
race,  within  this  area,  will  be  augmented  by 
another  process.  The  black  race  must  remain 
forever  where  it  is.  The  white  man,  following 
the  native  instinct  of  the  Anglo-Saxon,  as  well 
as  obeying  the  impulse  of  necessity,  must  emi¬ 
grate  as  the  population  becomes  more  dense, 
and  the  means  of  subsistence  more  limited,  leav¬ 
ing  the  slaves  behind.  Thus  producing  annual¬ 
ly  a  greater  increase  of  one,  and  a  decrease  of 
the  other.  And  this  disproportion  must  con¬ 
tinue  to  augment  year  after  year,  in  a  ratio  not 
now  to  be  calculated,  until  the  black  race  must 
so  far  preponderate,  unless  destroyed  by  want 
and  famine,  war  or  pestilence,  as  to  compel 
their  masters  to  abandon  their  homes,  and 
leave  them  to  the  possession  of  their  famished 
slaves ;  who,  when  relieved  from  the  authority 
and  discipline  of  their  masters,  to  which  alone 
they  are  indebted  for  their  elevation  as  a  civil¬ 
ized  and  Christian  people — when  the  white 
man  shall  have  retired,  and  left  them  to  them¬ 
selves — will  follow  their  native  instincts  of  in¬ 
dolence  and  sloth — they  will  fall  back  to  the 
vices  and  barbarism  from  which  they  have 
been  but  partially  redeemed,  through  a  succes¬ 
sion  of  generations  and  the  progress  of  cen¬ 
turies.  Here  another  Africa,  with  all  its  loath¬ 
some  depravity,  would  be  established  in  the 
heart  of  America.  The  confinement  of  African 
slavery  to  its  present  limits  must  either  pro¬ 
duce  this  result,  or  it  must  be  followed  by  the 
destruction  of  one  of  the  races  ;  they  never  can 
live  together  in  social  equality ,  even  if  there 
should  be  room  enough.  This  is  the  proposi¬ 
tion  of  a  Christian  people,  in  the  nineteenth 
century  of  the  Christian  religion.  There  is  no 
crime  or  barbarity  of  the  present  day  which 
may  not  claim  some  precedence  on  the  records 
of  past  ages.  Thus  this  revolting  proposition, 
though  unequalled  in  the  number  of  victims 
it  would  sacrifice,  and  the  extent  of  human  suf¬ 
fering  it  would  inflict,  may  find  something  ap¬ 
proximating  to  a  parallel  in  the  history  of 
heathen  nations.  The  Egyptians  murdered 
the  children  of  the  Hebrew  women  to  prevent 
the  increase  of  numbers,  and  the  heathen  peo- 


DOCUMENTS. 


421 


pie  of  India  smothered  their  Christian  prison¬ 
ers  in  the  loathsome  dungeon  of  Calcutta ;  but 
here  is  a  proposition,  deliberately  made  by  a 
Christian  people,  under  the  immediate  infiuence 
of  the  Gospel  of  God,  teaching  charity  and  hu¬ 
manity,  “  peace  on  earth,  good  will  to  men  — 
a  proposition  to  confine  forever  4,000,00U  oj 
unoffending  people  within  a  boundary ,  where , 
from  the  natural  increase  of  numbers  m  a 
few  i/ears,  they  must  perish  from  famine,  pesti¬ 
lence,  and  war ,  or  drive  8,000,000  of  white  men 
into  exile  to  avoid  the  same  calamities r.  Can 
the  philanthropist,  the  Christian,  the  civilized 
man,  find  a  place  in  his  heart,  or  a  precept  in 
his  religion,  for  a  sentiment  which  contem¬ 
plates  the  misery  or  destruction  of  so  many 
millions  of  the  human  race  ?  Can  the  states¬ 
man  find  a  place  in  his  mind,  or  a  principle  in 
his  philosophy  of  government,  to  justify  a  pol¬ 
icy,  which  must  produce  ruin  to  so  many  ot 
his  countrymen,  and  bring  desolation  to  so 
large  a  portion  of  the  country  ?  Is  the  design 
merciful?  Is  the  intent  charitable?  Is  the 
institution  of  slavery  so  shocking  to  humanity , 
so  repugnant  to  the  principles  of  Christianity 
and  civilization,  as  to  justify  the  destruction  op 
the  slave,  and  the  ruin  of  the  master,  in  its 
abolition?  If  so,  in  what  new  school  of  hu¬ 
manity  has  this  sublimated  refinement  of  the 
Christian  charities  been  matured  to  tins  lieav- 
en-born  perfection?  In  the  New  England 
school  of  morals,  religion,  and  benevolence. 
In  the  same  New  England  whose  men,  6hips, 
and  money,  were  foremost  in  catching  the 
wild  barbarian  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  and 
brino-ino-  the  “ merchandise  of  human  flesh,  and 
human  souls  and  bodies ,”  to  the  colonies  of 
Britain.  The  same  New  England  that  peo¬ 
pled  America  with  the  African  race,  would 
now  commit  greater  barbarity  by  destroying 
millions  of  civilized  people.  The  same  New 
England  whose  present  commercial  and  manu- 
facturing  wealth  is  founded  on  the  rich  inheii' 
tance  derived  from  the  profit  of  the  African 
slave  trade,  and  the  profitable  productions  of 
African  slave  labor. 

But  if  the  confinement  of  slavery  within  its 
present  limits  should  produce  consequences  less 
terrible  and  fatal,  if  it  should  be  followed  only 
by  the  abolition  of  slavery  ;  while  it  -would  be 
a  palpable  violation  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States ,  would  it  elevate  the  slave?  would 
it  make  him  more  comfortable,  more  happy , 
than  he  is  in  his  present  condition  ?  w  oulcl  it 
provide  him  with  a  better  home  ?  would  it  give 
him  a  more  elevated  social  position  ?  would  it 
make  him  more  the  equal  of  the  white  man 
than  he  now  is  ?  Let  these  questions  be  an¬ 
swered  by1  New  England  men,  with  a  third  ant 
fourth  generation  of  liberated  Africans  among 
them,  where  the  number  is  not  so  great  as  to 
crowd  the  humble  place  they  fill  in  New  Eng¬ 
land  life  and  society.  Let  them  say  what  they, 
with  all  their  charitable  sympathy  for  the  Aln- 
can-with  all  their  religious  benevolence  and 
humane  generosity,  have  been  able  to  accom 


plish  by  an  experiment  of  half  a  century,  in 
giving  elevation,  dignity,  and  social  equality  to 
the  free  African.  Let  men  of  Old  England  an¬ 
swer  and  say,  what  liberty  has  done  for  the 
African  in  Jamaica ;  let  Frenchmen  answer  for 
the  liberated  African  in  Hayti.  Search  through 
the  history  of  all  time,  and  you  will  search  m 
vain  to  find  any  portion  of  the  African  race, 
from  its  first  appearance  on  record  until  the 
present  day,  in  the  aggregate,  so  elevated  intel¬ 
ligent,  enlightened,  civilized ,  comfortable ,  and 
happy,  as  that  portion  of  this  degraded  race 
found  as  slaves  in  our  country.  You  will  not 
find  it  among  the  barbarian  hordes  of  Africa. 
You  will  not  find  it  under  the  Crescent,  in  Eu¬ 
rope  or  Asia.  You  will  not  find  it  under  the 
sign  of  the  Cross,  of  South  America.  You  will 
not  find  it  in  Hayti,  Jamaica,  or  New  England. 

In  every  country  where  there  is  an  approach 
to  equality  between  the  races,  it  is  in  the  deg¬ 
radation  of  the  one,  and  not  the  elevation  of 
the  other.  If  then  the  condition  of  the  Afri¬ 
can  slave  would  be  rendered  worse  by  libera¬ 
tion,  why  this  mad  crusade  against  African 
slavery  ?  The  theory  of  universal  human  free¬ 
dom  is  the  mad  offspring  of  delusion  and  pas¬ 
sion,  and  not  the  result  of  enlightened  reason. 
Liberty  is  the  refinement  of  blessing  to  enlight¬ 
ened  people,  capable  of  its  rational  enjoyments, 
while  it  is  the  greatest  curse  which  can  befall 
a  race  incapable  of  estimating  the  value  of  tree- 
dom.  History  is  full  of  proofs  to  illustrate  this 
truth.  History  proves  that  the  votaries  of 
freedom  of  a  great  nation,  in  an  enlightened 
age,  once  in  their  madness  placed  the  Goddess 
of  Liberty  in  their  adoration  above  the  God  of 
nature,  and  the  night  of  atheism  closed  upon 
these  deluded  worsippers  of  a  false  divinity, 
until  they  saw  no  other  light,  and  they  im¬ 
piously  denied  the  existence  of  a  living  God. 
New  England  will  not  go  so  far  in  her  mad¬ 
ness.  There  is  a  conservative  power  of  wisdom 
and  virtue  among  her  great  and  enlightened 
people,  and  a  moral  energy,  which,  although  it 
has  long  slumbered,  is  not  yet  dead,  and  it  will 
come  forth  in  dignified  authority  to  rebuke 
fanaticism,  and,  with  the  sceptre  of  reason,  ex¬ 
pel  the  idolatrous  worshippers  of  negro  freedom 
from  their  altars,  as  Napoleon  drove  the  mad 
votaries  from  the  worship  of  their  heathen 
divinity,  and  restored  the  worship  of  the  true 
and  living  God.  But  the  time  has  ai lived 
when  she  must  awake  and  come  to  the  judg¬ 
ment — when  she  must  aid,  by  her  counsel,  in 
deciding  the  most  vital  question,  and  one  in¬ 
volving  more  stupendous  considerations  than 
any  other  that  can  arise  in  the  relations  of 
mankind.  It  is  time  that  New  England-Old 
England — Europe — America — and  the  whole 
civilized  world,  should  come  to  the  judgment 
bar,  to  consider  the  mission,  the  relations,  the 
value  of  the  institution  of  African  slaver) .  It 
has  too  long  been  considered  as  a  mere  ques¬ 
tion  of  right  in  the  master  to  property  in  sla\  es. 
It  has  so  been  regarded  for  ages,  and  the  uni¬ 
versal  judgment  of  all  civilized  nations  has  con- 


422 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


firmed  and  approved  the  right  of  the  master. 
That  right  is  now  denied.  Great  and  unques¬ 
tionable  as  I  regard  this  right,  it  would  sink  in 
my  estimation  far  below  its  present  position,  if 
it  did  not  involve  the  high  considerations  of  hu¬ 
manity,  the  great  consideration  of  political 
and  domestic  economy.  The  race  is  now  too 
numerous,  and  it  is  increasing  too  rapidly  to  he 
confined  within  its  present  limits.  Though 
divided  into  families,  and  domesticated  with 
white  families,  it  is  a  distinct  nation  of  near 
4,000,000  of  peoptle,  and  constitutes  a  part  of 
the  American  people.  The  institution  of  Afri¬ 
can  slavery  forms  part  of  our  political  system 
of  government.  It  is  entitled,  then,  to  a  higher 
consideration  than  the  mere  right  of  the  mas¬ 
ter  to  property  in  the  slave.  The  institution 
of  slavery  must  now  be  considered  in  its  rela¬ 
tion  to  the  American  people,  in  its  relation  to 
our  constitutional  government,  and  in  relation 
to  the  American  Union,  whose  safety  it  has 
placed  in  jeopardy,  and  whose  ruin  it  may  yet 
accomplish.  Slaves  must  be  considered  in  their 
personal  relation  ;  they  must  be  considered  as 
both  persons  and  property.  Slavery  never  can 
be  confined  within  its  present  limits.  It  is 
freed  from  that  confinement  by  the  granted 
freedom  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  If  it  were  otherwise,  the  bonds  of  the 
Constitution  are  not  strong  enough ,  with  all 
their  reverenced  power ,  to  resist  the  energies  of 
the  imperative  necessity  which  demands  its  ex¬ 
pansion.  It  must  expand  with  the  extension 
of  the  white  race,  into  every  region  congenial 
to  its  nature  and  possible  for  its  labor  Each 
has  its  sphere  of  action — each  its  place  of  use¬ 
fulness  in  accomplishing  the  great  design  of 
Providence.  The  African,  in  the  humble  in¬ 
feriority  of  his  nature,  must  ever,  as  he  has 
done,  give  place  to  the  European  race.  They 
commenced  their  labors  together  in  the  wilder¬ 
ness  of  Massachusetts  ;  and  from  time  to  time, 
as  the  white  man,  from  the  increase  of  popula¬ 
tion,  has  required  the  place,  the  labor,  and 
the  head  of  the  African,  it  has  been  yield¬ 
ed.  The  African  has  gone  with  the  pioneer  of 
the  forest,  over  rivers,  mountains,  hills,  and 
valleys,  from  State  to  State,  until  his  arrival  at 
the  present  boundary.  But  his  destiny  is  not 
yet  fulfilled,  his  career  of  usefulness  not  yet 
completed.  A  vast  unmeasured  wilderness  lies 
yet  before  him.  He  must  go  into  that  wilder¬ 
ness,  to  make  room  again,  as  he  has  done  be¬ 
fore,  for  the  white  man,  who  will  want  his 
present  place  in  a  few  years  in  many,  and  in 
time  in  most  of  the  present  slaveholding  States, 
lie  must  go  into  new  territories,  open  new  cot¬ 
ton,  sugar,  and  tobacco-fields.  He  must  drain 
other  swamps,  to  form  new  rice-fields,  to  sup¬ 
ply  the  increasing  demands  of  commerce,  and 
relieve  the  increasing  necessities  of  nations. 
The  productions  of  slave  labor  are  carrying 
commerce  into  every  land,  navigation  over 
every  sea :  civilization  and  Christianity  are  go¬ 
ing  hand  in  hand  with  commerce  and  naviga¬ 
tion  into  every  barbarous  country.  The  insti¬ 


tution  of  slavery  is  doing  more  in  the  agency  of 
the  world’s  great  progress,  more  for  the  im¬ 
provement  and  comfort  of  human  life,  more  for 
the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  to  heathen  nations, 
more  for  the  fulfilment  of  prophecy,  than  any 
other  institution  on  earth. 

This  institution  cannot  be  stopped  in  its 
career  of  usefulness  to  the  whole  world.  It 
cannot  he  confined  to  its  present  limits.  Dire 
and  uncontrollable  necessity  will  impel  the  mas¬ 
ter  and  the  slave  to  cut  their  way  through  every 
harrier  which  may  he  thrown  around  it,  or  per¬ 
ish  together  in  the  attempt.  The  consequences 
of  confinement  are  too  terrible  to  he  borne.  The 
attempt  to  confine  the  explosion  of  gunpowder , 
or  stop  the  eruption  of  the  burning  volcano, 
would  not  be  more  perilous  and  unavailing.  If 
the  institution  of  African  slavery  was  not  al¬ 
ready  in  existence,  with  its  immediate  con¬ 
nection  with  the  interests  and  necessities  of 
all  nations,  it  could  not  now  be  established.  1 
would  not  bring  one  other  African  to  this  con¬ 
tinent.  The  principles  and  prejudices  of  the 
whole  world  are  against  it.  But  the  entire 
world  has  helped  to  build  up  the  institution, 
through  the  progress  of  centuries.  The  whole 
world  is  deriving  advantages  from  its  continu¬ 
ance,  and  the  whole  world  has  not  the  right  to 
abolish  it,  if,  by  doing  so,  they  should  destroy 
(as  I  have  endeavored  to  prove  that  they  would) 
4,000,000  of  people,  or  render  their  condition 
far  worse  than  it  is,  and  destruction  or  ruin  to 
the  master.  If  the  institution  is  beneficial  to 
mankind ;  if  it  has  elevated  a  part  of  the  Afri¬ 
can  race  to  a  position  in  civilization,  intelli¬ 
gence,  morality,  religion,  and  the  comforts  of 
human  life,  which  have  never  been  attained 
by  any  other  portion  of  that  degraded  race ; 
and  if  the  discipline  of  slavery  is  essentially 
necessary  to  sustain  this  improved  position, 
and  prevent  a  recession  to  its  original  condi¬ 
tion  of  indolence,  ignorance,  superstition,  and 
depravity — the  Avliole  world  should  unite  in 
sustaining  it,  and  give  every  encouragement  in 
raising  it  to  a  still  higher  degree  of  civilization, 
intelligence,  and  respectability,  and  a  still  high¬ 
er  degree  of  usefulness  to  mankind.  It  may  be 
in  the  Providence  of  God  that  the  American 
Union,  which  has  cheered  the  whole  world 
with  its  promises,  like  the  star  which  stood  for 
a  while  over  the  cradle  of  Bethlehem,  may  fall 
and  lose  its  light  forever.  It  may  be  in  his 
dispensation  of  human  events,  that  the  great 
American  family  shall  be  divided  into  many 
nations.  But  divided  or  united,  the  path  of 
destiny  must  lead  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  to  the 
mastery  of  this  whole  continent.  And  if  the 
whole  column  should  not  advance,  the  division 
of  this  race  will,  with  the  institution  of  Afri¬ 
can  slavery,  advance  from  the  banks  of  the  Rio 
Grande  to  the  line  under  the  sun,  establishing 
in  their  march  the  waymarks  of  progress,  the 
altars  of  the  reformed  religion,  the  temples  of 
a  higher  civilization,  a  purer  liberty,  and  a 
better  system  of  human  government.  And 
when  this  great  work  shall  be  done,  as  all  the 


DOCUMENTS. 


423 


institutions  of  man  must  perish  like  man  s  mor¬ 
tality,  here  the  institution  of  slavery  may  end. 
Here  the  day  of  African  bondage  on  this  con¬ 
tinent  may  close.  Here  the  slave  may  be  free. 
And  here,  under  the  same  burning  sun  which 
yet  beams  on  the  birthplace  of  his  ancestors, 
released  from  the  discipline  of  the  master,  (it 
the  earth  shall  endure  so  long,)  a  few  succeed¬ 
ing  generations  of  his  posterity  will  find  the 
African  on  America  the  same  naked,  wild  bar¬ 
barian  that  his  forefathers  were  when  landed 
on  the  shores  of  Massachusetts,  or  the  coast  ot 
Virginia,  vindicating  the  truth  of  Scripture, 
and  verifying  the  eternal  curse  on  the  children 
of  Ham.  But  until  this  great  consummation 
of  destiny,  the  African  slave  is  entitled,  to  a 
comfortable  home  with  his  master.  He  is  en¬ 
titled  to  pure  air  to  breathe,  land  to  work  and 
to  live  on,  with  the  enjoyment  of  abundance. 
Although  the  government  of  the  United  States 
has  no  right  to  liberate  the  slave  by  any  meas¬ 
ure,  direct  or  indirect,  no  right  to  interpose 
between  the  master  and  the  slave,  though  the 
authority  of  the  master  must  remain  despotic, 
mitigated  and  softened  in  its  administration  by 
State  laws,  the  progress  of  civilization,  and  the 
charities  of  the  Christian  religion,  the  govern¬ 
ment  is  bound  by  every  principle  of  justice  to 
accord  to  the  slave  every  right  of.  humanity  ; 
thus  it  can  never  confine  him  within  limits 
where  he  must  suffer  and  perish  for  the  want 
of  bread  without  the  violation  of  all  these 
sacred  obligations.  If  the  extension  of  slavery 
into  yet  unexplored  and  unpeopled  regions, 
where  the  climate  and  soil  are  congenial  to 
the  nature  of  the  slave,  and  the  productions 
profitable  to  his  labor,  be,  as  every  one  must 
know  it  must  be,  necessary  for  his  abundant 
and  comfortable  subsistence,  his  life  and  happi- 
nes3,  I  challenge  the  application  of  any  princi¬ 
ple  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to 
prohibit  that  extension;  and  I  maintain  that 
the  denial  of  the  government  to  the  master  the 
right  to  emigrate  with  his  slave  to  such  region 
would  be  as  wrongful,  arbitrary,  unjust,  and 
despotic,  as  the  denial  of  the  master  s  right 
himself  to  emigrate  without  the  slave.  Afri¬ 
can  slaves,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  are  regarded  both  as  persons  and  prop¬ 
erty.  As  property,  the  master  has  unquestion¬ 
ably  the  moral  and  legal  right  to  carry  his 
slave  to  any  territory  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  United  States,  and  there  is  no  expressed 
or  implied  constitutional  power  to  interpose  a 
prohibition.  As  persons ,  in  what  letter,  ot 
principle,  of  our  free  and  beneficent  Constitu¬ 
tion,  can  the  arbitrary  and  despotic^  power  be 
found  to  prohibit  the  emigration  of  the  slave 
with  his  master,  more  than  to  prohibit  the  emi¬ 
gration  of  the  master  with  his  apprentice,  the 
ward  with  the  guardian,  or  the  child  with  the 
parent  ?  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
in  all  its  provisions  for  those  persons  and  rela¬ 
tions,  places  the  apprentice  and  the  slave  in  the 
same  personal  and  proprietary  condition.  It 
regards  the  apprentice,  during  the  term  of  ser¬ 


vice  for  which  he  is  bound,  on  the  same  foot¬ 
ing  as  the  slave  for  life.  The  master  of  the 
absconding  apprentice,  and  the  master  ot  the 
runaway  slave,  have  the  same  right  to  the  ren¬ 
dition  of  their  property ,  when  found  m  any 
State  into  which  the  apprentice  or  slave  may 
escape.  If  the  right  of  the  master  to  carry  his 
apprentice  into  any  territory  of  the  United 
States  has  never  been  questioned,  can  any  suffi¬ 
cient  reason  be  assigned  why  the  master  should 
not  carry  his  slave  into  the  same  territoiy? 
The  public  domain  is  the  property  of  the  na¬ 
tion.  The  institution  of  slavery  is  a  national 
institution.  History  proves  that  for  more  than 
a  century  the  young  and  vigorous  energies  of 
our  whole  nation  under  the  colonial  govern¬ 
ment  of  Britain  were  directed  to  the  building 
up  of  this  institution.  History  proves  that 
Britain  during  the  past  century  demanded  and 
received  from  Spain,  as  the  price  of  peace  and 
friendship,  the  exclusive  right  and  monopoly 
of  the  African  slave-trade.  History  proves 
that  the  New  England  States  were  the  great 
reapers  of  this  rich  harvest  of  commerce  in 
African  slaves,— in  “  human  flesh”  if  you  pre- 
fer.  History  proves  that  the  foundation  ot  the 
present  wealth  and  prosperity  of  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut,  was  laid  in  the 
profitable  traffic  and  in  the  labor  ot  slaves. 
History  proves  that  every  one  of  the  original 
thirteen  States  of  this  nation  were  once  slave 
States,  and  that  New  York  and  New  England 
had  much  more  to  do  in  building  up  the  msti- 
tution  of  slavery  in  this  country  than  all  the 
Southern  States  of  the  Confederacy.  And  his¬ 
tory  proves  that,  for  twenty  years  after  the 
date  of  the  Constitution,  the  whole  people  of 
the  United  States,  and  every  State  of  the 
Union,  either  by  active  participation  or  by 
tacit  acquiescence,  gave  encouragement  and 
aid  in  building  up  the  institution  of  African 
slavery.  It  is,  therefore,  essentially  and  em¬ 
phatically,  a  national  institution,  though  now 
only  existing  in  the  South.  It  is  as.  truly  na¬ 
tional  as  the  custom-house  on  the  import  on 
commerce  in  the  city  of  Boston.  It  was  cre¬ 
ated  by  the  nation;  the  nation  has  derived 
wealth  and  power  from  its  creation;  the  na¬ 
tion  is  responsible  for  it.  The  Constitution 
protects  it,  and  the  nation  is  bound  to  find  a 
comfortable  home  for  these  4,000,000  of  the 
African  race,  with  their  masters.  .  , 

The  African  is  a  foreign  and  inferior  race, 
domesticated  with  and  attached  to  the  Ameri¬ 
can  people,  doing  a  great  work— a  work  which 
must  be  done— a  work  not  degrading  to  the 
proud  white  man— but  a  work  he  cannot  do. 
It  is  exaltiDg  to  the  natural  degradation  of  the 
black  man.  These  laborers  are  numbered  in 
the  ratio  and  represented  in  the  popular  branch 
of  the  American  government.  The  nation  is 
bound  by  the  charities  of  the  Christian  faith, 
by  the  principles  of  benevolence,  and  the  rights 
of  civilization,  to  administer  to  the  African  race 
born  on  its  soil,  cherished  in  its  bosom,  enriched 
by  its  labor,  all  the  rights  of  humanity.  I  do 


424 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


not  pretend  that  African  slavery  is  without 
its  evils  and  its  objections.  It  has  many,  very 
many.  But  it  has  not  so  many,  nor  are  they 
so  great,  as  the  evils  which  must  inevitably  fall 
on  both  races  from  the  liberation  of  the  slaves 
by  the  process  of  confinement  to  present  limits. 
By  turning  loose  an  inferior  race — amounting 
to  one  out  of  three  in  a  whole  population — a 
nation  of  near  4,000,000  of  people — without  a 
country,  without  homes,  to  wander  as  vaga¬ 
bonds,  without  social  position  in  the  land  of 
their  masters,  without  the  care  of  these  to  make 
them  labor  for  their  daily  bread  and  necessities, 
and  without  restraint  of  their  vices,  can  any 
one  imagine  a  greater  calamity  to  befall  master 
and  slave?  And  in  what  way  have  either 
master  or  man  deserved  such  a  visitation  of 
calamity  at  the  hands  of  Northern  men,  who 
brought  the  African  to  our  common  country, 
and  who  sold  their  slaves  to  the  South  as  soon 
as  they  could  procure  white  labor  cheaper  than 
that  of  the  black  man  ?  Every  State  has  a 
right  to  exclude  slavery,  or  abolish  slavery, 
within  the  limits  of  its  own  jurisdiction.  But 
no  State  has  a  right  to  disregard  its  nationality  ; 
no  State  has  a  right  to  secede  from  the  moral 
and  legal  national  obligations  to  sustain  the 
institution  of  African  slavery  where  it  is,  or 
where  it  may  be  lawfully  established.  I  have 
opposed  secession  persistently,  vehemently.  I 
have  thrown  myself  in  the  breach  to  oppose  it. 
In  resisting  it  I  have  stood  almost  alone,  while, 
others  gave  way  to  its  angry  surges  which 
dashed  around.  I  dared  to  oppose  it,  because 
I  thought  secession,  whether  in  the  majority 
or  the  minority,  whether  supported  by  one  man, 
or  by  millions  of  men,  wrong,  eminently  wrong, 
and  that  the  approval  of  multitudes  can  never 
make  it  right.  If  it  has  a  principle  in  the 
philosophy  of  human  government,  it  is  a  prin¬ 
ciple  of  destruction.  The  secession  of  a  South¬ 
ern  State  from  the  Union  is  not  more  disloyal 
to  the  government,  not  more  revolutionary  than 
the  treachery,  insubordination,  and  hostile  resist¬ 
ance,  of  a  Northern  State  to  the  obligations  of 
the  Constitution.  They  are  both  violations  of 
the  public  law — both  defiant  of  the  public 
authority — with  this  difference  in  favor  of  the 
Southern  State,  that  she  is  not  the  aggressor, 
that  she  lias  not  stricken  the  first  blow.  She 
is  resenting  an  insult,  avenging  a  wrong.  True, 
not  where  resentment  is  merited,  not  where 
revenge  is  due.  She  strikes  not  the  offender, 
but  in  her  madness  she  strikes  her  country, 
and  wounds  herself.  At  a  single  dash  she 
breaks  the  bonds  of  the  Union,  she  braves  all 
dangers,  defies  all  power,  denies  herself  all  ad¬ 
vantages,  and  proudly  disdains  all  protection 
from  the  Union.  A  proud  spirit,  wounded  by 
wrongs,  excited  by  passion,  led  by  bold,  ambi¬ 
tious  leaders,  and  hurried  on  with  the  pitti- 
ful  taunt  of  “  submissionistf  indiscriminately 
thrown  upon  all  who  have  the  courage  and 
firmness  to  resist  the  mad  impulse  of  secession, 
however  determined  they  may  be  to  resist 
every  aggression. 


The  offending  Northern  States  act  with  no 
passionate  precipitation.  She  deliberately  medi¬ 
tates  and  coolly  consummates  a  violation  of  the 
Constitution.  While  she  withdraws  her  alle¬ 
giance  to  the  government,  by  denying  the 
authority  of  its  judicial  and  legislative  power 
in  special  cases,  while  she  withholds  her  alle¬ 
giance  to  some  of  the  bonds  of  the  Constitution, 
she  sings  anthems  of  praise  and  glory  to  the 
Union  she  has  violated,  and  claims  all  the  bless¬ 
ings  and  advantages  of  the  government  to  which 
she  renders  only  a  partial  fealty,  a  selfish  alle¬ 
giance.  It  is  thus  that  the  two  extremities  are 
madly  rending  the  vitals  of  our  once  great  and 
glorious  country.  It  is  thus  the  American 
Union,  once  the  pride  of  every  American  heart, 
once  the  admiration  and  wonder  of  the  whole 
civilized  world,  has  been  disrupted  and  de¬ 
stroyed.  It  is  thus  the  public  peace  has  been 
broken,  and  we  stand  on  the  verge  of  calami¬ 
tous,  desolating,  ruinous,  civil  war.  But  may 
we  not  hope,  sir,  that  some  propitiating  power 
may  interpose  to  save  us,  and  avert  this  dire 
and  fearful  calamity  ?  May  we  not  hope  that 
the  doomsday  of  the  great  American  Union  has 
not  yet  dawned?  I  cannot  believe  that  our 
nation  is  yet  so  mad  as  to  spurn,  and  impiously 
reject,  the  blessings  which  a  beneficent  Provi¬ 
dence  has  sown  broadcast  over  a  whole  land, 
and  given  indiscriminately  to  a  whole  people. 
I  have  ever  regarded  our  Constitutional  Union 
as  the  greatest  structure  of  human  government, 
and  I  have  cherished  for  it  and  for  our  whole 
country  the  deepest  devotion.  I  have  consid¬ 
ered  the  union  of  the  North  and  the  South 
indispensable  to  the  peace  and  happiness  of 
both  sections — almost  as  essential  to  each  other 
as  hands  and  feet  to  the  human  body.  While 
I  have  shed  bitter  tears  over  the  present  ruin, 
I  have  been  cheered  with  the  hope  that  the 
North,  reanimated  with  love  and  duty  to  our 
whole  country,  would  return  with  renewed 
allegiance  to  the  Constitution,  that  she  would 
award  cheerfully  every  legitimate  right  and 
privilege  to  the  South,  and  that  our  once  glori¬ 
ous  Union  might  be  reconstructed  more  perma¬ 
nently,  and  more  happily,  than  before.  But  we 
are  now  approaching  the  culminating  point  in 
our  national  fortunes.  The  “Ides  of  March” 
is  at  hand  ;  then,  for  the  first  time,  a  sectional 
party  will  take  possession  of  our  government. 
The  fate  of  the  nation  may  be  decided  by  the 
policy  that  party  may  inaugurate.  The  applica¬ 
tion  of  any  coercive  measure  to  drive  back  a 
seceded  State,  will  he  fatal  to  the  last  remain¬ 
ing  hope  of  the  Union.  Although  I  deny  the 
right  of  secession,  I  acknowledge  the  right  of 
revolution,  and  hold  to  the  principles  enunciated 
in  our  Declaration  of  Independence.  And  if 
it  be  the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  people  of 
the  seceded  States  to  form  an  independent  gov¬ 
ernment,  they  have  the  right,  and  it  can  he  only 
a  question  of  power.  No  coercive  measures  can 
reunite  them  with  the  North.  It  is  forbidden 
by  the  genius  of  our  free  institutions,  and  any 
attempt  at  coercion  must  unite  every  Southern 


DOCUMENTS. 


425 


State  and  every  Southern  man  in  the  most 
determined  and  energetic  resistance.  I  was 
opposed  to  the  seizure  of  the  fortifications,  and 
other  property,  of  the  government  in  the  South, 
but  they  can  never  be  restored  to  the  government 
until  every  constitutional  right  of  the  South 
shall  have  been  fully  acknowledged  by  the  North. 

If  it  should  be  the  determination  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  the  party  which  has  brought  him  into 
power,  to  confine  slavery  to  its  present  limits, 
the  day  of  battle  need  not  bo  deferred ,  and, 
-when  it  comes,  I  trust  in  God  that  every 
Southern  man  will  be  ready  and  willing  to  die 
rather  than  yield  to  a  proposition  so  unjust,  so 
abhorrent,  and  so  dishonorable. 

I  rejoice  at  the  noble  and  patriotic  stand 
taken  by  the  conservative  Southern  States,  in 
resisting  the  impulse  of  secession,  not  because 
I  am  disposed  to  submit  to  wrong  and  injustice, 
not  because  I  am  willing  to  preserve  the  Union 
longer  than  it  continues  to  be  the  Union  of  the 
Constitution,  bat  because  I  hope  they  will  do, 
what  I  had  hoped  the  wholo  South  would  have 
done;  because  I  hope  they  will  with  one  voice 
demand  of  the  North  a  full  and  perfect  recog¬ 
nition  of  every  constitutional  right  and  privi¬ 
lege  of  the  South ,  and  if  this  just  demand  should 
not  be  complied  with ,  then  with  my  long-cher¬ 
ished  devotion  to  the  Union  of  our  fathers,  I 
shall  bo  reconciled  to  see  it  end  forever  !  The 
North  and  South  can  never  live  in  peace  to¬ 
gether  except  on  terms  of  perfect  social  and 
political  equality,  therefore  a  separation,  with 
war,  and  all  its  attendant  calamities,  will  be 
far  better  than  a  discontented  unity,  with  the 
confinement  of  slavery  to  its  present  limits. 
This  I  shall  regard  not  only  as  the  greatest 
indignity  and  insult  to  the  South,,  hut  the 
o-reatest  calamity  which  could  be  inflicted,  and 
rather  than  bear  this  insult,  and  endure  this 
calamity,  I  prefer  that  tho  last  Southern  man 
should  fall,  on  the  last  battle-field  of  the  terrible 
war,  in  which  we  may  soon  be  engaged. 

But  I  trust  that  Mr.  Lincoln  may  not  be 
unmindful  of  his  official  oath,  that  he  will  .not 
disregard  the  obligations  of  the  Constitution, 
that  he  will  feel  the  high  responsibilities  of  his 
position, — a  responsibility  more  sublime  than 
that  of  the  Roman  senate  in  tho  last  days  of 
the  republic,  higher  and  more  stupendous  than 
the  responsibility  of  tho  Roman  general,  on  the 
fatal  battle-field  of  Pharsalia.  The  American 
destiny  is,  under  a  directing  Providence,  in  his 
hands!  The  peace,  the  safety,  the  life  of  a 
great  nation,  the  happiness  of  30,000,000  peo¬ 
ple — the  hope,  anxiety,  and  expectation  of  the 
world — depend  on  his  wisdom,  virtue,  firmness, 
and  patriotism,  for  a  wise  and  peaceable  adjust¬ 
ment  of  our  national  differences..  He  may  save, 
or  he  may  consummate  the  ruin  of  this  coun¬ 
try  !  If  he  should  adhere  to  the  false  theory 
of  government  on  which  he  has  advanced  to 
power,  if  he  should  attempt  to  put  that  theoiy 
into  practice,  if  ho  should  attempt  the  recap¬ 
ture  of  the  fortifications,  before  the  just  de- 
mands  of  tho  South,  shall  have  beon  conceded, 


all  is  lost  forever!  If  he,  and  the  sectional 
party  he  leads,  should  recede  from  tho  hostile 
position  they  have  assumed  to  the  Constitution, 
and  the  people  of  the  South,  all  may  yet  be 
well.  I  trust,  in  that  event,  that  there  would 
be  conservative  men  enough,  both  North,  and 
South,  men  who  remember  the  past  happiuess 
and  prosperity  of  the  people,  the  past  fame  and 
glory  of  our  country,  to  reconstruct  our  glori¬ 
ous  Union,  with  greater  stability,  and  restore 
peace  and  tranquillity  to  our  now  divided  and 
unhappy  nation !  Oh !  that  I  had  the  genius 
to  lead,  the  power  to  reach,  and  win  the  hearts 
of  my  countrymen,  in  every  latitude,  in  every 
place,  how  earnestly  I  would  plead  the  cause 
of  my  unhappy  country !  In  the  name  of  the 
living  and  the  dead,  in  the  name  of  unborn 
millions  of  our  posterity,  how  fervently  I  would 
invoke  the  union  of  all  hearts  and  minds— to 
reconstruct  and  preserve  for  all  time  the  Union 
of  our  fathers !  How  gladly  would  I  hail  the 
returning  sign  of  peace.,  the  gallant  flag,  no 
missing  star — no  rent  in  the  stripes  of  the 
banner,  which  has  waved  so  proudly  over  the 
destinies  of  our  once  united,  great,  and  glori¬ 
ous  country  !  And  if  the  death  of  one  man 
could  atone  for  the  improprieties  of  a  whole 
nation,  if  the  blood  of  one  man  could  redeem 
the  lost  American  glory,  how  freely  mine 
should  flow,  how  cheerfully  would  I  hail  the 
death  that  should  bring  regenerated  life,  peace, 
and  safety  to  our  once  again  united,  happy 

country!  , 

I  have  written  you  a  very  long  letter,  and 
have  discussed  the  great  issues  of.  the  day,  and 
placed  them,  in  some  respects,  in  a  different 
light  from  any  in  which  they  have  ever  yet 
appeared  beforo  tho  public. 

I  beg  you  to  be  assured  that  I  am  prompted 
by  no  desire  to  gratify  either  pride  or  ambition. 
My  only  wish  is,  if  I  can,  to  bo.  serviceable  to 
our  unhappy  country,  and  aid  in  restoung  it 
once  more  to  Union,  peace,  and  happiness. 

I  expect  to  visit  tho  North  during  the  next 
season,  even  though  it  should  be  a  foreign 
country ;  foreign  it  never  can  be  to  me ;  and 
then  I  shall  see  you  again  at  your  own  hos¬ 
pitable  homo.  .  .p. 

We  are  all  very  quiet  here  at  present,  the 
excitement  is  passing  away,  and  I  think  every 
thing  depends  on  the  policy  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
As  I  have  already  said,  any  attempt  at  coercion 
must  be  fatal  to  all  hopes  of  reunion  . 

Accept,  dear  sir,  the  assurance  of  my  friend¬ 
ship,  and  high  regard. 

R.  K.  Call. 


Tr,nv  <3  Tittpil  E3a..  Germantown,  Penn.,  Chairman  of 
tho  Pennsylvania  Delegation  to  the  late  Baltimore 
National  Union  Convention. 

Germantown,  4th  March,  1861. 

My  Dear  General  In  tho  exercise  of  the 
discretion  accorded  by  your  accompanying  note, 
I  did  not  hesitate,  after  reading  your  letter  of 
the  12th  ultimo,  as  to  the  proper  disposition  ot 
it.  I  cannot  doubt  that  an  appeal  conceived 
in  so  catholic  a  spirit  will  arrest  the  attention. 


426 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


of  the  thoughtful ;  and  I  was  unwilling,  more¬ 
over,  to  suppress  what  is  so  honorablo  to  your¬ 
self  in  this  characteristic  plea  for  “  Unity, 
Peace,  and  Concord.”  The  manly  devotion  to 
the  Union  which  you  have  always  manifested, 
both  in  the  field  and  in  executive  office,  entitles 
you  to  deferential  hearing ;  and  no  intelligent 
reader  will  fail  to  acknowledge  your  special 
claim  to  confidence  and  affection,  when  he 
shall  recall  the  distinguished  services  which 
your  name  will  suggest,  through  your  intimate 
connection,  in  early  manhood,  with  the  cele¬ 
brated  chief  who  proclaimed,  in  the  evil  days 
of  his  own  energetic  administration,  that  that 
“  Union  must  and  shall  bo  preserved.” 

Your  letter  is  in  the  hands  of  a  careful  printer, 
who  will  do  justice  to  this  noble,  affectionate, 
and  touchingly  patriotic  appeal  to  the  people 
of  the  North,  for  recognition  and  enforcement 
of  Constitutional  obligations,  and  the  preserva¬ 
tion  of  what  is  left  of  our  once  glorious  Union. 

I  thank  you  for  the  association  of  my  namo 
with  an  appeal  so  able,  so  full  of  manly  thought 
and  earnest  eloquence.  The  letter  is  a  fresh 
laurel  added  to  those  which  you  earned  in 
other  years — for  “  peace  hath  her  victories  no 
les3  than  war  ” — and  which  you  have  so  long 
and  so  gracefully  worn.  They  will  not  wither 
in  “  time’s  ungentle  tide.” 

With  great  respect  and  regard, 

Your  faithful  friend, 

General  Call.  John  S.  Littell. 


Doo.  26G. 

EIGHTEENTH  REGIMENT,  N.  Y.  S.  Y. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  officers  : 

Field  and  Staff. — Col.,  Wm.  A.  Jackson ; 
Lieut.-Col.,  Wm.  H.  Young;  Major,  Geo.  R. 
Meyers;  Adjutant,  John  H.  Russell;  Quarter¬ 
master,  Wm.  Y.  Horsfall ;  Surgeon,  Dr.  James 
L.  Van  Ingen;  Asst. -Surgeon,  Dr.  Al.  A.  Ed- 
mestor ;  Chaplain,  A.  A.  Farr. 

Line  Officers. — Co.  A — Capt.,  W.  P.  Grid- 
ley  ;  Lieut.,  Daly ;  Ensign,  E.  W.  Groote.  Co. 
B — Capt.,  John  Hastings  ;  Lieut.,  Vands  ;  En¬ 
sign,  L.  M.  Norton.  Co.  C — Capt.,  A.  Wiltsie ; 
Lieut.,  A.  B.  Mitchell ;  Ensign,  Sam.  Leith. 
Co.  D — Capt.,  J.  C.  McGuinniss ;  Lieut.,  Barry ; 
Ensign,  R.  M.  Sayres.  Co.  E— Capt.,  S.  Truax ; 
Lieut.,  W.  Horsfall;  Ensign,  John  Ycdder. 
Co.  F — Capt.,  M.  II.  Donovan;  Lieut.,  Ed. 
Fisher;  Ensign,  John  Mooney.  Co.  G— Capt.. 
Stephen  Farriot ;  Lieut.,  J.  PI.  Morgan ;  En¬ 
sign  W .  n.  Ellis.  Co.  H — Capt.,  Peter  Hogan ; 
Lieut.,  T.  C.  Rogers;  Ensign,  J.  M.  Carmichael. 
Co.  I — Capt.,  Thomas  Radcliff;  Lieut.,  Fisher; 
Ensign,  C.  W.  Ileald.  Co.  K— Capt.,  D.  L. 
Bartlett ;  Lieut.,  A.  Seeley ;  Ensign,  H.  G. 
Goodnow. 

Non-Commissioned  Staff. — Sergeant-Major, 
T. M. Holden;  Quartermaster-Sergeant,  Vance ; 
Color-Sergeant,  H.  Roger ;  Drum-Major,  Grif¬ 
fin  ;  Fife-Major,  T.  S.  Green. 

— y.  Y.  Erprets,  Juno  19. 


Doo.  267. 

MESSAGE  OF  JEFFERSON  DAVIS, 

ACCOMPANYING  TnE  CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN 

JUDGE  JOHN  A.  CAMPBELL  AND  SECRETARY 

SEWARD,  MAT  8. 

Gentlemen  of  tiie  Congress  : — In  the  Mes¬ 
sage  addressed  to  you  on  the  29th  inst.,  I  re¬ 
ferred  to  the  course  of  conduct  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States  towards  the  Com¬ 
missioners  of  this  Government  sent  to  Wash¬ 
ington  for  the  purpose  of  effecting,  if  possible, 
a  peaceful  adjustment  of  the  pending  difficulties 
between  the  two  Governments.  I  also  made 
allusion  to  “  an  intermediary,  whose  high  po¬ 
sition  and  character  inspired  the  hope  of  suc¬ 
cess  ;  ”  but  I  was  not  then  at  liberty  to  make 
my  communication  on  this  subject  as  specific  as 
was  desirable  for  a  full  comprehension  of  the 
whole  subject.  It  is  now,  however,  in  my 
power  to  place  before  you  other  papers  which 
I  herewith  address  to  you  from  them.  You 
will  perceivo  that  the  intermediary  referred  to 
was  Hon.  John  A.  Campbell,  a  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  who  made 
earnest  efforts  to  promote  the  successful  issue 
of  the  mission  intrusted  to  our  Commissioners, 
and  by  whom  I  was  kept  advised,  in  confiden¬ 
tial  communication,  of  the  measures  taken  by 
him  to  secure  so  desirable  a  result.  It  is  due  to 
you,  to  him,  and  to  history,  that  a  narration  of 
the  occurrences  with  which  he  was  connected 
should  be  made  known,  the  more  especially  as 
it  will  bo  seen  by  the  letters  hereto  appended, 
that  the  correctness  and  accuracy  of  the  recital 
have  not  been  questioned  by  the  Secretary  of 
State  of  the  United  States,  to  whom  it  was  ad¬ 
dressed. 

I  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  correct 
an  error  in  one  of  the  statements  made  in  my 
Message  of  the  29t,h  of  April.  It  is  there  re¬ 
cited  that  I  was  prompted  to  call  you  together 
in  extraordinary  session  by  reason  of  the 
declarations  contained  in  the  Proclamation  of 
President  Lincoln  of  the  15th  of  April.  My 
Proclamation,  convoking  you,  was  issued  on 
the  12th  April,  and  was  prompted  by  the  decla¬ 
ration  of  hostile  purposes  contained  in  the  Mes¬ 
sage  sent  by  the  President  to  the  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  on  the  8th  April.  As  the  pro¬ 
clamation  of  President  Lincoln  of  the  15th 
April  repeated  the  same  hostile  intention  in 
more  specific  terms,  and  on  a  much  more  ex¬ 
tensive  scale,  it  created  a  stronger  impression 
on  my  mind,  and  led  to  the  error  above  alluded 
to,  and  which,  however  unimportant,  I  desire 
to  correct.  Jefferson  Davis. 

Montgomery,  "Wednesday,  May  8, 1SG1. 

Following  is  the  correspondence  alluded  to 
in  the  Message  : — 

Washington  Citt,  Saturday,  April  13, 1861. 

Sir  :  On  tho  15tli  March,  ult.,  I  left  with 
Judge  Crawford,  one  of  tho  Commissioners  of 
the  Confederate  States,  a  note  in  writing  to  the 
effect  following : — 


DOCUMENTS. 


427 


“  I  feel  entire  confidence  that  Fort  Sumter 
will  bo  evacuated  in  the  next  ten  days.  An 
this  measure  is  felt  as  imposing  great  responsi¬ 
bility  on  the  administration. 

u  j  fee]  entire  confidence  that  no  .measure 
chancing  the  existing  status,  prejudiciously  to 
the  Southern  Confederate  States,  is  at  present 
contemplated. 

“  I  feel  an  entire  confidence  that  an  immedi¬ 
ate  demand  for  an  answer  to  the  communica¬ 
tion  of  the  Commissioners  will  be  productive 
of  evil,  and  not  of  good.  I  do  not  believe  that 
it  ought  at  this  time  to  be  pressed. 

The  substance  of  this  statement  I  communi¬ 
cated  to  you  the  samo  evening  by  letter,  hrvo 
days  elapsed,  and  I  called  with  a  telegram  from 
Gen.  Beauregard,  to  the  effect  that  Sumter  was 
not  evacuated,  but  that  Major  Anderson  was  at 

work  making  repairs.  .  , 

The  next  day,  after  conversing  with  you,  1 
communicated  to  Judge  Crawford,  in  writing, 
that  the  failure  to  evacuate  Sumter  was  not  the 
result  of  bad  faith,'  but  was  attributable  to 
causes  consistent  with  the  intention  to  mini 
the  engagement;  and  that  as  regarded  I  lckens, 
I  should  have  notice  of  any  design  to  alter  the 


existing  status  there.  Mr.  Justice  Nelson  was 
present  at  these  conversations,  three  in  num¬ 
ber  and  I  submitted  to  him  each  of  my  written 
communications  to  Judge  Crawford,  and  in¬ 
formed  Judge  C.  that  they  had  his  (Judge  kel¬ 
son’s)  sanction.  I  gave  you,  on  the  224  March, 
a  substantial  copy  of  the  statement  I  had  made 

on  the  15th.  .  ,. 

The  30th  of  March  arrived,  and  at  that  time 
a  telegram  came  from  Gov.  Pickens  inquiring 
concerning  Col.  Lamon,  whose  visit  to  Charles¬ 
ton  he  supposed  had.  a  connection  with  the 
proposed  evacuation  of  Fort  bumter. 

I  left  that  with  you.  and  was  to  have  an  an¬ 
swer  the  following  Monday,  (1st  April.)  On 
the  1st  of  April  I  received  from  you  the  state¬ 
ment  in  writing,  “  I  am  satisfied  the  Govern¬ 
ment  will  not  undertake  to  supply  Fort  Sumter 
without  giving  notice  to  Gov.  Pickens.  iho 
words  “  I  am  satisfied  ”  were  for  me  to  use  as 
expressive  of  confidence  in  the  remainder  of 
the  declaration. 

The  proposition,  as  originally  prepared,  was, 
“  The  President  may  desire  to  supply  Sumter, 
but  will  not  do  so,”  &c.,  and  your  verbal  ex¬ 
planation  was  that  you  did  not  believe  any 
such  attempt  would  be  made,  and  that  there 
was  no  design  to  reinforce  Sumter. 

There  was  a  departure  here  from  the  pledges 
of  the  previous  month,  but  with  the  verbal  ex¬ 
planation  I  did  not  consider  it  a  matter  then 
to  complain  of— I  simply  stated  to  you  that  I 
had  that  assurance  previously. 

On  the  7th  April,  I  addressed  you  a  letter  on 
the  subject  of  the  alarm  that  the  preparations 
by  the  Government  had  created,  and  asked  you 
if  the  assurances  I  had  given  were  well  or  ill 
founded.  In  respect  to  Sumter,  your  reply 
was,  “  Faith  as  to  Sumter,  fully  kept — wait  and 


see.”  In  the  morning’s  paper  I  read,  “  An 
authorized  messenger  from  President  Lincoln 
informed  Gov.  Pickens  and  Gen.  Beauiegaid, 
that  provisions  will  be  6ent  to  Fort  Sumter 
peaceably,  or  otherwise  ly  force.” 

This  was  the  8tli  of  April,  at  Charleston,  the 
day  following  your  last  assurance,  and  is  the 
evidence  of  the  full  faith  I  was  invited  to  wait 
for  and  see.  In  the  same  paper  I  read  that  in¬ 
tercepted  despatches  disclose  the  fact  that  Mr. 
Fox  who  had  been  allowed  to  visit  Major  An¬ 
derson,  on  the  pledge  that  his  purpose  was  pa¬ 
cific,  employed  his  opportunity  to  devise  a  plan 
for  supplying  the  fort  by  force,  and.  that  this 
plan  had  been  adopted  by  the  Washington 
Government,  and  was  in  process  of  execu- 

tlC>My  recollection  of  the  date  of  Mr.  Fox’s  visit 
carries  it  to  a  day  in  March.  I  learn  he  is  a 
near  connection  of  a  member  of  the  Cabinet. 

My  connection  with  the  Commissioners  and 
yourself  was  superinduced  by  a  conversation 
with  Justice  Wilson.  He  informed  me  of  your 
strong  disposition  in  favor  ot  peace,  and  that 
you  were  oppressed  with  a  demand  of  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Confederate  States  foi  a 
reply  to  their  first  letter,  and  that  you  desired 
to  avoid,  if  possible,  at  that  time.  I  told  him 
I  might,  perhaps,  be  of  some  service  in  arrang¬ 
ing  the  difficulty.  I  came  to  your  office  entire¬ 
ly  at  his  request,  and  without  the  knowledge  of 
the  Commissioners.  Your  depression  v  as  ob¬ 
vious  to  both  Judge  Nelson  and  myself.  I  was 
gratified  at  the  character  of  the  counsels  you 
were  desirous  of  pursuing,  and  much  impressed 
with  your  observation  that  a  civil  wai  might 
be  prevented  by  the  success  of  my  mediation. 
You  read  a  letter  of  Mr.  Weed,  to  show  liow 
irksome  and  responsible  the  withdrawal  ot 
troops  from  Fort  Sumter  was.  A  portion  o 
mv  communication  to  Judge  Crawford  on  the 
15th  of  March,  was  founded  upon  these  re¬ 
marks,  and  the  pledge  to  evacuate  Sumter  is  less 
forcible  than  the  words  you  employed  those 
words  were,  “  Before  this  letter  reaches  you, 
(a  proposed  letter  by  me  to  President  Davis), 
Sumter  will  have  been  evacuated.” 

The  Commissioners  who  received  those  com¬ 
munications  conclude  they  have  been  abused  and 
overreached.  The  Montgomery  Government 
hold  the  same  opinion.  The  Commissioners 
have  supposed  that  my  communications  were 
with  you,  and  upon  the  hypothesis  prepared,  to 
arraign  you  before  the  country  in  connection 
with  the  President.  I  placed  a  peremptory 
prohibition  upon  this  as  being  contrary  to  tho 
terms  of  my  communications  with  them.  L 
pledged  myself  to  them  to  communicate  infor¬ 
mation  upon  what  I  considered  as  the  best  au¬ 
thority,  and  they  were  to  confide  in  the  ability 
of  myself,  aided  by  Judge  Nelson,  to  determine 
upon  the  credibility  of  my  informant.  • 

I  think  no  candid  man  who  will  read  over 
what  I  have  written,  and  consider  for  a  mo¬ 
ment  what  is  going  on  at  Sumter,  will  agree 


428 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


that  the  equivocating  conduct  of  the  Adminis¬ 
tration,  as  measured  and  interpreted  in  connec¬ 
tion  with  these  promises,  is  tho  proximate  cause 
of  the  great  calamity. 

I  have  a  profound  conviction  that  the  tele¬ 
grams  of  the  8th  of  April,  of  Gen.  Beauregard, 
and  of  the  10th  of  April,  of  Gen.  Walker,  the 
Secretary  of  War,  can  be  referred  to  nothing 
else  than  their  belief  that  there  has  been  sys¬ 
tematic  duplicity  practiced  upon  them  through¬ 
out.  It  is  under  an  oppressive  sense  of  tho 
weight  of  this  responsibility,  that  I  submit  to 
you  these  things  for  your  explanation. 

Very  respectfully, 

John  A.  Campbell, 

Associate  JuBtico  of  the  Supremo  Court. 

lion.  Wm.  H.  Sewap.d,  Secretary  of  State. 

DESPATCHES. 

To  L.  P.  Walker,  Secretary  of  War : — 

An  authorized  messenger  from  President 
Lincoln  just  informed  Gov.  Pickens  and  myself 
that  provisions  will  be  sent  to  Fort  Sumter 
peaceably,  or  otherwise  by  force. 

Gen.  P.  G.  T.  Beauregard  : — 

If  you  have  no  doubt  of  the  authorized  char¬ 
acter  of  the  agent  who  communicated  to  you 
tho  intention  of  tho  Washington  Government 
to  supply  Fort  Sumter  by  force,  you  will  at 
once  demand  its  evacuation ;  and  if  this  is  re¬ 
fused,  proceed  in  such  manner  as  you  may  de¬ 
termine  to  reduce  it. 

Washington  City,  Saturday,  April  20, 1861. 

Sir  : — I  enclose  you  a  letter  corresponding 
very  nearly  with  one  I  addressed  to  you  one 
week  ago,  (13tli  April,)  to  which  I  have  not  had 
any  reply.  The  letter  is  simply  one  of  inquiry 
in  reference  to  facts  concerning  which  I  think 
I  am  entitled  to  an  explanation.  I  have  not 
adopted  any  opinion  in  reference  to  them  which 
may  not  be  modified  by  explanation,  nor  have 
I  affirmed  in  that  letter,  nor  do  I  in  this,  any 
conclusion  of  my  own  unfavorable  to  your  in¬ 
tegrity  in  the  whole  transaction. 

All  that  I  have  said,  and  mean  to  say,  is, 
that  an  explanation  is  due  from  you  to  myself. 
I  will  not  say  what  I  shall  do  in  case  this  re¬ 
quest  is  not  complied  with  ;  but  I  am  justified 
in  saying,  that  I  shall  feel  at  liberty  to  place 


these  letters  before  any  person  who  is  entitled  to 
ask  an  explanation  of  myself. 

V  ery  respectfully, 

John  A.  Campbell, 

AsBociato  Juetico  of  tho  Supreme  Court  of  the  U.  S. 

Hon.  W.  II.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State. 

Ho  reply  has  been  made  to  this  letter. 

April  24,  1861. 

Montgomery,  Ala.,  May  7. 

Sir  : — I  submit  to  you  two  letters  that  were 
addressed  by  me  to  Hon.  Wm.  H.  Seward, 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  that 
contain  an  explanation  of  the  nature  and  result 
of  an  intervention  by  me  in  the  intercourse  of 
the  Commissioners  of  the  Confederate  States 
with  that  officer.  I  considered  that  I  could 
perform  no  duty  in  which  the  entire  American 
people,  whether  of  the  Federal  Union  or  of  the 
Confederate  States,  were  more  interested  than 
that  of  promoting  the  counsels  and  the  policy 
that  had  for  their  object  the  preservation  of 
peace.  This  motive  dictated  my  intervention. 
Beside  the  interview  referred  to  in  these  letters 
I  informed  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  United  States,  (not  being  able  to  see  the 
Secretary,)  on  the  11th  April,  ultimo,  of  the 
existence  of  a  telegram  of  that  date  from  Gen. 
Beauregard  to  the  Commissioners,  in  which  he 
informed  the  Commissioners  that  he  had  de¬ 
manded  the  evacuation  of  Sumter,  and,  if  re¬ 
fused,  he  would  proceed  to  reduce  it.  On  the 
same  day,  I  had  been  told  that  President  Lin¬ 
coln  had  said  that  none  of  the  vessels  sent  to 
Charleston  were  war  vessels,  and  that  force 
was  not  to  be  used  in  the  attempt  to  supply 
the  fort.  I  had  no  means  of  testing  the  accu¬ 
racy  of  this  information,  but  offered  that,  if  the 
information  was  accurate,  I  would  send  a  tele¬ 
gram  to  the  authorities  at  Charleston,  and  that 
it  might  prevent  the  disastrous  consequences 
of  a  collision  at  that  fort  between  the  opposing 
forces.  It  was  the  last  effort  that  1  would 
make  to  avert  the  calamity  of  war.  The  As¬ 
sistant  Secretary  promised  to  give  the  matter 
attention,  but  1  had  no  other  intercourse  with 
him  or  any  other  person  on  the  subject,  nor 
have  I  had  any  reply  to  the  letters  submitted 
to  you.  Very  respectfully, 

John  A.  Campbell. 

Gen.  Davis, 

President  of  the  Confederate  States. 


POETRY 


AND  INCIDENTS 


SIIOP  AND  FREEDOM. 

Though  with  the  North  we  sympathize, 

It  must  not  be  forgotten 

That  with  the  South  we’ve  stronger  ties, 
Which  are  composed  of  cotton. 

Whereof  our  imports  mount  unto 
A  sum  of  many  figures  ; 

And  where  would  be  our  calico 
Without  the  toil  of  niggers  ? 

The  South  enslaves  those  fellow-men, 

Whom  we  love  all  so  dearly  ; 

The  North  keeps  Commerce  bound  again, 
Which  touches  us  more  nearly. 

Thus  a  divided  duty  we 

Perceive  in  this  hard  matter — 

Free  trade  or  sable  brothers  free  ? 

Oh,  won’t  we  choose  the  latter ! 

— London  Punch. 


THE  FIGHT  AT  SUMTER. 


’Twas  a  wonderful  brave  fight ! 

Through  the  day  and  all  night, 

March  !  Halt !  Left !  Right ! 

So  they  formed : 

And  one  thousand  to  ten, 

The  bold  Palmetto  men 
Sumter  stormed. 

ii. 

The  smoke  in  a  cloud 
Closed  her  in  like  a  shroud, 

While  the  cannon  roared  aloud 
From  the  Port ; 

And  the  red  cannon-balls 
Ploughed  the  gray  granite  walls 
Of  the  Fort. 

in. 

Sumter’s  gunners  at  their  places, 

With  their  gunpowdered  faces, 

Shook  their  shoulders  from  their  braces, 
And  stripped 

Stark  and  white  to  the  waist, ' 

Just  to  give  the  foe  a  taste, 

And  be  whipped. 

IV. 

In  the  town — through  every  street, 
Tramp,  tramp,  went  the  feet, 

For  they  said  the  Federal  fleet 
Hove  in  sight ; 

And  down  the  wharves  they  ran, 

Every  woman,  child,  and  man, 

To  the  fight. 

Poetry — 1 


v. 

On  the  fort  the  old  flag  waved, 

And  the  barking  batteries  braved, 

While  the  bold  seven  thousand  raved 
As  they  fought ; 

For  each  blinding  sheet  of  flame 
From  her  cannon,  thundered  shame! — 
So  they  thought. 

VI. 

And  strange  enough  to  tell, 

Though  the  gunners  fired  well, 

And  the  balls  ploughed  red  as  hell 
Through  the  dirt ; 

Though  the  shells  burst  and  scattered, 
And  the  fortress  walls  were  shattered — 
None  were  hurt. 


VII. 

But  the  fort — so  hot  she  grew, 

As  the  cannon-balls  flew, 

That  each  man  began  to  stew 
At  his  gun ; 

They  were  not  afraid  to  die, 

But  this  making  Patriot  pie 
Was  not  fun. 

VIII. 

So,  to  make  the  story  short, 

The  traitors  got  the  fort 
After  thirty  hours’  sport 
With  the  balls ; 

But  the  victory  is  not  theirs, 

Though  their  brazen  banner  flares 
From  the  walls. 

IX. 

It  were  better  they  should  dare 
The  lion  in  his  lair, 

Or  defy  the  grizzly  bear 
In  his  den, 

Than  to  wake  the  fearful  cry 
That  is  raising  up  on  high 
From  our  men. 

x. 

To  our  banner  we  are  clinging, 

And  a  song  we  are  singing 
Whose  chorus  is  ringing 
From  each  mouth ; 

’Tis  “  The  old  Constitution 
And  a  stern  retribution 
To  the  South.” 

—  Vanity  Fair ,  April  27. 


*2 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-1. 


TO  MASSACHUSETTS  SOLDIERS. 

Soldiers,  go  !  Your  country  calls ! 

See,  from  Sumter’s  blackened  walls, 

Floats  no  more  our  nation’s  flag, 

But  the  traitors’  odious  rag. 

Long  the  patient  North  has  borne 
All  their  treachery,  taunts,  and  scorn  ; 
Now  let  slavery’s  despots  learn 
How  our  Northern  blood  can  burn. 

Swift  their  hour  of  triumph’s  past, 

For  their  first  must  be  their  last  1 

By  the  memory  of  your  sires, 

By  the  children  round  your  fires, 

By  your  wives’  and  mothers’  love, 

By  the  God  who  reigns  above— 

By  all  holy  things — depart ! 

Strong  in  hand  and  brave  in  heart. 

Nobly  strike  for  truth  and  right ; 

We  will  pray  while  you  shall  fight. 
Mothers,  daughters,  wives,  are  true 
To  our  country  and  to  you. 

To  the  breeze  our  banner  show  : 

Traitors  meet  you  where  you  go. 

In  the  name  of  God  on  high, 

Win — or  in  the  conflict  die  ! 

Brookline,  Mass.  n.  w. 

Boston  Transcript ,  April  17. 


THE  FLAG  OF  FORT  SUMTER. 

“  We  have  humbled  the  Flag  of  the  United  States.” 

[  Gov.  Pickens. 

Our  banner  humbled ! — when  it  flew 
Above  the  band  that  fought  so  well, 

And  not,  till  hope’s  last  ray  withdrew, 

Before  the  traitors’  cannon  fell ! 

No,  Anderson!  with  loud  acclaim 
We  hail  thee  hero  of  the  hour 
When  circling  batteries  poured  their  flame 
Against  thy  solitary  tower. 

Stood  Lacedaemon  then  less  proud, 

When  her  three  hundred  heroes,  6lain, 

No  road  but  o’er  their  breasts  allowed 
To  Xerxes  and  his  servile  train  ? 

Or  does  New  England  blush  to  6how 

Yon  hill,  though  victory  crowned  it  not — 
Though  Warren  fell  before  the  foe, 

And  Putnam  left  the  bloody  spot  ? 

The  voices  of  earth’s  noblest  fields 
With  the  deep  voice  within  unite — 

’Tis  not  success  true  honor  yields, 

But  faithful  courage  for  the  right. 

Keep,  then,  proud  foe,  the  crumbled  tower, 
From  those  brave  fewr  by  thousands  torn, 

But  keep  in  silence,  lest  the  hour 
Should  come  for  vengeance  on  your  scorn. 

Yet  I  could  weep ;  for  where  ye  stand, 

In  friendly  converse  have  I  stood, 

And  clasped,  perchance,  full  many  a  hand. 

Now  armed  to  shed  a  brother’s  blood. 


0,  God  of  Justice!  Smile  once  more 
Upon  our  flag’s  victorious  path  ; 

And  when  a  stern,  short  strife  is  o’er, 

Bid  mercy  triumph  over  wrath ! 

Dorchester,  April  20th,  1861. 

—Rev.  8.  G.  Bclfinch,  in  tho  Boston  Transcript, 
April  24th. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MORRIS’  ISLAND, 

A  CHEERFUL  TRAGEDY. 

(Air  :  — “  King  [of  the  Cannibal  Islands.'1') 

I. 

The  morn  was  cloudy  and  dark  and  gray, 

When  the  first  Columbiad  blazed  away, 

Showing  that  there  was  the  d — 1  to  pay 
With  the  braves  on  Morris’  Island  ; 

They  fired  their  cannon  again  and  again, 

Hoping  that  Major  Anderson’s  men 
Would  answer  back,  but  ’twas  all  in  vain 
At  first,  on  Morris’  Island  : 
nokee  pokee,  winkee  wum, 

Shattering  shot  and  thundering  bomb, 

Fiddle  and  fife  and  rattling  drum, 

At  the  battle  of  Morris’  Island ! 

n. 

At  length,  as  rose  the  morning  sun, 

Fort  Sumter  fired  a  single  gun, 

Which  made  the  chivalry  want  to  run 
Away  from  Morris’  Island ; 

But  they  had  made  so  much  of  a  boast 
Of  their  fancy  batteries  on  the  coast, 

That  each  felt  bound  to  stick  to  his  post 
Down  there  on  Morris’  Island. 

Hokee  pokee,  winkee  wum,  etc. 

iii. 

Then  there  was  firing  in  hot  haste ; 

The  chivalry  stripped  them  to  the  waist, 

And,  brave  as  lions,  they  sternly  faced 
— Their  grog,  on  Morris’  Island ! 

The  spirit  of  Seventy-six  raged  high, 

The  cannons  roared  and  the  men  grew  dry — 
’Twas  marvellous  like  the  Fourth  of  July, 

That  fight  on  Morris’  Island  ! 

Hokee  pokee,  winkee  wum,  etc. 

IV. 

All  day  they  fought,  till  the  night  came  down ; 
It  rained ;  the  fellows  were  tired  and  blown, 
And  they  wished  they  were  safely  back  to  town, 
Away  from  Morris’  Island. 

One  can’t  expect  the  bravest  men 
To  shoot  their  cannons  off  in  the  rain, 

So  all  grew  peaceful  and  still  again, 

At  the  works  on  Morris’  Island. 

Hokee  pokee,  winkee  wum,  etc. 

v. 

But  after  the  heroes  all  had  slept, 

To  his  gun  each  warrior  swiftly  leaped, 

Brisk,  as  the  numerous  fleas  that  crept 
In  the  sand  on  Morris’  Island  ; 

And  all  that  day  they  fired  their  shot. 

Heated  in  furnaces,  piping  hot, 

Hoping  to  send  Fort  Sumter  to  pot 
And  glory  to  Morris’  Island. 

Hokee  pokee,  winkee  wum,  etc. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


3 


VI. 

Finally,  wearying  of  the  joke, 

Starved  with  hunger  and  blind  with  smoko 
From  blazing  barracks  of  pine  and  oak 
Set  fire  from  Morris’  Island, 

The  gallant  Anderson  struck  his  flag 
And  packed  his  things  in  a  carpet-bag, 

While  cheers  from  bobtail,  rag,  and  tag, 

Arose  on  Morris’  Island. 

Hokee  pokee,  winkee  wum,  etc. 

VII. 

Then  came  the  comforting  piece  of  fun 
Of  counting  the  noses  one  by  one, 

To  see  if  anything  had  been  done 
On  glorious  Morris’  Island : 

“  Nobody  hurt !  ”  the  cry  arose ; 

There  was  not  missing  a  single  nose, 

And  this  was  the  sadly  ludicrous  closo 
Of  the  battle  of  Morris’  Island : 

Hokee  pokee,  winkee  wum,  etc. 

VIII. 

But,  gentle  gunners,  just  wait  and  see 
What  sort  of  a  battle  there  yet  will  be  ; 

You’ll  hardly  escape  so  easily, 

Next  time  on  Morris’  Island  1 
There’s  a  man  in  Washington  with  a  will, 

Who  won’t  mind  shooting  a  little  “  to  kill,” 

If  it  proves  that  We  Have  a  Government  still, 
Even  on  Morris’  Island ! 

Hokee  pokee,  winkee  wum, 

Shattering  shot  and  thundering  bomb, 

Look  out  for  the  battle  that’s  yet  to  come 
Down  there  on  Morris’  Island ! 

—  Vanity  Fair ,  April  27. 


MY  COUNTRY. 


CY  AUGUSTA  COOPER  KIMBALI.. 


I  tremble,  0,  my  country!  for  thy  long  exalted 
name ; 

For  the  purity  and  glory  that  has  gathered  round 
thy  fame ; 

For  the  ancient  blood-bought  altars,  where  the  fires 
of  Freedom  burn, 

Enkindled  from  the  ashes  of  each  Pilgrim  Father’s 


UI  II  . 

I  tremble,  0  my  country!  lest  the  lamp  that  flamed 
of  yore, 

And  lit  thy  crown  of  radiance,  shall  burn  for  thee 
no  more. 


Are  there  not  spirits  brave,  among  the  sons  of 
patriot  sires, 

To  stand  beside  these  menaced  shrines  and  guard 
the  sacred  fires? 

Shall  Justice  no  true  champions  find  ?  shall  Tyranny 
take  down 

From  Freedom’s  light-encircled  brow  her  star-en¬ 
ameled  crown  ? 

It  cannot  be— I’ll  not  believe  that  Truth  has  fought 
in  vain, 

And  left  thee,  0  my  country  1  with  a  deeper,  viler 
stain. 


And  yet  I  live  so  anxiously !  as  mothers  watch  and 
fear, 

When  Death  seems  almost  hovering  around  the 
loved  and  dear ; 


Or,  as  a  maiden  on  the  beach,  stands  with  a  shud¬ 
dering  form, 

And  knows  the  one  light  of  her  life,  is  perilled  in  the 
storm  ; 

As  fearfully  and  tenderly,  my  country,  tempest  tost, 

I  watch  in  pained  suspense  to  learn  if  thou  art  saved 
or  lost. 

Yet,  what  may  Woman  do  for  thee !  her  voice  may 
not  be  heard, 

To  rouse  the  apathetic  mind  with  soul-impassioned 
word ; 

Her  small  hand  was  not  formed  to  aid  the  fearful 
battle  throng, 

Howe’er  her  heart  may  burn  and  bleed  for  all  her 
country’s  wrong ; 

Yet,  there’s  a  power,  all  these  above — she  may  in 
meekness  wear, 

And  wield  in  humble  majesty — the  matchless  power 
of  Prayer. 

Deem  it  not  weak,  my  country !  this  aid  we  bring  to 
thee, 

For  thy  tried  and  worthy  rulers,  for  their  firm  in¬ 
tegrity  ; 

By  the  fervent  prayers  of  Woman,  by  the  glory  that 
is  shed 

Around  the  memory  of  those  who  for  thy  honor 
bled, 

I  charge  thee,  0  my  Country !  by  thy  pilgrim-hal¬ 
lowed  sod 

Bo  thou  true,  and  be  thou  faithful,  to  Freedom  and 
to  God ! 

— jVcw  York  Tribune ,  April  2Stli. 


THE  STRIPES  AND  THE  STARS. 

BY  EDNA  DEAN  PROCTOR. 

(Air. “  The  Star-spangled  Banner.") 

0  Star  Spangled  Banner  !  the  Flag  of  our  pride ! 
Though  trampled  by  traitors  and  basely  defied, 
Fling°out  to  the  glad  winds  your  Red,  White,  and 
Blue, 

For  the  heart  of  the  North-land  is  beating  for  you ! 
And  her  strong  arm  is  nerving  to  strike  with  a  will 
Till  the  foe  and  his  boastings  are  humbled  and  still! 
Here’s  welcome  to  wounding  and  combat  and  scars 
And  the  glory  of  death— for  the  Stripes  and  the 
Stars ! 

From  prairie,  0  ploughman!  speed  boldly  away — 
There’s  seed  to  be  sown  in  God’s  furrows  to-day — 
Row  landward,  lone  fisher !  stout  woodman,  come 
home ! 

Let  smith  leave  his  anvil  and  weaver  his  loom, 

And  hamlet  and  city  ring  loud  with  the  cry, 

“  For  God  and  our  country  we’ll  fight  till  we  die ! 
Here’s  welcome  to  wounding  and  combat  and  scars 
And  the  glory  of  death— for  the  Stripes  and  the 
Stars !  ” 

Invincible  Banner !  the  Flag  of  the  Free ! 

0  where  treads  the  foot  that  would  falter  for  thee  ? 
Or  the  hands  to  be  folded,  till  triumph  is  won 
And  the  Eagle  looks  proud,  as  of  old,  to  the  sun  ? 
Give  tears  for  the  parting — a  murmur  of  prayer — 
Then  Forward  !  the  fame  of  our  standard  to  share ! 
With  welcome  to  wounding  and  combat  and  scars 
And  the  glory  of  death— for  the  Stripes  and  the 
Stars. 


4 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


0  God  of  our  Fathers !  this  Banner  must  shine 
Where  battle  is  hottest,  in  warfare  divine ! 

The  cannon  has  thundered,  the  bugle  has  blown, — 
We  fear  not  the  summons — we  fight  not  alone ! 

0  lead  us,  till  wide  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Sea 
The  land  shall  be  sacred  to  Freedom  and  Thee  ! 
With  love,  for  oppression ;  with  blessing,  for  sears — 
One  Country — one  Banner — the  Stripes  and  the 
Stars ! 

— Independent 


A  SUGGESTION,  TO  MAJOR  ANDERSON. 

Although  without  question 

All  credit  is  due 

To  your  courage  and  skill, 

Dear  Anderson;  still, 

One  little  suggestion 
V.  F.  makes  to  you. 

Why  didn’t  you  throw, 

When  the  first  bullet  fell 
Round  your  fort,  a  few  shell 
Ten  inches  or  so 
Towards  the  town 
Where  they  say, 

All  the  people  came  down 
To  see,  through  their  glasses 
(The  pitiful  asses ! ) 

How  soon  stout  Fort  Sumter  would  crumble  away  ? 
Suppose  that  a  bomb — 

Or  a  dozen — had  come 
Majestically  sailing 
Right  over  the  railing, 

That  runs  round  the  green, 

(Which  a  delicate  flattery 
Has  christened  “  The  Battery,”) 

How  many  brave  Southerners  there  had  been  seen  ? 
And  each  beautiful  lady 
Of  the  “  Five  Thousand  ”  fair, 

Who  “ held  themselves  ready” 

Would  they  have  staid  there  ? 

’Twas  a  thing  to  have  done, 

If  only  for  fun, 

Just  to  show  how  the  gallant  spectators  could  run  ! 

—  Vanity  Fair ,  April  27. 


TO  THE  MEN  OF  THE  NORTH  AND  WEST. 

Men  of  the  North  and  West, 

Wake  in  your  might, 

Prepare,  as  the  Rebels  have  done, 

For  the  fight ; 

You  cannot  shrink  from  the  test, 

Rise !  Men  of  the  North  and  West ! 

They  have  torn  down  your  banner  of  stars ; 

They  have  trampled  the  laws  ; 

They  have  stifled  the  freedom  they  hate, 

For  no  cause ! 

Do  you  love  it,  or  slavery  best  ? 

Speak!  Men  of  the  North  and  West. 

They  strike  at  the  life  of  the  State — 

Shall  the  murder  be  done  ? 

They  cry,  “  We  are  two  !  ”  And  you  ? 

“  We  are  one /” 

You  must  meet  them,  then,  breast  to  breast, 
On !  Men  of  the  North  and  West! 


Not  with  words  ;  they  laugh  them  to  scorn, 
And  tears  they  despise; 

But  with  swords  in  your  hands,  and  death 
In  your  eyes ! 

Strike  home  !  leave  to  God  all  the  rest, 

Strike!  Men  of  the  North  and  West! 

R.  H.  Stoddard. 

New  York,  April  17,  1861. 

— Evening  Post,  April  18. 


VIRGINIA  TO  THE  NORTn. 

Thus  speaks  the  sovereign  Old  Dominion 
To  Northern  States  her  frank  opinion: 

FIRST. 

Movf.  not  a  finger  :  ’tis  coercion, 

The  signal  for  our  prompt  dispersion. 

SECOND. 

Wait,  till  I  make  my  full  decision, 

Bo  it  for  union  or  division. 

third. 

If  I  declare  my  ultimatum, 

Accept  my  terms,  as  I  shall  state  ’em. 

FOURTH. 

Then — I’ll  remain,  while  I’m  inclined  to, 
Seceding  when  I  have  a  mind  to. 

— Commercial  Advertiser,  March  .1. 


STARS  IN  MY  COUNTRY’S  SKY. 

Are  ye  all  there  ?  Are  ye  all  there, 

Stars  of  my  country’s  sky? 

Are  ye  all  there  ?  Are  ye  all  there , 

In  your  shining  homes  on  high  ? 

“  Count  us !  Count  us,”  was  their  answer, 

As  they  dazzled  on  my  view, 

In  glorious  perihelion, 

Amid  their  field  of  blue. 

I  cannot  count  ye  rightly  ;  , 

There’s  a  cloud  with  sable  rim  ; 

I  cannot  make  your  number  out, 

For  my  eyes  with  tears  are  dim. 

Oh!  bright  and  blessed  Angel, 

On  white  wing  floating  by, 

Help  me  to  count,  and  not  to  miss 
One  star  in  my  country’s  sky! 

Then  the  Angel  touched  mine  eyelids, 

And  touched  the  frowning  cloud  ; 

And  its  sable  rim  departed, 

And  it  fled  with  murky  shroud. 

There  was  no  missing  Pleiad, 

’Mid  all  that  sister  race  ; 

The  Southern  Cross  gleamed  radiant  forth, 
And  the  Pole-Star  kept  its  place. 

Then  I  knew  it  was  the  Angel 
Who  woke  the  hymning  strain 

That  at  our  dear  Redeemer’s  birth 
Pealed  out  o’er  Bethlehem’s  plain ; 

And  still  its  heavenly  key-tone 
My  listening  country  held, 

For  all  her  constellated  stars 
The  diapason  swelled. 

Hartford,  Conn.  L.  H.  S. 

—Boston  Transcript,  January  J(V 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


5 


NORTHMEN,  COME  OUT! 

DEDICATED  TO  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  REGIMENTS. 
BY  CHARLES  GODFREY  LELAND. 

(Air — Burschen  heraus !) 

Northmen,  come  out! 

Forth  unto  battle  with  storm  and  shout! 
Freedom  calls  you  once  again, . 

To  flag  and  fort  and  tented  plain  ; 

Then  come  with  drum  and  trump  and  song, 
And  raise  the  war-cry  wild  and  strong  . 
Northmen,  come  out ! 

Northmen,  come  out ! 

The  foe  is  waiting  round  about, 

With  paixhan,  mortar,  and  petard, 

To  tender  us  their  Beau-regard ; 

With  shot  and  slirapnell,  grape  and  shell 
We’ll  give  them  back  the  fire  of  hell ; 
Northmen,  come  out ! 

Northmen,  come  out ! 

Give  the  pirates  a  roaring  rout ; 

Out  in  your  strength  and  let  them  know 
How  Working  Men  to  Work  can  go. 

Out  in  your  might  and  let  them  feel 
How  Mudsills  strike  when  edged  with  steel ; 
Northmen,  come  out ! 

Northmen,  come  out ! 

Come  like  your  grandsires  stern  and  stout ; 
Though  Cotton  be  of  Kingly  stock, 

Yet  royal  heads  may  reach  the  block, 

The  Puritan  taught  it  once  in  pain, 

His  sons  shall  teach  it  once  again ; 
Northmen,  come  out! 

Northmen,  come  out! 

Forth  into  battle  with  storm  and  shout ! 

He  who  lives  with  victory ’s  blest, 

He  who  dies  gains  peaceful  rest. 

Living  or  dying,  let  us  be 
Still  vowed  to  God  and  liberty ! 

Northmen,  come  out! 


They  have  roused  them  to  the  danger,  armed  and 
ready  forth  they  stand, 

A  hundred  thousand  volunteers,  each  with  weapon 
in  his  hand ; 

They  rally  round  that  banner,  they  obey  their  coun- 
ti'y’s  call, 

The  spirit  of  the  North  is  up,  and  thrilling  one  and 
all. 

’Tis  the  flag  our  sires  and  grandsires  honored  to 
their  latest  breath, 

To  us  ’tis  given  to  hold  unstained,  to  guard  in  life 
and  death ; 

Time-honored,  from  its  stately  folds  who  has  dared 
to  strike  a  star 

That  glittered  on  its  field  of  blue?— who  but  traitors 
as  they  are? 

Would  to  God  it  waved  above  us  with  a  foreign  foe 
to  quell,  . 

Not  o’er  brother  faced  to  brother,  urging  steel,  and 
shot  and  shell ! 

But  no  more  the  choice  is  left  us,  for  our  friendly 
hand  they  spurn, 

We  can  only  meet  as  foemen — sad,  but  resolute 
and  stern. 

Father — dash  aside  the  tear-drop,  let  thy  proud  boy 
go  his  way — 

Mother — twine  thine  arms  about  him,  and  bless  thy 
son  this  day —  _  _  - 

Sister — weep,  but  yet  look  proudly,  ’tis  a  time  to  do 
or  die — 

Maiden — clasp  thy  lover  tenderly,  as  he  whispers 
thee  good-bye ! 

Onward,  onward  to  the  battle !  who  can  doubt 
which  side  shall  win  ? 

Right  and  might  both  guide  our  squadrons,  and 
°  the  steadfast  hearts  within  ! 

Shall  the  men  who  never  quailed  before,  now  falter 
in  the  field ; 

Or  the  men  who  fought  at  Bunker  nill  be  ever  made 
to  yield  ? 

Then  bless  our  banner,  God  of  hosts !  watch  o  cr 
each  starry  fold ; 

’Tis  Freedom’s  standard,  tried  and  proved  on  many 


OUR  STAR-GEMMED  BANNER. 

A  GATHERING  SONG  FOR  THE  NORTH. 

God  bless  our  star-gemmed  banner,  shake  its  folds 
out  to  the  breeze, 

From  church,  from  fort,  from  house-top,  o’er  the 
city,  on  the  seas  ; 

The  die  is  cast,  the  storm  at  last  has  broken  in  its 


a  field  of  old ; 

aid  Thou,  who  long  hast  blessed  us,  now  bless  us 

yet  again,  # 

md  crown  our  cause  with  Victory,  and  keep  out 


flag  from  stain ! 

O 


DECEMBER  2GTH,  1910. 


might ; 

Unfurl  the  starry  banner,  and  may  God  defend  the 


A  BALLAD  OF  MAJOR 


ANDERSON. 


right. 


BY  MRS.  J.  C.  It.  DORR. 


Too  long  our  flag  has  sheltered  rebel  heart,  and 
stormy  will ; 

Too  long  has  nursed  the  traitor  who  has  worked  to 
do  it  ill ; 

That  time  is  past — the  thrilling  blast  of  war  is  heard 
at  length, 

And  the  North  pours  forth  her  legions  that  have 
slumbered  in  their  strength. 


Come,  children,  leave  your  playing  thi3  dark  and 
stormy  night ; 

Shut  fast  the  rattling  window  blinds,  and  make  the 
fire  burn  bright ; 

And  hear  an  old  man’s  story,  while  loud  the  fierce 
winds  blow, 

Of  gallant  Major  Anderson  and  fifty  years  ago. 


6 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


I  was  a  young  man  then,  boys,  but  twenty-eight 
years  old, 

And  all  my  comrades  knew  me  for  a  soldier  brave 
and  bold ; 

My  eye  was  bright,  my  step  was  firm,  I  measured 
six  feet  two, 

And  I  knew  not  what  it  was  to  shirk  when  there 
was  work  to  do. 

We  were  stationed  at  Fort  Moultrie,  in  Charleston 
harbor,  then, 

A  brave  band,  though  a  small  one,  of  scarcely  sixty 
men ; 

And  day  and  night  we  waited  for  the  coming  of  the 
foe, 

With  noble  Major  Anderson,  just  fifty  years  ago. 

Were  they  French  or  English,  ask  you?  Oh, 
neither,  neither,  child ! 

WTe  were  at  peace  with  other  lands,  and  all  the  na¬ 
tion  smiled 

On  the  stars  and  stripes,  wherever  they  floated,  far 
and  free, 

And  all  the  foes  we  had  to  meet  we  found  this  side 
the  sea. 

But  even  between  brothers  bitter  feuds  will  some¬ 
times  rise, 

And  ’twas  the  cloud  of  civil  war  that  darkened  in 
the  skies ; 

I  have  not  time  to  tell  you  how  the  quarrel  first  began, 

Or  how  it  grew,  till  o’er  our  land  the  strife  like 
wildfire  ran. 

I  will  not  use  hard  words,  my  boys,  for  I  am  old 
and  gray, 

And  I’ve  learned  it  is  an  easy  thing  for  the  best  to 
go  astray ; 

Some  wrong  there  was  on  either  part,  I  do  not 
doubt  at  all ; 

There  are  two  sides  to  a  quarrel — be  it  great,  or  be 
it  small ! 

But  yet,  when  South  Carolina  laid  her  sacrilegious 
hand 

On  the  altar  of  a  Union  that  belonged  to  all  the 
land ; 

W  hen  she  tore  our  glorious  banner  down,  and  trailed 
it  in  the  dust, 

Every  patriot’s  heart  and  conscience  bade  him 
guard  the  sacred  trust. 

T  ou  scarce  believe  me,  children.  Grief  and  doubt 
are  in  your  eyes, 

fixed  steadily  upon  me  in  wonder  and  surprise; 

Don’t  forget  to  thank  our  Father,  when  to-night 
you  kneel  to  pray, 

That  an  undivided  people  rule  America  to-dav. 

W'e  were  stationed  at  Fort  Moultrie,  but  about  a 
mile  away 

The  battlements  of  Sumter  stood  proudly  in  the 

TT  baJ  ’ 

Twas  by  far  the  best  position,  as  he  could  not  help 
but  know, 

Our  gallant  Major  Anderson,  just  fifty  years  ago. 

T  es,  twas  just  after  Christmas,  fifty  years  ago  to- 
night ; 

ic  sky  was  calm  and  cloudless,  the  moon  was 
large  and  bright ; 


At  six  o’clock  the  drum  beat  to  call  us  to  parade. 

And  not  a  man  suspected  the  plan  that  had  been 
laid. 

But  the  first  thing  a  soldier  learns  is  that  he  must 
obey, 

And  that  when  an  order ’s  given  he  has  not  a  word 
to  say ; 

So  when  told  to  man  the  boats,  not  a  question  did 
we  ask, 

But  silently,  yet  eagerly,  began  our  hurried  task. 

We  did  a  deal  of  work  that  night,  though  our  num¬ 
bers  were  but  few ; 

We  had  all  our  stores  to  carry,  and  our  ammunition 
too ; 

And  the  guard-ship — ’twas  the  Nina — set  to  watch 
us  in  the  bay, 

Never  dreamed  what  we  were  doing,  though  ’twas 
almost  light  as  day. 

We  spiked  the  guns  we  left  behind,  and  cut  the 
flag-staff  down — 

From  its  top  should  float  no  color  if  it  might  not 
hold  our  own — 

Then  we  sailed  away  for  Sumter  as  fast  as  we  could  go 

With  our  good  Major  Anderson,  just  fifty  years  ago. 

I  never  can  forget,  my  boys,  how  the  next  day,  at 
noon, 

The  drums  beat  and  the  bands  played  a  stirrin^ 
martial  tune, 

And  silently  we  gathered  round  the  flag-staff  strong 
and  high,  ° 

For  ever  pointing  upward  to  God’s  temple  in  the 
sky. 

Our  noble  Major  Anderson  was  good  as  he  was 
brave, 

And  ho  knew  without  Ilis  blessing  no  banner  long 
could  wave ; 

So  he  knelt,  with  head  uncovered,  while  the  chap¬ 
lain  read  the  prayer, 

And .  as  the  last  Amen  was  said,  the  flag  rose  high 
in  air. 

Then  our  loud  huzzas  rang  out,  far  and  widely  o'er 
the  sea ! 

We  shouted  for  the  stars  and  stripes,  the  standard 
of  the  free! 

Every  eye  was  fixed  upon  it,  every  heart  beat  warm 
and  fast. 

As  with  eager  lips  we  promised  to  defend  it  to  the 
last! 

’Twas  a  sight  to  be  remembered,  bovs — the  chap¬ 
lain  \yith  his  book, 

Our  leader  humbly  kneeling,  with  his  calm,  un¬ 
daunted  look  ; 

And  the  officers  and  men,  crushing  tears  they  would 
not  shed — 

And  the  blue  sea  all  around  us,  and  the  blue  skv 
over  head! 

Aow  go  to  bed,  my  children,  the  old  man’s  story’s 
told— 

Star  up  the  fire  before  you  go,  ’tis  bitter,  bitter  cold; 

And  I’ll  tell  you  more  to-morrow  night,  when  loud 
the  fierce  winds  blow, 

Of  gallant  Major  Anderson  and  fifty  years  ago. 

— Evening  Post,  April  IS. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


7 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 

The  following  singular  narrative  is  given  by  the 
Evening  Post.  It  was  originally  told  nearly  thirty 
years  ago,  by  an  eye-witness: 

THE  SPOTTED  HAND. 

Tiie  other  morning,  at  the  breakfast  table,  when 
I  an  unobserved  spectator,  happened  to  be  present, 
Calhoun  was  observed  to  gaze  frequently  at  his 
rmht  hand  and  brush  it  with  his  left  in  a  hurried 
and  nervous  manner.  He  did  this  so  often  that  it 
excited  attention.  At  length  one  of  the  persons 
comprising  the  breakfast  party— his  name,  I  think, 
is  Toombs,  and  he  is  a  member  of  Congress  frotn 
Georgia — took  upon  himself  to  ask  the  occasion  ot 
Mr.  Calhoun’s  disquietude.  “  Does  your  hand  pain 
you?  ”  he  asked  of  Mr.  Calhoun.  To  this  Mr.  Cal¬ 
houn  replied,  in  rather  a  hurried  manner,  “  Pshaw ! 
it  is  nothing  but  a  dream  I  had  last  night,  and  which 
makes  me  see  perpetually  a  large  black  spot  like 
an  ink  blotch,  upon  the  back  of  my  right  hand;  an 
optical  illusion,  1  suppose.”  Of  course  these  words 
excited  the  curiosity  of  the  company,  but  no  one 
ventured  to  beg  the  details  of  this  singular  dream, 
until  Toombs  asked  quietly,  “  What  was  your 
dream  like?  I  am  not  very  superstitious  about 
dreams  ;  but  sometimes  they  have  a  great  deal  ol 
truth  in  them.”  “  But  this  was  such  a  peculiarly 
absurd  dream,”  said  Mr.  Calhoun,  again  brushing 
the  back  of  his  right  hand;  “  however,  if  it  does 
not  intrude  too  much  on  the  time  of  our  friends,  1 
will  relate  it  to  you.”  Of  course  the  company  were 
profuse  in  their  expressions  of  anxiety  to  know  all 
about  the  dream,  and  Mr.  Calhoun  related  it.  “  At 
a  late  hour  last  night,  as  I  was  sitting  in  my  room, 
engaged  in  writing,  I  was  astonished  by  the  entrance 
of°a  Visitor  who,  without  a  word,  took  a  seat  oppo¬ 
site  me  at  my  table.  This  surprised  me,  as  I  had 
o-ivcn  particular  orders  to  the  servant  that  I  should 
Sn  no  account  be  disturbed.  The  manner  in  which 
the  intruder  entered,  so  perfectly  self-possessed, 
taking  his  seat  opposite  me  without  a  word,  as 
though  my  room  and  all  within  it  belonged  to  him, 
excited  in  me  as  much  surprise  as  indignation.  As 
I  raised  my  head  to  look  into  his  features,  over  the 
top  of  my  shaded  lamp,  I  discovered  that  he  was 
wrapped  in  a  thin  cloak,  which  effectually  concealed 
his  face  and  features  from  my  view ;  and  as  I  raised 
my  head,  he  spoke:  ‘What  are  you  writing,  sena¬ 
tor  from  South  Carolina  ?  ’  I  did  not  think  of  his 
impertinence  at  first,  but  answered  him  voluntarily, 

‘  I  am  writing  a  plan  for  the  dissolution  of  the 
American  Union.’  (You  know,  gentlemen,  that  I 
am  expected  to  produce  a  plan  of  dissolution  in 
the  event  of  certain  contingencies.)  To  this  the 
intruder  replied,  in  the  coolest  manner  possible, 

<  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  will  you  allow  me  to 
look  at  your  hand,  your  right  hand?’  He  rose, 
the  cloak  fell,  and  I  beheld  his  face.  Gentlemen, 
the  sight  of  that  face  struck  me  like  a  thunder-clap. 
It  was  the  face  of  a  dead  man,  whom  extraordinary 
events  had  called  back  to  life.  The  features  were 
those  of  General  George  Washington.  He  was 
dressed  in  the  Revolutionary  costume,  such  as  you 
see  in  the  Patent  Office.”  Here  Mr.  Calhoun  paused, 
apparently  agitated.  His  agitation,  I  need  not  tell 
you,  was  shared  by  the  company.  Toombs  at 
length  broke  the  embarrassing  pause.  “Well, 
what  was  the  issue  of  this  scene  ?  ”  Mr.  Calhoun  re¬ 


sumed.  “  The  intruder,  as  I  have  said,  rose  and 
asked  to  look  at  my  right  hand,  as  though  I  had  not 
the  power  to  refuse.  I  extended  it.  The  truth  is, 

I  felt  a  strange  thrill  pervade  me  at  his  touch  ;  .he 
grasped  it  and  held  it  near  the  light,  thus  affording 
full  time  to  examine  every  feature.  It  was  the  face 
of  Washington.  After  holding  my  hand  for  a  mo¬ 
ment,  he  looked  at  me  steadily,  and  said  in  a  quiet 
way,  ‘  And  with  this  right  hand,  senator  from  South 
Carolina,  you  would  sign  your  name  to  a  paper  de- 
clarin"  the  Union  dissolved?’  I  answered  in  the 
affirmative.  ‘  Yes,’  I  said,  ‘  if  a  certain  contingency 
arises,  I  will  sign  my  name  to  the  Declaration  of 
Dissolution.’  But  at  that  moment  a  black  blotch 
appeared  on  the  back  of  my  hand,  which  I  seem  to 
see  now.  ‘  What  is  that?  ’  said  I,  alarmed,  I  know 
not  why,  at  the  blotch  on  my  hand.  ‘  That,  said 
he,  dropping  my  hand,  ‘  is  the  mark  by  which  Ben¬ 
edict  Arnold  is  known  in  the  next  world.’  He  said 
no  more,  gentlemen,  but  drew  from  beneath  his 
cloak  an  object  which  he  laid  upon  the. table— laid 
upon  the  very  paper  on  which  I  was  writing.  This 
object,  gentlemen,  was  a  skeleton.  1  There,’  said 
he  ‘there  are  the  bones  of  Isaac  Ilayne,  who  was 
hung  at  Charleston  by  the  British.  He  gave  his 
life  in  order  to  establish  the  Union.  When  you  put 
your  name  to  a  Declaration  of  Dissolution,  why, 
you  may  as  well  have  the  bones  of  Isaac  Hayne  be¬ 
fore  you— he  was  a  South  Carolinian  and  so  are 
you.  But  there  was  no  blotch  on  his  right  hand. 
With  these  words  the  intruder,  left  the  room.  I 
started  back  from  the  contact  with  the  dead  man  s 
bones  and — awoke.  Overcome  by  labor,  I.  had 
fallen  asleep,  and  had  been  dreaming.  Was  it  not 
a  singular  dream?”  All  the  company  answered  in 
the  affirmative,  and  Toombs  muttered,  “  Singular, 
very  singular,’’  and  at  the  same  time  looking  curi¬ 
ously  at  the  back  of  his  right  hand,  while  Mr.  Cal- 
houn  placed  his  head  between  his  hands  and  seemed 
buried  in  thought.  _ 

A  gentleman  at  Baltimore,  Md.,  lately  returned 
from  Fort  Sumter,  details  an  impressive  incident 
that  took  place  there  on  Major  Anderson  taking 
possession.  It  is  known  that  the  American  flag 
brought  away  from  Fort  Moultrie  ^was  raised  at 
Sumter  precisely  at  noon  on  the  2V th  ultimo,  but 
the  incidents  of  that  “  flag-raising  ”  have  not  been 
related.  It  was  a  scene  that  will  be  a  memorable 
reminiscence  in  the  lives  of  those  who  witnessed  it. 
A  short  time  before  noon  Major  Anderson  assem¬ 
bled  the  whole  of  his  little  force,  with  the  workmen 
employed  on  the  fort,  around  the  foot  of  the  flag¬ 
staff.  The  national  ensign  was  attached  to  the  cord, 
and  Major  Anderson,  holding  the  end  of  the  lines 
in  his  hand,  knelt  reverently  down.  The  officers, 
soldiers,  and  men  clustered  around,  many  of  them 
on  their  knees,  all  deeply  impressed  with  the  so¬ 
lemnity  of  the  scene.  The  chaplain  made  an  earnest 
prayer — such  an  appeal  for  support,  encouragement 
and  mercy  as  one  would  make  who  felt  that  “man  s 
extremity  is  God’s  opportunity.”  As  the  earnest, 
solemn  words  of  the  speaker  ceased,  and  the  men 
responded  Amen  with  a  fervency  that,  perhaps  they 
had  never  before  experienced,  Major  Anderson 
drew  the  “  Star-spangled  Banner  ”  up  to  the  top  of 
the  staff,  the  band  broke  out  with  the  national  air 
of  “  Hail,  Columbia!  ”  aud  loud  and  exultant  cheers, 
repeated  again  and  again,  were  given  by  the  officers, 
soldiers,  and  workmen.  “  If,”  said  the  narrator, 
“  South  Carolina  had  at  that  moment  attacked  tho 


8 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


fort,  there  would  have  been  no  hesitation  upon  the 
part  of  any  man  within  it  about  defending  the  flag.” 
— Baltimore  American ,  Jan.  9. 


Dec.  27. — A  correspondent  in  Charleston  says, 
“  Fight  crops  out  everywhere,  especially  in  the 
speech  of  youthful  South  Carolina;  like  New 
York  “  Mose,”  he  is  literally  “spiling”  for  lack  of 
one.  You  might  deservedly  apostrophize  him  as 
John  Willett  did  his  son,  “With  his  hat  cocked, 
with  a  fire-eating,  bilin’  water-drinking,  swaggering, 
military  air,  too;  are  you  going  to  kill  the  wint- 
ner,  sir?”  substituting  for  the  last-named  person 
the  name  of  our  sorely-tried  parent,  Uncle  Sam. 
For  information,  I  take  up  to-day’s  Courier,  the 
oldest  and  most  respectable  of  Charleston  dailies, 
at  random.  I  find  in  it  a  communication,  over  the 
expressive  signature  of  “  Rifle,”  suggesting  that 
one  of  “the  crack  regiments”  of  the  North  “should 
charter  a  couple  of  steamboats  and  come  on  to 
Charleston,  to  the  rescue”  of  the  forts ;  that  the 
first  shedding  of  fraternal  blood  may  be  precipi¬ 
tated  in  a  manner  congenial  to  the  aspirations  of 
youthful  South  Carolina !  The  same  paper  chron¬ 
icles  an  application  for  five  hundred  of  Colt’s  pistols, 
received  from  Alabama,  under  the  title  of  Short 
arguments!  Ilere,  as  a  nineteenth  century  anni¬ 
versary  of  the  divine  annunciation  of  “Peace  on 
earth  and  good  will  towards  man,”  (the  Courier , 
by-the-by,  has  a  very  pretty  and  decidedly  pious 
editorial  on  the  subject),  we  have  the  border  ruffian 
spirit  endorsed  and  approved  of  as  the  ultimatum 
of  human  reason ! — Evening  Post ,  Dec.  31. 

_  Bcc.  29. — On  Christmas  Day  Major  Anderson 
dined  formally  with  the  secession  authorities — 
chiefs — in  Charleston,  and  was  duly  carried  back  to 
Fort  Moultrie  by  early  moonlight,  apparently  very 
much  overcome  by  the  good  things  drinkable  sc't 
before  him.  Those  in  charge  of  the  steamer  posted 
in  the  channel  to  watch  his  movements  in  the  fort 
therefore  thought  it  would  be  safe  for  them  to  relax 
their  vigilance,  and  themselves  take  a  Christmas  night 
frolic,  and  in  the  midst  of  which  Anderson  and  his 
force  spiked  Moultrie’s  guns  and  landed  safely  in 
Fort  Sumter.  The  apparent  intoxication  of  Ander¬ 
son  was  but  a  feint  to  have  the  very  effect  it  did 
have. —  Washington  Star,  Dec.  29. 


The  venerable  J.  S.  Pettigru,  one  of  South 
Carolina’s  noblest  names,  continues  to  bear  witness 
to  the  Union  against  the  traitors  who  surround 
him.  lie  has  no  faith  in  the  practicability  of  their 
measures,  and  is  prepared  for  the  worst  results  to 
the  State  and  the  country.  Lately,  while  attending 
the  church,  where,  by  his  presence,  ho  for  so  many 
years  showed  that  the  character  of  the  statesman 
was  complete  only  when  religion  gave  it  grace  and 
solidity — the  services  were  purged  (by  nullification) 
of  the  usual  prayer  for  the  President  of  the  United 
States — the  stern-hearted  old  patriot  rose  from  his 
seat  and  left  the  church,  thus  giving  a  silent  but 
pointed,  rebuke  to  treason,  where  last  it  should  be 
found,  but  where  now,  in  South  Carolina,  it  is  most 
rampant. —  Washington  Star,  Dec.  28. 


M  ASiiiNGTON,  Dec.  20. — Orders  have  been  issued 
to  Major  Anderson  to  surrender  Fort  Moultrie  if 
attacked.  Major  Anderson  telegraphs  here  that  he 
had  surrendered  a  large  number  of  arms  which 
had  been  removed  from  the  arsenal  to  Fort  Moultrie, 


to  the  authorities  of  Charleston,  on  a  demand  be¬ 
ing  made  for  them.  This  was  done  in  obedience, 
as  he  says,  to  the  spirit  of  orders  he  had  received 
from  Washington.  The  South  Carolina  ordinance 
of  secession  wras  received  this  afternoon  by  Presi¬ 
dent  Buchanan.  A  number  of  Southern  men  were 
with  him  at  the  time.  He  exhibited  much  agita¬ 
tion  on  hearing  the  news.  The  news  of  the  passage 
of  the  ordinance  produced  intense  excitement  Tn 
Congress.  The  South  Carolina  members  were  con¬ 
gratulated  by  the  Southern  men. — W.  Y.  Times 
Dec.  20. 


Bee.  22. — It  is  reported  in  Charleston,  to  day, 
that  Major  Anderson  has  been  ordered  to  surrender 
the  forts  to  the  constituted  authorities  of  South 
Carolina,  in  case  the  forts  are  attacked ;  but  not 
to  surrender  to  irresponsible  parties. 


Dec.  26. — Bigler,  of  Pennsylvania,  meeting  John 
Cochrane,  casually,  in  Willard’s  Hotel,  in  the  hall  at 
Washington,  said,  “What  about  this  Bailey  fraud, 
Cochrane ;  do  you  hear  any  thing  in  addition  ?  ” 
“  Oh,”  replied  Cochrane,  “  there  is  nothing  in  Addi¬ 
tion,  it’s  all  in  Subtraction.” — Evening  Post,  Dec.  26. 

It  is  rumored  that  an  address  has  been  prepared, 
to  bo  submitted  to  members  of  Congress  from  the 
border  States,  recommending  a  conference  at  Balti¬ 
more  on  the  13th  of  February.  The  object  to  be 
attained  is  a  union  of  the  border  slave  States  in 
favor  of  the  secession  of  all  the  cotton  States.  It 
is  also  proposed  to  devise  a  programme  of  action 
for  the  border  States  in  case  of  such  an  emergency. 
— N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  Dec.  27. 


IVashington,  Dec.  26.—“  I  saw  a  letter  from 
one  of  the  soldiers  at  Fort  Sumter  to  his  mother  to¬ 
day.  He  says  the  fort  is  in  excellent  condition  for 
defence,  full  of  ammunition  and  arms,  and  with  a 
few  more  men,  could  defy  any  enemy  that  could 
approach  it.  He  says,  all  liand3  expect  a  conflict, 
and  feci  greatly  alarmed  at  the  prospect,  because 
their  numbers  are  so  small.  They  hope  the  Govern¬ 
ment  will  do  something  to  aid  them, — if  not,  they 
will  defend  the  fort  to  the  best  of  their  ability.  The 
closing  words  arc  quite  touching  and  solemn.” — 
Letter  from  Washington,  Times,  jY.  Y. 


The  Democratic  office  holders  in  New  York 
threaten  to  hold  over.  Attorney-General  Black  has 
written  to  the  Collector,  that  if  South  Carolina  se¬ 
cedes  it  is  a  virtual  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and 
that  the  Collector  of  the  port  of  New  York  and  his 
federal  assistants  are  relieved  from  all  further  ac¬ 
countability,  and  have  a  right  to  collect  and  retain 
the  revenues  accruing  here,  and  keep  them  until 
the  legislature  of  New  York  or  the  city  authorities 
attach  the  same.  If  a  single  State  goes  out  of  the 
Union,  Mr.  Schell  regards  it  as  broken  up,  and  says, 
“Lincoln  is  not  President and  neither  he  nor 
any  of  the  federal  officials  will  resign  or  surrender 
their  power  and  the  public  money  to  any  except  to 
the  city  treasury.  Mr.  John  J.  Cisco,  the  Sub- 
treasurer,  takes  the  same  view.  He  has  several 
millions  at  his  disposal.  A  large  portion  is  in  bars 
of  gold,  valued  at  $1,000  each.  These  arc  being 
painted  white,  so  as  not  to  attract  attention  in  case 
of  being  removed  from  the  sub-treasury  vaults  in 
case  of  a  riot  or  of  Lincoln  claiming  to  be  the  Pres¬ 
ident. — Ar.  Y.  Correspondent  of  Mobile  Jlegistcr. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


9 


It  is  asserted  in  Charleston,  that  President  Bu¬ 
chanan  had  pledged  his  honor  to  South  Caroli¬ 
nians  that  the  forts  should  not  be  reinforced,  that 
they  should  be  given  up  to  the  State  authorities 
when  demanded,  and  also  that  General  Cass’s  resig¬ 
nation  originated  in  his  condemning  this  promise  of 
treason. —  Cor.  Evening  Post,  Dec.  31. 

“Macon,  Ga.,  Pec.  21.—' “Rumors  of  a  rising 
among  the  slaves  in  the  southwestern  part  ot  the 
State  prevail  here.  It  is  impossible  to  say  with 
certainty  whether  an  insurrection  has  really  taken 
place,  or  is  only  threatened.  The  planters  are  hast¬ 
ily  getting  all  things  ready  to  send  their  wives  and 
young  children  to  the  North.  ’ — .V .  L.  Tribune. 

Governor  Brown,  of  Georgia,  has  solicited  from 
the  Secretary  of  War,  and  obtained,  a  year’s  leave 
of  absence  for  Colonel  Hardee,  late  Commandant  at 
West  Point,  to  go  to  Europe  to  purchase  guns  and 
munitions  of  war  for  the  State  of  Georgia.  A  I . 
Times ,  Pec.  27. 


Pec.  28.— The  South  Carolina  Commissioners 
have  had  a  conference  with  President  Buchanan 
and  his  Cabinet,  and  demand  that  the  troops  be 
withdrawn  immediately,  or  this  shall  be  their  last 
interview,  and  they  will  return  to  South  Carolina 
and  prepare  for  the  worst. — Evening  Post,  Pec.  29. 

It  is  said  that  Mr.  Buchanan  is  doing  all  he  can 
to  favor  the  schemes  of  the  revolutionists.  The 
conduct  of  Major  Anderson,  in  evacuating  Port 
Moultrie  and  taking  up  a  stronger  position  at  Fort 
Sumter,  is  understood  to  meet  the  decided  disap¬ 
probation  of  the  Administration.  It  seems  he  acted 
without  orders.  Government  arms  have  been  sold 
to  the  State  of  Georgia  by  the  Secretary  of  War, 
and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  President 
will  take  no  measures  to  suppress  any  revolutionary 
efforts  which  may  be  made  by  Southerns. — Idem. 

General  Scott  threatens  to  resign,  if  President 
Buchanan  recalls  Major  Anderson,  and  will  offer  his 
services  to  his  country. — Idem. 

It  is  said  that  merchants  and  other  men  of  prop¬ 
erty  in  South  Carolina,  are  compelled  by  threats 
of  personal  violence,  to  become  subscribers  to  the 
State  loan.  It  is  also  reported,  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  truth  of  the  report,  that  a  tax 
has  been  privately  levied  on  slaveholders,  of  $10 
per  head  for  each  slave  owned  by  them— a  tax  so 
onerous  that,  in  some  cases,  the  slaves  will  be  con¬ 
fiscated  and  sold  in  order  to  meet  it.  This  is  a 
forced  loan  as  thoroughly  as  was  ever  any  loan 
during  the  French  Revolution,  or  during  the  chronic 
revolutions  of  Mexico.  The  secession  movement  is 
in  the  hands  of  the  mob ;  and  the  planters,  mer- 
chants,  and  other  men  of  substance,  are  powerless 
against  them. — Cor.  A.lbany  Evening  Journal,  Dec. 
28. 

Pec.  31. — Philadelphia. — There  is  a  report  in 
circulation  that  “  Wheatland,”  the  residence  ot  Mi. 
Buchanan,  has  been  burned. 

In  addition  to  Bates  of  Missouri,  Cabinet  places 
have  been  offered  by  Mr.  Lincoln  to  Alexander  II. 
Stephens  of  Georgia,  and  Robert  ^T.  Scott  of  Vir¬ 
ginia. — N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  Pec.  31. 

Poetry — 2 


The  Raleigh  Standard  says :  North  Carolina  still 
commands  us  to  obey  the  Federal  laws  and  to  re¬ 
spect  the  Federal  authorities.  Up  to  this  moment 
these  laws  and  these  authorities  have  breathed 
nothing  but  respect  for  our  State,  and  have  oitered 
nothing  but  protection  to  our  citizens.  It  will  be 
time  enough  to  talk  about  levying  war  and  captur- 
ing  forts  when  the  State  shall  have  dissolved  her 
relations  with  the  Union.  She  has  not  done  so  yei., 
and  we  trust  that  no  such  step  will  be  required. 
She  is  too  brave  to  run  out  of  the  Union  under  tem¬ 
porary  panics,  and  she  is  too  wise  to  commit  liersell 
to  revolution  for  the  purpose  merely  ot  imitating 
the  examples  of  other  States. 


“  The  Northern  people  have  an  enemy  at  their  own 
doors  who  will  do  our  work  for  us,  it  we  are  not 
insane  enough  to  take  their  myrmidons  off  their 
hands.  ‘  The  winter  of  their  discontent  ’  is  but  be¬ 
ginning  to  dawn.  They  have  a  long,  dark  winter, 
of  cold  and  hunger,  impending  over  their  heads; 
before  it  is  over,  they  will  have  millions  of  operatives 
without  work,  and  without  bread. 

“  In  all  human  probability,  before  another  summer 
melts  their  ice-bound  hills,  blood— human  blood— will 
have  flowed  in  their  streets.  When  cold  and  hunger 
begin  their  work,  this  deluded  rabble  will  ask  alms 
at  the  doors  of  the  rich,  with  pike  and  firebrand  in 
their  hands.  Our  Northern  enemies  will  then  find 
that  they  have  business  enough  to  attend  to  at  their 
own  doors,  without  troubling  themselves  about 
keeping  forts  on  Southern  soil.  ‘  They  have  got 
the  wolf  by  the  ears,’  and  they  have  a  fair  prospect 
of  being  bit,  unless  we  are  charitable  enough  to 
take  the  beast  off  their  hands.  If  the  North  can 
furnish  bread  for  its  paupers  for  the  next  five  months, 
well.  If  not,  their  rulers  will  answer  for  it  in  blood. 
It  was  simply  the  want  of  bread  that  brought  Louis 
XVI.  to  the  guillotine ;  and  New  York,  as  well  as 
Paris,  can  furnish  her  Theroign  de  Maricourt,  who 
may  sing  her  carmagnole  up  Broadway  with  Se¬ 
ward’s  head  upon  a  pike. 

“  Our  Northern  enemies  are  locked  up  with  their 
million  of  operatives  for  the  winter,  and  how  they 
are  to  be  kept  quiet  no  man  can  tell." — Charleston 
Courier. 


Washington,  Jan.  2, 1861. — “Scarce  a  man  here 
from  the  Free  States,  and  few  from  the  border  Slave 
States,  (I  refer  to  men  in  society,)  hesitates  now  to 
declare  in  the  most  emphatic  language,  that  the 
Union  must  and  shall  be  preserved.  Even  Gen.  B. 
F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  one  of  the  most  ultra 
of  Breckinridge’s  supporters,  and  the  bitterest  of 
Anti-Republicans,  does  not  hesitate  to  assure  South¬ 
ern  men  that  the  Free  States  are  forgetting  all  po¬ 
litical  parties  and  uniting  as  one  man  for  the  Union. 
Talking  with  a  South  Carolina  Commissioner,  the 
latter  is  reported  to  have  told  him  that  if  Massa¬ 
chusetts  should  send  10,000  men  to  ‘preserve  the 
Union’  against  Southern  secession,  she  would  have 
to  fi°ht  twice  the  number  of  her  own  citizens  at 
home,  who  would  oppose  the  policy.  ‘  By  no  means, 
Mr.  Butler  replied  ;  ‘  when  we  come  from  Massa¬ 
chusetts  we  will  leave  not  a  single  traitor  behind, 
unless  he  is  hanging  upon  a  tree.’  Private  ac¬ 
counts  from  Charleston  state  that  a  thousand  no¬ 
n-roes  are  engaged  in  the  erection  of  fortifications 
ill  the  harbor,  and  that  the  channels  leading  to  Fort 
Sumter  have  been  obstructed  by  sunken  vessels,  and 
the  buoys  removed.  Also  that  Governor  Pickens 


10 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


has  received  the  offer  of  10,000  volunteers  from 
without  the  State,  who  hold  themselves  in  readiness 
to  march  at  a  minute’s  warning.” — Timex,  Jan.  3. 

Jan.  4. — “  A  resident  of  Chicago,  Ill.,  who  has 
been  travelling  through  the  Southern  States  for  the 
last  two  months,  in  a  quiet  and  observant  manner, 
says:  that  the  greatest  alarm  and  fear  exist  among 
the  slave  owners,  in  consequence  of  certain  evi¬ 
dences  which  they  have  discovered,  of  an  expec¬ 
tation  on  the  part  of  the  slaves  of  events  soon  hap¬ 
pening  which  will  resultin  their  universal  liberation. 
Every  one  who  has  been  much  in  the  South,  knows 
the  manner  in  which  intelligence  is  disseminated 
among  the  slaves.  The  hotel  waiters,  the  barbers, 
the  private  servants  of  gentlemen  and  families  in 
cities,  are  the  first  ones  to  hear  what  is  going  on. 
Constantly  present  with  their  masters,  and  the 
travelling  population,  they  hear  all  the  conversation, 
and  if  it  bears  upon  their  own  interests,  they  trea¬ 
sure  it  up  with  a  very  retentive  memory.  The  con¬ 
stant  theme  in  the  South  for  the  last  two  months, 
has  been  the  election  of  the  ‘  Abolitionist  Lincoln, 
and  the  free  negro  Hamlin,’  to  the  Presidential 
chair,  and  the  consequences  that  were  to  result 
from  these  events.  The  slaves  have  heard  all  this, 
and  they  have  told  it  to  their  companions,  and  the 
news  has  spread  to  the  plantations  with  that  celer¬ 
ity  which  is  so  remarkable  a  feature  of  slave  life. 
Tiie  news  has  not  lost  any  by  travelling,  and  there 
exists  now  a  very  general  belief  among  the  slaves 
that  an  army  from  the  North  is  soon  to  march  down 
to  the  South  and  liberate  all  the  slaves.  They  think 
their  liberation  will  be  accelerated  if  they  make 
a  rising  themselves;  and  some  such  struggles  have 
been  made.  They  have  been  put  down  with  great 
severity,  and  hushed  up  as  much  as  possible.  Some 
slaves  have  been  burned  at  the  stake,  others  hung, 
others  sold  to  go  further  South ;  and  every  one  says 
as  little  about  the  insurrection  as  possible.  But  so 
fearful  are  the  planters  of  a  rising,  that  the  slaves 
have  all  been  deprived  of  their  usual  Christmas  in¬ 
dulgences  and  visits,  and  have  been  confined  closely 
to  their  own  plantations.  The  police  regulations 
are  made  still  more  strict,  and  every  precaution 
possible  is  taken  to  prevent  an  eruption  of  the 
smouldering  volcano,  which  sooner  or  later  must 
take  place.  The  large  planters,  as  a  general  thing, 
are  not  earnest  secessionists,  and  they  fear  the  ef¬ 
fect  of  secession  upon  the  value  of  their  property. 
The  chief  secessionists  are  the  politicians  of  the 
towns  and  cities,  and  they  have  produced  such  a 
state  of  feeling  that  no  one  dares  openly  to  express 
anti-secession  opinions.” — Chicago  Democrat. 

A  writer  in  Washington  says  :  “  In  conversation, 
this  evening,  with  several  of  the  North  Carolina 
delegation,  they  inform  me  that  they  had  been 
aware,  for  some  time  past,  that  the  small  squad  of 
secessionists  in  that  State  had  been  for  weeks  past 
concocting  schemes  to  seize  the  Federal  property, 
which,  perhaps,  might  have  been  consummated 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  Union  men  of  the 
State,  whereby  the  latter  might  possibly  have  been 
drawn  into  it ;  but  having  been  advised  of  that  fact, 
the  members  of  Congress  immediately  telegraphed 
to  their  friends,  to  suppress  all  such  revolutionary 
schemes,  which  advice  was  at  once  taken,  and  this 
movement  thus  interrupted.  Having  implicit  con¬ 
fidence  in  the  honesty  and  ability  of  Gov.  Ellis, 
they  also  sent  a  dispatch  to  him  to  quell  all  such 


[  insurrections,  and  it  is  believed  he  will  use  all  his 
power  to  prevent  an  outbreak.  They  also  state  that 
|  there  need  be  no  alarm  as  to  North  Carolina  taking 
j  any  such  precipitate  action.  It  is  recommended  by 
these  members  that  a  convention  be  immediately 
called  to  discuss  this  question,  and  to  present  some 
plan  for  the  adjustment  of  all  these  difficulties,  and 
thus  save  their  State  from  being  drawn  into  this 
vortex  of  certain  ruin.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  such 
a  convention  will  be  called  in  the  course  of  a  few 
days.” — N.  Y.  Times,  Jan.  5. 


Jan.  5. — The  Southern  senators  at  Washington 
say,  that  the  United  States  frigate  Brooklyn,  if  sent 
to  Charleston,  will  be  sunk  in  the  harbor  ;  that  the 
light-houses  will  be  darkened,  the  buoys  removed, 
and  the  battery  opened  upon  the  steamer  from  Mor¬ 
ris  Island. — Boston  Transcript,  Jan.  C. 

It  is  rumored  that  when  South  Carolina  is  brought 
to  submission,  that  State  is  to  be  occupied  as  a 
black  republic,  by  the  slaves  liberated  from  the 
border  States. — Aihenccum. 


Jan.  '7. — A  gentleman  from  Charleston  says  that 
every  thing  there  betokens  active  preparations  for 
fight.  Last  Sunday,  he  says,  not  a  lady  was  at  the 
church  he  attended.  They  were  all  at  home  making 
cartridges  and  cylinders,  and  scraping  lint.  The 
thousand  negroes  busy  in  building  batteries,  so  far 
from  inclining  to  insurrection,  were  grinning  from 
ear  to  ear  at  the  prospect  of  shooting  the  Yankees. 
Extravagant  reports  were  current  as  to  the  hostile 
designs  of  the  Federal  Government,  such  as  that  the 
Macedonian  was  on  her  way  with  five  hundred 
troops. — Evening  Post,  Jan.  7. 

Washington,  Jan.  7. — The  Cabinet  have  enter¬ 
tained  the  idea  of  causing  the  arrest  of  Senator 
Toombs  for  treason,  the  treasonable  act  being  that 
of  sending  the  alleged  despatch  urging  the  im¬ 
mediate  seizure  of  the  Georgia  forts,  which  was 
done. — Washington  Star,  Jan.  7. 

Jan.  8. — It  is  stated  that  a  movement  had,  last 
week,  obtained  the  sanction  and  support  of  several 
wealthy  merchants  of  New  York,  for  sending  relief 
to  the  gallant  Anderson,  and  that  a  large  amount 
of  money  and  materials  were  contributed,  and  a 
steamer  selected  for  the  purpose.  On  Saturday  the 
parties  who  were  at  the  head  of  the  movement  were 
informed  that  the  United  States  Government  had 
undertaken  to  send  supplies  and  men  to  that  post, 
and  that  consequently  their  patriotic  services  would 
not  be  required.  It  is  understood  that  South  Caro¬ 
lina  has  agents  in  New  York,  and  at  other  impor¬ 
tant  points,  who  promptly  notify  the  Governor  of 
every  movement  of  troops  intended  for  reinforcing 
the  military  posts  at  the  South.  We  have  good 
reason  to  know  that  it  is  now  understood  on  Gov¬ 
ernor’s  Island  that  an  order  has  been  received  in 
this  city  from  the  War  Department,  in  obedience 
to  which  all  the  available  troops  at  this  station  will 
be  mustered  and  critically  inspected  at  Governor’s 
Island  on  Thursday  next.  Lest  any  man  should  be 
absent  at  roll-call  the  utmost  strictness  is  exercised 
in  making  out  the  daily  liberty  lists ;  and  no  soldier 
can  leave  the  island  except  by  special  permission. 
The  order  is  supposed  to  have  authorized  the  com¬ 
plete  equipment  and  preparation  for  the  road  of  al) 
the  troops  in  garrison. — N.  Y.  Times,  Jan.  8. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


11 


Jan.  9.— Reports  of  the  suffering  at  Charleston 
continue.  A  dispatch  from  Washington  confirms 

the  previous  accounts.  It  says ;  .  . 

“  A  gentleman  arrived  this  evening  from  Charles¬ 
ton,  in  company  with  Com.  Shubrick.  Dot  1  sa> 
the  panic  which  prevails  there  is  unparalleled. 
There  is  a  great  lack  of  food,  business  is  prostrat¬ 
ed  ;  the  people  are  idle,  and  patrols  are  wandering 
up  and  down  to  preserve  order.  On  the  day  Com. 
Shubrick  left  there  was  unusual  excitement,  and 
upon  inquiry  he  found  that  news  had  been  received 
that  the  steamer  Macedonian  was  on  her  way  with 
eight  hundred  troops  to  bombard  the  city  and  re¬ 
inforce  Major  Anderson.  He  could  not  convince 
them  to  the  contrary,  and  expresses  the  opinion 
that  they  cannot  hold  out  in  their  present  condi¬ 
tion  long,  unless  Georgia  comes  to  their  rebel.  JNo 
vessel  entered  or  left  the  harbor  while  they  were 
there.” 

The  Tribune  has  the  following  editorial  para- 

°  “We  learn,  through  a  private  letter,  from  a  per¬ 
fectly  responsible  source  in  Charleston,  that  the 
other  day  a  body  of  twenty  minute-men  from  the 
country  entered  a  large  private  house  in  that  city 
and  demanded  dinner.  A  dinner  was  given  them, 
and  then  they  demanded  ten  dollars  each,  sajing 
that  they  had  not  come  to  Charleston  for  nothing; 
and  the  money  was  furnished  also.  Another  fact 
of  still  greater  significance  has  come  to  our  know¬ 
ledge  Governor  Pickens  has  written  to  an  officer 
of  high  rank  in  the  United  States  army,  a  native  ot 
South  Carolina,  who  is  loyal  to  the  stars  and  stripes, 
requesting  him  to  come  to  Charleston  and  protect 
them  from  the  mob.  The  officer  has  declined,  sav¬ 
in  rr  that  he  can  serve  his  country  elsewhere,  and 
that  he  does  not  wish  to  have  any  part  m^the  pro¬ 
ceedings  now  going  forward  in  that  State. 

The  Baltimore  Clipper  has  information  of  a  simi¬ 
lar  character.  It  says :  .  ,  , 

“We  learn,  by  the  fresh  arrival  ot  a.  stone¬ 
cutter  from  Columbia,  South  Carolina,  at  his  home 
in  Washington  city,  that  a  sad  and  sorrowful  state 
of  things  prevails  there.  Business  and  work  ot 
all  kinds  are  in  a  paralyzed  condition,  owing  to 
the  excitement  existing  among  the  people  about 
the  approaching  inauguration  of  what  they  term 
a  hostile  Government.  The  talk  of  war  has  caused 
every  thing  else  to  be  suspended.  He  represents 
the  people  as  excited  almost  to  derangement,  and 
relates  a  case  where  a  fellow-mechanic  of  his  had 
been  completely  crazed  and  made  an  inmate  ot  a 
lunatic  asylum,  by  the  warlike  demonstrations 
around  him.  Nearly  every  mechanic  employed  on 
the  Capitol  of  the  State  has  left,  and  those  remain¬ 
ing  behind  will  follow  in  a  few  days.  Other  me¬ 
chanics  employed  elsewhere  will  soon  take  their 
departure,  and  unless  times  shall  soon  improve, 
many  of  the  native  mechanics  and  laboring  force 
of  the  State  will  seek  employment  in  other 
States.” 


The  Journal  of  Commerce ,  a  few  days  ago,  con¬ 
tained  this  specious  apology  for  one  of  the  numerous 
acts  of  treason  to  the  Union  by  which  Secretary 
Elovd  endeavored  to  efface  from  the  public  mind  all 
recollection  of  his  more  despicable,  if  less  note¬ 
“Arms  for  the  South The  Evening  Post , 
under  the  head  of  ‘.A  Suspicious  Proceeding, 


publishes  a  rumor  that  1  five  hundred  cases  of 
muskets,  from  the  Watervlict  arsenal,  opposite 
Troy,  have  been  shipped  to  this  city  and  put  on 
board  the  steamer  Florida,  for  Savannah.  As  the 
Post's  paragraph  will  be  copied,  with  amplifica¬ 
tions,  into  Republican  papers  throughout  the  coun¬ 
try,  it  may  be  well  to  state  the  real  facts  upon 
which  the  above  ridiculous  report  is  probably  based. 
Several  weeks  ago,  five  hundred  cases  of  muskets 
were  shipped  to  Savannah,  to  supply,  it  is  said,  the 
legal  demand  of  Georgia  for  her  quota  ol  guns  from 
the  United  States.  There  was  no  mystery  about 
the  transaction.  The  arms  came  down  the  Hudson 
River  on  a  barge,  and  were  taken  on  board  the 
Savannah  steamer  like  any  other  cargo.  H  this 
shipment  had  occurred  at  any  other  time,  it  would 
have  caused  no  remark.  Its  occurrence  now  is 
explained  by  the  fact,  that  Georgia  had  previously 
neglected  to  draw  out  the  quota  of  arms  to  which  she 
was  entitled,  and  which  the  General  Government  could 
not  legally  or  equitably  deny  to  her  Within  a 
week  or  two,  the  Adjutant-general  of  this  State 
has  drawn  all  the  arms  to  which  New  T  ork  was  en¬ 
titled,  and  no  good  reason  can  be  given  why  every 
other  State,  as  long  as  it  remains  in  the  Union 
should  not  exercise  the  same  right.  It  is  a  little 
singular  that  the  State  of  Georgia  should  be  en¬ 
titled  to  a  quota  often  thousand  stand  of  arms,  that 
being  the  number  contained  in  five  hundred  cases, 
(as  I  learn  from  a  highly  intelligent  officer  of  the 
service,)  when  the  annual  appropriation  for  arming 
the  militia  is  only  $200,000  per  annum  The  mus¬ 
kets  are  worth  about  $11  50  each  so  that  the  ten 
thousand  would  cost  $115,000.  _  Now,  if  we  reflect 
that  the  State  of  Georgia  constituted  in  1850,  only 
one-thirtieth  part  of  the  Union,  and  that,  at  the 
present  time,  it  bears  a  still  smaller  proportion  to 
the  whole,  we  shall  see  how  absurd  is  the  pretence 
that  she  has  only  received  her  proper  share  of  arms. 
Divide  $200,000  by  thirty,  and  we  have  for  her  dis¬ 
tributive  share  $6,666  ;  so  that  the  10,000  muskets 
would  be  her  quota  for  seventeen  years  and  more. 
Perhaps  the  Journal  of  Commerce  can  reconcile 
these  facts  with  its  smooth  and  plausible  statement. 

It  is  well  known,  that  besides  the  arms  thus  given 
to  the  States,  Secretary  Floyd  has  been  putting 
others  in  the  Southern  arsenals  during  the  summer, 
in  order  that  the  secessionists  may  arm  themselves 
whenever  they  see  fit  to  rebel  against  the  Govern¬ 
ment  There  were  not  more  than  twenty  thousand 
stand  of  arms  in  the  Charleston  arsenal  a  year  ago; 
there  are  now  seventy  thousand,  if  the  Charleston 
papers  can  be  relied  upon.  These  arms  were 
sent  there  to  be  seized  by  the  State  authorities  and 
no  one  can  feel  surprised  that  the  present  has  been 
accepted  The  mob  in  Savannah  lias  mutated  the 
Government  of  South  Carolina,  and  among  the 
latest  items  of  news,  we  learn  that  the  United 
States  Government  has  been  dispossessed  ot  its 
armory  at  that  place.  Floyd  was  industriously 
engaged  up  to  the  date  of  his  resignation,  in  send¬ 
ing  arms  and  munitions  of  war  to  all  the  seceding 
States  This  seems  to  have  been  the  only  public 
measure  in  which  he  took  an  interest.  When  not 
employed  in  arming  the  rebel  States  by  disarming 
the  Government  which  he  had  sworn  to  support, 
his  attention  seems  to  have  been  entirely  occupied 
with  various  and  complicated  schemes  for  depleting 
the  treasury  ;  and  I  know  of  no  man  who  will  have 
stronger  claims  to  the  gratitude  of  the  rebellious 
States  than  he  who  did  so  much  to  bring  dishonor 


12 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


and  bankruptcy  upon  the  Government  of  the 
Union,  while  he  supplied  its  enemies  with  the 
sinews  of  war. — Times. 


Among  the  items  of  news  from  Charleston  float¬ 
ing  around  in  secession  circles,  is  a  story  that 
the  Hon.  Wm.  Aiken  has  been  made  to  “  dis¬ 
gorge,  in  aid  of  the  cause,  much  against  his  will,” 
as  follows:  He  was  notified  that  he  was  expected 
to  advance  $40,000  to  that  end  ;  and  plead  his  right 
to  advance  or  not,  as  he  might  please,  adding  that 
he  did  not  have  the  money.  He  was  then  promptly 
notified  that  he  had  been  assessed  that  amount  and 
must  promptly  pay  it,  under  penalty  of  having  it 
raised  by  the  immediate  confiscation  and  sale  of  his 
property  in  Charleston,  worth  many  times  as  much. 
To  save  that  from  utter  destruction,  he  did  raise 
the  amount  demanded,  and  in  paying  it  remarked, 
that  his  lot  would  be  better  if  he  was  a  journeyman 
carpenter  at  the  North,  shoving  a  jack-plane  at  $2 
per  day  wages,  than  the  South  Carolina  millionaire 
he  was  before  it  was  essayed  to  reduce  the  South 
under  a  military  despotism.  He  is  now  “one  of  the 
suspected,”  his  course  in  refusing  to  seem  to  be 
pleased  with  paying  the  forced  loan  having  earned 
him  the  dangerous  reputation  of  being  disaffected 
to  the  cause. —  Washington  Star. 


During  the  approach  of  the  Star  of  the  West, 
and  the  firing  upon  her  from  Morris  Island, 
Maj.  Anderson  ordered  the  ports  fronting  Fort 
Moultrie  and  Morris  Island  to  be  opened,  and  the 
guns  were  unlimbered.  As  the  firing  continued, 
one  of  the  lieutenants  who  commanded  a  heavy 
gun,  entreated  Maj.  Anderson  to  let  him  “  give  ’em 
just  one  shot.”  “Be  patient,”  was  the  only  reply 
from  the  commander,  who  remained  in  the  look¬ 
out,  with  glass  in  hand,  intently  watching  the  ap¬ 
proaching  steamer.  How  long  Maj.  Anderson  had 
determined  in  his  own  mind  to  “be  patient,”  he 
alone  can  tell;  but  just  at  what  appeared  the  criti¬ 
cal  juncture,  when  every  instant  the  order  to  “  fire” 
was  expected,  the  Star  of  the  West  was  observed 
to  suddenly  port  her  helm,  and  swinging  with  her 
head  seaward,  doubled  upon  her  track  and  pro¬ 
ceeded  out  over  the  bar.  [Account  of  a  laborer 
then  in  the  fort.]— N.  Y.  Times ,  Jan.  19. 

Jan.  10. — A  recent  number  of  Once  a  Week 
contains  the  following  amusingly  exaggerated  per¬ 
sonal  sketch  of  our  next  President : 

“  Abraham  Lincoln  is  a  gaunt  giant  more  than 
six  feet  high,  strong  and  long-limbed.  He  walks 
slow,  and,  like  many  thoughtful  men  (Wordsworth 
and  Napoleon,  for  example),  keeps  his  head  inclined 
forward  and  downward.  His  hair  is  wiry  black,  his 
eyes  are  dark  gray  ;  his  smile  is  frank,  sincere  and 
winning.  Like  most  American  gentlemen,  he  is 
loose  and  careless  in  dress,  turns  down  his  flapping 
white  collars,  and  wears  habitually  what  we  con¬ 
sider  evening  dress.  His  head  is  massive,  his  brow 
full  and  wide,  his  nose  large  and  fleshy,  his  mouth 
coarse  and  full;  his  eyes  are  sunken,  his  bronzed 
face  is  thin,  and  drawn  down  into  strong  corded 
lines,  that  disclose  the  machinery  that  moves  the 
broad  jaw.  This  great  leader  of  the  ‘  Republican  ’ 
party— this  Abolitionist — this  terror  of  the  4  Demo¬ 
crats’ — this  honest  old  lawyer,  with  face  half  Ro¬ 
man,  half  Indian,  so  wasted  by  climate,  so  scarred 
by  a  life’s  struggle,  was  born  in  1809,  in  Kentucky. 


His  grandfather,  who  came  from  Virginia,  was 
killed  by  the  Indians.  His  father  died  young,  leav* 
ing  a  widow  and  several  children.  They  removed 
to  Indiana,  Abe  being  at  that  time  only  six  years 
old.  Poor  and  struggling,  his  mother  could  only 
afford  him  some  eight  months’  rough  schooling; 
and  in  the  clearings  of  that  new,  unsettled  country’ 
the  healthy  stripling  went  to  work  to  hew  hickory 
and  gum-trees,  to  grapple  with  remonstrating 
bears,  and  to  look  out  for  the  too  frequent  rattle¬ 
snake.  Tall,  strong,  lithe  and  smiling,  Abe  toiled 
on  as  farm-laborer,  mule-driver,  sheep-feeder,  deer- 
killer,  wood-cutter,  and,  lastly,  as  boatman  on  the 
waters  of  the  Wabash  and  the  Mississippi.” 


A  letter  from  naynevillc,  in  Alabama,  says 
the  people  are  greatly  excited  on  two  subjects: 
the  certain  withdrawal  of  Alabama  from  the  Union, 
and  negro  insurrections.  About  twenty  miles  from 
that  place,  they  have  discovered  a  plot  among  the 
negroes,  headed  by  a  white  man,  or  perhaps  more 
than  one,  to  rise  and  murder  all  the  white  folks 
they  could  find.  The  plot  was  providentially  dis¬ 
covered,  the  white  man  arrested,  and,  after  estab¬ 
lishing  their  guilt  beyond  a  doubt,  he  was  hung 
up,  together  with  five  or  six  negroes.  Another 
plot  has  been  discovered  in  another  direction. 
Three  white  men  have  been  arrested  and  about 
thirty  negroes — report  says  they  will  hang.  The 
w'hite  men  are  northern  men. 

Another  letter  from  Greensboro,  Alabama,  says  : 

“  There  was  a  servile  insurrection  about  sixty 
miles  north  of  this  place,  last  week,  when  four 
whites  were  killed  and  sixteen  negroes  were  hung. 
In  Montgomery,  for  the  same  thing,  two  white  men 
(abolitionists)  and  four  negroes  were  hung.  We 
hope  all  this  will  soon  pass  off,  but  there  is  great 
fear  that  insurrections  will  rise  all  over  the  South. 
— Evening  Post,  Jan.  10. 


News  was  received,  at  Washington,  last  night 
from  Major  Anderson,  to  the  effect  that  he  had 
notified  the  commander  of  Fort  Moultrie  that  he 
expected  a  ship  with  reinforcements,  and  that  if  it 
was  fired  upon,  or  her  passage  through  the  channel 
interfered  with  in  any  way,  he  would  fire  upon  Fort 
Moultrie.  The  commander  replied  that  he  4  might 
fire  and  be  d - d.’  This  is  regarded  as  an  indi¬ 

cation  that  the  secessionists  intended  to  attack  the 
vessel,  and  intense  anxiety  for  her  safety,  and  in 
regard  to  the  probable  issue  of  affairs  in  Charleston 
harbor,  therefore  prevails.— Phila.  Press,  Jan.  10. 

A  Committee  of  the  Louisiana  State  Convention, 
appointed  to  prepare  a  flag  and  seal  for  that  State, 
thus  express  their  opinion  of  that  Pelican  which  has 
so  long  been  the  cherished  emblem  of  Louisiana: 
“On  consultation,  and  especially  with  those  de¬ 
scended  from  the  ancient  colonists  of  the  country, 
the  Committee  found,  that  what  has  been  consider¬ 
ed  the  symbol  of  Louisiana,  commands  neither  their 
favor  nor  their  affection.  The  pelican  is  in  form 
unsightly,  in  habits  filthy,  in  nature  cowardly.”  The 
Committee  also  learned  from  Audubon,  to  their 
amazement,  that  the  story  of  the  pelican’s  feeding 
its  young  with  its  own  blood  is,  in  expressive 
phrase,  “gammon.”  Therefore  they  do  not  com¬ 
mend  this  water-fowl  as  a  fit  subject  for  their  flag, 
but  rather  as  one  of  loathing  and  contumely. — W. 
Y.  Times. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


13 


LAISSER  ALLER. 

by  franklin  ldshington. 

No  more  words ; 

Try  it  with  your  swords! 

Try  it  with  the  arms  of  your  bravest  and  your  best ! 
You  are  proud  of  your  manhood,  now  put  it  to  the 
test; 

Not  another  word ; 

Try  it  by  the  sword. 

No  more  notes; 

Try  it  by  the  throats 
Of  the  cannon  that  will  roar  till  the  earth  and  air 
be  shaken: 

For  they  speak  what  they  mean,  and  they  cannot  be 
mistaken ; 

No  more  doubt ; 

Come — fight  it  out. 

No  child’s  play ! 

Waste  not  a  day ; 

Serve  out  the  deadliest  weapons  that  you  know; 

Let  them  pitilessly  hail  on  the  faces  of  the  foe; 

No  blind  strife ; 

Waste  not  one  life. 

You  that  in  the  front 
Bear  the  battle’s  brunt — 

When  the  sun  gleams  at  dawn  on  the  bayonets 
abreast, 

Remember  ’tis  for  government  and  country  you 
contest ; 

For  love  of  all  you  guard, 

Stand  and  strike  hard. 

You  at  home  that  stay 
From  danger  far  away, 

Leave  not  a  jot  to  chance,  while  you  rest  in  quiet 
ease ; 

Quick !  forge  the  bolts  of  death ;  quick !  ship  them 
o’er  the  seas ; 

If  war’s  feet  are  lame, 

Yours  will  be  the  blame. 

You,  my  lads,  abroad, 

“  Steady !  ”  be  your  word: 

You,  at  home,  be  the  anchor  of  your  soldiers  young 
and  brave ; 

Spare  no  cost,  none  is  lost,  that  may  strengthen  or 
may  save ; 

Sloth  were  sin  and  shame  ; 

Now  play  out  the  game. 

—  Transcript ,  April  17. 


A  VOLUNTEER  SONG. 

The  choir  of  the  Broadway  Tabernacle  church, 
wishing  to  sing  the  Marseillaise ,  called  upon  the 
pastor  to  prepare  a  patriotic  hymn.  The  following 
attempt  to  adjust  inflexible  English  syllables  to  the 
tortuous  notes  of  the  French  Air  of  Liberty,  was  the 
response.  The  hymn,  such  as  it  is,  was  sung  with 
good  effect  at  the  Tabernacle  last  Sabbath  evening 
the  vast  audience  joining  with  great  enthusiasm  in 
the  chorus.  By  request  of  many,  it  is  given  to  the 

Dublic : 


Arise  !  Arise  !  ye  sons  of  patriot  sires  ! 

A  Nation  calls !  and  Heaven  speed  your  way. 
Now  Freedom  lights  anew  her  waning  fires, 

And  spreads  her  banner  to  the  day, 

And  spreads  her  banner  to  the  day. 

While  to  His  Throne  our  hearts  are  swelling, 
Freedom,  and  Law,  and  Truth,  and  Right, 
May  God  defend  by  his  own  might, 

By  his  right  arm  the  treason  quelling  ! 

Ye  loyal  sons ,  and  true , 

Sons  of  the  brave  and  free, 

Join  hearts,  join  hands ,  to  strike  anew 
For  God  and  Liberty. 

With  faith  your  all  to  Him  confiding 

Who  crowned  with  victory  our  fathers’  hand, 
With  courage  in  his  strength  abiding, 

Go  forth  in  Freedom’s  sacred  band, 

Go  forth  to  save  our  native  land. 

Defend  from  faction’s  wild  commotion, 

Our  homes,  our  laws,  our  schools  and  spires, 
The  names  and  graves  of  patriot  sires, 

Till  Freedom  reigns  to  farthest  ocean. 

Ye  loyal  sons  and  true , 

Sons  of  the  brave  and  free, 

Join  hearts ,  join  hands,  to  strike  anew 
For  God  and  Liberty. 

— Independent. 


TO  THE  BRITISH  RIFLE  COMPANY. 

BY  GEORGE  W.  MORGAN. 

Air,  “  Yankee  Doodle .” 

Old  England  sends  a  Rifle  Corps 
To  dear  New  England  greeting; 

And  will,  if  wanted,  send  still  more, 

At  every  future  meeting ; 

For,  though  this  ain’t  our  native  land, 

It  still  is  very  handy, 

As  riflemen,  to  lend  a  hand. 

To  Yankee  Doodle  Dandy. 

Chorus — Brother  Britons,  keep  it  up, 

Keep  the  ball  in  motion, 

And  show  this  love  of  liberty 
Is  a  BritishrYankee  notion. 

“  Down  South”  they  seem  to  think  we  are 
Divided  in  opinion, 

And  that  they’ll  have  an  easy  task 
To  conquer  a  dominion. 

They’ll  find  out,  though,  p’raps  to  their  cost, 
In  forming  such  conclusions, 

They’ve  reckoned  there  without  their  host, — 
Their  facts  were  but  delusions. 

Chorus — Brother  Britons,  keep  it  up,  &c. 

They  say  there’s  black  sheep  in  our  fold, 

And  traitors  in  the  city ; 

We  don’t  believe  it,  though  we’re  told ; — 

If  ’tis  so,  more’s  the  pity. 

We’ll  hold  ourselves  in  readiness 

To  paint  their  black  skins  white,  sirs, 

Or  else  make  good  large  apertures 
That  will  let  in  the  light,  sirs. 

Chorus — Brother  Britons,  keep  it  up,  &c. 

And  if  to  Bunker  Hill  they  come, 

To  call  their  rolls  of  slaves,  6irs, 

They’ll  make  it  their  perpetual  home 
In  mighty  pleasant  graves,  sirs. 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


1  t 


Old  England  and  New  England’s  sons 
Are  bound  as  loving  brothers ; 

Both  hearts  and  hands,  their  swords  and  guns, 
Alike  are  one  another’s. 

Chorus — Brother  Britons,  keep  it  up,  &c. 


Boston,  April  2d,  1861. 


— Boston  Transcript. 


the  stars  and  ST  rites. 

by  FRANCIS  DE  IIAES  JANVIER. 

The  Stars  and  Stripes  !  What  hand  shall  dare 
To  desecrate  the  flag  we  bear? 

The  flag  of  stars,  whose  cheering  light 
Brightened  oppression’s  gloomy  night ! 

The  flag  of  stripes,  whose  heavenly  dyes 
Flashed  Freedom’s  day-spring  through  the  skies! 
Our  flag !  The  standard  of  the  free  ! 

Symbol  of  hope  and  liberty ! 

The  Stars  and  Stripes !  What  memories  rise, 
Whene’er  that  banner  greets  our  eyes  ! 

By  patriots  borne,  o’er  land  and  sea, 

It  led  the  way  to  victory  ! 

When  slaughter  swept  the  surging  main — 

When  carnage  strewed  the  crimson  plain — 

It  marked  the  spot  where  heroes  stood, 

It  was  baptized  in  heroes’  blood ! 

The  Stars  and  Stripes !  What  power  shall  stay 
Immortal  Freedom’s  onward  way ! 

The  heavens  are  the  triumphal  arch 
Through  which  she  takes  her  mighty  march  ! 

Her  mighty  march  !  Nor  shall  she  halt 
Till,  like  the  spangled  azure  vault, 

O’er  every  land  around  the  world 
The  Stars  and  Stripes  shall  be  unfurled ! 
Washington,  March  19,  1861. 

— N.  I”.  Evening  Post ,  Maroh  22. 


A  VISION  OF  JANUARY  4tii. 

Lying  on  my  couch  a  night  or  two  ago, 

I  had  a  solemn  vision  of  penitential  woe  ; 

Of  that  great  time  of  fasting  and  of  humiliation 

IToposed  by  pious  James  unto  our  sinful  nation. 

All  the  stores  were  closed,  the  whole  length  of 
Broadway, 

As  on  that  great  occasion,  the  Prince’s  procession 
day, 

And  the  solemn  chimes  of  Trinity  through  the  air 
began  to  swim, 

Tolling  the  grand  Old  Hundred  and  Luther’s  Judg¬ 
ment  Hymn. 

Ah,  soon  the  great  procession  moved  slowly  from  the 
Park  ; 

'Twas  headed  by  the  Mayor,  and  brought  up  by  men 
of  mark, 

Barefooted  marched  through  mingled  mud  and  snow  ; 

Girdled  with  rope,  and  ashes-strewn,  and  clad  in 
weeds  of  woe. 

There  were  some  Republican  leaders,  feeling  very 
blue  indeed, 

That  their  party,  after  hard  fighting,  had  the  ill  luck 
to  succeed ; 


They  were  all  for  “  conciliation,”  “  concession,”  and 
“  compromises 

Hungry  to  eat  their  own  words  and  back  out  of  their 
own  devices. 

Houses  in  Southern  trade,  although  their  skirts  were 
clear, 

Had,  for  the  sake  of  example,  come  in  from  far  and 
near ; 

They  bore  a  sable  banner,  all  lettered  in  golden  foil, 

“After  eating  so  much  dirt ,  are  we  asked  to  swallow 
free  soil  ?  ’’ 

Merchants  with  “woolly”  clerks,  or  those  who,  in 
sinful  way, 

Had  thought  their  own  thoughts  sometimes  on  the 
questions  of  the  day, 

Marched  with  sorrowful  tread,  in  garments  as  dark 
as  death, 

Beating  their  breasts,  and  crying  uMea  culpa  ”  with 
every  breath. 

There  was  the  British  Consul,  walking  subdued  and 
meekly ; 

He  had  read  that  statesmanlike  paper  of  Morse  in  the 
recent  Weekly, 

Unmasking  the  foul  designs  of  the  island  across  the 
ocean, 

And  he  hastened  to  add  his  mite  of  penitence  and 
devotion. 

Many  were  the  devices  the  mournful  band  upbore, 

In  token  of  heartfelt  sorrow  that  would  go  and  sin 
no  more ; 

Loyal — repentant — humble — and  all  that  sort  of 
thing — 

There  was  one  in  the  style  of  Blondel — “0  Cotton  ! 
0  our  King !  ” 

It  was  a  gloomy  progress — no  shouts  or  waving  of 
palms — 

They  chanted  De  Profundis  and  the  Penitential 
Psalms, 

Or  a  verse  of  Dies  Irce  by  way  of  a  little  variety, 

Tears  and  groans  and  ejaculations  thrown  in  to  pre¬ 
vent  satiety. 

Whenever  the  song  was  still  the  bands  took  up  tho 
wail — 

(The  drums  and  bugles  wore  crape  as  deep  as  a 
widow’s  veil) — 

And  the  players  moved  along,  solemn  and  slowly  all, 

To  the  music  of  Roslin  Castle  and  the  Dead  March  in 
Saul. 

The  route  of  the  procession  was  up  Broadway  to 
Grace, 

Where  prayers  were  to  be  offered  befitting  the  des¬ 
perate  case ; 

But  a  breakfast-bell  rang  near  me,  and  roused  by  its 
thrilling  stroke, 

Just  on  the  corner  of  Tenth  street,  I  lost  the  vision 
and  woke,  Catharine  Ledyard. 

— Evening  Pott. 


A  NORTHERN  RALLY. 

BY  JOHN  CLANCY. 

W e’ve  borne  too  long  this  Southern  wrong, 
That  ever  sought  to  shame  us ; 

The  threat  and  boast,  the  braggart  toast, 

“  That  Southern  men  would  tame  us.” 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


15 


We’ve  bent  the  knee  to  chivalry, 

Have  borne  the  lie  and  scorning, 

But  now,  thank  God,  our  Northern  blood 
Has  roused  itselt  Iroux  fawning. 

The  issue’s  made,  our  flag’s  displayed, 

Let  he  who  dare  retard  it ; 

No  cowards  here  grow  pale  with  fear, 

For  Northern  swords  now  guard  it. 

The  men  that  won  at  Lexington 
A  name  and  fame  in  story, 

Were  patriot  sires,  who  lit  the  fires 
To  lead  their  sons  to  glory. 

Like  rushing  tide  down  mountain  side, 

The  Northern  hosts  are  sweeping ; 

Each  freeman’s  breast  to  meet  the  test 
With  patriot  blood  is  leaping. 

Now  Southern  sneer  and  bullies’  leer. 

Will  find  swift  vengeance  meted  ; 

For  never  yet,  since  foemen  met, 

Have  Northern  men  retreated. 

United  now,  no  more  we’ll  bow, 

Or  supplicate,  or  reason : 

’Twill  be  our  shame  and  lasting  blame 
If  we  consent  to  treason. 

Then  in  the  fight  our  hearts  unite, 

One  purpose  move  us  ever ; 

No  traitor  hand  divide  our  land, 

No  power  our  country  sever. 

_A~.  Y.  Leader ,  April  20. 


Descendants  of  sires  whose  proud  names  have  been 
sung 

In  the  noblest  hosannas  of  earth.  .  . 

They  were  trained  in  our  shops,  they  were  trained  m 

our  schools, 

They’ve  been  taught  on  our  free  waves  to  sail ; 

They  have  learned  of  Progression  the  practice  and 

But  they  know  not  the  meaning  of  Fail. 

They  marched  ’neath  that  Banner  whose  glorious 

light  . 

Has  been  the  world’s  Hope-star  m  heaven ; 

They  march  in  defence  of  the  True  and  the  Right, 
And  God’s  power  to  each  strong  arm  is  given. 

That  flag  will  still  wave  o'er  the  Land  oj  the  free, 

Though  Treason  by  millions  assail ;  _ 

The  sons  of  the  Bay  State  have  sworn  it  shall  be, 

And  they  know  not  the  meaning  of  Fail. 

Go,  join  them,  brave  brothers  !  still  rallying,  go  ! 

Wives  and  sisters  are  calling  the  rolls— 

On  their  cheeks  fall  sad  tears,  but  they’re  quenched 
in  the  glow 

That  rays  out  from  their  Patriot  souls. 

They  were  reared  in  the  Bay  State,  they’re  tender 
and  true, 

But  at  Duty’s  stern  glance  never  quail ; 

The  Future  is  calling  to  them  and  to  you— 

And  no  word  of  the  answer  is  Fail. 

— Boston  Transcript. 


OUT  AND  FIGHT. 

Out  and  fight !  The  clouds  are  breaking, 

Far  and  wide  the  red  light  streams, 

North  and  west  see  millions  waking. 

From  their  night-mare,  doubting  dreams, 
War  is  coming.  As  the  thunder 
Mid  the  mountain  caverns  rolls, 

Driving  rains  in  torrents  under, 

So  the  wild  roar  wakes  our  souls. 

Out  and  fight !  The  time  is  over 
For  all  truce  and  compromise, 

Words  of  calm  are  words  of  folly, 

Peaceful  dreams  are  painted  lies; 

Sumter’s  flames  in  Southern  waters, 

Are  the  first  wild  beacon  light, 

And  on  Northern  hills  reflected 
Give  the  signal  for  the  fight. 

Out  and  fight!  Endure  no  longer, 

Goading  insult,  brazen  guilt ; 

Be  the  battle  to  the  knife  blade, 

And  the  knife  blade  to  the  hilt, 

Till  the  sacred  zone  of  Freedom 
Girds  the  whole  Atlantic  strand. 

And  the  braggart  and  the  Gascon 
Be  extinguished  in  the  land. 

Chas.  G.  Leland,  in  Vanity  Fair ,  April  27. 


THE  MASSACHUSETTS  REGIMENTS. 


THE  SECESSION  FLAG. 

[Upon  the  proposition  of  the  secessionists  to  adopt 
the  stars  and  stripes  for  the  flag  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy,  adding  the  crescent  as  the  only  change.] 

Unfurl  not  to  the  Southern  breeze 
Our  flag  of  glorious  name, . 

Nor  mar  with  heathenish  device 
The  symbol  of  our  lame ! 

Our  stars  and  stripes  o’er  Freedom’s  grave 
Dissevered  brotherhood — 

Would  bear  the  deep-dyed  mark  of  Cain 
Daguerreotyped  in  blood. 

It  ne’er  again  would  thrill  the  heart 
That  quails  before  a  foe, 

Nor  kindle  in  the  patriot’s  breast 
A  warmer,  brighter  glow. 

It  ne’er  would  shield  beneath  its  folds 
Th’  expatriate  on  the  sea, 

Nor  call  from  Heaven,  by  mute  appeal, 

A  blessing  on  the  free. 

But,  as  the  prostrate  soldier,  slain 
Upon  the  battle-field, 

Clasps  with  convulsive  grasp  the  hilt, 
Despoil’d  the  power  to  wield — 

In  lifeless  folds,  Columbia’s  flag 
Would  tell  no  nation’s  story ; 

Awake  no  harmonies  divine, 

Of  a  whole  nation’s  glory. 


BY  ALMIRA  SEYMOUR. 

They  were  reared  on  the  soil  whence  the  Adamses 

sprung,  , 

That  to  Hancock  and  Warren  gave  birth  ; 


Thus,  as  the  ark  of  God  of  old, 
Let  forth  by  traitor  hands, 
Stay’d  not  the’  curse  of  dire  defeat 
To  Israel’s  chosen  bands — 


16 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-61. 


Its  hovering  cloud — Jehovah’s  pledge — 
Had  rolled  itself  away  ; 

The  empty  symbol  failed  to  prove 
A  wicked  people’s  stay. 


“  Besides,  they  make  the  canvas  sheets 
That  forms  the  wings  of  commerce, 
That  takes  your  schooners  and  your  fleets 
To  every  harbor  on  earth. 


So  would  that  constellation  strange 
Those  wand’ring  stars  unite, 

Themselves  in  magic  form  arrange, 

And  “Ichabod”  would  write. 

Josephine  JIorss. 

February  22,  1861. 


— Evening  Post. 


UP,  BROTHERS,  ALL. 

Up,  brothers,  all !  this  is  no  time 
To  idle  on  your  oars ; 

Look  !  how  the  waves  are  madly  tost ; 
The  winds  wail,  like  a  spirit  lost ; 

The  distant  thunder  roars. 

Up,  brothers,  all !  for  mother,  sire, 

For  hearthstone,  child,  and  wife, 

Ere  on  the  fatal  rocks  we  go, 

And  hearts  sink  with  the  fearful  blow — 
Pause  not  for  word  of  strife. 


Ho  !  brothers  of  the  North  and  South  ! 

Ho  !  brothers  East  and  West ! 

Pull  all  together ,  would  you  save 
The  “  Union”  which  your  fathers  gave, 
Unwrecked  the  billows  breast. 


God  help  us  !  may  we  haste  to  land 
In  port  of  peaceful  weather ; 

The  ties  of  friendship  strong  and  bright, 
(Pull  all  together  with  your  might !) 

For  dangers  passed  together. 

Fanny  Fai.es. 


— Boston  Transcript. 


YANKEE  DOODLE’S  SUGGESTIONS. 

BY  G.  W.  AVESTBROOK. 

Yankee  Doodle’s  come  again 
Among  the  sons  of  Gotham — 

Not  to  see  the  gods  and  shows, 

But  to  see  the  facts,  and  quote  ’em. 

ne  heard  of  South  Carolina’s  boast 
That  Jonathan  was  craven — 

That  Cotton  was  the  king  of  earth, 

And  nothing  else  could  save  ’em. 

But  Yankee  Doodle  says,  “  Dear  sirs, 

You  know  not  what’s  the  matter — 

^  on  see  through  glasses  darkly  smoked 
With  error  and  tobacker  ! 

“  Your  darkies  plough,  and  hoe,  and  dig, 
To  raise  your  rice  and  cotton. 

And  sugar,  too,  and  cornstalks  big, 

And  many  things  forgotten. 

“You  orter  know  that  Yankees  make 
Your  cotton  into  muslin, 

And  thread,  and  tape,  and  hosiery, 

And  ladies’  wear  quite  puzzlin’. 


“  They  also  make  the  canvas  bags, 

And  send  them  to  the  prairies 
Of  Indiana,  Illinois, 

As  the  soil  and  climate  varies, 

“  To  hold  potatoes,  corn,  and  oats. 

And  wheat,  and  rye,  and  barley, 

And  sometimes  coal  and  ice  in  boats, 

And  coverings  for  the  darkey. 

“  They  also  take  your  rice  in  ships 
Built  by  the  Yankee  nation — 

From  Charleston’s  docks  and  New  York  slips 
All  over  the  creation. 

“  Your  sugar,  too,  the  Yankees  take — 
Although  they  tap  the  maple, 

That  produces  matter  saccharine, 

And  forms  a  Yankee  staple. 

“  Tobacker,  too,  the  Yankees  chew, 

And  smoke  and  snuff  in  plenty — 

The  ladies,  too,  if  you  only  knew. 

Send  to  you  by  the  twenty — 

“For  early  fruits  and  early  flowers, 

Before  the  North  can  raise  ’em, 

To  decorate  their  lovely  bowers, 

Their  sweethearts  to  amaze  ’em. 

“  Then  why  this  strife  ?  like  man  and  wife 
In  a  domestic  quarrel — 

That  after  all  must  end  with  life, 

With  no  unfading  laurel  ? 

“Jonathan’s  advice,  therefore, 

Is,  peacefully  be  living, 

And  kind  and  true  to  every  one, 

Forbearing  and  forgiving. 

“  If  you  refuse  to  take  this  hint 
Intended  for  your  favor, 

We’ll  show  you  how  the  cap  and  flint 
Will  cause  you  much  more  labor.” 

—N.  V.  Atlas. 


THE  STARS  AND  STRIPES. 

Rally  round  the  flag,  boys — 

Give  it  to  the  breeze  ! 

That’s  the  banner  we  love, 

On  the  land  and  seas. 

Brave  hearts  are  under  it ; 

Let  the  Traitors  brag ; 

Gallant  lads,  fire  away ! 

And  fight  for  the  flag. 

Their  flag  is  but  a  rag — 

Ours  is  the  true  one ; 

Up  with  the  Stars  and  Stripes ! 

Down  with  the  new  one  ! 

Let  our  colors  fly,  boys — 

Guard  them  day  and  night ; 

For  Victory  is  Liberty, 

And  God  will  bless  the  Right. 

—Boston  Transcript 


rOETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


GOD  SAVE  OUR  NATIVE  LAND. 

BY  JAMES  WALDEN. 

Air — “  America." 

God  save  our  Dative  land 
From  the  invader’s  hand — 

Home  of  the  free ! 

Though  ruthless  traitors  aim 
To  crush  our  nation’s  fame, 

Yet  still,  in  Freedom’s  name, 

W e  cling  to  thee ! 

0  Lord!  we  humbly  pray, 

Far  distant  be  the  day 
Ere  that  shall  be ; 

Though  lawless  bands  combine 
To  shatter  Freedom’s  shrine, 

With  faith  and  hope  divine 
We  cling  to  thee ! 

0  Lord  !  when,  hand  to  hand, 

Brothers  as  foes  shall  stand, 

Shield  thou  the  right! 

Stay  these  unhappy  wars, 

Join  us  in  one  great  cause — 

To  guard  our  nation’s  laws 
With  freemen’s  might ! 

Lord !  may  this  strife  soon  cease ; 

Grant  us  a  lasting  peace — 

Farted  we  fall ! 

Long  may  our  banner  wave 
Over  the  free  and  brave — 

0  Lord !  our  country  save — 

God  save  us  all ! 

— Sunday  Times. 


OUR  FATHERLAND. 

God  save  our  Fatherland  !  from  shore  to  shore; 

God  save  our  Fatherland,  one  evermore. 

No  hand  shall  peril  it, 

No  strife  shall  sever  it, 

East,  West,  and  North  and  South ! 

One  evermore! 

Chorus — God  save  our  Fatherland!  true  home  of 
Freedom ! 

God  save  our  Fatherland,  one  evermore ; 
One  in  her  hills  and  streams, 

One  in  her  glorious  dreams, 

One  in  Love’s  noblest  themes — 

One  evermore ! 

Strong  in  the  hearts  of  men,  love  is  thy  throne  ; 
Union  and  Liberty  crown  thee  alone  ; 

Nations  have  sighed  for  thee ; 

Our  sires  have  died  for  thee ; 

We’ll  all  be  true  to  thee — 

All  are  thine  own. 

Chorus— God  save  our  Fatherland,  Ac. 

Ride  on,  proud  Ship  of  State,  though  tempests  lower ; 
Ride  on  in  majesty,  glorious  in  power ; 

Though  fierce  the  blast  may  be, 

No  wreck  shall  shatter  thee — 

Storms  shall  but  bring  to  thee 
Sunshine  once  more. 

Chorus — God  save  our  Fatherland,  &c. 

— Evening  Post,  Fob.  23. 


THE  NEW  YEAR  AND  THE  UNION. 

BY  GEORGE  D.  PRENTICE. 

God  lias  made 

A  wilderness  of  worlds  ;  His  will,  and  strong 
Creative  spirit  shook  ten  thousand  worlds. 

Like  golden  dewdrops,  from  his  waving  wing, 

To  roll  in  beauty  through  abysmal  space, 

And  chant  the  chorus  of  his  love  divine. 

He  made  the  milky-way  to  span  the  sky, 

A  pearly  bow  of  promise,  every  drop 
That  sparkles  there  a  singing,  shining  world! 

He  woke  the  music  of  the  Northern  Harp, 

The  wild  weird  chiming  of  the  Pleiades — 

And  bade  the  arches  of  a  Southern  sphere 
Reverberate  their  hallelujahs  high. 

The  mighty  One 

Who  sweeps  the  lyre  of  Ages,  and  commands 
The  praises  of  ten  thousand  singing  worlds, 

Creates  the  stars  of  Union,  and  attunes 
The  lofty  heart  of  liberty !  .  .  .  shall  we, 

Proud  children  of  the  brave,  the  free, 

Behold  our  banner,  blazoned  by  the  breath 
Of  glory,  sullied  by  a  slave  ? — our  stars, 

Of  Union  tossing  wildly  to  and  fro 
Upon  the  wave  of  faction,  as  they  were 
But  shining  shadows,  not  eternal  orbs, 

For  ever  circling  through  the  boundless  heaven 
Of  everlasting  purpose  ? — or  shall  we 
Hear  Dissolution  sounded,  and  forbear 
To  brand  the  traitor  hearts  that  dare  forget 
The  bond  for  which  our  fathers  fought  and  bled  ? 
Cursed  be  the  traitors — doubly,  trebly  doomed — 
The  pit  of  Discord  for  her  victims  yawns, 

Then,  back  recoiling,  shudders  to  receive 
Their  hearts, — a  fouler  and  a  fiercer  hell ! 

God  save  the  Union!— Give  the  dawning  year 
This  proud  baptismal  anthem — let  its  last 
Dissolving  sigh  be — Union  undissolved ! 

New  States,  with  starry  emblems,  one  by  one,. 
Come  stealing  through  the  Future’s  twilight  dim, 
Like  orbs  of  evening  from  its  dusky  sky, 

To  take  their  place  at  last  with  those  that  tread 
Their  high,  unwearied  and  unwearying  round 
Before  the  golden  gates  and  battlements 
Of  Paradise.  The  harp  of  Liberty 
Shall  sound  amain,  till  Death  himself  expire; 

Till  God  has  made  us  free,  immortally, 

And  Time  is  dust  upon  his  broken  Lyre ! 

Thrice  raptured  moment! — if  all  blessed  like  theo 
Are  Heaven’s  bright  centuries,  how  brief  will  be 
Its  countless  ages  of  Eternity ! 


THE  SEVENTH. 
by  fitzjames  o’brien. 
Air — uGilla  Machrce." 
i. 

Och!  we’re  the  boys 
That  hearts  desthroys 
Wid  making  love  and  fighting ; 
We  take  a  fort, 

The  girls  we  court, 

But  most  the  last  delight  in. 

To  fire  a  gun, 

Or  raise  some  fun, 

To  us  is  no  endeavor  ; 


Poetry — 3 


18 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


So  let  us  hear 
One  hearty  cheer — 

The  Seventh’s  lads  for  ever ! 

Chorus — For  we’re  the  boys 

That  hearts  desthroys, 

Wid  making  love  and  fighting ; 
We  take  a  fort, 

The  girls  we  court, 

But  most  the  last  delight  in. 


And  pray  to-night, 

That  angels  bright 
May  watch  them  and  caress  them. 
Chorus — For  we’re  the  boys 

That  hearts  desthroys, 

Wid  making  love  and  fighting ; 

We  take  a  fort, 

The  girls  we  court, 

But  most  the  last  delight  in. 

—N.  Y.  Times . 


II. 

There’s  handsome  Joe, 

Whose  constant  flow 
Of  merriment  unfailing, 

Upon  the  tramp, 

Or  in  the  camp, 

Will  keep  our  hearts  from  ailing. 

And  B - and  Chat 

Who  might  have  sat 
For  Pythias  and  Damon, 

Och  !  whin  they  get 
Their  heavy  wet, 

They  get  as  high  as  Hainan. 
Chorus — For  we’re  the  boys 

That  hearts  desthroys,  &c. 

iii. 

Like  Jove  above, 

We’re  fond  of  love, 

But  fonder  still  of  victuals  ; 

Wid  turtle  steaks 
An’  codfish  cakes 
We  always  fills  our  kittles. 

To  dhrown  aich  dish. 

We  dhrinks  like  fish, 

And  Mumm’s  the  word  we  utthcr ; 
An’  thin  we  swill 
Our  Leoville, 

That  oils  our  throats  like  butther. 

Chorus — For  we’re  the  boys 

That  hearts  desthroys,  Ac. 


IV. 

We  make  from  hay 
A  splindid  tay, 

From  beans  a  gorgeous  colfec ; 
Our  crame  is  prime, 

Wid  chalk  and  lime — 

In  fact,  ’tis  quite  a  throphy. 

Our  chickens  roast, 

Wid  butthered  toast, 

I’m  sure  would  timpt  St.  Pether. 
Now  you’ll  declare 
Our  bill  of  fare 
It  couldn’t  be  complether. 

Chorus — For  we’re  the  boys 

That  hearts  desthroys,  &e. 


V. 

Now  silence  all, 

While  I  recall 

A  memory  sweet  and  tender ; 

The  maids  and  wives 
That  light  our  lives 
With  deep,  enduring  splendor — 
We’ll  give  no  cheer 
For  those  so  dear, 

But  in  our  hearts  we’ll  bless  them, 


THE  UNITED  STATES  FLAG— 1861. 

INSCRIBED  TO  S.  P.  RUSSELL,  ESQ. 

(A.?  read  by  John  Keynton,  Esq.,  at  the  great 
Union  Meeting  at  Yorkville,  AT.  Y. 

BY  WILLIAM  ROSS  WALLACE. 

Flag  of  the  valiant  and  the  tried, 

Where  Marion  fought  and  Warren  died ! 

Flag  of  the  mountain  and  the  lake  1 
Of  rivers  rolling  to  the  sea 
In  that  broad  grandeur  fit  to  make 
The  symbols  of  Eternity  ! 

0  fairest  Flag !  0  dearest  Land ! 

Who  shall  your  banded  children  sever  ? 

God  of  our  fathers !  here  we  stand, 

A  true,  a  free,  a  fearless  band, 

Heart  pressed  to  heart,  hand  linked  in  hand, 

And  swear  that  Flag  shall  float  forever ! 

Still  glorious  Banner  of  the  Free  ! 

The  nations  turn  with  hope  to  thee  : 

And  when  thy  mighty  shadow  falls 
Along  the  armory’s  trophied  walls, 

The  ancient  trumpets  long  for  breath  ; 

The  dinted  sabres  fiercely  start 
To  vengeance  from  each  clanging  sheath, 

As  if  they  sought  some  traitor’s  heart  1 

0  sacred  Banner  of  the  Brave  ! 

0  standard  of  ten  thousand  ships! 

0  guardian  of  Mount  Vernon’s  grave! 

Come,  let  us  press  thee  to  our  lips ! — 

There  is  a  heaving  of  the  rocks — 

New  England  feels  the  patriot-shocks; 

There  is  a  heaving  of  the  lakes — 

New  York,  with  all  the  West,  awakes; 

And,  lo !  on  high  the  glorious  shade 
Of  Washington  lights  all  the  gloom, 

And  points  unto  these  words,  arrayed 
In  fire  around  his  tomb — 

“ Americans  !  your  fathers  shed 
Their  blood  to  rear  the  Union's  *  fame  ; 

For  this  that  fearless  Banner  spread 
On  many  a  gory  plain  l 
Americans !  let  no  one  dare, 

On  mountain,  valley ,  prairie,  food, 

By  hurling  down  that  Temple  there, 

To  desecrate  that  blood  ! 

The  Right  shall  live,  while  Faction  dies  l 
All  traitors  draw  a  fleeting  breath  I 
But  Patriots  drink,  from  God's  own  eyes, 

Truth's  light  that  conquers  Death  !  ” 

*  How  pure  the  spirit  in  that  form  enshrined. — Gov. 
Chase. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


19 


Then,  dearest  Flag,  and  dearest  Land! 

Who  shall  your  banded  children  sever? 

God  of  our  fathers!  here  we  stand, 

A  true,  a  free,  a  fearless  band, 

Heart  pressed  to  heart,  hand  linked  in  hand, 
And  swear  that  flag  shall  float  forever  ! 

— N.  Y.  Dispatch. 


NATIONAL  GUARD  MARCHING  SONG. 

BY  A.  J.  n.  DUGANNE. 

Air — “ Lutzow's  Wild  Chase." 

A  sound  through  the  nation  is  rolling  amain, 

With  the  power  and  the  grandeur  of  thunder; 

It  beats  in  the  bosom  and  throbs  in  the  brain 
Of  a  people  awaking  in  wonder  ; 

Oh  !  if  you  ask  why  the  thunders  rolled — 

’Tis  to  rouse  for  Union,  the  free  and  the  bold — 
Rouse  for  Union  the  hearts  of  the  free  and  the  bold ! 

“  An  army  with  banners  ”  moves  mightily  on  ; 

Every  heart  to  its  country  is  plighted ; 

The  stars  of  those  banners  outdazzle  the  sun, 

With  the  blaze  of  their  glories  united ! 

Oh  !  if  you  ask  what  is  here  foretold — 

’Tis  to  range  in  Union  the  free  and  the  bold — 
Range  in  Union  the  hearts  of  the  free  and  the  bold ! 

They  arc  marching,  all  marching,  in  Liberty’s  cause, 
With  the  flag  of  their  love  floating  o’er  them ; 
And  on  its  bright  folds  they  have  graven  the  laws 
Of  the  beautiful  mother  who  bore  them ; 

And  if  you  ask  why  the  flag’s  unrolled — 

’Tis  to  lead  in  Union  the  free  and  the  bold — 

Lead  in  Union  the  hearts  of  the  free  and  the  bold ! 

Not  a  whisper  of  doubt  or  a  shadow  of  dread 
In  their  gallant  and  noble  communion ; 

For  they  tread  in  the  paths  of  the  patriot  dead, 
And  they  step  to  the  music  of  Union  ! 

And  if  their  purpose  you  would  be  told — 

’Tis  to  band  in  Union  the  free  and  the  bold — 

Band  in  Union  the  hearts  of  the  free  and  the  bold  ! 

—  Boston  Saturday  Express. 


SONGS  OF  THE  ItEBELS. 


WAR  SONG. 

Air — “March,  march,  Ettrick  and  Tcviotdalc.' 

[The  writer  has  a  husband,  three  sons,  two  nephews, 
other  relatives,  and  friends,  in  the  companies  men¬ 
tioned,  to  whom  these  lines  are  most  respectfully 
inscribed.] 

March,  march  on,  brave  “  Palmetto ”  boys, 

“  Sumter  ”  and  “  Lafayettes,”  forward  in  order; 
March,  march,  “  Calhoun”  and  “ Rifle”  boys. 

All  the  base  Yankees  are  crossing  the  border. 
Banners  are  round  ye  spread, 

Floating  above  your  head, 
t  Soon  shall  the  Lone  Star  be  famous  in  story. 
On,  on,  my  gallant  men, 

Vict’ry  be  thine  again, 

Fight  for  your  rights,  till  the  green  sod  is  gory. 

March,  march,  &c. 


Young  wives  and  sisters  have  buckled  your  armor  on. 
Maidens  ye  love  bid  ye  go  to  the  battle-field  ; 
Strong  arms  and  stout  hearts  have  many  a  vict’ry  won. 
Courage  shall  strengthen  the  weapons  ye  wield. 
Wild  passions  are  storming, 

Dark  schemes  are  forming, 

Deep  snares  are  laid,  but  they  shall  not  enthral 

ye; 

Justice  your  cause  shall  greet, 

Laurels  lay  at  your  feet, 

If  each  brave  band  be  but  watchful  and  wary. 

March,  march,  &c. 

Let  fear  and  unmanliness  vanish  before  ye  ; 

Trust  in  the  Rock  who  will  shelter  the  righteous ; 
Plant  firmly  each  step  on  the  soil  of  the  free — 

A  heritage  left  by  the  sires  who  bled  for  us. 

May  each  heart  be  bounding, 

When  trumpets  are  sounding, 

And  the  dark  traitors  shall  strive  to  surround  yc ; 
The  great  God  of  Battle 
Can  still  the  war-rattle, 

And  brighten  the  land  with  a  sunset  of  glory. 

March,  march,  &c. 

—  Charleston  Mercury. 


ON  FORT  SUMTER. 

It  was  a  noble  Roman, 

In  Rome’s  imperial  day, 

Who  heard  a  coward  croaker 
Before  the  battle  say — 

“  They’re  safe  in  such  a  fortress ; 

There  is  no  way  to  shake  it  ” — 

“  On  !  on  !  ”  exclaimed  the  hero, 

“  I’ll  find  a  way,  or  make  it  1  ” 

Is  Fame  your  aspiration  ? 

Her  path  is  steep  and  ln'gh  ; 

In  vain  he  seeks  the  temple, 

Content  to  gaze  and  sigh  ; 

The  crowded  town  is  waiting, 

But  he  alone  can  take  it, 

Who  says,  with  “  Southern  firmness,” 

“  I’ll  find  a  way,  or  make  it  !  ” 

Is  Glory  your  ambition  ? 

There  is  no  royal  road  ; 

Alike  we  all  must  labor, 

Must  climb  to  her  abode  ; 

Who  feels  the  thirst  for  glory, 

In  Helicon  may  slake  it, 

If  he  has  but  the  “  Southern  will,” 

“  To  FIND  A  WAY,  OR  MAKE  IT  !  ” 

Is  Sumter  worth  the  getting  ? 

It  must  be  bravely  sought ; 

With  wishing  and  with  fretting, 

The  boon  cannot  be  bought ; 

To  all  the  prize  is  open, 

But  only  he  can  take  it, 

Who  says,  with  “  Southern  courage ,” 

“  I’ll  find  a  way,  or  make  it  1  ” 

In  all  impassioned  warfare, 

The  tale  has  ever  been, 

That  victory  crowns  the  valiant, 

The  brave  are  they  who  win. 

Though  strong  in  “Sumter  Fortress," 

A  Hero  still  may  take  it, 

Who  says,  with  “  Southern  daring,” 

“  I’ll  find  a  way,  or  make  it  !  ” 

—  Charleston  Mercury. 


20 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 

It  was  feared  that  Major  Anderson  might  be 
short  of  fuel,  but  it  is  found  that  there  are  exten¬ 
sive  old  buildings  at  the  fort,  and  sheds  and  timbers 
used  during  the  construction  of  the  works,  which 
need  to  be  removed,  and  which  will  afford  abundant 
fuel  for  six  months  to  come. — N.  Y.  Tunes ,  Jan.  11. 


Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy  was  asked  what  he  thought 
of  Senator  Seward’s  speech,  noted  somewhat  for 
its  conciliatory  tone.  “We  want,”  said  Lovejoy, 
“no  Melancthons  now;  we  want  Martin  Luthers. 
We  want  no  one  to  write  essays  upon  the  Union 
and  the  sin  and  disasters  of  secession,  but  some 
one  to  throw  the  inkstand  right  at  the  Devil’s 
head.” — N.  Y.  Times ,  Jan.  16. 


The  following  query  appeared  in  the  New  Haven 
Journal:  “Editor  Journal :  In  the  autumn  of  1828, 
or  previous,  Rev.  Dyer  Bull  occupied  the  first  front 
chamber  in  the  old  Roger  Sherman  House,  near 
South  College,  New  Haven.  Mr.  Bull  then  had  with 
him  as  private  pupil,  a  short  black-eyed  young  man, 
whom  he  introduced  to  the  writer  as  Mr.  Benjamin. 
Benjamin  soon  went  out,  and  the  writer  asked  Mr. 
Bull  if  that  man  was  a  member  of  college  ?  ‘  No,’ 

said  he ;  ‘  he  has  been,  but  has  left  the  college. 
Ho  steals  so  that  it  seems  almost  impossible  to 
break  him  of  it — steals  from  his  classmates,  and 
any  thing  that  he  happens  to  fancy,  that  he  can  put 
his  hands  upon.  Whether  this  same  young  man 
has  not  since  risen  to  offices  of  high  financial  trust, 
has  not  been  a  senator  in  Congress,  and  has  not 
directly  or  indirectly  been  cognizant  of  the  late 
wholesale  mint  robbery  at  New  Orleans,  may  be 
well  a  subject  of  inquiry. — Yeritas. 

“  He  is  the  same  man.  He  left  college  under  a 
discovery  of  theft. — [Ed.  Journal.]” 

“  There  was  one  of  the  class  of  1S29  whose  name 
cannot  be  found  on  the  list  of  graduates,  or  any 
annual  catalogue  after  1827.  He  was  and  still  is  a 
handsome  little  fellow,  looking  very  small  in  his 
class,  who,  with  a  few  exceptions,  were  of  lull 
manly  growth.  This  youth  hailed  from  a  great 
State  of  ‘the  chivalrous  sunny  South,’  bright-eyed, 
dark  complexion,  and  1  ardent  as  a  southern  sun 
could  make  him.’  In  the  early  part  of  1828  there 
was  a  mysterious  trouble  in  that  class.  Watches, 
breastpins,  seals,  pencil-cases,  penknives,  two-bladed 
knives,  four-bladed  knives,  &c.,  &c.,  &c.,  and  lastly, 
sundry  sums  of  money,  ‘  lying  around  loose  ’  in  stu¬ 
dents’ rooms,  disappeared  unaccountably.  The  losers 
looked  gloomy  at  each  other,  and  suspiciously  at 
others.  Something  must  be  done,  and  they  finally 
constituted  themselves  a  volunteer  ‘  detective  force,’ 
set  their  trap,  baited  with  thirty-five  dollars  in  good 
bank-notes,  and  soon  caught  the  thief.  He  confess¬ 
ed.  On  opening  his  trunk,  in  his  presence,  they  found 
it  nearly  full  of  missing  valuables — jewelry,  pocket 
cutlery  and  horologery  enough  to  stock  a  Chatham- 
street  store.  He  begged  pitifully  not  to  be  exposed ; 
they  looked  piteously  into  his  handsome  young 
face,  aud  relented  at  the  thought  of  blasting  his 
opening  life.  He  had  been  a  universal  favorite, 
the  pet  of  his  class ;  so  they  agreed  not  to  inform 
either  the  city  magistrates  or  the  Faculty  of  the 
University,  but  ordered  him  to  *  clear  out  ’  at  once 
and  forever.  He  went  instantly  to  good  President 
Day,  obtained  a  certificate  of  honorable  dismission, 


and  vanished.  That  little  thief  is  now  a  senator  in 
Congress,  advocating  and  justifying  and  threaten¬ 
ing  the  robbery  of  forts  and  the  stealing  of  the 
military  cutlery,  and  hardware  generally,  of  the 
Federal  Government,  without  any  more  color  or 
shadow  of  pretext  than  he  had  for  his  like  opera¬ 
tions  on  his  fellow-students  just  thirty-three  years 
ago.  A  third  of  a  century  has  not  made,  and  can 
never  make,  any  change  in  such  an  originally  born 
rascal.  Had  these  early  filchings  been  a  mere 
thoughtless,  boyish  escapade ,  a  momentary  yielding 
to  temptation  while  in  great  want,  they  would  not 
deserve  mention  now  ;  but  they  were  systematized 
theft — long-continued,  accumulated  and  hoarded 
pilferings,  from  trustful  bosom  friends.  Had  the 
fellow  not  at  length  reproduced  his  private  mo¬ 
rality  in  public  life,  I  would  have  allowed  the  secret 
of  his  early  crimes  to  remain  in  the  hearts  of  the 
few  who  then  knew  and  now  remember  it.” — N.  Y. 
Independent. 


WRITTEN  AFTER  READING  GENERAL  WOOL’S  RECENT 
LETTER.* 

Such  soldier  talk  assures  the  land 
It  isn’t  wholly  bursted  ; 

Our  Wool  against  their  cotton ,  and 
Secession  schemes  are  worsted. 

— Boston  Atlas. 


A  friend  of  Lincoln  writes  :  Lincoln  goes  for 
no  compromise  with  Southern  leaders  of  secession 
— not  at  all.  I  speak  advisedly.  Again  and  again 
he  has  said  to  me,  “  Compromise  is  not  the  remedy 
— not  the  cure.  The  South,  i.  e.  the  leaders,  don’t 
want  it — won’t  have  it — no  good  can  come  of  it. 
The  system  of  compromise  lias  no  end.  Slavery 
is  the  evil  out  of  which  all  our  other  national  evils 
and  dangers  have  come.  It  has  deceived  us,  led 
us  to  the  brink  of  ruin,  and  it  must  be  stopped. 
It  must  be  kept  where  it  now  is.”  Such  are  his 
views,  and  calmly  he  awaits  the  forty-seven  days 
longer,  when,  if  his  life  is  spared,  lie  will  fearlessly 
tell  the  millions  of  the  land  the  line  of  policy  lie 
intends  to  pursue,  ne  received  a  letter  from  Gene¬ 
ral  Wool  a  few  days  ago,  saying  to  him,  that  he 
(General  Wool)  was  commander  of  the  eastern  di¬ 
vision  of  the  United  States  army,  and  as  the  times 
were  threatening,  he  desired  Mr.  Lincoln  to  say 
what  forces  he  desired  at  the  capital  on  the  4th  of 
March,  and  they  should  be  on  hand.  Mr.  Lincoln 
said  to  me,  “  I  never  saw  General  Wool ;  but  it  was 
a  most  comforting  letter,  and  I  wrote  to  him  in 
reply — *  As  you  and  General  Scott  are  as  well  and 
bettor  acquainted  with  the  nature  and  extent  of  the 
dangers,  and  the  necessary  means  to  meet  them, 
I  take  pleasure  in  committing  all  that  to  your  dis¬ 
cretion,’  and  so  the  matter  rests.” — Newark  Daily 
Mercury. 


Jan.  20. — There  is  no  doubt  that  the  command 
of  the  Southern  Army  has  been  offered  to  Jeffer¬ 
son  Davis,  and  it  is  equally  well  understood  that  he 
is  in  a  state  of  mind  bordering  on  despair,  ne 
seems  to  be  the  only  rational  man  among  the  se¬ 
cessionists,  and  clearly  comprehends  the  terrible 
fate  which  must  befall  the  South  in  the  event  of  a 
conflict  with  the  General  Government.  He  does 

*  See  Document  II. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


21 


not  disguise  his  gloomy  apprehensions  from  his 
friends ;  and  his  only  remaining  hope  is  that  war 
may  be  prevented,  and  the  Union  reconstructed. 
Mr.  Davis  was  a  fiery  Secessionist  ten  years  .  ago, 
but  gradually  the  fires  have  died  out,  until  his  in¬ 
telligent  mind  is  left  free  to  comprehend  the  peril¬ 
ous  position  to  which  the  South,  with  its  institution 
of  Slavery,  has  been  brought  by  the  madness  of 
her  sons. — Times ,  Jan.  23. 

Sherrard  Clemens,  in  his  speech,  on  the  22d  of 
January,  treated  the  Republicans  to  a  Democrat’s 
opinion  of  that  party,  and  paid  his  respects  to  the 
Abolitionists  in  strong  terms  of  denunciation.  When 
he  attacked  secession  and  showed  his  own  section 
the  disasters  to  them,  and  the  loss  consequent  upon 
dissolution  and  the  formation  of  two  separate  Con¬ 
federacies,  there  was  an  intense  excitement  on  the 
Democratic  side.  In  the  midst  ot  this,  his  hour 
expired,  and  upon  an  attempt  to  extend  his  time,  a 
boisterous  scene  ensued,  which  at  one  time  threat¬ 
ened  a  row.  Martin  of  Virginia,  and  Rust  of  Ar¬ 
kansas,  attacked  Clemens  bitterly,  in  violation,  ot 
the  rules  and  orders  of  the  House.  Martin  said : 
“  Let  him  go  on  with  his  treason ;  we  will  teach 
the  traitor  when  he  gets  to  Virginia.”  Logan,  of 
Illinois,  replied  :  “  If  his  speech  is  treason,  there  is 
no  man  in  Virginia  who  can  answer  it.”  Foulk,  of 
Illinois,  insisted  upon  Clemens  going  on.  Rust  and 
Hindman,  of  Arkansas,  declared  he  should  not,  aud 
upon  an  attempt  being  made  to  give  him  leave,  first 
the  Southern  men  very  discourteously  refused  it. 
Their  excited  behavior  showed  that  he  had  told  the 
truth,  and  touched  them  to  the  quick. — Times, 
Jan.  23. 


IIOW  TIIK  RUMOR  OF  AN  ATTACK  ON  TOE  BROOKLYN 
NAVY  YARD  GREW. 

An  Irishman  named  Patrick  Meed  wished  to  ob¬ 
tain  work  in  the  Navy  Yard,  and  fancying  that  Jas. 
E.  Kerrigan  might  have  some  influence  in  that 
quarter,  he  solicited  it ;  and  the  two  went  over  the 
river  together  to  see  what  could  be  done.  When 
there,  the  first  application  was  made  to  the  “  boss 
laborer,”  who  informed  them  that  his  department 
was  full  at  present.  From  thence  they  went  to  the 
machine  shop ;  but  met  with  no  better  success. 
Kerrigan  said  to  his  companion,  “Let  us  take  a 
stroll  down  to  the  dock,”  the  object  being  to  see  if 
work  might  not  be  found  in  that  direction.  As 
they  went  along  the  Irishman  said,  “  This  damned 
place  ought  to  be  burned  up.”  The  expression 
uttered  by  the  companion  of  Kerrigan  was  enough, 
in  the  opinion  of  a  few  laborers  who  overheard  it, 
to  fix  the  idea  in  their  minds  that  “  something  was 
afloat;”  and  as  they  talked  one  with  the  other, 
the  molehill  began  soon  to  assume  the  dimensions 
of  a  mountain.  When  the  laborers  left  the  yard  a 
rumor  spread  around  the  city — doubtless  by  a  word 
or  two  dropped  in  such  and  such  a  store,  then 
amended,  added  to  and  reorganized,  until  the  whole 
city  was  alarmed — and  the  “  authenticated  ”  fact 
that  James  E.  Kerrigan  was  at  the  head  of  a  large 
and  secret  army,  and  intended  to  take  and  burn 
down  the  navy  yard,  was  universally  believed.  The 
police  were  augmented  and  the  militia  ordered  out, 
because  a  man  in  the  heat  of  his  temper,  caused 
by  disappointment  and  chagrin,  uttered  one. simple 
hastv  expression.  But  during  the  silent  midnight 
hours,  at  which  the  attack  was  to  be  made,  where 


was  Kerrigan?  The  worthy  “leader  of  ten  thou¬ 
sand  rebels  ”  was  quietly  enjoying  himself  at  the 
Brennan  coterie,  held  in  Irving  Hall,  completely 
unconscious  of  his  great  and  elevated  position.  He 
was  seen  by  many  persons  to  be  in  the  building 
from  an  early  hour  in  the  evening  till  four  o’clock 
next  morning,  and  certainly  did  not  seem  to  have 
on  his  mind  so  mighty  a  plan  as  the  seizure  of  the 
federal  property  of  this  State.  In  fact,  the  next 
morning  he  could  scarcely  believe  his  own  eyes,  as 
he  read  the  startling  news  in  the  city  papers,  and 
expressed  surprise  how  his  name  could  have  got 
mixed  up  in  the  affair.  But  as  J.  E.  K.  is  a  boy 
full  of  deviltry  and  nonsense,  he  fancied  that  he 
might  have  joked  upon  the  subject,  until  the  above 
facts  came  to  his  remembrance,  when  he  soon  dis¬ 
covered  the  “  nigger  in  the  woodpile.” — Herald , 
Jan.  26. 


Jan.  24. — Advices  from  Charleston  are,  that  the 
British  Consul  at  Charleston  has  been  instructed, 
and  that  the  British  Consul  at  New  Orleans  will  be 
instructed,  to  certify  to  all  clearances  that  may  bo 
issued  from  those  ports.  Also  that  the  British  and 
French  Governments  will  recognize  a  Southern  Con¬ 
federacy. — Charleston  Mercury. 

Jan.  2 '7. — Mr.  Winthrop,  one  of  the  Boston 
Union  Committee,  called  on  Senator  Mason,  and, 
referring  to  his  former  visit  to  Massachusetts,  re¬ 
marked  in  the  blandest  tones,  “  I  hope,  Mr.  Mason, 
we  shall  see  you  again  at  Bunker  Hill.”  To  which 
the  Senator  stiffly  jerked  out  the  response — “Not 
unless  I  come  as  an  ambassador,  sir.” — Times. 


Jan.  29. — The  Cincinnati  Commercial  states  that 
George  N.  Sanders,  is  at  Louisville  assuming  to 
be  the  mouth-piece  of  Judge  Douglas,  and,  as  such, 
advising  the  immediate  secession  of  the  border 
States,  with  a  view  to  “  reconstruction.” 

Feb.  l. — Lieut.  James  E.  Jouett  reported  him¬ 
self  at  Washington,  to  Secretary  Toucey.  Lieut. 
Jouett  is  attached  to  the  steamer  Crusader,  now  in 
the  Gulf,  but  was  temporarily  employed  on  the 
Wyandotte.  He  went  ashore  at  Pensacola,  and 
was  immediately  seized  as  a  prisoner,  but  released 
on  parol  of  honor,  not  to  bear  arms  against  the 
State  of  Florida,  aud  a  passport  was  furnished  him. 
Having  proceeded  to  New  Orleans,  with  the  hope 
of  being  able  to  join  his  vessel  from  that  point,  he 
was  again  threatened  by  Collector  Hatch  with 
arrest,  unless  he  departed  speedily.  The  next  train 
found  him  en  route  for  Washington.  After  hearing 
the  statement,  Secretary  Toucey  requested  the 
statement  to  be  committed  to  writing,  as  the  posi¬ 
tion  of  Jouett  is  a  novel  one.  This  statement  has 
been  made,  and,  with  the  passport,  laid  before  the 
Government.  Jouett  does  not  consider,  his  parole 
binding,  should  the  Department  order  him  back  to 
the  Gulf.  He  silently  received  his  passport,  but 
gave  no  promise  whatever. — H.  Y.  Times ,  Feb.  2. 

A  monkey  over  an  open  powder  magazine  would 
represent,  with  tolerable  exactness,  the  late  con¬ 
duct  and  present  position  of  the  President  of  the 
once  United  States.  No  great  confederacy,  or 
family  of  states,  was  ever  before  cursed  with  a 
President  so  utterly  ignorant  of  the  real  character 
of  the  people  and  principles  he  was  called  on  to 
rule  or  direct. — Charleston  Mercury ,  Feb.  2. 


99 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


“Ethant  Spike  ”  writes,  that  Ilornbv  has  “se¬ 
ceded,”  and  that  he  consequently  resigns  his  seat  in 
the  Maine  Legislature.  The  following  resolutions 
were  passed  at  a  public  meeting  of  the  new  “  sover¬ 
eignty  ” : 

Resolved,  That  we  arc  opposed  to  lioertion,  ex¬ 
cept  when  exercised  by  ourselves. 

Resolved,  That  the  okepation  of  the  Baldwin 
lightus,  by  a  State  keeper,  is  a  irritatin’  circum¬ 
stance,  an’  onless  he  is  withdrawn,  aour  army  be 
instructed  to  take  possession  of  the  same  in  the 
name  of  the  taoun. 

Resolved,  That  ef  aour  reasonable  demands  is  not 
complied  to,  that  we  will  take  possession  of,  an’ 
hold  for  aour  own  use,  the  State’s  prison,  and  the  in¬ 
sane  assylum. 

Resolved,  That  the  haybius  korpus  act,  taxes,  an’ 
the  Main  law  be  an’  is  suspended.  Also  an  ordnance 
relating  to  weights  and  measures  as  used  in  the 
likker  trade.  Be  it  enacted,  That  henceforth  and 
for  ever,  in  this  ere  realm,  every  quart  pot  shall  hold 
a  gallon. 

Ordered  that  the  foregoin’  articles  shall  be  the 
constitution  of  this  suvrinty. — Portland  Transcript. 

There  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  Maj.  Ander¬ 
son  has  received  a  very  considerable  accession  to 
the  forces  under  his  command.  A  correspondent 
states  that  he  has  reliable  authority  for  asserting 
that  ten  or  twelve  officers  and  about  three  hundred 
men  have  been  introduced  into  the  fort,  within  the 
last  fortnight.  They  are  supposed  to  have  been 
taken  down  by  the  Brooklyn,  and  to  have  been 
landed  at  night  in  small  boats  with  muffled  oars. 
This,  if  true,  will  account  for  the  reports  which, 
from  time  to  time,  have  emanated  from  Charleston, 
of  small  boats  having  been  seen  at  night  rowing  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  fort.  We  may  mention, 
as  corroborative  of  this  report,  the  fact,  that  letters 
have  been  received  in  this  city  from  a  gentleman 
who  left  here  four  weeks  since,  and  is  now  within 
Fort  Sumter.  They  are  very  guarded  in  their  lan¬ 
guage,  as  if  the  writer  did  not  repose  unbounded 
confidence  in  the  inviolability  of  letters  intrusted 
to  the  Charleston  Post-office.  But  of  the  fact  that 
he  has  recently  obtained  access  to  the  fort,  and  is 
now  serving  there  under  Maj.  Anderson,  there  is 
no  doubt  whatever. — N.  Y.  Times,  Feb.  4. 

Feb.  12. — The  Charleston  Courier  observes  that, 

“  The  seceding  States  have  pursued  a  brave,  direct, 
decided  course.  They  regard  the  United  States  as 
a  foreign  power.  They  are  prepared  to  maintain  a 
separate  and  independent  nationality.  If  they  are 
let  alone  they  will  never  give  Mr.  Lincoln  any 
trouble,  and  if  the  spirit  of  fanaticism  is  layed,  and 
the  North  returns  to  its  senses,  they  will  establish 
intercourse  with  the  Southern  confederacy,  and  a 
better  feeling  will  prevail  between  the  two  sections 
than  has  existed  during  the  long  period  of  their 
forced  Lnion.  But  the  patriotic  and  short-sighted 
compromisers  propose  to  remain  where  they  are 
and  fight.” 

It  continues:  “The  South  might,  after  uniting, 
under  a  new  confederacy,  treat  the  disorganized  and 
demoralized  Northern  States  as  insurgents,  and  deny 
them  recognition.  But  if  peaceful  division  ensues, 
the  South,  after  taking  the  federal  capital  and  ar¬ 
chives,  and  being  recognized  by  all  foreign  powers 
as  the  government  de  facto,  can,  if  they  see  proper, 
i  ecognize  the  Northern  confederacy,  or  confedera¬ 


cies,  and.  enter  into  treaty  stipulations  with  them. 
\\  ere  this  not  done,  it  would  be  difficult  for  the 
Northern  States  to  take  a  place  among  nations,  and 
their  flag  would  not  be  respected  or  recognized.” 

The  Spartans,  as  the  fierce  people  of  the  State  of 
Laconia  were  generally  called  from  their  capital 
city,  were  this  proverbially  hard  and  undaunted 
people,  small  in  number,  but  each  man  a  host. 
Their  narrow  territory  was  peopled  by  two  classes 
proper — laborers  and  fighters.  The  laborers  were 
slaves  and  the  freemen  fighters.  The  South  could 
detach  one-half  its  whole  male  population  to  wage 
war,  with  as  much  ease  as  the  North  could  one- 
fiftli,  and  in  case  of  need  the  proportionate  array 
of  lighters  which  we  could  marshal  would  astonish 
the  world,  and  it  would  be  still  more  astonished  by 
the  solvent  prosperity  of  our  condition  when  we 
came  out  of  a  contest  requiring  such  effort.  When 
they  talk  about  coercing,  conquering  the  South, 
let  the  valiant  Northmen  consider  that  every  South¬ 
ern  State  i3  several  modern  Laconias,  and  all  the 
States  a  grand  aggregate  of  Laconias,  which  we 
verily  believe  could  defy  the  invading  armies  of  the 
whole  world. — Mobile  Advertiser. 


Feb.  14. — Some  time  ago  it  was  gravely  proposed 
in  South  Carolina  to  abolish  the  Fourth  of  July, 
and  to  select  some  other  day  for  the  annual  occa¬ 
sion  of  blowing  off  the  surplus  patriotism  of  the  Pal- 
mettoes.  In  the  course  of  the  popular  revolt  seve¬ 
ral  favorite  national  airs  were  pronounced  against, 
struck  from  the  music  books,  and  replaced  by  sun¬ 
dry  French  revolutionary  melodies,  with  variations 
to  suit  the  peculiar  phases  of  South  Carolina  Jacobin¬ 
ism.  More  temperate  counsels  prevailed  in  Georgia, 
and  the  Savannah  Republican,  after  commending 
the  action  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  in  “reviv- 
ing  the  government  and  constitution  of  the  fathers,” 
calls  upon  the  Congress  to  re-erect  “  the  stars  and 
stripes”  as  their  national  flag,  and  resume  upon 
the  Southern  lyre  “  those  glorious  old  tunes,  ‘  Hail 
Columbia,’  and  ‘  The  Star-spangled  Banner.’  ”  Yes¬ 
terday  this  question  came  up  in  the  Congress.  Mr. 
Brooke,  of  Mississippi,  protested  that  the  “stars 
and  stripes”  were  the  “idol  of  his  heart,”  when 
Mr.  Miles  of  South  Carolina,  who  has  been  drawing 
his  salary  pretty  regularly  for  several  years  from 
the  federal  government,  said  that  he  had  always, 
even  from  the  cradle,  looked  upon  that  flag  as  “  the 
emblem  of  tyranny  and  oppression.”  We  sincerely 
trust  that  these  fugitive  States,  after  having  stolen 
our  constitution,  will  not  claim  also  our  flag. — Com¬ 
mercial  Advertiser ,  Feb.  14. 


A  NEW  PHASE  OF  THE  GEORGIA  SEIZURES. 

According  to  the  Savannah  Republican,  Governor 
Brown  of  Georgia  acted  hastily  in  seizing  the  New 
York  vessels.  Governor  Morgan  did  not  refuse  to 
accede  to  the  demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  arms 
seized  by.the  police  of  this  city.  On  receiving  the 
telegraphic  message  from  Governor  Brown  he  wrote 
to  inquire  as  to  its  authenticity ;  “  and  (says  the 
Republican)  so  far  as  appears,  he  gave  no  intima¬ 
tion  of  his  intention  to  refuse  the  demand  for  the 
arms.”  The  same  paper  adds  this  significant  para¬ 
graph,  from  which  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  Govern¬ 
or  Brown  hoped  to  accomplish  a  master-stroke  by 
an  act  of  “  devotion  to  the  South,”  so  as  to 
strengthen  his  claims  for  a  prominent  place  in  the 
new  Confederation : 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


23 


“  Under  these  circumstances  it  were  impossible 
to  beat  it  out  of  the  brains  of  some  uncharitable 
persons  that  our  Governor,  in  his  hasty  proceedings, 
was  quite  as  intent  on  bringing  something  from 
Montgomery  as  he  was  from  New  York.  For  our¬ 
selves,  we  pretend  to  no  opinion  on  the  subject.” — 
Evening  Post,  Feb.  15. 


A  NEW  SONG  OP  SIXPENCE. 

Sing  a  song  of  Sumter, 

A  Fort  in  Charleston  bay  ; 

Eight-and-sixty  brave  men 
Watch  there  night  and  day. 

Those  brave  men  to  succor, 

Still  no  aid  is  sent ; 

Isn’t  James  Buchanan 
A  pretty  President ! 

James  is  in  his  Cabinet 
Doubting  and  debating ; 

Anderson ’s  in  Sumter, 

Very  tired  of  waiting. 

Pickens  is  in  Charleston, 

Blustering  of  blows ; 

Thank  goodness  March  the  Fourth  is  near, 

To  nip  Secession’s  nose. —  Vanity  Fair. 

The  following  is  one  of  Mr.  Lincoln’s  stories. 
These  he  tells  often  in  private  conversation,  rarely 
in  his  speeches : 

“  I  once  knew  a  good,  sound  churchman,  whom 
we’ll  call  Brown,  who  was  on  a  committee  to  erect 
a  bridge  over  a  very  dangerous  and  rapid  river. 
Architect  after  architect  failed,  and  at  last  Brown 
said  he  had  a  friend  named  Jones  who  had  built 
several  bridges  and  could  build  this.  4 Lets  have 
him  in,’  said  the  committee.  In  came  Jones.  ‘  Can 
you  build  this  bridge,  sir  ?  ’  4  Yes,’  replied  Jones ; 

*  I  could  build  a  bridge  to  the  infernal  regions,  if 
necessary.’  The  sober  committee  were  horrified.; 
but  when  Jones  retired,  Brown  thought  it  but  fair 
to  defend  his  friend.  1 1  know  Jones  so  well,’  said 
he,  4  and  he  is  so  honest  a  man,  and  so  good  an 
architect,  that,  if  he  states  soberly  and  positively 
that  he  can  build  a  bridge  to  Hades — why,  I  be¬ 
lieve  it.  But  I  have  my  doubts  about  the  abut¬ 
ment  on  the  infernal  side.’  4  So,’  Lincoln  added, 
4  when  politicians  said  they  could  harmonize  the 
Northern  and  Southern  wings  of  the  democracy, 
why,  I  believed  them.  But  I  had  my  doubts  about 
the  abutment  on  the  Southern  side.’  ” — Commercial 
Advertiser. 


Feb.  25. — It  is  said  that  Jefferson  Davis  is  at 
Charleston.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  it  was  quietly 
arranged  for  him  to  pay  a  visit  to  Fort  Sumter, 
which  was  accomplished  privately.  The  interview 
is  represented  to  have  been  an  earnest  and  pio- 
longed  one,  but  all  not  immediately  in  the  secret 
were  left  wholly  to  conjecture  as  to  what  took  place 
between  him  and  Major  Anderson.  It  has,  however, 
been  knowingly  given  out  at  Charleston  that  there 
will  be  no  fight  at  Fort  Sumter— great  stress  evi¬ 
dently  being  placed  upon  the  fact  that  these  two 
old  acquaintances  in  the  army  cannot  be  brought 
into  bloody  conflict  with  each  other.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  believed  that  if  the  alleged  visit  had 
elicited  any  particular  comfort  for  the  great  leader 


of  the  secession  movement,  such  good  news  would 
not  have  been  kept  for  private  consumption  merely. 
— New  York  Times. 


A  TRAVELLEr.  passing  through  one  of  the  counties 
of  Tennessee,  on  horseback,  stopped  at  a  modest 
cottage  on  the  roadside,  and  asked  for  shelter,  as 
it  was  quite  dark  and  raining.  The  “  head  of  the 
family  ”  came  to  the  door,  and  accosted  the  trav¬ 
eller  with,  “What  do  you  want?”  “I  want  to 
stay  all  night,”  was  the  reply.  “What  are  yer?” 
This  interrogatory  was  not  fully  understood  by  the 
traveller,  and  he  asked  an  explanation,  44 1  mean 
what’s  yer  politics?”  rejoined  the  former.  “  Air 
yer  fur  this  Union  or  agin  it?”  This  was  a  poser, 
as  the  traveller  was  not  certain  whether  the  “man 
of  the  house  ”  was  a  Union  man  or  a  secessionist, 
and  he  was  anxious  to  “  tie  up”  for  the  night;  so 
he  made  up  his  mind  and  said,  “My friend,  I  am 
for  the  Union.”  “Stranger,  you  kin  kum  in.” — N. 
Y.  Herald. 


41  Tiie  writer  of  an  elaborate  four-column  article 
in  the  Charleston  Mercury  contends  that  the  pro¬ 
hibition  of  the  slave-trade  by  the  provisional  gov¬ 
ernment  at  Montgomery  is  intolerable — that  it  must 
be  rebelled  against.  He  says  that  it  sets  a  stain,  a 
stigma,  upon  slavery  itself,  and  is  little  if  any  better 
than  abolition.  The  secession  party  has  swallowed 
the  apple  of  discord,  and  the  seeds  are  vigorously 
sprouting  in  its  stomach.” 

“Jeff.  Davis,  in  his  Montgomery  speech,  said: 

4  Fellow-citizens  and  brethren  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America — for  now  we  are  brethren  not  in 
name  merely,  but  in  fact — men  of  one  flesh,  one 
bone,’  &c.  The  confederationists  may  be  of  one 
bone  with  their  new  President  and  Vice-President, 
but  if  they  are  of  one  flesh  with  them,  they  are  the 
lankest  nation  of  bipeds  ever  known  to  natural 
history.” 

“Save  the  Union,  and  make  kindling  wood  of  all 
your  partisan  platforms.” 

“  The  Nashville  Union,  having  despaired  of  be¬ 
ing  able  to  sustain  secession  in  Tennessee  by  any 
other  means,  has  taken  itself  to  prayer.  Has  it 
made  a  sufficient  trial  of  cursing  ?  ” 

“The  Memphis  Appeal  says,  that  the  four  years 
of  Mr.  Lincoln’s  administration  will  be  4  the  reign  of 
steel.’  The  four  years  of  Mr.  Buchanan’s  have  been 
the  reign  of  stealing.” 

“We  don’t  think  that  South  Carolina  has  any 
warrant  for  her  conduct,  but  she  evidently  has  a 
good  deal  of  war-rant.” 

“  A  new  national  flag  proposed  for  the  Southern 
Confederacy  bears  in  its  centre  the  figure  of  a 
Phoenix  in  the  act  of  rising  from  a  bed  of  flame 
and  ashes,  with  the  motto,  ‘We  rise  again.’  The 
Phoenix  and  the  flame  is  thought  to  be  beautifully 
typical  of  the  death  of  the  old  and  the  resurrection 
of  the  new  Union.  Wo  don’t  like  the  Phoenix  as 
well  as  the  snake,  for  if  you  cut  off  the  tail  of  the 
latter  it  will  wriggle  a  little  after  the  separation, 
while  the  proposed  bird  of  fable  lives  alone  without 
a  mate,  and  goes  out  like  a  pipe  in  its  own  ashes. 
But  the  confederated  South  should  remember  the 
history  of  another  Phoenix,  son  to  a  king  of  Argos, 
who  ingratiated  himself  into  the  favors  of  his  fa¬ 
ther’s  mistress,  and  was  deprived  of  his  eyesight  by 
divine  vengeance.” — Louisville  Journal. 


24 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Jefferson  Davis  is  a  prim,  smooth-looking  man, 
with  a  precise  manner,  a  stiff,  soldierly  carriage, 
and  an  austerity  that  is  at  first  forbidding.  He  has 
naturally,  however,  a  genial  temper,  companionable 
qualities,  and  a  disposition  that  endears  him  to  all 
by  whom  he  may  be  surrounded.  As  a  speaker  he 
is  clear,  forcible  and  argumentative ;  his  voice  is 
clear  and  firm,  without  tremor. 

Alexander  H.  Stephens  from  childhood  has 
been  afflicted  with  four  abscesses  and  a  continued 
derangement  of  the  liver,  which  gives  him  a  con¬ 
sumptive  appearance  though  his  lungs  are  sound. 
He  has  never  weighed  over  ninety-six  pounds,  and 
to  see  his  attenuated  figure  bent  over  his  desk,  the 
shoulders  contracted,  and  the  shape  of  his  slender 
limbs  visible  through  his  garments,  a  stranger  would 
ever  select  him  as  the  “  John  Randolph  ”  of  our 
time,  more  dreaded  as  an  adversary  and  more  prized 
as  an  ally  in  a  debate  than  any  other  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.  He  is  a  careful  student, 
but  so  very  careful  that  no  trace  of  study  is  per¬ 
ceptible  as  he  dashes  along  in  a  flow  of  facts,  argu¬ 
ments  and  language  that  to  common  minds  is  almost 
bewildering.  He  has  the  appearance  of  having  un¬ 
dergone  great  bodily  anguish,  and  his  advanced 
age  and  gray  hairs  contribute  to  give  to  his  eye  a 
restless  nervous  movement.  His  size  is  medium, 
and  figure  remarkably  slim.  His  forehead  is  much 
wrinkled,  and  his  locks  flow  over  the  shoulders, 
which  stoop  very  much.  A  habit  of  wearing  the 
hat  advanced  to  the  left  gives  to  his  whole  contour 
an  appearance  at  once  remarkable  and  prepossess¬ 
ing. — Herald ,  March  4. 


“Sumter  is  to  be  our3  without  a  fight,”  says  the 
Charleston  Mercury.  “  All  will  be  rejoiced  that  the 
blood  of  our  people  is  not  to  be  shed  in  our  harbor, 
in  either  small  or  great  degree.  To  those  who  have 
troubled  themselves  with  vague  fears  of  war  on  a 
large  scale,  and  the  horrors  of  war  extensively,  the 
relief  will  be  as  great  as  the  apprehension  has  been 
grievous.  For  ourselves,  notwithstanding  all  the 
Northern  thunder,  we  have  never  been  able  to  bring 
ourselves  seriously  to  believe  in  the  probability  of 
any  more  than  a  few  collisions,  sufficient  to  show 
that  we  are  in  earnest,  and  competent  to  make  good 
our  position  of  independence  against  our  would-be 
masters.  These  gentry  ‘hold  our  valor  light,’  as 
also  the  honesty  of  the  determination  of  the  South¬ 
ern  peoples  to  be  quit  of  them  and  their  imperti¬ 
nent  and  detrimental  interference  through  a  govern¬ 
ment  in  common.  It  may,  perhaps,  yet  be  necessary 
to  instruct  them  a  little  in  these  particulars.  But 
it  appears  that  for  the  present,  under  the  circum¬ 
stances  in  this  case,  they  are  inclined  sensibly  to 
dispense  with  experiment  and  its  teachings.  How 
far  this  discretion  will  revivify  the  hopes  and  stimu¬ 
late  the  efforts  of  Reconstructionists  throughout  the 
South,  is  a  matter  to  be  discovered  by  observation. 
The  temper  and  intention  of  the  Northern  people 
has  now  been  so  thoroughly  developed  and  exposed 
to  the  eyes  of  all  those  at  the  South  who  will  see, 
that  we  trust  Union-menders  are  too  late  in  their 
attempts  upon  the  virtue  and  integrity  of  our  people. 
Crushed  eggshells  and  friendship  abused  can  never 
be  mended.  We  have  no  doubt,  however,  that  her¬ 
culean  efforts  will  be  made  in  that  direction,  and 
must  only  take  good  care  of  these  weaker  brethren 
at  the  South,  whose  sentiments  are  stronger  than 
their  reason,  or  who  live  in  the  past  rather  than  the 
future.  The  strait-jacket  was  a  valuable  invention. 


But,  in  the  mean  time,  the  prospect  of  having  Sum- 
ter  is  very  pleasant.” 


The  editor  of  the  Norwich  (Ct.)  Bulletin ,  sent 
Jefferson  Davis,  the  President  of  the  “  Six  Nations,” 
a  pen-holder  made  from  a  rafter  of  the  house  in 
u  hich  Benedict  Arnold  was  born.  In  closing  his 
letter  of  presentation  the  editor  says :  “  I  liave 
taken  occasion  to  present  you  this  pen-holder,  as 
a  relic  whose  associations  are  linked  most  closely 
to  the  movement  of  which  you  are  the  head.  Let 
it  lie  upon  your  desk  for  use  in  your  official  duties. 
Iu  the  ‘  eternal  fitness  of  things,’  let  that  be  its  ap¬ 
propriate  place.  It  links  1780  with  1861.  Through 
it,  West  Point  speaks  to  Montgomery.  And  if  we 
may  believe  that  spirits  do  ever  return  and  haunt 
this  mundane  sphere,  we  may  reckon  with  what 
delight  Benedict  Arnold’s  immortal  part  will  follow 
this  fragment  of  his  paternal  roof-tree  to  the  hands 
in  which  is  being  consummated  the  work  which  he 
began.” 


Nearly  all  the  favorites  of  Mr.  Buchanan  are  en¬ 
gaged  in  the  secession  conspiracy.  The  monstrous 
transaction  of  Twiggs,  in  Texas,  which  bears  the 
double  character  of  unmitigated  treason  and  indi¬ 
vidual  dishonesty,  has  been  long  in  process,  and  the 
celebrated  Ben  McCullough,  one  of  Mr.  Buchanan’s 
most  intimate  friends,  has  been  engaged  in  it.  His 
household  editor,  William  M.  Browne,  is  at  Mont¬ 
gomery,  assisting  disunion  with  all  his  ability,  while 
his  late  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  his  late*  Secre¬ 
tary  of  War,  his  late  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and 
most  of  those  who  advocated  his  policy  in  Congress, 
either  hold  position  under  the  Southern  Confede¬ 
racy,  or  occupy  prominent  places  in  the  organiza¬ 
tion  which  sustains  it.” — Phila.  Press. 


The  city  of  New  York  has  to  employ  fourteen 
hundred  extra  mounted  policemen  constantly,  to 
keep  the  enormous  crowds  of  starving  people  in 
that  city  from  committing  acts  of  violence. — Charles¬ 
ton  Courier. 


Confederates  and  United  Statesmen. — The 
southern  secessionists  must  be  admitted  to  be  blest 
with  at  least  the  philosophical  virtue  of  self-knowl¬ 
edge.  They  term  their  new  league  the  “  Confede¬ 
rate  States  of  America.”  Thus  they  call  them¬ 
selves  by  what  they  doubtless  feel  to  be  their  right 
name.  They  are  confederates  in  the  crime  of  up¬ 
holding  slavery.  A  correct  estimate  of  their  moral 
position  is  manifest  in  that  distinctive  denomina¬ 
tion  of  theirs— “  Confederate  States.”  This  title  is 
a  beautiful  antithesis  to  that  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  The  more  doggedly  confederate  slave- 
mongers  combine,  the  more  firmly  good  republicans 
should  unite. — London  Punch. 


Letter  from  United  States  Senator  Lane. — 
W e  have  great  pleasure  in  publishing  the  following 
letter  from  that  brilliant  statesman,  the  Hon. 
Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon.  It  may  seem  somewhat 
paradoxical  that  a  Pacific  statesman  should  be 
ferociously  warlike,  but  that  is  evidently  none  of 
our  business.  We  cannot  comply  with  Mr.  Lane’s 
request  in  regard  to  hoisting  the  Palmetto  flag,  but 
we  will  say  that  we  admire  his  (we  allude  to  Mr. 
Lane,  and  not  the  flag,  of  course)  boldness,  candor, 
and  eloquence : 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


25 


Senit  Chambir,  Washington,  ) 
March  the  thurd,  18  <£'  60  onct.  f 
Eds.  Vannurty  Faire—ii  god  spairs  my  live  I  shall 
sceseed  with  in  20  dase.  jonson  of  tennysea  is 
fernenst  me,  but  he  haint  got  no  intellect  into  him. 
Sivil  war  is  sertin  &  I  wants  to  here  the  Kanmn 
Rore.  Hist  the  Palmettoe  banner  from  on  top  your 
offiis  &  let  it  waive  to  the  Brees.  Don’t  mucillate 
this  mannerscript  and  be  particular  not  to  maike  no 
Misstaiks  in  the  spellin  and  punktooate  it  proper, 
amerykan  Staitsmen  suffers  from  scrofulus  papers 
w’hich  tries  to  bring  them  into  ridicool  by  mucnla- 
tin  there  mannerscripts. 

On  to  the  frey !  the  god  of  Bottles  smiles  upon 
the  palmettoe  flag. 

yours  respectably,  gosef  lane. 

—  Vanity  Fair. 


An  Incident  at  the  Forts. —  At  an  early  hour 
yesterday  morning,  while  the  gunners  were  filing 
blank  cartridges  from  the  guns  of  the  Iron  Battery 
at  Cumming’s  Point,  one  of  the  guns,  loaded  with 
ball,  the  men  not  being  aware  of  the  fact,  was  dis¬ 
charged.  The  ball  struck  the  wharf  of  Fort  Sumter, 
close  to  the  gate.  This,  it  appears,  caused  some 
excitement  in  the  garrison  of  Sumter,  for  three  or 
four  of  the  ports  fronting  Cumming’s  Point  were 
soon  after  thrown  open.  No  warlike  reply  to  the 
unintentional  shot  was  given,  however  ;  and  about 
two  hours  afterwards  a  boat  was  sent  over  to  ex¬ 
plain  the  occurrence  to  Major  Anderson.  The 
Major  received  the  messenger  in  good  part,  and 
thus  the  matter  ended,  after  having  caused  no  little 
talk  at  the  harbor  fort3  and  in  the  city. — Charleston 
Mercury ,  19  th  March. 


Washington,  March  10. — The  question  of  rein¬ 
forcing  Fort  Sumter  has  been  under  consideration 
in  the  Cabinet,  and  it  is  understood  that  the  ques¬ 
tion  whether  or  no  it  is  not  desirable  to  wdthdraw 
all  the  troops,  except  two  or  three  men,  rather  than 
incur  the  bloodshed  which  will  probably  occur  be¬ 
fore  troops  and  supplies  are  put  into  it,  is  now  to 
be  decided. 

The  immediate  necessity  of  settling  this  question, 
grows  out  of  the  fact,  that  there  is  only  a  limited 
supply  of  bread  at  Fort  Sumter,  but  plenty  of  salt 
meat,  and  that  it  must  either  be  re-supplied  or 
abandoned  very  soon.  The  question  has  been  under 
discussion  in  high  military  circles  for  several  days. 

Gen.  Scott  advises  that  reinforcements .  cannot 
now  be  put  in,  without  an  enormous  sacrifice  of 
life.  Of  course  his  views  on  the  subject,  cannot  be 
known  officially  to  the  public ;  but  he  is  understood 
to  say  that  we  have  neither  military  nor  naval  force 
at  hand,  sufficient  to  supply  the  fort  against  the 
threatened  opposition,  which  it  would  require  twenty 
thousand  men  to  overcome.  Besides,  if  it  should 
initiate  civil  war,  in  addition  to  uniting  the  South 
and  overwhelming  the  Union  sentiment  there  in  the 
waves  of  passion,  it  would  require  two  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  Government  soldiers  to  carry  on  the 
struggle,  and  a  hundred  millions  of  money  to  begin 
witffi°  In  such  an  event,  twenty  thousand  men 
would  be  needed  to  preserve  Washington  and  the 
Government  archives. 

The  general  impression  here  on  the  streets  is  that 
the  Administration  has  determined  on  withdrawing 
the  troops  from  Fort  Sumter,  leaving  only  one  Cor 
poral,  two  men,  and  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  compel 
Poetry — 4 


ing  the  chivalry  to  capture  the  fort  after  all.  They 
have  been  threatening  to  do  it  for  three  months, 
and  failed  when  there  were  only  about  seventy  men 
in  it.  They  may  have  an  opportunity  to  accomplish 
it  against  only  three. — Times ,  March  11. 

In  New  York  city  a  bill  was  found  posted  on  the 
sheriff’s  bulletin,  this  morning,  for  recruits  for  the 
army  of  Georgia.  Its  appearance  in  the  absence  of 
any  local  excitement,  created  considerable  amuse¬ 
ment.  The  bill  had  the  appearance  of  having  been 
folded  in  a  letter,  and  its  recipient  doubtless  stuck 
it  up  among  the  sheriff’s  auction  notices  for  a 
“sell.” — Commercial  Advertiser ,  March  7. 


interesting  history. 

There  have  been  eleven  specific  attempts  to  defy 
the  authority  of  the  Federal  Government  since  its 
formation ; 

The  first  was  in  1782,  and  was  a  conspiracy  of 
several  officers  of  the  Federal  army  to  consolidate 
the  thirteen  States  into  one,  and  confer  the  supreme 
power  on  Washington. 

The  second  was  in  1787,  called  “Shay’s  Insurrec¬ 
tion,”  in  Massachusetts. 

The  third  was  in  1794,  popularly  called  The 
Whisky  Insurrection  of  Pennsylvania.” 

The  fourth  was  in  1814,  by  the  Hartford  Conven¬ 
tion  Federalists. 

The  fifth — on  which  occasion  the  different  sec¬ 
tions  of  the  Union  came  into  collision — was  in  1820, 
under  the  administration  of  President  Monroe,  and 
occurred  on  the  question  of  the  admission  of  Missou¬ 
ri  into  the  Union. 

The  sixth  was  a  collision  between  the  Legislature 
of  Georgia  and  the  Federal  Government,  in  regard 
to  certain  lands,  given  by  the  latter  to  the  Creek 

Indians.  ,  _  , 

The  seventh  was  in  1820,  with  the  Cherokees,  in 

Georgia. 

The  eighth  was  the  memorable  nullifying  ordi¬ 
nance  of  South  Carolina,  in  1832. 

The  ninth  was  in  1842,  and  occurred  in  Rhode 
Island,  between  the  “  Suffrage  Association’  and  the 
State  authorities. 

The  tenth  was  in  1856,  on  the  part  of  the  Mor¬ 
mons,  who  resisted  Federal  authority. 

The  eleventh,  the  present  (1861)  rebellion  in  the 
Southern  States. 

Colonel  Donald,  of  Leake  county,  Mississippi, 
recently  gave  a  novel  party  to  the  young  people  of 
his  neighborhood.  The  ticket  sent  to  each  young 
lady,  required  that  she  should  come  dressed  in  Mis¬ 
sissippi  manufactured  apparel,  in  the  manufacture 
of  which  she  must  in  some  way  assist.  .  The  young 
gentlemen  were  also  required  to  dress  in  the  manu¬ 
facture  of  Mississippi,  made  in  Leake  and  Attala. 
There  were  nearly  one  hundred  persons  of  both 
sexes  in  attendance,  all  attired  as  directed..  The 
scene  was  not  brilliant,  but  the  papers  say  it  wa3 
patriotic. — Evening  Post ,  March  29. 

The  Charleston  Courier  is  credibly  informed  that 
Gov.  Brown  of  Georgia,  has  attached  the  Northern 
stock  in  the  Macon  and  Western  Railroad,  amount¬ 
ing  to  about  one  million  of  dollars. — limes  Telegram , 
March  10. 

March  21. — Old  Abe’s  administration  is  just  now 
in  a  most  woeful  fix.  If  coercion  is  attempted 


26 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


towards  the  seceded  States,  the  Border  Slave  States 
will  go  out  of  the  Union,  and  the  country  will  be 
lost.  If  a  pacific  policy  is  adopted,  the  Chicago 
platform  will  go  to  pieces,  and  the  Black  Republican 
party  will  be  broken  into  fragments.  The  Presi¬ 
dent’s  position  may  now  be  likened  to  an  intoxicated 
individual,  who  was  one  very  cold  night  holding  on 
to  a  spile  on  the  edge  of  the  dock,  and  who  thus 
moralized:  “If  I  hold  on  here,”  said  he,  “I  shall 
certainly  freeze  to  death,  and  if  I  let  go  I  shall  fall  in 
the  water  and  be  drowned.” — Charleston  Mercury. 

What  is  martial  law?  Few  there  are  who  under¬ 
stand  the  full  significance  of  this  term.  At  this 
time,  a  correct  understanding  of  its  meaning  is 
unusually  important. 

Martial  law  is  defined  by  Bouvier,  as  “  a  code  es¬ 
tablished  for  the  government  of  the  army  and  navy 
of  the  United  States,”  whose  principal  rules  are  to 
be  found  in  the  articles  of  war,  prescribed  by  act 
of  Congress.  But  Chancellor  Kent  says,  this  defin¬ 
ition  applies  only  to  military  law,  while  martial  law 
is  quite  a  distinct  thing,  and  is  founded  on  para¬ 
mount  necessity,  and  produced  by  a  military  chief. 

Martial  law  is  generally  and  vaguely  held  to  be,  a 
suspension  of  all  ordinary  civil  rights  and  process — 
and,  as  such,  approximates  closely  to  a  military  des¬ 
potism. 

It  is  an  arbitrary  law,  originating  in  emergencies. 
In  times  of  extreme  peril  to  the  State,  either  from 
without  or  from  within,  the  public  welfare  demands 
extraordinary  measures.  And  martial  law  being 
proclaimed,  signifies  that  the  operation  of  the  ordi¬ 
nary  legal  delays  of  justice  are  suspended  by  the 
military  power,  which  has  for  the  time  become  su¬ 
preme. 

It  suspends  the  operation  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus;  enables  persons  charged  with  treason  to  be 
summarily  tried  by  court-martial,  instead  of  grand 
jury ;  justifies  searches  and  seizures  of  private  prop¬ 
erty,  and  the  taking  possession  of  public  high-ways 
and  other  means  of  communication.  Involving  the 
highest  exercise  of  sovereignty,  it  is  of  course,  ca¬ 
pable  of  great  abuse ;  and  it  is  only  to  be  justified 
in  emergencies  of  the  most  imperative  and  perilous 
nature,  such  as  now  appear  to  exist  in  Baltimore 
and  Washington. 


Washington,  March  26. — Capt.  Fox,  who  visited 
Fort  Sumter  on  the  requisition  of  the  War  Depart¬ 
ment,  has  returned  here  and  reported  the  result  of 
his  mission.  It  is  very  well  understood  that  he 
had  a  plan  for  introducing  reinforcements,  which 
had  been  submitted  to  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and 
was  regarded  as  measurably  practicable,  but  attend¬ 
ed  with  the  probability  if  not  certainty  of  collision, 
which  constituted  the  chief  objection  to  its  adoption. 
He  is  perfectly  familiar  with  all  the  approaches  to 
the  harbor  of  Charleston,  having  been  long  con¬ 
nected  with  the  Coast  Survey,  and  had  practical 
experience  as  the  commander  of  one  of  Aspinwall’s 
steamers.  Ilis  scheme  did  not  contemplate  any 
serious  danger  in  running  the  gauntlet  of  the  bat¬ 
teries  on  the  islands  which  guard  the  channels,  but 
oidy  in  landing  the  men  and  provisions  at  Sumter, 
after  it  had  been  reached.  If  a  fire  was  opened 
upon  his  transports  from  Fort  Moultrie  or  the  other 
batteries,  it.  would  be  necessary  for  Sumter  to  si¬ 
lence  them  in  order  to  discharge  the  reinforcements. 
Any  attempt,,  therefore,  looking  to  that  object 
would  almost  inevitably  lead  to  bloodshed,  and  be¬ 


fore  resorting  to  it,  the  Administration  would  be 
constrained  to  expect  that  alternative.  Even  if 
successful  without  great  loss  of  life,  nothing  would 
be  gained  but  the  retention  of  a  fortress  which  has 
only  a  local  value  in  protecting  Charleston,  and  is 
of  no  national  moment  whatever. 

Capt.  Fox.  is  fully  impressed  with  the  courage,  in¬ 
tegrity  and  sincerity  of  Major  Anderson,  with  whom, 
however,  his  communication  was  necessarily  limit¬ 
ed,  as  Gov.  Pickens  sent  Capt.  Hartstein,  late  of  our 
Navy,  as  an  escort  with  him  to  the  fort,  who  kept 
within  earshot  during  most  of  the  interview,  or  at 
least,  near  enough  to  prevent  any  free  communica¬ 
tion.  He  considers  that  the  fort  can  be  reinforced 
either  by  a  military  operation,  which,  of  course, 
■would  require  a  force  not  at  the  disposal  of  the 
President,  or  by  the  strategy  already  referred  to, 
■with  its  attendant  hazards  of  a  desperate  conflict. 
The  supply  of  provisions  now  in  the  garrison,  will 
probably  enable  Major  Anderson  to  sustain  his  com¬ 
mand  reasonably  well  until  the  15th  of  April. 
From  all  the  facts  disclosed  by  this  investigation,  it 
is  manifest  that  Fort  Sumter  must  be  abandoned, 
or  civil  war  inaugurated.  Capt.  Fox  is  cautious,  in¬ 
telligent  and  well-informed,  and  was  brought  to  the 
notice  of  the  government  by  Mr.  Aspinwall  and 
some  of  the  principal  ship-owners  of  New  York  and 
Boston. — N.  Y.  Tribune. 


The  Height  op  Impudence. — Parson  Brownlow 
thus  felicitously  describes  “the  height  of  impu¬ 
dence.” 

“An  Alabama  secession  paper  inquires  if  the 
border  States  know  what  is  ‘  The  Height  of  Impu¬ 
dence?’  We  answer  for  the  border  States,  that  it 
is  to  see  and  hear  a  man  swaggering  and  swearing 
in  every  crowd  ho  enters,  that  he  will  go  out  of 
the  Union  because  he  can’t  get  his  rights,  by  hav¬ 
ing  the  privilege  guaranteed  to  take  slaves  in  the 
Territories,  when  in  fact,  he  does  not  own  a  negro 
in  the  world,  never  did,  and  never  will ;  and  with¬ 
al  can’t  get  credit  in  any  store  in  the  country 
where  he  lives,  for  a  wool  hat  or  a  pair  of  bro- 
gans!” 


New  York,  April  8. — It  is  reported  from  New- 
Orleans  that  the  Mexican  General  Ampudia  was 
marching  to  invade  Texas  with  3,000  men,  and  that 
lie  had  declared  the  State  to  belong  to  Mexico  by 
right,  and  as  it  was  no  longer  defended  by  th*o 
Union,  a  good  opportunity  was  offered  to  Mexico 
to  reassert  her  authority. — N.  Y.  Tribune. 


March.  31. — Mr.  George  N.  Sanders  telegraphed 
to-day  from  Montgomery,  a  special  despatch  to  the 
N.  Y.  Tribune,  that  “Newport  is  again  to  become 
the  commercial  rival  of  New  York.  If  Sprague  is 
elected  Governor  of  Rhode  Island,  that  plucky  little 
State  will  at  once  abandon  the  old  hulk  of  the 
Union,  offering  at  once  a  commercial  depot  and  a 
summer  residence  for  Southerners.  The  estimated 
value  of  the  traffic  thus  diverted  from  New  York, 
may  be  set  down  at  $50,000,000  annually,  so  long 
as  the  latter  remains  in  the  Union. 

“  Fort  Pickens  will  soon  be  reduced  to  the  same 
condition  as  Fort  Sumter.  Glorious  accounts  come 
from  all  parts  of  the  New  Confederation.” — New 
York  Tribune ,  April  1. 


An  interesting  incident  is  told,  concerning  the 
independent  and  successful  stand  taken  by  a  wo- 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


27 


man  in  New  Orleans,  on  behalf  of  the  Union.  She 
and  her  husband — a  Mississippi  steamboat  captain 
— occupied  the  middle  front  room  of  the  lowest 
range  of  sleeping  apartments  in  the  St.  Charles 
Hotel,  at  the  time  when  the  city  was  to  be  illumin¬ 
ated  in  honor  of  secession.  She  refused  to  allow 
the  illuminating  candles  to  be  fixed  in  the  windows 
of  her  room,  and  the  proprietors  remonstrated  in 
vain — she  finally  ordering  them  to  leave  the  room, 
of  which  she  claimed,  while  its  occupant,  to  have 
entire  control.  The  rest  of  the  story  is  thus 
told : — 

“  Determined  not  to  be  outdone  in  a  matter  ot 
such  grave  importance,  the  captain,  who  was  not 
in  the  room  during  the  above  proceedings,  was  next 
found  and  appealed  to.  He  heard  their  case ;  said 
his  wife  had  reported  him  correctly  on  the  Union 
question,  nevertheless,  he  would  go  with  them  to 
the  room  and  see  if  the  matter  could  be  amicably 
arranged.  The  captain’s  disposition  to  yield  was 
not  to  be  seconded  by  his  better  half.  The  propri¬ 
etors  next  proposed  to  vacate  the  best  chamber  in 
her  favor,  in  some  other  part  of  the  house,  if  that 
would  be  satisfactory;  but  the  lady’s  ‘No!’  was 
still  as  peremptory  as  ever.  Her  point  was  gained, 
and  the  St.  Charles  was  doomed  to  have  a  dark 
front  chamber.  Pleased  with  this  triumph,  Mrs. 

- devised  the  following  manoeuvre  to  make  the 

most  of  her  victory . — Summoning  a  servant,  she 
sent  him  out  to  procure  for  her  an  American  flag, 
which,  at  dusk,  she  suspended  from  her  window. 
When  evening  came  the  streets,  animated  by  a 
merry  throng,  were  illuminated,  but,  alas  I  the  St. 
Charles  was  disfigured  by  its  sombre  chamber, 
when  suddenly  a  succession  of  lamps,  suspended  on 
both  sides  of  the  flag,  revealing  the  stars  and  stripes, 
were  lit  up,  and  the  ensign  of  the  Union  waved 
from  the  centre  of  a  hotel  illuminated  in  honor  of 
its  overthrow !  The  effect  was,  to  give  the  impres¬ 
sion  that  the  whole  house  was  thus  paying  homage 
to  the  American  flag ;  and  what  is  more  significant, 
is  the  fact  that  the  latter  was  greeted  by  the  pas¬ 
sing  crowd  with  vociferous  applause.  So  much  for 
the  firmness  of  a  true  Union  woman.” — Phila.  Press. 


The  Missouri  Democrat  has  a  letter  from  a  soldier 
at  Fort  Smith,  Ark.,  bearing  the  date  of  March  6, 
in  which  the  following  passage  occurs  : . 

“  Yesterday  the  citizens  of  Fort  Smith  raised  a 
Palmetto  flag  in  town,  and  one  of  the  soldiers,  pri¬ 
vate  Bates,  company  E,  First  cavalry,  went  out  and 
climbed  up  the  tree  upon  which  the  flag  was  sus¬ 
pended,  took  it  down  and  brought  it  into  the  garri¬ 
son.  Captain  Sturgiss  ordered  him  to.  take  it  and 
put  it  back  where  he  got  it.  He  said  he  never 
would.  The  captain  ordered  him  to  the  guard 
house,  and  in  going  he  tore  the  flag  in  pieces.  He 
was  then  ordered  to  be  put  in  irons,  and  was  sent 
to  the  blacksmith  shop  for  that  purpose ;  but  the 
smith  (a  citizen)  refused  to  put  them  on,  and  he  was 
discharged  in  consequence.  D  company,  First  cav¬ 
alry,  farrier  was  then  ordered  to  put  them  on,  and 
he  'refused,  and  was  sent  to  the  guard-house.  E 
company,  First  cavalry,  farrier  then  put  them  on. 
The  soldiery  then  gave  three  shouts  for  Bates,  and 
the  blacksmith  who  refused  to  put  the  irons  on.” 
The  World,  April  1. 

“Mr  son,”  said  a  New  York  merchant,  to  his 
heir  and  namesake,  on  Thursday,  “I  would  rather 
give  $1,000  than  have  you  go  to  Washington  sold¬ 


iering.”  “  Father,”  was  the  kindly  but  decisive 
response,  “if  you  could  make  it  $100,000  it  would 
be  of  no  use ;  for  where  the  Seventh  Regiment 
goes,  I  go.” — Tribune,  April  20. 

It  is  not  an  insignificant  sign  of  the  feeling  at 
New  York,  in  regard  to  the  course  of  affairs,  that 
not  only  do  Government  Six  per  cents  stand  firm 
on  the  Stock  Exchange  in  the  face  of  the  cannonade 
of  Fort  Sumter,  but  when  Kentucky  Sixes  were 
called  to-day,  the  whole  Board  sprang  to  their  feet, 
and  gave  three  long  cheers  for  the  gallant  Major 
Anderson. 

It  is  also  a  noticeable  feature  that  when  one  of 
the  members  of  the  Board  offered  to  sell  Govern¬ 
ment  Stock  “  short  ”  on  time,  he  was  instantly  hissed 
down. — Evening  Post,  April  12. 

A  Charleston  despatch  states  that  “  the  first 
shot  from  Stevens’s  battery  was  fired  by  the  ven¬ 
erable  Edmund  Ruffin  of  Virginia.”  A  piece  of 
the  first  hemp  that  is  stretched  in  South  Carolina 
should  be  kept  for  the  neck  of  this  venerable  and 
bloodthirsty  Ruffian. — Idem,  April  13. 

Baltimore,  April  13. — A  man  made  his  appear¬ 
ance  on  the  streets  in  this  city  this  morning,  wear- 
in"  a  large  secession  cockade  on  his  hat.  He  was 
pursued  by  a  crowd,  and  had  to  be  protected  by  the 
police. — Idem.  _ 

April  13.— Among  the  ridiculous  rumors  to  day, 
are  the  following :  that  the  South  Carolinians  “  have 
made  a  breach  in  Fort  Sumter;  ”  that  Senator  Ches- 
nut  fired  a  shot,  “  as  an  experiment,”  and  made  a 
hole  in  the  wall  of  the  Fort ;  that  Major  Anderson 
is  the  guest  of  General  Beauregard,  and  that  Sena¬ 
tor  Wigfall  received  the  sword  and  returned  it  to 
Maj.  Anderson. — Tribune,  April  16. 

April  11. — The  President  received  a  letter  from 
St.  Louis  directed  to  “  Old  Abe  or  any  other  man.” 
On  one  side  was  the  Confederacy  flag,  on  the  other 
the  seal  and  flag  of  the  United  States,  with  the 
words  “  played  out.”  Inside  was  a  five-dollar  note 
on  the  Union  Bank  of  South  Carolina,  “  to  help 
pay  the  expenses  of  reinforcing  Fort  Sumter.— 
Times ,  April  12.  _ 

An  incident  occurred  during  the  cannonading, 
of  Fort  Sumter,  which,  for  its  peculiarity,  deserves 
particular  mention.  Roger  A.  Pryor,  of  Virginia^ 
ex-Member  of  Congress,  was  one  of  the  second 
deputation  that  waited  upon  Major  Anderson.  ,He 
was  the  very  embodiment  of  Southern  chivalry. 
Literally  dressed  to  kill,  bristling  with  bowie-knives 
and  revolvers,  like  a  walking  arsenal,  he  appeared 
to  think  himself  individually  capable  of  capturing 
the  fort,  without  any  extraneous  assistance.  In¬ 
side  of  the  fort  he  seemed  to  think  himself  master 
of  every  thing — monarch  of  all  he  surveyed  and, 
in  keeping  with  this  pretension,  seeing  upon  the 
table  what  appeared  to  be  a  glass  of  brandy,  drank 
it  without  ceremony.  Surgeon  Crawford,  who  had 
witnessed  the  feat,  approached  him  and  said:  “  Sir, 
what  you  have  drank  is  poison — it  was  the  iodide 
of  potassium — you  are  a  dead  man."  The  represen¬ 
tative  of  chivalry  instantly  collapsed,  bowie-knives, 
revolvers  and  all,  and  passed  into  the  hands  of 
Surgeon  Crawford,  who,  by  purgings,  pumpings, 
and  pukings,  defeated  his  own  prophecy  in  regard 


28 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


to  his  fate.  Mr.  Pryor  left  Fort  Sumter  “  a  wiser, 
if  not  a  better  man.”— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  19. 


“  When  the  State  of  Maine  arrived  at  Fort  Mon¬ 
roe  with  the  Massachusetts  troops,  the  Virginian 
residents  around  the  fort,  who  were  all  Secession¬ 
ists,  were  very  much  surprised,  enraged  and  morti¬ 
fied.  They  collected  around  the  captain  of  the 
steamer,  who  is  as  cool  and  intrepid  a  specimen  of 
a  Yankee  as  New  England  contains,  and  told  him 
significantly,  that  the  troops  would  never  go  back 
to  Massachusetts.  He  replied  that  that  was  the 
last  thing  they  thought  of ;  that  the  country  was 
so  fine  they  intended  to  settle,  and  send  for  their 
friends,  and  he  was  going  to  New  York  to  get  an¬ 
other  load.  Another  set,  belonging  to  an  armed 
schooner,  engaged  in  enforcing  the  local  laws  of 
Virginia,  insolently  claimed  the  right  of  searching 
the  State  of  Maine  for  negroes.  The  captain  told 
them  they  should  not  go  aboard  to  take  out  any¬ 
body,  black  or  white.  They  replied  that,  by  the 
laws  of  Virginia  they  had  the  right  of  search.  He 
retorted  that  they  knew  nothing  about  the  laws  of 
Virginia,  but  sailed  by  the  laws  and  under  the  flag 
of  the  United  States.  He  also  assured  them,  if 
there  were  any  negroes  there  who  were  desirous  of 
a  voyage  to  New  York,  he  should  be  very  happy  to 
accommodate  them,  and  closed  the  conversation  by 
saving — 1  You  have  been  preaching  all  your  lives 
that  the  Yankees  are  a  pack  of  misers  and  cowards, 
who  won’t  fight;  now  you’ll  have  a  favorable  op¬ 
portunity  to  test  the  accuracy  of  your  opinions  on 
that  point.’  ” — Boston  Transcript. 

The  people  of  the  North  have  had  good  reason 
to  complain  of  the  hoaxing  done  by  the  telegraph ; 
but  the  way  in  which  the  people  of  the  South  have 
been  humbugged  is  positively  shocking.  All  over 
the  South,  they  had,  on  the  morning  of  the  20th, 
the  resignation  of  Gen.  Scott;  his  joining  Virginia; 
the  defeat  of  the  New  York  7th  Regiment  with  an 
immense  loss ;  capture  of  Norfolk  Navy  Yard,  and 
Harper’s  Ferry  Arsenal;  the  probable  resignation  of 
President  Lincoln — in  fact,  the  utter  discomfiture 
of  the  North.  The  Natchez  Free  Trader  says : 

“  Forthwith  our  citizens  thronged  the  streets,  the 
bells  of  all  the  churches  and  public  buildings  rang 
out  a  long-continued,  merry  peal,  sky  rockets  and 
other  fireworks  lit  up  the  night,  guns  were  fired, 
the  cannon  roared  and  the  people  shouted  most 
lustily  and  harmoniously.  A  grand  mass  meeting, 
gathered  in  ten  minutes’  notice,  was  held  at  the 
Court  House,  which  with  its  surrounding  grounds 
and  the  adjoining  streets,  was  thronged.  Speeches 
were  made  by  suudry  citizens,  interrupted  by  fre¬ 
quent  applause  and  cheering.  Natchez  never  was 
so  grand,  nor  her  people  so  jubilant.  The  pen  fails 
to  make  the  record  a  just  one.  We  are  hoarse 
with  shouting  and  exalted  with  jubilancy.” — N.  Y. 
Tribune ,  April  23. 

Mr.  George  N.  Sanders,  who  is  now  in  Mont¬ 
gomery,  telegraphs  from  there  yesterday,  that  “  in 
order  to  prevent  anarchy  and  war  the  Democrats  at 
the  north  should  at  once  rebel  and  accept  the  con¬ 
stitution  of  the  Confederate  States.”  How  the  re¬ 
bellion  of  a  political  minority  against  the  lawful 
government  can  prevent  anarchy  and  war  is  some¬ 
what  difficult  to  conceive.  But  what  means  this 
well  known  Democrat  by  the  term  “  should  at  once 
rebel  ”  ?  Is  it  only  a  matter  of  time  ?  Is  the 


Democratic  party  pledged  to  rebellion,  and  only 
waits  the  occasion  ?  Who  will  explain. — Commer¬ 
cial  Advertiser ,  April  11. 


When  the  Massachusetts  agent  sent  to  Mr.  Stet¬ 
son  for  his  bill  against  that  State,  he  received  the 
following  reply : 

Astor  House,  New  York,  April  27, 1861. 

Gov.  Andrew,  Massachusetts. 

Dear  Sir  : — The  Astor  House  has  no  charge  for 
feeding  Massachusetts  troops. 

Yours,  respectfully, 

Stetson  &  Co. 

-  — Tribune. 

The  Mobile  Mercury  says  that  the  South  Caroli¬ 
nians  “will  have  to  learn  to  be  a  little  more  con¬ 
forming  to  the  opinions  of  others,  before  they  can 
expect  to  associate  comfortably  with  even  the  cot¬ 
ton  States,  under  a  federative  government.”  It  is 
pleasing  to  see  that  Alabama  is  so  rapidly  getting 
acquainted  with  her  Palmetto  sister. — Prov.  Jour. 


J.  C.  Wright  of  Oswego,  from  Washington,  says 
that  General  Scott  remarked  to  a  group  of  gentle¬ 
men,  who  pointed  to  him  the  report  about  his  resig¬ 
nation  : — “  He  could  more  easily  believe  that  they 
would  trample  the  American  flag  in  the  dust  than 
he  be  suspected  of  resignation  at  this  hour  of  trial. 
No,  sirs!  please  God,  I  will  fight  for  many  years  yet 
for  this  UnioD,  and  that,  too,  under  the  protecting 
folds  of  the  star  spangled  banner.” — Exeter  News 
Letter,  May  6.  _ 


The  Skowhegan  (Me.)  Clarion  says,  that  some 
ladies  of  that  village  “  got  out  the  field-piece  and 
fired  a  salute  of  thirty-four  guns.”  Can  you  find 
ladies  elsewhere,  that  have  their  courage  ? 

Col.  Prentis,  the  commanding  officer  at  Cairo  re¬ 
ceived  the  following  despatch  from  three  of  the 
most  prominent  citizens  of  Cincinnati : 

“  General  Pillow  has  several  steamers  ready  at 
Memphis.  He  meditates  an  immediate  attack  on 
Cairo,  Illinois.” 

Col.  Prentiss  replied  : 

“  Let  him  come.  He  will  learn  to  dig  his  ditch 
on  the  right  side.  I  am  ready.” — Portsmouth  (N. 
H.)  Ballot.  _  V 


Even  the  Quakers  are  aroused,  as  appears  by  the 
following : 

A  Quaker  merchant  in  New  York  said  to  one  of 
his  clerks : 

“  Well,  friend - ,  i3  thee  willing  to  enlist  ?  ” 

“  I  have  thought  of  it,”  replied  the  clerk,  “but 
hesitated  because  I  feared  to  lose  my  situation.” 

“  If  thee  will  enlist,”  replied  the  Quaker,  “  not 
only  shall  thee  have  thy  situation,  but  thy  salarv 
shall  go  on  while  thee  is  absent.  But  if  thee  will 
not  serve  thy  country,  thee  cannot  stay  in  this 
store.” 

_  This  is  but  a  fair  sample  of  the  spirit  now  being 
displayed  all  over  the  free  States.  Can  freedom  be 
crushed  out  among  such  a  people?  Not  all  the 
1  anceys,  Wigfalls  and  Jeff.  Davises  in  creation 
could  do  it ! — Evening  Post. 

If  the  secessionists  succeed  in  taking  Fort  Pick¬ 
ens,  they  will  be  acknowledged — a  confederacy  of 
Pickens  and  stealings. — Punch. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


THE  GREAT  BELL  ROLAND. 

SUGGESTED  BY  THE  PRESIDENT’S  CALL  FOR 
VOLUNTEERS. 

[Motley  relates  that  the  famous  bell  Roland  of 
Ghent  was  an  object  of  great  affection  to  the  peo¬ 
ple,  because  it  always  rang  to  arm  them  when  lib¬ 
erty  was  in  danger.] 

BY  THEODORE  TILTON. 

I. 

Toll!  Roland,  toll! 

— High  in  St.  Bavon’s  tower, 

At  midnight  hour, 

The  great  bell  Roland  spoke, 

And  all  who  slept  in  Ghent  awoke. 

— What  meant  its  iron  stroke? 

Why  caught  each  man  his  blade  ? 

Why  the  hot  haste  he  made  ? 

Why  echoed  every  street 
With  tramp  of  thronging  feet— 

All  flying  to  the  city’s  wall  ? 

It  was  the  call 
Known  well  to  all, 

That  Freedom  stood  in  peril  of  some  foe  : 

And  even  timid  hearts  grew  bold 
Whenever  Roland  tolled, 

And  every  hand  a  sword  could  hold ; — 

For  men 

Were  patriots  then, 

Thrfee  hundred  years  ago ! 

II. 

Toll!  Roland,  toll! 

Bell  never  yet  was  hung, 

Between  whose  lips  there  swung 
So  true  and  brave  a  tongue ! 

— If  men  be  patriots  still, 

At  thy  first  sound 
True  hearts  will  bound, 

Great  souls  will  thrill — 

Then  toll !  and  wake  the  test 
In  each  man’s  breast, 

And  let  him  stand  confess’d ! 

hi. 

Toll !  Roland,  toll ! 

— Not  in  St.  Bavon’s  tower 
At  midnight  hour — 

Nor  by  the  Scheldt,  nor  far-off  Zuyder  Zee  ; 

But  here — this  side  the  sea! — 

And  here  in  broad,  bright  day  ! 

Toll !  Roland,  toll ! 

For  not  by  night  awaits 
A  brave  foe  at  the  gates, 

But  Treason  stalks  abroad — inside  ! — at  noon ! 
Toll !  Thy  alarm  is  not  too  soon  ! 

To  Arms  !  Ring  out  the  Leader’s  call ! 

>  Re-echo  it  from  East  to  West, 

Till  every  dauntless  breast 
Swell  beneath  plume  and  crest ! 

Toll !  Roland,  toll ! 

Till  swords  from  scabbards  leap ! 

Toll !  Roland,  toll ! 

— What  tears  can  widows  weep 
Less  bitter  than  when  brave  men  fall? 

Toll !  Roland,  toll ! 


Till  cottager  from  cottage-wall 

Snatch  pouch  and  powder-horn  and  gun — 

The  heritage  of  sire  to  son, 

Ere  half  of  Freedom’s  work  was  done  ! 

Toll !  Roland,  toll ! 

Till  son,  in  memory  of  his  sire^ 

Once  more  shall  load  and  fire  ! 

Toll !  Roland,  toll ! 

Till  volunteers  find  out  the  art 
Of  aiming  at  a  traitor’s  heart ! 

IT. 

Toll !  Roland,  toll ! 

— St.  Bavon’s  stately  tower 
Stands  to  this  hour, — 

And  by  its  side  stands  Freedom  yet  in  Ghent ; 
For  when  the  bells  now  ring, 

Men  shout,  “  God  save  the  King !  ” 

Until  the  air  is  rent ! 

— Amen! — So  let  it  be  ; 

For  a  true  king  is  he 
Who  keeps  his  people  free. 

Toll!  Roland,  toll! 

This  side  the  sea ! 

No  longer  they,  but  we, 

Have  now  such  need  of  thee ! 

Toll!  Roland,  toll! 

And  let  thy  iron  throat 
Ring  out  its  warning  note, 

Till  Freedom’s  perils  be  outbraved, 

And  Freedom’s  flag,  wherever  waved, 

Shall  overshadow  none  enslaved ! 

Toll !  till  from  either  ocean’s  strand, 

Brave  men  shall  clasp  each  other’s  hand, 
And  shout,  “  God  save  our  native  land !  ” 

— And  love  the  land  which  God  hath  saved ! 
Toll !  Roland,  toll ! 

—  The  Independent ,  April  IS. 


THE  SENTINEL  OF  THE  SEVENTY-FIRST. 

BY  J.  B.  BACON. 

In  the  midnight  zenith  gleam  the  stars. 

Swift  as  their  rays  my  soul  speeds  on, 

Leaping  the  streams  and  the  forest  bars, 

On  to  the  heights  of  Washington. 

There  on  the  star-lit  camp-guard’s  round, 
Footfalls  I  hear  of  a  sentinel, 

Steps  that  I  love,  and  the  welcome  sound 
Of  a  voice  I  know— it  cries,  “  All’s  well !  ” 

“  Well !  ”  for  our  land  and  our  starry  flag ; 

“  Well !  ”  for  the  rights  and  the  hopes  of  man, 
Echoes  from  plain  and  from  mountain  crag, 
“Well!  all’s  well!”  from  the  army’s  van. 

Sons  of  our  homes  !  while  the  smiles  ye  love 
Prayerfully  float  round  your  banners  of  war, 
Look,  ’mid  the  gleam  of  your  bayonets,  above  ! 
God  holds  the  guerdon  of  Victory’s  star  ! 

— N.  Y.  Tribune,  May  3. 


WORK  TO  DO. 

BY  R.  H.  STODDARD. 

From  the  North  and  the  West, 
That  are  joined,  heart  and  hand, 
For  the  flag  of  their  sires, 

And  the  laws  of  the  land, 


30 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Come  forth,  ye  free  men, 

That  are  loyal  thereto, 

For  Freedom  has  work 
For  her  children  to  do  ! 

Not  the  work  that  ye  know, 

That  is  best  for  the  free, 

Sowing  towns  in  new  lands, 

Ploughing  ships  through  the  sea  ; 

Ye  are  perfect  in  this — 

It  is  old ;  but  the  new — 

’Tis  a  grim  work  your  sire3 
Left  their  children  to  do ! 

Could  they  speak  from  their  graves, 

They  would  shout  to  their  sons  : 

“  Leave  your  ploughs,  drop  your  tools, 
Run,  and  shoulder  your  guns  ! 

Ye  must  march  to  the  South, 

Ye  must  cut  your  way  through, 

Or — leave  the  stern  work 
For  your  children  to  do  !  ” 

We  hear  the  alarm, 

Like  the  lightning  it  runs, 

And  thousands  of  freemen 
Have  shouldered  their  guns  ; 

They  will  fall  on  the  South, 

They  will  crush  and  subdue, 

Nor  leave  the  sad  work 
For  their  children  to  do ! 

For  the  North  and  the  West, 

They  have  taken  their  stand 
For  the  flag  that  they  love, 

And  the  laws  of  the  land ! 

They’ll  maintain  them  till  death, 

Ay,  and  after  it,  too ; 

For  they’ll  still  leave  the  work 
Which  their  children  will  do  ! 

May  6, 1861.  — The  World. 


“ALL  WE  ASK  IS  TO  BE  LET  ALONE.” 

As  vonce  I  valked  by  a  dismal  swamp, 

There  sot  an  old  Cove  in  the  dark  and  damp, 

And  at  everybody  as  passed  that  road 
A  stick  or  a  stone  this  Old  Cove  throwed. 

And  venever  he  flung  his  stick  or  his  stone, 

He’d  set  up  a  song  of  “  Let  me  alone.” 

“  Let  me  alone,  for  I  loves  to  shy 
These  bits  of  things  at  the  passers-by ; 

Let  me  alone,  for  I’ve  got  your  tin, 

And  lots  of  other  traps  snugly  in  ; 

Let  me  alone — I  am  rigging  a  boat 
To  grab  votever  you’ve  got  afloat ; 

In  a  veek  or  so  I  expects  to  come 
And  turn  you  out  of  your  ouse  and  ome  ; 

I’m  a  quiet  Old  Cove,”  says  he,  with  a  groan ; 

“  All  I  axes,  is,  Let  me  alone.” 

Just  then  came  along,  on  the  self-same  vay, 
Another  Old  Cove,  and  began  for  to  say — 

“  Let  you  alone  !  That’s  cornin’  it  strong ! 

You’ve  ben  let  alone — a  darned  sight  too  long! 

Of  all  the  sarce  that  ever  I  heerd ! 

Put  down  that  stick !  (You  may  well  look  skeered.) 
Let  go  that  stone  !  If  you  once  show  fight, 

I’ll  knock  you  higher  than  ary  kite. 


You  must  have  a  lesson  to  stop  your  tricks, 

And  cure  you  of  shying  them  stones  and  sticks  ; 
And  I’ll  have  my  hardware  back,  and  my  cash, 

And  knock  your  scow  into  tarnal  smash  ; 

And  if  ever  I  catches  you  round  my  ranch, 

I’ll  string  you  up  to  the  nearest  branch. 

The  best  you  can  do  is  to  go  to  bed, 

And  keep  a  decent  tongue  in  your  head ; 

For  I  reckon,  before  you  and  I  are  done, 

You’ll  wish  you  had  let  honest  folks  alone.” 

The  Old  Cove  stopped,  aud  the  t’other  Old  Cove, 
He  sot  quite  still  in  his  cypress  grove, 

And  he  looked  at  his  stick,  revolvin’  slow, 

Yether  ’twere  safe  to  shy  it,  or  no  ; 

And  he  grumbled  on,  in  an  injured  tone, 

“All  that  I  axed  vos,  Let  me  alone." 

— Hartford  Courant. 

ORIGINAL  ODE, 

Sung  at  the  Union  and  State  Rights  Celebration,  at 
Charleston ,  &  C.,  July  4th,  1881. 

Hail,  our  country’s  natal  morn ! 

Hail,  our  spreading  kindred  born ! 

Hail,  thou  banner,  not  yet  torn, 

Waving  o’er  the  free  ! 

While  this  day  in  festal  throng, 

Millions  swell  the  patriot  song, 

Shall  not  we  thy  notes  prolong, 

Hallowed  j  ubilee  ?  • 

'  a 

Who  would  sever  freedoms  shrine  ? 

Who  would  draw  the  invidious  line? 

Though  by  birth  one  spot  be  mine, 

Dear  is  all  the  rest ; — 

Dear  to  me  the  South’s  fair  land, 

Dear  the  central  mountain-band, 

Dear  New  England’s  rocky  strand, 

Dear  the  prairied  West. 

By  our  altars,  pure  and  free, 

By  our  Law’s  deep-rooted  tree, 

By  the  past’s  dread  memory, 

By  our  Washington! 

By  our  common  parent  tongue, 

By  our  hopes,  bright,  buoyant,  young, 

By  the  tie  of  country  strong, 

We  will  still  be  one. 

Fathers  !  have  ye  bled  in  vain? 

Ages !  must  ye  droop  again  ? 

Maker  !  must  we  rashly  stain 
Blessings  sent  by  Thee  ? 

No  !  receive  our  solemn  vow, 

While  before  Thy  throne  we  bow, 

Ever  to  maintain  as  now, 

“  Union — Liberty.” 

— Commercial  Advertiser , 


THE  NEW  BIRTH, 

APRIL  15th,  a.  d.  1861. 

Ring  out  the  tidings  round  the  earth, 
To  all  the  families  of  men  ; 

A  nation  hath  been  born  again, 
Regenerate  by  a  second  birth ! 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


31 


Rent  are  the  bonds  of  gain  and  greed, 

Once  coiled  around  our  common  life : 

Hushed  are  the  hate  of  party  strife, 

And  jealousies  of  race  and  creed. 

We  see  the  light  the  prophets  saw, 

In  eyes  of  age  and  eyes  of  youth — 

The  sacred  flame  of  trust  and  truth, 

Of  justice,  liberty,  and  law. 

In  furrowed  fields,  in  city  walls, 

Forgot  are  lust,  and  sloth  and  fear ; 

One  voice  alone — one  voice  we  hear — 

Our  Country  to  her  children  calls. 

Lord  God  of  Hosts,  to  whom  we  pray 
In  all  times,  favored  or  forlorn. 

We  thank  thy  name  that  thus  is  born 
A  nation  in  a  single  day ! 

In  faith  to  Thee  our  fathers  fought ; 

In  faith  to  Thee  we  arm  to-day, 

And  hopeful  guard,  with  stern  array, 

The  commonweal  Thy  hand  hath  wrought. 

“  0,  brothers !  blest  by  partial  fate 

With  power  to  match  the  will  and  deed,” 
This  is  the  hour  of  sorest  need ; 

Go  forward  ere  it  be  too  late ! 

W.  W.  Howe. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune. 


AN  APPEAL  FOR  THE  COUNTRY. 

BY  MRS.  ELLEN  KEY  BLUNT. 

[The  following  patriotic  and  impressive  lines  were 
written  by  Mrs.  Blunt,  in  London,  on  the  4th  of 
January,  after  she  had  complied  with  the  Presi¬ 
dent’s  recommendation  to  observe  it  as  a  day  of 
humiliation  and  prayer.  The  time,  the  circumstan¬ 
ces  under  which  they  were  written,  and  the  charac¬ 
ter  and  associations  of  the  writer,  all  combine  to 
give  a  solemn  interest  to  the  appeal.] 

“  Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  and  on  earth  peace,  good 
will  towards  man.” 

From  lake  to  gulf,  from  sea  to  sea 
We  have  knelt  in  one  solemn  Fast, 

That  God  may  heal  our  country’s  strife, 
Forgiving  us  all  the  past. 

Hear  we  no  voice  as  we  listening  stand? 

Comes  there  no  touch  on  the  angry  hand? 

Thrills  not  one  heart-throb  through  the  land? 

Peace,  brothers,  peace! 

Oh,  by  our  homes  so  bright  and  fair, 

Where  the  Christmas  garlands  wave ! 

Oh,  by  our  loved  ones  nestling  there 
*  By  each  cradle,  by  each  grave ! 

By  the  church  bells  ringing  in  the  air, 

By  the  praying  of  our  common  prayer  ; 

By  the  Bible  on  which  our  people  swear ! 

Peace,  brothers,  peace ! 


Would  you  rend  our  country’s  breast  in  twain  ? 

It  lies  bare  to  the  mortal  blow, 

But  the  sword  that  could  drink  her  holy  vein 
Should  be  that  of  a  foreign  foe. 

Not  of  her  children,  cradled  free, 

Not  of  her  home-born;  never  be 
Such  written  page  of  History ! 

Peace,  brothers,  peace ! 

Would  ye  part  the  river  which  north  and  south 
Rolls  grandly  its  career  ? 

Sounds  not  a  tone  from  its  mighty  mouth 
Teaching  us,  far  and  near, 

That  the  North  and  the  South,  like  it,  must  be 
One  power,  one  home,  one  unity ; 

One  time  and  one  eternity  ? 

Peace,  brothers,  peace! 

Brothers,  beware  ;  the  storm  is  high — 

Our  ship  of  state  strains  heavily — 

And  l?er  flag,  whose  spangles  have  lit  the  sky, 

Is  fluttering — tattered  and  torn  to  be. 

God  of  our  Father  Washington, 

Our  trust  is  in  Thy  arm  alone  ; 

Count  Thou  her  stars,  keep  every  one  ! 

Peace,  brothers,  peace ! 

London,  January  4,  1861. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  Feb.  G. 


“LIBERTY  AND  UNION,  ONE  AND 
INSEPARABLE.” 

There  floats  our  glorious  ensign, 

There  still  our  eagles  fly ! 

And  lives  the  coward  heart  or  hand 
Dare  pluck  them  from  the  sky  ? 

t 

Dare  raise  the  parricidal  arm 
With  impious  grasp  to  seize, 

And  tear  from  out  the  firmament 
The  glory  of  the  breeze  ? 

The  curse  of  Cain  on  him  who  wields 
The  brand  of  civil  war, 

Or  blots  from  that  proud  galaxy, 

One  single  gleaming  star. 

Still  floats  our  glorious  ensign, 

And  still  our  eagles  soar, 

Yet  weeping  eyes  now  fear  to  gaze 
And  see  them  fly  no  more. 

Oh  !  brethren  in  the  Union  strong, 
Bethink  ye  of  the  day 
When  our  sires,  beneath  that  banner, 
Rushed  eager  to  the  fray  ; 

When  first  its  glories  were  unfurled 
O’er  Freedom’s  sacred  ground, 

And  thirteen  States  confederate  stood, 

In  loyal  union  bound. 

Its  stripes  were  dyed  at  Monmouth ; 

In  Brandywine’s  red  strea  ; 

On  Saratoga’s  trampled  plain ; 

By  Lexington’s  sad  green. 

Its  stars  shone  out  o’er  Bunker’s  height ; 

Fort  Moultrie  saw  them  gleam  ; 

And  high  o’er  Yorktown’s  humble  camp 
They  flashed  in  dazzling  sheen. 


32 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Rise !  souls  of  martyred  heroes, 

Rise  from  your  troubled  grave, 

And  guard  once  more  our  Union, 

Our  broken  country  save ! 

Rise,  Stark,  from  old  New  Hampshire, 

Rise,  Lincoln,  from  the  Bay, 

Rise  Sumter  from  the  rice  fields, 

As  on  that  glorious  day. 

Again  o’er  broad  savannahs 
Rise  Marion’s  swart  brigade, 

Whose  fiery  tramp,  like  whirlwind  rush, 
Swept  down  the  everglade. 

Why  now  sleeps  Henry’s  patriot  heart ; 

Why  Otis’  tongue  of  flame ; 

Hancock  and  Adams,  live  they  yet, 

Or  live  they  but  in  name  ? 

They  cannot  die  1  immortal  truth 
Outlasts  the  shock  of  time, 

And  fires  the  faithful  human  heart 
With  energy  sublime. 

They  live !  on  every  hill  and  plain, 

By  every  gleaming  river, 

Where’er  their  glowing  feet  have  trod, 

They  live  and  live  for  ever. 

The  mem’ry  of  the  past  shall  raise 
Fresh  altars  to  their  name  ; 

And  coming  years,  with  reverent  hand, 
Protect  the  sacred  flame. 

We  know  no  North,  nor  South,  nor  West ; 
One  Union  binds  us  all ; 

Its  stars  and  stripes  are  o’er  us  flung — 
’Neath  them  we’ll  stand  or  fall. 

Then  stay  your  hands,  ye  traitor  host, 

And  cease  your  vain  endeavor ; 

God  guards  our  Union  good  and  strong, 

For  ever  and  for  ever. 

He  sleepeth  not  like  heroes  dead, 

And  mouldering  in  the  grave ; 

His  outstretched  arm  is  quick  to  smite, 
Omnipotent  to  save. 

Lo !  he  shall  break  the  coward  hand, 

And  brand  the  traitor  knave, 

With  more  than  Arnold’s  deathless  shame — 
With  his  accursed  grave.  F.  A.  H. 

— Evening  Post. 


THE  NINETEENTH  OF  APRIL,  1861. 

This  year,  till  late  in  April,  the  snow  fell  thick  and 
light ; 

Thy  flag  of  peace,  dear  Nature,  in  clinging  drifts  of 
white 

Hung  over  field  and  city  : — now  everywhere  is 
seen, 

In  place  of  that  white  quietness,  a  sudden  glow  of 
green. 

The  verdure  climbs  the  Common,  beneath  the  an¬ 
cient  trees, 

To  where  the  glorious  Stars  and  Stripes  are  floating 
on  the  breeze, 


There,  suddenly  as  Spring  awoke  from  Winter’s 
snow-draped  gloom, 

The  Passion  Flower  of  Seventy-six  is  bursting  into 
bloom. 

Dear  is  the  time  of  roses,  when  earth  to  joy  is  wed, 

And  garden-plat  and  meadow  wear  one  generous 
flush  of  red ; 

But  now  in  dearer  beauty,  to  Freedom’s  colors 
true, 

Blooms  the  old  town  of  Boston  in  red  and  white 
and  blue. 

Along  the  whole  awakening  North  are  those  true 
colors  spread ; 

A  summer  noon  of  patriotism  is  burning  overhead. 

No  party  badges  flaunting  now, — no  word  of  clique 
or  clan : 

But  “  Up  for  God  and  Union !  ”  is  the  shout  of 
every  man. 

Oh,  peace  is  dear  to  Northern  hearts ;  our  hard- 
earned  homes  more  dear ; 

But  Freedom  is  beyond  the  price  of  any  earthly 
cheer ; 

And  Freedom’s  flag  is  sacred  ; — he  who  would  work 
it  harm, 

Let  him,  although  a  brother,  beware  our  strong 
right  arm ! 

A  brother!  ah,  the  sorrow,  the  anguish  of  that 
word ! 

The  fratricidal  strife  begun,  when  shall  its  end  be 
heard  ? 

Not  this  the  boon  that  patriot  hearts  have  prayed 
and  waited  for  ; — 

We  loved  them,  and  we  longed  for  peace:  but  they 
would  have  it  war. 

Yes;  war!  on  this  memorial  day,  the  day  of  Lex¬ 
ington, 

A  lightning-thrill  along  the  wires  from  heart  to 
heart  has  run. 

Brave  men  we  gazed  on  yesterday,  to-day  for  us 
have  bled : 

Again  is  Massachusetts  blood  the  first  for  freedom 
shed. 

To  war — and  with  our  brethren,  then, — if  only  this 
can  be  ! 

Life  hangs  as  nothing  in  the  scale  against  dear 
Liberty ! 

Though  hearts  be  torn  asunder,  we  for  Mother- 
Land  will  fight ; 

Our  blood  may  seal  the  victory,  but  God  will  shield 
the  Right ! 

Lucy  Larcom,  in  the  BostonTranscript ,  April  25. 


THROUGH  BALTIMORE! 

THE  VOICE  OF  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  VOLUN¬ 
TEERS. 

I. 

’Twas  Friday  morn,  the  train  drew  near 
The  city  and  the  shore  : 

Far  through  the  sunshine,  soft  and  clear, 

We  saw  the  dear  old  flag  appear, 

And  in  our  hearts  arose  a  cheer 

For  Baltimore. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


33 


ii. 

Across  the  broad  Patapsco’s  ware, 

Old  Fort  McHenry  bore 
The  starry  banner  of  the  brave. 

As  when  our  fathers  went  to  save, 

Or  in  the  trenches  find  a  grave, 

At  Baltimore. 

in. 

Before  us,  pillared  in  the  sky, 

We  saw  the  statue  soar 
Of  Washington,  serene  and  high — 

Could  traitors  view  that  form,  nor  fly  ? 

Could  patriots  see,  nor  gladly  die 

For  Baltimore  ? 

iv. 

“  Oh,  city  of  our  country’s  song, 

By  that  swift  aid  we  bore 
When  sorely  pressed,  receive  the  throng, 
Who  go  to  shield  our  flag  from  wrong, 

And  give  us  welcome,  warm  and  strong, 

In  Baltimore !  ” 

V. 

We  had  no  arms  ;  as  friends  we  came. 

As  brothers  evermore, 

To  rally  round  one  sacred  name, 

The  charter  of  our  power  and  fame: 

We  never  dreamed  of  guilt  and  shame 
In  Baltimore. 

VI. 

The  coward  mob  upon  us  fell: 

McHenry’s  flag  they  tore  : 

Surprised,  borne  backward  by  the  swell. 
Beat  down  with  mad,  inhuman  yell, 

Before  us  yawned  a  traitorous  hell 
In  Baltimore  l 

VII. 

The  streets  our  soldier-fathers  trod 

Blushed  with  their  children’s  gore  ; 

We  saw  the  craven  rulers  nod, 

And  dip  in  blood  the  civic  rod — 

Shall  such  things  be,  0  righteous  God, 

In  Baltimore  ? 

VIII. 

No,  never !  By  that  outrage  black, 

A  solemn  oath  we  swore, 

To  bring  the  Keystone’s  thousands  back, 
Strike  down  the  dastards  who  attack, 

And  leave  a  red  and  fiery  track 

Through  Baltimore! 

IX. 

Bow  down,  in  haste,  thy  guilty  head! 

God’s  wrath  is  swift  and  sore : 

The  sky  with  gathering  bolts  is  red — 

Cleanse  from  thy  skirts  the  slaughter  shed, 
Or  make  thyself  an  ashen  bed — 

Oh  Baltimore ! 

Bayard  Taylor,  in  the  N.  7.  Tribune. 
Poetry — 5 


UNDER  THE  WASHINGTON  ELM, 
CAMBRIDGE,  APRIL  27,  1861. 

BY  OLIVER  WENDELL  HOLMES. 

I. 

Eighty  years  have  passed,  and  more, 

Since  under  the  brave  old  tree 
Our  fathers  gathered  in  arms,  and  swore 
They  would  follow  the  sign  their  banners  bore, 
And  fight  till  the  land  was  free. 

ii. 

Half  of  their  work  was  done, 

Half  is  left  to  do — 

Cambridge,  and  Concord,  and  Lexington  ! 

When  the  battle  i<  fought  and  won, 

What  shall  be  told  of  you  ? 

in. 

Hark  !  ’tis  the  south  wind  moans — 

Who  are  the  martyrs  down  ? — 

Ah,  the  marrow  was  true  in  your  children’s  bones, 
That  sprinkled  wdth  blood  the  cursed  stones 
Of  the  murder-haunted  town! 

IV. 

What  if  the  storm-clouds  blow  ? 

What  if  the  green  leaves  fall? 

Better  the  crashing  tempest’s  throe, 

Than  the  army  of  worms  that  gnawed  below  ; 
Trample  them  one  and  all ! 

v. 

Then,  when  the  battle  is  won, 

And  the  land  from  traitors  free, 

Our  children  shall  tell  of  the  strife  begun 
When  Liberty’s  second  April  sun 

Was  bright  on  our  brave  old  tree ! 


SUMTER. 

I  thought  of  Sumter  all  the  night ; 

Of  those  beleaguered  few 
Who  stood  up  nobly  in  the  fight 
For  loyalty  and  freedom’s  right, 

Against  that  recreant  crew. 

I  saw  that  chain  of  rebel  bands 
Surround  the  sacred  fort ; 

I  saw  five  thousand  traitors’  hands, 

Red  with  hot  hate,  their  foul  demands 
With  blustering  arms  support. 

I  saw  five  thousand  on  the  shore, 

Less  than  one  hundred  fight ! 

I  heard  the  coward  cannons  roar, 

And  shot  and  shell  relentless  pour 
Destruction  through  the  night. 

I  saw  might  vanquish  right,  and  then 
I  heard  the  miscreants  brag 
Of  “  victory,”  when  those  starving  men, 
Shut  up  within  a  fortressed  pen, 

Were  forced  to  lowrer  their  flag! 


34 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


0  State,  which  patriots  once  did  claim, 

How  is  it  with  thee  now  ? 

False  to  thy  country  and  thy  name  ; 
Henceforward,  let  the  curse  of  shame 
Be  branded  on  thy  brow  ! 

An  American. 

— Evening  Post. 


THE  TWO  ERAS. 

APRIL  19th,  1775,  AND  APRIL  19th,  1861. 

The  Bay  State  bled  at  Lexington, 

But  every  drop  that  ran, 

By  transmutation  strange  and  strong, 

Sprung  up  au  armed  man : — 

Sprung  up,  indomitably  firm, 

And  multiplied  and  spread, 

Till  Freedom’s  amaranthine  crown 
Enwreath’d  our  country’s  head. 

Yet,  when  the  born  of  Lexington, 

Who  kept  their  natal  day, 

Were  writing  fourscore  years  and  six 
Upon  their  annals  gray, 

The  Bay  State  bled  at  Baltimore, — 
Wherefore,  I  may  not  speak  ; 

For  sad  and  tender  memories  rush 
From  heart  to  moisten’d  cheek. 

And  sighs  of  buried  fathers  break 
The  cold,  sepulchral  bed, 

And  hideous  harpies  clap  their  wings  J 

When  brothers’  blood  is  shed  : 

And  stars  that  in  their  courses  sang, 

Their  constellations  shroud, 

And  wind-borne  echoes  cry  forbear  ! 

From  yonder  cloven  cloud  : 

While  contrite  souls  from  holy  church 
And  shaded  hearth-stone  pray, 

That  He  who  rules  above  the  skies, 

Would  turn  his  wrath  away, 

And  rule  the  spirit  that  of  old 
The  Shepherd  Abel  slew, 

And  link  the  hands  in  loving  clasp, 

Now  red  with  battle  dew  ; 

Yes,  all  our  Nation’s  sins  remit, 

And  bid  His  judgments  cease, 

And  in  His  own  good  time  restore 
The  blessed  balm  of  peace. 

L.  H.  S. 

IIartford,  Conn.,  April  19th. 


THE  SIXTH  AT  BALTIMORE. 

BY  B.  P.  SHILLABER. 

Our  country  called  on  her  sons  for  aid, 

And  we  shouldered  the  gun  and  drew  the  blade, 
Leaving  the  anvil,  the  plough,  and  the  saw, 

To  fight  for  the  Union  and  for  law — 

To  fight  for  the  flag  our  Fathers  bore — 

And  our  pathway  led  through  Baltimore. 


There  was  no  moment  for  doubts  or  fears, 

There  was  no  time  for  sighs  or  tears  ; 

We  said  “good  bye  ”  with  hurried  breath, 

Then  marched  to  the  field  of  life  or  death, 

And  fealty  to  our  land  we  swore 

Ere  we  marched  to  its  aid  through  Baltimore. 

And  godly  hands  in  blessing  were  spread, 

And  smiles  from  beauty  were  on  us  shed, 

And  the  starry  flag  that  we  bore  in  pride, 

Was  cheered  and  lauded  on  every  side, 

With  devotion  never  known  before, 

As  we  took  up  our  march  for  Baltimore. 

’Twas  April  nineteenth,  and  the  sun 
That  had  seen  the  carnage  at  Lexington, 

Shone  on  us  as  we  took  our  way 
Through  lanes  of  traitors  in  hate’s  array, 

And  a  scowling  look  each  stern  face  wore, 

That  we  saw  as  we  marched  through  Baltimore. 

Then  hateful  glances  took  sterner  form, 

And  rained  upon  us  a  fearful  storm  ; 

Fierce  terrible  missiles  around  us  fell, 

’Mid  oaths  ’twould  shame  the  sons  of  hell, 

But  we  quailed  not  ’mid  the  angry  roar 
That  swept  through  the  streets  of  Baltimore. 

Not  a  shout  or  cry  in  our  ranks  was  heard, 

But  our  rifles  spoke  the  voiceless  word, 

And  our  leaden  sentences  went  deep 
To  put  seditious  hearts  to  sleep  ; 

But  sadly,  though  sternly,  we  deploro 
Our  own  brave,  fallen  at  Baltimore. 

But  the  guerdon  of  glory ’s  for  those  who  fall ; 
For  the  nation’s  flag  is  their  funeral  pall, 

And  the  nation’s  tears  the  turf  bedew 
That  covers  their  hearts  so  bold  and  true ; 
Deathless  are  they  who  life  gave  o’er 
On  the  bloody  pavements  of  Baltimore. 

The  dead  return — the  arms  to  nerve 
And  hearts  to  strengthen  that  else  might  swerve 
They  speak  again  from  the  silent  sod 
In  a  voice  that  stirs  like  the  voice  of  God, 

And  heroes  vow  from  their  hearts’  deep  core 
To  follow  the  Sixth  through  Baltimore. 

— Boston  Evening  Gazette. 


COL.  CORCORAN’S  BRIGADE. 

i. 

Prompt  to  the  gathering  summons, 
True  as  the  lifted  steel, 

Into  the  foremost  phalanx, 

See  where  their  columns  wheel ! 

ii. 

Souls  of  the  careless  daring ! 

Souls  of  the  trustful  love ! 

Hear  you  the  voices  swelling 
Ever  your  march  above  ? 

III. 

Tones  of  your  mournful  mother, 
Reft  of  her  queenly  dower, 

Pale  at  the  gate  of  nations, 

Waiting  her  destined  hour! 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


35 


IV. 

Strains  from  the  hills  where  Summer 
Empties  her  lap  of  flowers ! 

Strains  from  the  woods  that  glisten 
Wet  with  the  noonday  showers! 

v. 

See  you  the  graceful  shadows 
Gliding  around  you  there  ! 

Shapes  with  the  gleaming  helmet 
Over  their  flowing  hair  ! 

VI. 

Forms  of  a  softer  beauty  ! 

Heads  with  the  Eastern  veil ! 

Eyes  of  a  dewy  splendor ! 

Shades  of  the  buried  Gael ! 

VII. 

Oh  !  for  their  clouded  glory, 

“  Sons  of  the  ancient  race!  ” 

Still,  in  the  rushing  battle, 

Yours  be  the  victor’s  place  ! 

VIII. 

Spells  from  the  past  be  with  you, 

To  charm  the  shields  you  bear ! 

Might  from  the  secret  voices 

Lifted  in  woman’s  prayer !  entjl. 

— New  York  Leader. 


APRIL  19th,  1775-1861. 

Once  more,  (our  dear  old  Massachusetts!) 

How  the  thought  comes  over  us — and  well  it 
may ! 

Of  the  drops  wherewith  that  ancient  green  was 
reddened — 

It  is  six  and  eighty  years  this  very  day. 

Six  and  eighty  years — and  it  seemed  but  a 
memory — 

Little  left  of  all  that  glory — so  we  thought — 

Only  the  old  fire-locks  hung  on  farm-house  chimneys, 

And  rude  blades  the  village  blacksmith  wrought. 

Only  here  and  there  a  white  head  that  remembers 

How  the  Frocks  of  Homespun  stood  against  King 
George — 

How  the  hard  hands  stretched  them  o’er  the  scanty 
embers 

When  the  sleet  and  snow  came  down  at  Yalley 
Forge. 

Ah  me,  how  long  we  lay,  in  quiet  and  in  error, 

Till  the  Snake  shot  from  the  coil  he  had  folded  on 
our  hearth — 

Till  the  Dragon-Fangs  had  sprouted,  o’erhatched  of 
hate  and  terror, 

And  hell,  in  armfcd  legions,  seemed  bursting  from 
the  earth. 

Once  more,  dear  Brother-State!  thy  pure,  brave 
Blood  baptizes 

Our  last  and  noblest  struggle  for  freedom  and 
for  right — 

It  fell  on  the  cruel  stones! — but  an  awful  Nation 
rises 

In  the  glory  of  its  conscience,  and  the  splendor 
of  its  might.  H.  H.  B. 

—Hartford  (.Conn.)  Press. 


“  ALL  HAIL  TO  THE  STARS  AND  STRIPES.” 

BY  GEORGE  T.  BOURNE. 

“After  the  soldiers  from  the  Old  ‘Bay  State’  had  been 
brutally  shot  down,  one  young  man,  scarcely  twenty  years 
old,  lay  upon  the  ground  mortally  wounded.  'With  liis  eyes 
fast  growing  dim,  he  raised  himself  erect,  and  tossing  his  arms 
wildly  about,  exclaimed,  'Ail  hail  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes,’ 
and  fell  back  dead.”  [Extract  from  a  Letter. 

When  home  returning  from  the  fight 
They  wend  their  way,  with  noble  scars, 

They’li  point  to  wounds  by  traitorous  hands 
Which  fought  against  the  Stripes  and  Stars. 

But  noble  wounds  will  be  forgot 

As  each  his  blood-stained  sabre  wipes, 

And  thinks  how  rose  that  dying  voice, 

“All  hail  the  glorious  Stars  and  Stripes.” 

“  All  hail  the  Stars  and  Stripes!  ”  The  words 
Are  graven  now,  on  every  heart, 

A  Nation’s  watchword — Freedom’s  song! — 

Of  every  future  act  a  part. 

“All  hail  the  glorious  Stars  and  Stripes!  ” 

The  echo  leaps  from  hill  to  hill ! 

We  first  drew  breath  beneath  its  folds, 

We’ll  live  and  die  beneath  it  still! 

“  All  hail  the  Stars  and  Stripes,”  the  cry, 

From  forest  home  to  ocean  shore ! 

Ten  thousand  times  ten  thousand  hands 
Are  raised  to  free  that  flag  once  more. 

To  each  proud  heart  new  hope  is  sent, 

To  each  strong  arm  new  strength  is  given, 
And  raised  aloft  from  every  home, 

The  Stars  and  Stripes  float  nearer  heaven ! 

New  Yoek,  April  13,  1S61.  —N.  Y.  Tribune. 

- •  •  « - - 

SONGS  OF  THE  REBELS. 


THE  WAR  STORM. 

Often  by  a  treacherous  seaside 
I  have  heard  the  ocean’s  roar, 

Often,  at  its  ebb  or  flood  tide, 

Listened  to  its  mystic  lore. 

Sometimes  it  would  whisper  to  me 
Words  of  smooth  and  liquid  tone, 

And  its  pictures,  memory  drew  me, 
Sweet  as  breath  from  tropic  zone ; 

Ever  to  me  sang  its  story, 

Ever  to  me  talked  the  sea ; 

Evening  sun  would  paint  its  glory, 
Bringing  sober  thoughts  to  me. 

I  would  think  how  like  the  passions 
Is  the  smooth  or  stormy  sea; 

Breath  of  heat  or  cold  may  fashion 
Rage,  or  hope,  or  gloom,  or  glee. 

I,  to-day,  have  seen  the  flood  tide 
Of  our  country’s  strength  and  youth, 

Plain  as  waves  upon  the  seaside, 

And  as  mighty  as  is  truth. 


3G 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


No  faint  breath  has  caused  this  motion, 

No  faint  ripple  raised  this  storm; 

But  like  tempest  o’er  the  ocean — 

In  the  summer,  calm  and  warm — 

We  have  listened  to  the  muttering 
Of  the  thunder  in  the  sky, 

Till  at  length  its  mighty  uttering 
Is  the  battle’s  wildest  cry. 

Stormy  clouds,  of  blackest  error, 

Drove  along  this  battle-car, 

Freighted  it  with  bloody  terror, 

And  plunged  us  in  this  fearful  war. 

Rain  of  lead  we  know  will  rattle, 

Steel  will  flash,  and  blood  will  flow, 

Cannon  thunder  through  the  battle, 

And  its  ending  none  can  know. 

Yes  !  there  is  a  glorious  lightness 
In  the  soldier’s  scarlet  shroud  ; 

History  touches  it  with  brightness  ; 

Fame  will  sound  his  requiem  loud, 

Lasting  as  the  long  forever, 

Reaching  ages  as  they  come, 

Telling  round  the  fireside,  ever, 

How  he  died  defending  home. 

— A.  O.  Picayune. 


THE  ILLUMINATION  OF  THE  CITY  OF 
RICHMOND, 

In  honor  of  the  Victory  of  the  Battle  of  Fort  Sumter ,  gained 
by  the  Confederate  States ,  April  12/ h,  186L 

BY  MARY  COPLAND. 

Honor  to  General  Beauregard,  and  to  the  noble 
South, 

Who  have  proclaimed  their  freedom  through  the 
thundering  cannon’s  mouth ; 

But  be  the  glory  given,  as  to  Carolina  due, 

The  bravest,  and  the  noblest,  and  truest  of  the  true. 

Then  Richmond  gleamed  with  a  thousand  lights, 
And  bonfires  blazed  on  a  thousand  heights  ; 
While  the  light  of  the  stars  was  palbd  by 
The  glow,  that  flashed  ’gainst  the  clear  blue  sky ; 
And  over  all  streamed,  full  and  free, 

The  flag  of  twice-won  liberty ; 

And  all  Virginia’s  capital 
Rejoiced  o’er  the  conquered  citadel. 

Honor  to  noble  Davis,  brave  soldier  and  true  man. 
Who  dares  to  be,  and  dares  to  do,  all  that  a  great 
man  can  ; 

But  be  the  glory  given,  as  to  Carolina  due, 

The  noblest,  and  the  bravest,  the  truest  of  the  true. 

And  an  hundred  cannon  thundered  forth 
Their  message  to  the  impatient  earth, 

And  a  nation  rose,  in  its  power  and  might, 

To  prove  that  Virginia’s  heart  was  right; 

And  every  breast  in  that  human  tide, 

Throbs  with  a  fuller,  freer  pride ; 

Then  a  thousand  voices  they  upraise, 

To  shout  forth  Carolina’s  praise. 


Honor  to  Brave  old  Ruffin,  to  that  true  and  faith¬ 
ful  heart, 

The  four-score  years  old  patriot,  who  took  the  fore¬ 
most  part ; 

But  be  the  glory  given,  as  to  Carolina  due, 

The  bravest  of  the  brave,  and  truest  of  the  true. 

Oh,  favored  land,  that  boasts  a  son, 

Davis,  the  second  Washington, 

Know  that  Virginia,  now  by  thee, 

Will  battle  for  her  liberty  ; 

Her  sons,  beneath  thy  flag  unfurled, 

Will  hurl  defiance  to  the  world ; 

And,  fighting  hand  in  hand  with  thee, 

Will  conquer,  to  be  doubly  free. 

Honor  to  glorious  Wise,  the  fearless  and  the  bold, 
Who  dared  to  tell  a  nation  the  truth,  that  should 
be  told ; 

But  unto  Carolina  be  the  glory  evermore, 

For  she  hath  done  a  bolder  deed  than  e’er  was  done 
before. 

Aye,  clothe  her  name  with  glory  bright — 

Around  it  throw  a  radiant  light; 

For,  oh !  it  is  a  glorious  sight, 

This  nation  rising  in  the  right ; 

And  Carolina  well  may  claim 
The  greatest,  most  unsullied  name — 

Brave,  and  magnanimous,  and  pure, 

Her  fame  will  e’er  remain,  her  power  endure. 

Honor  to  them  all — to  each  brave  and  gallant 
heart 

That  manfully  and  earnestly  will  strive  to  do  his 
part ; 

But  be  the  glory  given,  as  to  Carolina  due, 

The  noblest,  and  the  bravest,  the  truest  of  the  true. 

Richmond  April  17, 1861. 

—  Charleston  Mercury. 


SUMTER— A  BALLAD  OF  1861. 

’Twas  on  the  twelfth  of  April, 

Before  the  break  of  day, 

We  heard  the  guns  of  Moultrie 
Give  signal  for  the  fray. 

Anon  across  the  waters 

There  boomed  the  answering  gun, 

From  north  and  south  came  flash  on  flash, 
The  battle  had  begun. 

The  mortars  belched  their  deadly  food 
And  spiteful  whizz’d  the  balls, 

A  fearful  storm  of  iron  hailed 
On  Sumter’s  doomed  walls. 

We  watched  the  meteor  flight  of  shell, 
And  saw  the  lightning  flash — 

Saw  where  each  fiery  missile  fell, 

And  heard  the  sullen  crash. 

The  morn  was  dark  and  cloudy, 

Yet  till  the  sun  arose, 

No  answer  to  our  gallant  boys 
Came  booming  from  our  foes. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


37 


Then  through  the  dark  and  murky  clouds 
The  morning  sunlight  came, 

And  forth  from  Sumter’s  frowning  walls 
Burst  sudden  sheets  of  flame. 

Then  shot  and  shell  flew  thick  and  fast, 

The  war-dogs  howling  spoke, 

And  thundering  came  their  angry  roar, 
Through  wreathing  clouds  ot  smoke. 

Again  to  fight  for  liberty, 

Our  gallant  sons  had  come, 

They  smiled  when  came  the  bugle  call,  • 
And  laughed  when  tapped  the  drum. 

From  cotton  and  from  corn  field, 

From  desk  and  forum,  too, 

From  work  bench  and  from  anvil,  camo 
Our  gallant  boys  and  true  ! 

A  hireling  band  had  come  to  awe, 

Our  chains  to  rivet  fast ; 

Yon  lofty  pile  scowls  on  our  homes, 

Seaward  the  hostile  mast. 

But  gallant  freemen  man  our  guns — 

No  mercenary  host, 

Who  barter  for  their  honor’s  price, 

And  of  their  baseness  boast. 

Now  came  our  stately  matrons, 

And  maidens,  too,  by  scores ; 

Oh !  Carolina’s  beauty  shone 
Like  love-lights  on  her  shores. 

See  yonder,  anxious  gazing, 

Alone  a  matron  stands, 

The  tear  drop  glistening  on  each  lid, 

And  tightly  clasped  her  hands. 

For  there,  exposed  to  deadly  fire, 

Her  husband  and  her  son — 

“  Father,”  she  spoke,  and  heavenward  look’d, 
“  Father,  thy  will  be  done.” 

See  yonder  group  of  maidens, 

No  joyous  laughter  now, 

For  cares  lie  heavy  on  each  heart, 

And  cloud  each  anxious  brow  ; 

For  brothers  dear  and  lovers  fond, 

Are  there  amid  the  strife  ; 

Tearful  the  sister’s  anxious  gaze — 

Pallid  the  promised  wife. 

Yet  breathed  no  heart  one  thought  of  fear, 
Prompt  at  their  country’s  call, 

They  yielded  forth  their  dearest  hopes, 

And  gave  to  honor  all! 

Now  comes  a  message  from  below — 

Oh  !  quick  the  tidings  tell — 

“  At  Moultrie  and  Fort  Johnson,  too, 

And  Morris’,  all  are  well !  ” 

Then  mark  the  joyous  bright’ning  ; 

See  how  each  bosom  swells ; 

That  friends  and  loved  ones  all  are  safe, 

Each  to  the  other  tells. 


All  day  the  shot  flew  thick  and  fast, 

All  night  the  cannon  roared, 

While  wreathed  in  smoke  stern  Sumter  stood, 
And  vengeful  answer  poured. 

Again  the  sun  rose,  bright  and  clear, 

’Twas  on  the  thirteenth  day, 

While,  lo !  at  prudent  distance  moored, 

Five  hostile  vessels  lay. 

With  choicest  Abolition  crews — 

The  bravest  of  their  brave — 

They’d  come  to  pull  our  Crescent  down 
And  dig  Secession’s  grave. 

“  See,  see,  how  Sumter’s  banner  trails, 
They’re  signalling  for  aid. 

See  you  no  boats  of  armed  men? 

Is  yet  no  movement  made  ?  ” 

Now  densest  smoke  and  lurid  flames 
Burst  out  o’er  Sumter’s  walls ; 

“  The  fort’s  on  fire,”  is  the  cry, 

Again  for  aid  he  calls. 

See  you  no  boats  or  vessels  yet? 

Dare  they  not  risk  one  shot, 

To  make  report  grandiloquent 
Of  aid  they  rendered  not  ? 

Nor  boat,  nor  vessel,  leaves  the  fleet, 

“  Let  the  old  Major  burn,” 

We’ll  boast  of  what  we  would  have  done, 

If  but — on  our  return. 

Go  back,  go  back,  ye  cravens ;  * 

Go  back  the  way  ye  came ; 

Ye  gallant,  would-be  men-of-war, 

Go  !  to  your  country’s  shame. 

'Mid  fiery  storm  of  shot  and  shell, 

’Mid  smoke  and  roaring  flame, 

See  bow  Kentucky’s  gallant  son 
Does  honor  to  her  name ! 

See  how  he  answers  gun  for  gun — 

Hurrah  !  his  flag  is  down ! 

The  white !  the  white !  Oh  see  it  wave  ! 

Is  echoed  all  around. 

God  save  the  gallant  Anderson, 

All  honor  to  his  name, 

A  soldier’s  duty  nobly  done, 

He’s  earned  a  hero’s  fame. 

Now  ring  the  bells  a  joyous  peal, 

And  rend  with  shouts  the  air, 

We’ve  torn  the  hated  banner  down, 

And  placed  the  Crescent  there. 

All  honor  to  our  gallant  boys. 

Bring  forth  the  roll  of  fame, 

And  there  in  glowing  lines  inscribe 
Each  patriot  hero’s  name. 

Spread,  spread,  the  tidings  far  and  wide, 

Ye  winds  take  up  the  cry, 

“  Our  soil’s  redeemed  from  hateful  yoke, 

We’ll  keep  it  pure  or  die.” 

E.  0.  M. 

— Columbians.  C .)  Banner. 


38 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 

The  Philadelphia  Press  contains  the  following : 

“  Mr.  Editor  :  In  your  paper  of  the  1st  instant  is 
inserted  a  copy  of  a  letter  to  a  mercantile  house  in 
our  city,  from  A.  C.  &  A.  B.  Beech,  of  Nashville, 
promising  to  make  an  effort  to  pay  their  Eastern 
indebtedness  when  the  war  is  over  and  the  smoke  of 
battle  clears  away  ;  until  then ,  nothing  can  be  done  1" 

As  an  offset  to  the  above,  do  us  the  favor  to  pub¬ 
lish,  side  by  side,  the  following  patriotic  letter  of 
Morgan  &  Co.,  Nashville : 

“  Nashville,  April  28,  1861. 

“  Gentlemen :  Enclosed  find  check  of  the  Union 
Bank,  on  Manhattan  Co.,  New  York,  for  three  thou¬ 
sand  dollars.  We  would  have  remitted  more  to-day, 
but  could  not  procure  the  exchange.  We  intend  to 
meet  all  our  engagements  promptly,  war  or  no  war ! 
Repudiation  is  not  the  weapon  we  fight  with,  if 
fight  we  must,  which  God,  in  His  infinite  mercy, 
forbid.  Your  friends, 

“  Morgan  &  Co.” 


A  Spy  Hung. — Captain  William  Jones,  of  the 
sloop  Isabel ,  has  terminated  his  brief  but  notorious 
career  at  the  end  of  a  rope.  The  account  we  hear 
is,  that  on  the  arrival  of  the  cars  at  Scooba,  a  pas¬ 
senger  on  the  train  pointed  out  Jones,  as  boasting  to 
him  of  being  the  person  who  “  provisioned  Slem- 
mer,”and  that  he  was  then  on  the  way  to  Washing¬ 
ton,  with  despatches  to  Lincoln’s  Government.  He 
was  arrested,  the  proofs  of  his  treason  found  upon 
him,  and  Jie  was  executed  upon  the  spot  by  the  en¬ 
raged  citizens. — Mobile  Advertiser. 

The  otoer  “Abou-Ben-Abiiem.” — The  following 
ingenious  and  witty  parody  of  a  poem  universally 
known,  is  from  a  feminine  pen.  The  tart  and  some¬ 
what  malicious  allusions  to  “  Rye  ”  refer,  we  sup¬ 
pose,  to  President  Buchanan’s  letter  to  some 
Western  friends,  acknowledging,  with  thanks,  the 
receipt  of  some  excellent  rye  whiskey : 

James  R-Uchanan,  may  his  tribe  decrease, 

Awoke  one  night  from  a  strange  dream  of  peace, 
And  saw,  within  the  curtains  of  his  bed, 

Making  his  t’other  eye  to  squint  with  dread — 

Old  Jackson ,  writing  in  a  book  of  gold. 

Exceeding  Rye  had  made  Buchanan  bold, 

And  to  the  stern  Ex-President  he  said: 

“  Wha — what  writ’st  thou?”  The  spirit  shook  his 
head, 

The  while  he  answered,  with  the  voice  of  old  : 

“  The  names  of  those  who  ne’er  their  country  sold !” 
And  is  mine  one  ?  asked  J.  B.  “  Nary !  ”  cried 
The  General,  with  a  frown.  Buchanan  sighed, 

And  groaned,  and  turned  himself  upon  his  bed, 

And  took  another  “  nip”  of  “  rye,”  then  said : 

“  Well,  ere  thou  lay  thy  record  on  the  shelf, 

Write  me  at  least  as  one  who  sold  himself! 

*  Democs’  and  ‘  Rye’  so  long  my  spirits  were, 

That  when  the  1  Crisis  ’  came — I  wasn’t  there  !” 

The  General  wrote,  and  vanished;  the  next  night 
He  came  again,  in  more  appalling  plight, 

And  showed  those  names  that  all  true  men  detest , 
And  lo !  Buchanan’s  name  led  all  the  rest ! 


The  Secessionists  ask,  “  where  will  Kentucky 
go?”  When  the  countryman  was  asked  “where 


does  this  railroad  go  ?  ”  he  answered  “  the  road 
doesn’t  go  at  all.”  Kentucky  won’t  “  go,”  she’ll 
stay. — Louisville  Journal. 


A  HEROINE  IN  BALTIMORE. 

The  band  of  the  6th  Regiment,  that  left  Boston 
consisted  of  twenty-four  persons,  who,  together  with 
their  musical  instruments,  occupied  a  car  by  them¬ 
selves  from  Philadelphia  to  Baltimore.  By  some  ac¬ 
cident  the  musicians’  car  got  switched  off'  at  the  Can¬ 
ton  Depot,  so  that,  instead  of  being  the  first,  it  was 
left  in  the  rear  of  all  the  others,  and  after  the  attack 
had  been  made  by  the  mob  upon  the  soldiers,  they 
came  upon  the  car  in  which  the  band  was  still  sit¬ 
ting,  wholly  unarmed  and  incapable  of  making  any 
defence.  The  infuriated  demons  approached  them 
howling  and  yelling,  and  poured  in  upon  them  a 
shower  of  stones,  broken  iron,  and  other  missiles ; 
wounding  some  severely,  and  demolishing  their 
instruments.  Some  of  the  miscreants  jumped  upon 
the  roof  of  the  car,  and  with  a  bar  of  iron  beat  a 
hole  through  it,  while  others  were  calling  for  pow¬ 
der  to  blow  them  all  up  in  a  heap.  Finding  that  it 
would  be  sure  destruction  to  remain  longer  in  the 
car,  the  poor  fellows  jumped  out  to  meet  their  fiend¬ 
ish  assailants  hand  to  hand.  They  were  saluted 
with  a  shower  of  stones,  but  took  to  their  heels, 
fighting  their  way  through  the  crowd,  and  running 
at  random,  without  knowing  in  what  direction  to  go 
for  assistance  or  shelter.  As  they  were  hurrying 
along,  a  rough-looking  man  suddenly  jumped  in 
front  of  their  leader,  and  exclaimed:  “This  way, 
boys!  this  tvay!”  It  was  the  first  friendly  voice 
they  had  heard  since  entering  Baltimore,  and  they 
stopped  to  ask  no  questions,  but  followed  their 
guide,  who  took  them  up  a  narrow  court,  wdiere 
they  found  an  open  door,  into  which  they  rushed, 
being  met  inside  by  a  powerful-looking  woman,  who 
grasped  each  one  by  the  hand  and  directed  them 
upstairs.  The  last  of  their  band  wras  knocked  sense¬ 
less  just  as  he  was  entering  the  door,  by  a  stone, 
which  struck  him  on  the  head ;  but  the  woman  who 
had  welcomed  them  immediately  caught  up  their 
fallen  comrade  and  carried  him  in  her  arms  up  the 
stairs. 

“  You  are  perfectly  safe  here,  boys,”  said  the  Am¬ 
azon,  who  directly  proceeded  to  wash  and  bind  up 
their  wounds. 

After  having  done  this,  she  procured  them  food, 
and  then  told  them  to  strip  off  their  uniforms  and 
put  on  the  clothes  she  had  brought  them,  a  motley 
assortment  of  baize  jackets,  ragged  coats  and  old 
trowsers.  Thus  equipped,  they  were  enabled  to  go 
out  in  search  of  their  companions,  without  danger 
of  attack  from  the  Plug-Uglies  and  Blood-Tubs,  who 
had  given  them  so  rough  a  reception. 

They  then  learned  the  particulars  of  the  attack 
upon  the  soldiers  and  of  their  escape,  and  saw  lying 
at  the  station  the  two  men  who  had  been  killed, 
and  the  others  who  had  been  wounded.  One  of 
their  own  band  was  missing,  and  he  has  not  yet 
been  found,  and  it  is  uncertain  whether  he  was 
killed  or  not  On  going  back  to  the  house  where 
they  were  so  humanely  treated,  they  found  that 
their  clothes  had  been  carefully  tied  up,  and  with 
their  battered  instruments,  had  been  sent  to  the 
depot  of  the  Philadelphia  Railroad,  where  they  were 
advised  to  go  themselves  They  did  not  long  hesi¬ 
tate,  but  started  in  the  next  train,  and  arrived  at 
Philadelphia  just  in  time  to  meet  the  8th  Regiment 
of  Massachusetts  Volunteers,  under  the  command 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


39 


of  Gen.  Butler,  who  told  them  to  hurry  back  to  the 
Old  Bay  State  to  show  their  battered  faces  and 
broken  limbs,  and  that  they  should  yet  come  back 
and  play  Hail  Columbia  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore, 
where  they  had  been  so  inhumanly  assaulted. 

The  noble-hearted  woman  who  rescued  these  men 
is  a  well-known  character  in  Baltimore,  and,  accord¬ 
ing  to  all  the  usages  of  Christian  society,  is  an  out¬ 
cast  and  a  polluted  being ;  but  she  is  a  true  heroine, 
nevertheless,  and  entitled  to  the  grateful  considera¬ 
tion  of  the  country.  When  Gov.  Hicks  had  put  him¬ 
self  at  the  head  of  the  rabble  rout  of  miscreants, 
and  Winter  Davis  had  fled  in  dismay,  and  the  men 
of  wealth  and  ofiflcial  dignity  had  hid  themselves  in 
their  terror,  and  the  police  were  powerless  to  pro¬ 
tect  the  handful  of  unarmed  strangers  who  were 
struggling  with  the  infuriated  mob,  this  degraded 
woman  took  them  under  her  protection,  dressed 
their  wounds,  fed  them  at  her  own  cost,  and.  sent 
them  back  in  safety  to  their  homes.  As  she  is  too 
notorious  in  Baltimore  not  to  be  perfectly,  well- 
known  by  what  we  have  already  told  of  her,  it  will 
not  be  exposing  her  to  any  persecution  to  mention 
her  name.  Ann  Manley  is  the  name  by  which  she 
is  known  in  the  city  of  Blood-Tubs,  and  the  loyal 
men  of  the  North,  when  they  march  again  through 
its  streets,  should  remember  her  for  her  humanity 
to  their  countrymen. — Boston  Sat.  Evening  Courier. 

Cassius  M.  Clay,  Minister  to  Russia,  offered  his 
services  to  Secretary  Cameron,  either  as  an  officer 
to  raise  a  regiment,  or  as  a  private  in  the  ranks. 
Mr.  Cameron  said  :  “  Sir,  this  is  the  first  instance  I 
ever  heard  of  where  a  foreign  Minister  volunteered 
in  the  ranks.”  “  Then,”  said  Clay,  “  let’s  make  a 
little  history.”  He  has  been  surrounded  by  friends, 
shaking  hands  and  congratulating  him.  He  will  not 
leave  the  country  just  yet.  — Times ,  April  19. 

THE  traitor’s  PLOT. 


A  correspondent  of  the  Evening  Post  tells  the 
following  anecdote:— Three  months  ago  I  was  re¬ 
turning  from  Washington,  when  Colonel  Taylor, 
(brother  of  the  late  President  Taylor,)  who  is  now 
in  the  federal  army,  being  on  a  visit  to  Newark,  N. 
J.,  joined  our  party.  Colonel  Jeff.  Davis,  as  is  well 
known,  ran  away  with  General  Taylor’s  daughter, 
and  the  families  were  intimate.  Colonel.Taylor  had 
but  a  short  time  before  held  an  after-dinner’s  con¬ 
versation  with  Jefferson  Davis,  and  while  lament¬ 
ing  the  approaching  troubles,  gave  us  an  account 
of  that  conversation.  The  words  of  Colonel  Tay¬ 
lor  were  nearly  as  follows  :  , 

“  After  a  free  talk  about  our  country’s  troubles, 
we  sat  still  smoking  for  some  time,  when  I  said, 

‘ Colonel,  what  a  bad  way  we  are  in.’.  ‘Oh!  yes, 
yes,’  replied  Davis,  with  comparative  indifference. 
Thinking  to  touch  his  pride  a  little,  I  said,  ‘  Colo¬ 
nel,  what  a  fine  chance  for  a  southern  man  to  dis¬ 
tinguish  himself  by  uniting  the  North  and  South! 

» \Ve  shall  see,  we  shall  see,’  was  Davis’s  answer, 
and  he  went  on  smoking.  By-and-by,  wishing 
more  to  draw  him  out,  I  said,  ‘  Well,  you  are  a 
southerner,  and  an  ambitious,  talented,  reckless  fel¬ 
low  ;  why  don’t  you  bring  this  about,  and  make  the 
North  and  South  shake  hands  ?  You  will  immortal¬ 
ize  yourself  by  doing  that,  as  Washington  did  by 
founding  his  country.’  Davis  replied,  taking  the 
ciffar  from  his  mouth,  ‘You  are  at  one  end  of  the 
ro'pe,  colonel,  and  we  are  at  the  other;  let  us  see 
which  of  us  can  pull  the  longest  and  the  strongest. 


April  25.— Among  the  officers  of  the  frigate 
Niagara  who  resigned  at  Boston,  was  first  Lieuten¬ 
ant' I.  N.  Brown,  a  Kentuckian.  After  resigning  he 
took  rooms  at  the  Tremont  House  in  Boston,  and 
immediately  got  into  hot  water.  Tne  story  is  told 
as  follows : 

“Some  excitement  was  created  by  two  rumors 
one  of  which  was  to  the  effect  that  he  had  purchas¬ 
ed  tickets  over  the  Boston  and  W  orcester  Railroad 
for  two  slaves  accompanying  him,  and  the  other, 
that  the  lieutenant  had  uttered  treasonable  senti¬ 
ments  in  State-street.  The  first  was  unfounded,  but 
it  caused  considerable  excitement  in  the  streets, 
and  an  excited  mob  rushed  to  the  Worcester  depot 
to  prevent  the  slaves  from  being  carried  away. 
Others  rushed  to  the  State  House  to  ask  Governor 
Andrew  to  have  Lieutenant  Brown  arrested,  but 
they  were  unable  to  obtain  an  interview  with  his 
Excellency.  While  in  State-street,  Lieutenant 
Brown  is  charged  with  having  stated  that  he  was 
going  to  his  plantation,  and  should  fight  for  the  flag 
he  found  flying  over  it,  and  for  his  native  State. 
His  remarks  caused  some  angry  feelings,  but  lie  was 
not  molested.  Application  was  made  to  District 
Attorney  Woodbury  for  a  warrant  for  the  arrest  of 
Brown,  but  after  hearing  the  statements  of  wit¬ 
nesses,  he  said  he  had  no  authority  to  issue  a  war¬ 
rant  under  the  proclamation  of  the  President,  as 
rebels  by  that  proclamation  were  allowed  thirty 
days  to  lay  down  their  arms.  He  advised  Mr.  W. 
L.  Burt,  who  was  acting  in  the  case,  to  apply  to 
Governor  Andrew,  who  at  once  commanded  his  ar¬ 
rest,  and  by  the  following  note  from  the  Mayor  it 
appears  that  Lieutenant  Brown  was  placed  under 
arrest : 

“  ‘  Mayor’s  Office,  City  Hall,  ) 
Boston,  April  25,  1861.  f 

“‘Mr.  W.  C.  Dunham— Sir:  Lieutenant  I.  N. 
Brown,  late  of  the  Niagara,  is  in  the  custody  of  the. 
police  of  this  city,  and  will  so  remain  until  released 
by  the  Governor,  or  other  competent  authority. 

“‘  J.  M.  Wightman,  Mayor.’ 

“  Before  his  arrest,  Lieutenant  Brown  removed 
his  baggage  from  the  Tremont  House,  and  was 
taken  in  a  coach  to  unknown  quarters.  In  the 
meantime,  a  crowd  visited  the  Worcester  depot, 
where  a  portion  of  Lieutenant  Browns  baggage 
was,  and  broke  it  open,  but  finding  no  materials  of 
war,  disturbed  it  no  farther.” — Boston  Post. 


Mr.  Lincoln  keeps  his  own  counsels  so  carefully, 
that  Virginia  sent  a  Committee  to  him  to  ask  him 
to  speak.  Mr.  Buchanan  always  blabbed  so  much, 
that  the  whole  country  felt  disposed,  to  send  a  Com¬ 
mittee  to  him,  to  ask  him  to  keep  his  mouth  shut. 

Married,  on  Saturday  last,  Mr.  McCraw,  in  the  81st 
year  of  his  age,  to  Miss  Patty  Haverston,  aged  71 ;  both  of 
the  poor-house. —  Toledo  Blade. 

We  are  afraid,  that,  if  the  Southern  Confederacy 
and  the  Northern  Confederacy,  after  separating  and 
living  apart  several  years,  and  exhausting  all  their 
substance  in  vrar,  shall  conclude  to  be  reunited, 
their  marriage,  like  that  of  the  old  couple  at  Toledo, 
will  have  to  be  in  the  poor-house. — Louisville  Jour¬ 
nal. 


The  Mobile  Advertiser  speaks  of  the  Northern 
volunteers  as,  “  men  who  prefer  enlisting  to  starva¬ 
tion  ;  scurvy  fellows  from  the  back  slums  of  cities, 
whom  FaLstaff  would  not  have  marched  through 


40 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Coventry  with  ;  but  these  recruits  are  not  soldiers 
— least  of  all  the  soldiers  to  meet  the  hot-blooded, 
thoroughbred,  impetuous  men  of  the  South.  Trench¬ 
er  soldiers,  who  enlisted  to  war  upon  their  rations, 
not  on  men;  they,  are  such  as  marched  through 
Baltimore,  squalid,  wretched,  ragged,  and  half- 
naked,  as  the  newspapers  of  that  city  report  them. 
Fellows  who  do  not  know  the  breech  of  a  musket 
from  its  muzzle,  and  had  rather  filch  a  handker¬ 
chief  than  fight  an  enemy  in  manly  combat.  White- 
slaves,  peddling  wretches,  small-change  knaves,  and 
vagrants,  the  dregs  and  offscourings  of  the  popu¬ 
lace  ;  these  are  the  levied  1  forces  ’  whom  Lincoln 
suddenly  arrays  as  candidates  for  the  honor  of  being 
slaughtered  by  gentlemen — such  as  Mobile  sent  to 
battle.  Let  them  come  South,  and  we  will  put 
our  negroes  to  the  dirty  work  of  killing  them. 
But  they  will  not  come  South.  Not  a  wretch 
of  them  will  live  on  this  side  of  the  border, 
longer  than  it  will  take  us  to  reach  the  ground  and 
drive  them  off.” 


i  he  True  Soldier’s  Spirit. — The  following  ex¬ 
tract  is  from  a  letter  written  by  one  of  the  Salem 
Light  Infantry,  (Zouaves.) 

“  We  have  got  to  push  our  way  through  Baltimore 
in  the  morning  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  But  our 
boys  are  determined  and  in  for  it'.  Our  bayonet 
exercise  has  got  to  put  the  whole  regiment  through 
fire  and  brimstone.  To  tell  you  the  truth,  our  boys 
expect  to  be  split  to  pieces.  But  wo  have  all  made 
up  our  minds  to  die  at  our  post.  We  have  one 
great  consolation  before,us :  the  famous  Seventh 
Regiment  of  New  York  will  join  us  to-night  in  Phil¬ 
adelphia,  and  at  three  o’clock  in  the  morning  we 
expect  to  take  up  our  line  of  march.  There  is  an 
unheard-of  hot  time  before  us ;  we  are  furnish¬ 
ed  with  no  ammunition  as  yet,  and  wc  are  to  rely 
on  our  bayonets  and  revolvers  solely.  Our  Lieu¬ 
tenant  is  collecting  our  letters,  and  I  must  leave 
you.  Perhaps  before  you  receive  this  I  may  be 
lying  on  the  field  among  those  recorded  with  the 
dead.  But  what  is  more  glorious  than  to  die  for 
one’s  country  ?  I  am  in  as  good  spirits  as  our  du¬ 
bious  position  will  admit,  and  I  will  die  like  a  sol¬ 
der — and  a  true  one  if  I  must.” — Boston  Express, 
April  27.  r 


An  examination  of  the  records  at  the  Washington 
Observatory  discloses  the  fact  that  Lieut.  Maury 
has  impressed  upon  the  minds  of  scientific  bodies 
abroad  that  the  United  States  were  destined  to  dis¬ 
ruption,  and  that  the  Government  would  not  last 
three  weeks  after  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
— The  World, 


WniLE  one  of  the  Massachusetts  regiments  was 
in  New  \  ork  on  its  way  to  Washington,  a  gentle¬ 
man  residing  there  met  one  of  its  members  on  the 
street. 

“  Is  there  any  thing  I  can  do  for  you,  sir  ?”  said 
the  New  Yorker,  his  heart  warming  toward  the 
representative  of  the  brave  Massachusetts  militia 
who  had  so  promptly  answered  the  call  of  their 
country. 

The  soldier  hesitated  a  moment,  and  finally  rais¬ 
ing  one  of  his  feet  exhibited  a  boot  with  a  hole  in 
the  toe,  and  generally  worse  for  wear. 

IIow  came  you  here  with  such  boots  as  that, 
my  friend  ?  ”  asked  the  patriotic  citizen. 


“  When  the  order  came  for  me  to  join  my  com- 
pany,  sir,”  replied  the  soldier,  “  I  was  ploughing  in 
the  same  field  at  Concord  where  my  grandfather 
was  ploughing  when  the  British  fired  on  the  Mas¬ 
sachusetts  men  at  Lexington.  ITo  did  not  wait  a 
moment ;  and  I  did  not,  sir.” 

It  is  unnecessary  to  add  that  the  soldier  was  im¬ 
mediately  supplied  with  an  excellent  pair  of  boots. 
— Evening  Post. 


(  A  Patriotic  Mother.— Henry  B.  Stanton,  of 
Seneca  Falls,  now  in  New  York,  received  a  letter 
from  his  wife,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Cady  Stanton,  Seneca 
halls,  stating  that  their  two  older  sons  had  joined 
the  army,  and  that  she  regretted  that  the  next 
three  were  too  young  for  service.  Mrs.  Stanton  is 
daughter  of  Judge  Daniel  Cady,  and  grand-daugh¬ 
ter  of  Colonel  Livingston,  who  figured  in  the  war 
of  the  Revolution,  and  it  will  be  perceived  that  the 
old  fire  has  been  transmitted  by  inheritance. — Idem. 


In  the  Virginia  Convention,  when  it  was  proposed 
to  send  a  committee  to  ask  Mr.  Lincoln  what  was 
the  object  of  his  military  movements,  Mr.  Carlisle 
suggested  that  a  similar  committee  should  be  sent 
to  Montgomery  to  ascertain  from  Jeff.  Davis  what 
he  intended  to  do  with  all  the  troops  he  is  raising. 
Henry  A.  Wise  enquired  whether  Mr.  Carlisle  would 
be  named  as  one  of  the  committee  to  be  sent  to 
Montgomery,  for,  “if  so,  that  would  be  the  last 
they  would  ever  see  of  him.”  That  remark  was  in 
the  true  spirit  of  the  Secessionists ;  they  have  tak¬ 
en  their  States  out  of  the  Union  without  consulting 
the  Border  States  ;  they  are  trying  to  complicate  us 
in  difficulties  and  place  us  in  false  positions  in  the 
hope  to  compel  us  to  join  them ;  and,  if  we  have 
the  temerity  to  ask  why  large  armies  are  raised  and 
extraordinary  expenses  incurred,  the  threat  of  mur¬ 
der  is  made  at  once.  Lynch  law  is  the  only  law 
proffered  to  the  friends  of  the  Union  in  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States. — Louisville  Journal ,  April  23. 

A  man  named  Steele  hoisted  a  Secession  flag 
at  East  Fairhaven,  Massachusetts.  He  wms  ivarned 
day  after  day,  but  refused  to  take  it  down.  A 
party  from  Mattapoisett  paid  him  a  visit  and  de¬ 
manded  the  flag  to  be  taken  down.  He  refused  to 
comply  with  the  request,  and  threatened  to  shoot 
whoever  attempted  to  take  it  down.  After  parley¬ 
ing  awhile,  he  was  taken  and  marched  three  miles 
to  Mattapoisett,  where  a  coat  of  tar  and  feathers 
was  applied  to  a  part  of  his  person,  giving  him  a 
handsome  set  of  tail  feathers,  and  then  he  was  com¬ 
pelled  to  give  three  cheers  for  the  Stars  and  Stripes, 
take  an  path  to  support  the  Constitution,  and  never 
again  raise  other  than  the  American  flag. — Boston 
Transcript ,  April  29. 


The  Cincinnati  Times  says :  “  A  friend,  who  is 
just  from  the  Military  Institute,  located  near  Frank- 
lort,  Ky.,  tells  a  good  one.  lie  says  the  institution 
employs  a  fifer  who  served  in  the  Northwest  in  the 
second  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  took  part  in  the 
battle  of  the  Thames  and  other  fights.  During  the 
late  Secession  tornado  over  Kentucky,  the  cadets, 
affected  with  the  fever,  talked  prettv  severely 
against  those  devoted  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  The 
old  veteran  listened,  but  said  nothing.  One  even¬ 
ing  lie  went  into  the  room  of  our  informant,  and 
seemed  to  be  in  something  of  a  passion.  He  paced 
backward  and  forward,  saying  nothing,  and  refusing 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


41 


to  answer  all  questions.  At  last  he  pulled  out  his 
fife,  and,  sitting  down,  sent  forth  ‘Yankee  Doodle’ 
with  its  shrillest  strains.  Then  he  played  *  Hail 
Columbia,’  and  then  ‘  The  Star-spangled  Banner,’ 
while  the  tears  rolled  down  his  aged  and  weather¬ 
beaten  cheeks.  Concluding  that,  he  jumped  to  his 
feet,  and  exclaimed:  ‘  Now,  d — n  'an,  I  guess  they 
know  which  side  I'm  on!'  He  and  our  informant 
instantly  gave  three  cheers  for  the  Union ;  and  they 
will  both  stand  by  it  until  death.  Kentucky  has 
plenty  of  such  men. 


April  21. — A  rumor  having  reached  Virginia  to 
the  effect  that  Lieut.-Gcn.  Scott  was  about  to  resign 
his  commission  as  General-in-Chief  of  the  United 
States  Army,  Judge  Robinson,  an  old  personal  friend 
and  classmate  of  his,  came  to  Washington,  from  Rich¬ 
mond,  to  offer  him  a  commission  as  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  forces  of  the  “  Confederate  States.”  On 
learning  the  purport  of  Judge  R.’s  errand,  Gen.  Scott 
interrupted  him  with  a  declaration  that  if  he  went 
any  further  in  making  such  a  proposition  to  him , 
he  ( Judge  It.)  would  not  be  permitted  to  get  back  to 
Richmond;  adding ,  that  having  sworn  to  support 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  he  realized  all 
the  honorable  obligations  of  that  oath,  and  should  of 
course  observe  them. — N.  Y.  Times,  April  25. 

While  they  were  hoisting  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
over  the  officers’  head-quarters  at  Camp  Curtin,  near 
Harrisburgh,  Pa.,  and  just  as  the  men  had  seized  the 
halliards,  a  large  eagle,  who  came  from  no  one  knew 
where,  hovered  over  the  flag,  and  sailed  majestically 
over  the  encampment  ichile  the  flag  was  run  up ! 
Thousands  of  eyes  were  upturned  in  a  moment,  and 
as  the  noble  bird  looked  down,  the  cheers  of  three  thou¬ 
sand  men  rent  the  air  1  Never  was  such  ovation  paid 
the  “Imperial  Bird  of  Jove.”  It  lingered  for  a  few 
moments,  apparently  not  a  particle  frightened  at  the 
terrific  noise,  then  cleaving  the  air  with  its  pinions, 
he  disappeared  in  the  horizon. — Independent,  May  9. 

Tiie  Savannah  Republican  says  : 

We  were  shown  yesterday  by  Collector  Boston,  a 
number  of  the  new  Treasury  Notes,  of  various  de¬ 
nominations,  just  issued  by  the  government  of  the 
Confederate  States.  They  are  handsomely  executed, 
with  appropriate  vignettes  in  green,  and  bear  an  in¬ 
terest  of  one-cent  per  diem  on  the  hundred  dollars. 
We  annex  the  inscription  of  the  $500  note : 

|a  A  500  | 

Twelve  months  after  date  the  ^ 

Confederate  States  of  Ameeioa  8 

Will  pay  the  bearer  « 

FIVE  HUNDRED  DOLLARS,  8 

With  interest  at  five  cents  per  day. 
Montgomery,  April  8,  1861. 

Alex.  B.  Clitiierall,  Register.  (500.)  8 

E.  C.  Elmore,  Treasurer.  8 

(Lower  margin.)  Receivable  in  payment  of  all  ft 
Dues  except  Export  Duties.  8 

— II.  Y.  Evening  Rost,  April  16. 

The  young  man  shot  in  the  leg  in  the  Baltimore 
riot,  and  taken  to  the  Infirmary,  and  attended  by 
Dr.  Morris,  appeared  quite  grateful  for  the  humane 
attentions  shown  him.  When  asked  why  he  came, 
Poetry — 6 


the  simple  reply  of  the  youth,  was,  “  Oh,  the  flag — 
the  stars  and  stripes.” — Phila.  Press,  May  1. 

“  Ik  we  recognize  the  right  of  secession  in  one  case, 
we  give  our  assent  to  it  in  all  cases ;  and  if  the  few 
States  upon  the  Gulf  now  are  to  separate  themselves 
from  us,  and  erect  a  barrier  across  the  mouth  of  that 
great  river  of  which  the  Ohio  is  a  tributary,  how  long 
will  it  be  before  New  York  may  come  to  the  conclu¬ 
sion  that  she  may  set  up  for  herself,  and  levy  taxes 
upon  every  dollar’s  worth  of  goods  imported  and  con¬ 
sumed  in  the  Northwest,  and  taxes  upon  every  bushel 
of  wheat,  and  every  pound  of  pork,  or  beef,  or  other 
productions  that  may  be  sent  from  the  Northwest  to 
the  Atlantic  in  search  of  a  market.  *  *  *  The 
proposition  now,  is,  to  separate  these  United  States 
into  little  petty  confederacies.  First,  divide  them 
into  two ;  and  then,  when  either  party  gets  beaten  in 
the  next  election,  sub-divide  again ;  (laughter,  and 
never ; )  then,  whenever  one  gets  beaten  again, 
another  sub-division ;  and  then,  when  you  beat  on 
Governor’s  election,  tho  discomfited  will  rebel  again, 
and  so  it  will  go  on.  And  if  this  new  system  of  re¬ 
sistance  by  the  sword  and  bayonet,  to  the  results  of 
the  ballot  box,  shall  prevail  here  in  this  country  of 
ours,  the  history  of  the  United  States  is  already 
written  in  the  history  of  Mexico.  It  is  a  curious 
fact,  a  startling  fact,  and  one  that  no  American  citi¬ 
zen  should  ever  misapprehend — that  from  the  day 
that  Mexico  separated  from  Spain,  down  to  this  hour, 
no  President  of  hers  elected  by  the  people  has  ever 
been  inaugurated  and  served  his  term  of  office.  In 
every  single  case,  from  1820  down  to  1861,  either  the 
defeated  candidate  has  seized  possession  of  the  office 
by  military  force,  or  has  turned  out  the  successful 
man  before  his  term  expired.  What  is  more  signifi¬ 
cant  ?  Mexico  is  now  a  bye-word  for  every  man  to 
scoff  at.  No  man  would  deem  himself  treated  as  a 
gentleman,  who  was  represented  as  a  Mexican. 
Why  ?  Because  he  cannot  maintain  his  government 
founded  upon  the  great  principles  of  self-government 
and  constitutional  liberty — because  he  won’t  abide  by 
the  ballot-box — because  he  is  not  willing  to  redress' 
grievances  inside  of  the  constitution,  and  in  obedience 
to  its  provisions,  instead  of  seizing  tho  bayonet  and 
the  sword  to  resist  the  constituted  authorities.  It  is 
not  a  question  of  union  or  disunion.  It  is  a  question 
of  order ;  of  the  stability  of  the  government ;  of  the 
peace  of  communities." — Stephen  A.  Douglas,  at 
Wheeling ,  April  20. 


Mrs.  Major  Anderson  being  desirous  to  visit  her 
husband  in  Fort  Sumter,  Peter  Hart,  an  officer  of  tho 
Twentieth  Ward,  N.  Y.  City,  was  deputed  to  escort  her 
to  Charleston.  Once  inside  the  fort,  Mr.  Hart  who 
had  served  under  Major  Anderson  through  the  Mexican 
war,  resolved  to  remain  by  his  old  commander,  and 
aid  in  defending  the  fort.  This  he  did,  and  in  doing 
so,  proved  himself  to  be  a  gallant  and  intrepid  sol¬ 
dier.  After  the  stars  and  stripes  had  been  shot  down 
by  the  guns  of  the  rebel  forces,  Hart  seized  the  na¬ 
tional  colors,  which  he  had  so  heroically  defended  in 
Mexico,  and  nailing  the  flag  to  a  pole,  raised  it  to  its 
former  position  with  his  own  hand,  amid  the  cheers 
of  Major  Anderson  and  his  soldiers. — N.  Y.  Tribune, 
April  20. 


Tiie  horses  of  the  Providence  Marine  Artillery 
were  quartered  in  the  stables  of  Jesse  Wandel,  in 
Jersey  City,  and  well  supplied  with  provender. 


42 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


When  the  Quartermaster-Sergeant  asked  for  his  bill 
to  pay  for  their  keeping,  Wandel  refused  to  accept 
any  thing,  saying  that  he  would  feed  a  thousand  of 
them  if  he  could,  at  the  same  price. — Idem. 


Weston  &  Williams,  co-partners  who  sell  Northern 
shoes  in  Richmond,  in  the  United  States  Territory  of 
Virginia — two  men  who  came  to  Haverhill,  Mass., 
probably  about  four  months  ago — swindled  the 
shoemakers  of  that  town  out  of  valuable  property, 
giving  therefor  something  like  the  following  lying 
promissory  note : 


IIaveriiill,  Mass., - ,  1SG0. 

* - 

For  value  received,  wo  promise  to  pay  to  the  order  of 

- Si  Co. - dollars  in  lour  months  from  date. 

WESTON  &  WILLIAMS. 


The  notes  maturing,  do  Messrs.  Weston  &  Wil¬ 
liams  pay  up?  Yes;  they  coolly  cancel  their  liabili¬ 
ties  by  sending  their  unfortunate  creditors  the  follow¬ 
ing  charming  letter : 

Richmond,  Va.,  April  13, 1861- 


Mesars. - ,  Haverhill,  Mass. : 

Owing  to  the  declaration  of  war  against  our  beloved 
South,  and  the  necessity  of  our  arming  and  fighting,  in¬ 
stead  of  pursuing  the  peaceful  avocations  of  commerce,  wo 
have  given  up  ourselves  fully  and  freely  to  tho  work  be¬ 
fore  us,  and  our  resources  arc  to  be  held  at  the  disposal  of 
tho  State  until  the  issue  is  finally  determined,  when,  if  wo 
have  sufficient  availabilities  ior  assets  left  to  meet  our  lia¬ 
bilities,  it  shall  be  done. 

But  until  this  fratricidal  war  is  dosed ,  we  shall  dcclino 
paying  any  of  our  own  debts  duo  to  parties  in  tho  North, 
where  they  have  drawn  the  sword  against  us.  Hence  the 
protest  of  our  note  in  your  favor  this  day,  which  we  ha/ve 
the  funds  in  hank  to  meet. 

Very  truly  yours, 

*  WESTON  &  WILLIAMS. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune. 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

The  capture  of  Washington  City  is  perfectly  within 
the  power  of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  if  Virginia  will 
only  make  the  effort  by  her  constituted  authorities ; 
nor  is  there  a  single  moment  to  lose.  The  entire 
population  pant  for  the  onset ;  there  never  was  half 
the  unanimity  among  the  people  before,  nor  a  tithe 
of  the  zeal,  upon  any  subject,  that  is  now  manifested 
to  take  Washington,  and  drive  from  it  every  Black 
Republican  who  is  a  dweller  there. 

From  the  mountain  tops  and  valleys  to  the  shores 
of  the  sea,  there  is  one  wild  shout  of  fierce  resolve 
to  capture  Washington  City  at  all  and  every  human 
hazard.  The  filthy  cage,  of  unclean  birds  must  and 
will  assuredly  be  purified  by  fire.  The  people  are 
determined  upon  it,  and  are  clamorous  for  a  leader 
to  conduct  them  to  the  onslaught.  That  leader  will 
assuredly  arise,  aye,  and  that  right  speedily. 

It  is  not  to  be  endured  that  this  flight  of  Abolition 
harpies  shall  come  down  from  the  black  North  for 
their  roosts  in  the  heart  of  the  South,  to  defile  and 
brutalize  the  land.  They  come  as  our  enemies — they 
act  as  our  most  deadly  foes — they  promise  us  blood¬ 
shed  and  fire,  and  this  is  the  only  promise  they  have 
ever  redeemed.  The  fanatical  yell  for  the  immediate 
subjugation  of  the  whole  South  is  going  up  hourly  from 
the  united  voices  of  all  the  North  ;  and  for  the  purpose 
of  making  their  work  sure,  they  have  determined  to 
hold  Washington  City  as  the  point  from  whence  to 
carry  on  their  brutal  warfare. 

Our  people  can  take  it — they  will  take  it — and 
Scott  tho  arch-traitor,  and  Lincoln  the  Beast,  com¬ 
bined,  cannot  prevent  it.  The  just  indignation  of  an 
outraged  and  deeply  injured  people  will  teach  the 


Illinois  Ape  to  repeat  his  race  and  retrace  his  jour¬ 
ney  across  the  borders  of  the  Free  negro  States  still 
more  rapidly  than  he  came ;  and  Scott,  the  traitor, 
will  be  given  an  opportunity  at  the  same  time  to  try 
the  difference  between  “  Scott’s  tactics  ”  and  the 
Shanghae  drill  for  quick  movements. 

Great  cleansing  and  purification  arc  needed  and 
will  be  given  to  that  festering  sink  of  iniquity,  that 
wallow  of  Lincoln  and  Scott — the  desecrated  City  of 
Washington ;  and  many  indeed  will  be  the  carcasses 
of  dogs  and  caitiffs  that  will  blacken  the  air  upon  the 
gallows,  before  the  great  work  is  accomplished.  So 
let  it  be. — Richmond  Examiner ,  April  23. 

The  three  commissioners  who  went  abroad  to  en¬ 
deavor  to  obtain  the  recognition  of  Jeff.  Davis’s  Gov¬ 
ernment,  got  a  pretty  essential  snub  at  Havana, 
where  they  went  to  take  ship  for  Europe.  It  seems 
that  a  day  was  fixed  when  Messrs.  Commissioners 
should  be  presented  to  Gen.  Serano,  the  Captain- 
General.  The  ceremony  of  presentation  was  per¬ 
formed  by  Mr.  Helm,  the  American  Consul  at 
Havana,  who  introduced  the  trio  as  “  Commissioners 
from  the  Confederate  States  of  America.”  Tho  reply 
of  the  Captain-General  was  as  follows : 

“  Gentlemen,  I  receive  you  as  citizens  of  the 
United  States ;  but  I  do  not  acknowledge  any  such 
Power  as  the  Confederate  States  of  America.” — Phil. 
Bulletin ,  May  1. 

The  following  advertisement  appears  in  The  Mo¬ 
bile  Advertiser : 

75,000  Coffins  Wanted. — Proposals  will  be  re¬ 
ceived  to  supply  the  Confederacy  with  75,000  Black 
Coffins.  No  proposals  will  be  entertained  coming 
North  of  Mason  and  Dixon’s  line.  Direct  to  Jeff. 
Davis,  Montgomery,  Ala. — N.  Y.  Tribune. 

At  the  court-house  in  Milledgeville,  Georgia,  Mar¬ 
tin  V.  Brantley,  confined  in  the  penitentiary  of 
Georgia  for  robbing  the  United  States  mail,  was 
brought  before  Judge  Harris  on  a  writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  sued  out  by  his  counsel.  It  was  contended 
that  under  the  new  relations  subsisting  between  the 
State  of  Georgia  and  the  United  States,  the  prisoner 
was  entitled  to  a  discharge.  The  Judge,  however, 
took  a  different  view  of  the  case.  He  decided  that 
the  ordinance  by  which  Georgia  had  declared  her 
secession  from  the  Union,  does  not  extend  beyond  a 
separation  from  the  other  States  and  a  withdrawal  of 
the  powers  she  delegated  to  the  General  Government ; 
that  upon  the  past  exercise  of  those  powers  by  the 
latter  Government  the  ordinance  does  not  assume  to 
act,  and  was  not  designed  to  act ;  and  that  it  does 
not  annul  any  of  its  acts.  Tho  prisoner  was  there¬ 
fore  remanded. — National  Iutellir/cncer,  Fcl.  5. 


TnE  following  despatch  was  sent,  a  few  days  ago, 
to  James  Buchanan,  late  President  of  the  United 
States : 

Resolved,  By  a  few  of  the  women  of  New  York 
that  we  have  read  with  feelings  of  great  indignation 
the  despatch  sent  to  Mr.  Lincoln  by  James  Bu¬ 
chanan,  late  President  of  the  United  States,  saying 
that  he  will  “  sustain  the  Administration ;  ”  and  are 
determined,  though  abhorring  this  type  of  Southern 
civilization,  unless  said  James  Buchanan  keeps  quiet 
and  silent,  henceforth  in  his  cupboard  at  Wheatland, 
to  provide  the  necessary  weight  of  feathers  and  other 
accompaniments  for  the  single  ladies  of  Wheatland, 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


43 


who,  wc  hear,  have  threatened  to  make  a  “coat”  for 
the  man  who  has,  by  his  imbecility,  involved  us  in 
one  of  the  most  dreadful  wars  the  world  has  ever 
seen — the  man  who  now  offers  to  “  sustain,”  yet  sus¬ 
tained  nothing  but  the  designs  of  the  rebels  when  he 
could  have  sustained  the  majesty  of  law — who  said, 
that  if  States  wished  to  secede,  no  one  could  prevent 
it,  while  knowing  that  the  Constitution  distinctly 
says,  “  The  Union  of  these  States  is  perpetual  ” — 
the  man  who  permitted  the  laws  to  be  defied  and  the 
flag  of  his  country  to  be  disgraced  without  raising  a 
hand  to  rebuke  or  prevent  either  outrage. — N.  Y. 
Times ,  April  24. 


A  Patriotic  Lady. — Mrs.  Sanford,  wife  of  Capt. 
Edward  II.  Sanford,  of  Boston,  drove  to  the  door  of 
the  Boston  Volunteers’  Headquarters,  and  sent  her 
little  son  up  to  the  officer’s  quarters  with  a  handsome 
little  box,  decorated  outside  with  red,  white,  and  blue 
ribbons,  and  inside  with  a  hundred  dollars  in  gold. 
The  gift  was  accompanied  by  a  pretty  note,  of  which 
we  give  the  following  extract :  “  Please  accept,  with 
a  mother’s  offering,  a  mother’s  fervent  prayers.  Our 
hopes  are  all  with  you.  God  bless  and  keep  our  dar¬ 
ling  boys — old  Massachusetts’  sons,  our  hearts’  dear 
treasures,  the  defenders  of  our  flag.  Again  and 
again,  God  bless  you !  ”  The  money  will  aid  to 
maintain  the  large  body  of  men  now  in  the  quarters, 
and  the  casket  will  follow  the  fortunes  of  the  regi¬ 
ment,  as  a  pleasant  souvenir  from  a  patriotic  lady. 

Captain  Sanford,  husband  of  the  lady  above  allud¬ 
ed  to,  has  tendered  to  Governor  Andrew  the  use  of 
the  steamer  Menemon  Sanford,  to  transport  troops  or 
munitions  from  this  city  to  any  of  the  forts  in  our 
harbor.  He  has  also  offered  the  services  of  his  steam 
tugboat,  day  or  night,  to  tow  vessels  carrying  troops 
or  supplies  to  or  from  any  of  the  forts. — Boston  Sat¬ 
urday  Express ,  April  27. 


A  PATRIOTIC  CHRISTIAN  MOTHER. 

The  following  touching  letter  was  written  by  a 
lady  of  New  York  temporarily  absent  in  an  adjoining 
State,  on  hearing  that  her  five  sons  had  volunteered, 
and  gone  South. 

“  My  Dear  Husband  :  Your  letter  came  to  hand 
last  evening.  I  must  confess  I  was  startled  by  the 
news  referring  to  our  boys,  and  for  the  moment  I  felt 
as  though  a  ball  had  pierced  my  own  heart.  For  the 
first  time  I  was  obliged  to  look  things  full  in  the 
face.  But  although  I  have  always  loved  my  children 
with  a  love  that  none  but  a  mother  can  know,  yet, 
when  I  look  at  the  state  of  my  country,  I  cannot 
withhold  them ;  and  in  the  name  of  their  God,  and 
their  mother’s  God,  and  their  country’s  God,  I  bid 
them  go.  If  I  had  ten  sons,  instead  of  five,  I  would 
give  them  all  sooner  that  have  our  country  rent  in 
fragments.  The  Constitution  must  be  sustained  at 
any  cost.  We  have  a  part  to  act  and  a  duty  to  per¬ 
form,  and  may  God,  our  father,  strengthen  us,  and 
nerve  us  to  the  task,  and  enable  us  to  say,  Whatever 
Thou  requirest  that  will  I  cheerfully  give  and  do ! 
May  He  bless  and  protect  our  dear  children,  and 
bring  them  home  to  us  in  safety  !  I  hope  you  will 
provide  them  each  with  a  Bible,  and  give  them  their 
mother’s  love  and  blessing,  and  tell  them  our  prayers 
will  accompany  them,  and  ascend  on  their  behalf 
night  and  day.” — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  28. 

Pensacola,  April  26. — Soldiers  still  arrive  by  every 
train.  Three  companies  from  Louisiana  arrived  to-day, 


also  a  hundred  water  soldiers  (marines)  from  New  Or¬ 
leans.  Gen.  Bragg  has  now  under  his  command  about 
8,000  troops — a  larger  number,  I  believe,  than  Gen. 
Scott  commanded  in  the  valley  of  Mexico.  They  an; 
all  in  fine  health,  and  anxious  for  the  hour  that  decides 
the  destiny  of  self  and  country.  The  crisis  approaches 
nearer  and  nearer.  Another  day  of  soldier  toil  has 
added  to  the  great  preparation. 

The  commander  of  Fort  Pickens  is  unceasing  in 
his  military  labors.  Like  Bragg’s,  his  men  work 
day  and  night.  They  have  thrown  up  a  battery  out¬ 
side,  but  near  the  walls,  of  heavy  guns,  obtained 
from  their  ships,  while  on  the  ramparts  they  are 
piling  bag  upon  bag  of  sand  to  protect  their  guns  and 
men.  And  all  this  visible  to  the  naked  eye — even 
their  muskets,  stacked  on  the  beach. 

The  Governor  has  accepted  the  tender  of  the  two 
military  companies  of  Pensacola,  as  well  as  that  of 
the  gallant  Capt.  Miller,  of  Santa  Rosa  county. 
Little  Florida  is  none  behind  her  sister  States  in 
military  ardor  and  enthusiasm. 

A  shark  was  caught  yesterday  morning  with  a  pair 
of  red  breeches  and  a  whole  parcel  of  bowie  knives 
in  his  belly — supposed  to  be  the  remains  of  a  Zouave. 
I  didn’t  see  the  shark.  It  will  be  remembered  I  re¬ 
ported  the  drowning  of  a  Zouave  the  other  day. — 
Cor.  N.  0.  Picayune ,  April  80. 

A  Curious  Story. — It  will  be  remembered  that 
the  Charleston  rebels  fired  into  the  schooner  G.  D. 
&  R.  F.  Shannon ,  of  Philadelphia.  The  adventure 
befell  the  Shannon  at  the  time  when  the  relief  fleet 
was  off  the  harbor,  and  it  appears,  according  to  Capt. 
Bowen’s  statement,  that  the  United  States  vessels  all 
remained  outside  the  bar  because  they  could  not  get 
over,  and  pass  through  the  tortuous  channel  of  six 
or  seven  miles  requisite  to  reach  Fort  Moultrie  on 
the  south  side.  But  Capt.  Bowen  paid  a  visit  to  the 
Pawnee ,  and  while  there  the  commander  of  that  ves¬ 
sel  asked  him  the  draft  of  his  schooner,  and  on  find¬ 
ing  it  but  six  feet,  and  that  it  could  be  bought  for 
§12,000,  bought  it  at  once,  and  struck  a  bargain  with 
the  captain  to  load  it  with  provisions  and  stores  for 
Fort  Sumter.  Every  arrangement  was  made  to  carry 
this  plan  into  effect  on  Saturday  night;  and  had 
Major  Anderson  been  able  to  hold  out,  he  would  have 
got  the  requisite  aid  then.  But  unfortunately  he 
surrendered  on  Saturday,  and  the  enterprise  had  to 
be  given  up  as  abortive.  Of  course,  Capt.  Bowen 
did  not  tell  this  little  incident  to  the  Secessionists, 
who,  after  his  arrival  at  Charleston,  boarded  his  ship, 
and  compelled  him  to  make  the  statement  which  ap¬ 
peared  in  the  Courier.  He  kept  it  to  himself,  and 
cleared  for  Georgetown,  for  which  port  he  had  a 
freight ;  but  once  out  at  sea,  he  thought  he  had  seen 
enough  of  Southern  trade,  and  made  a  straight  course 
for  homo.  When  on  board  the  Pawnee ,  the  captain 
voluntarily  tendered  to  the  commander  of  that  ves¬ 
sel  any  aid  that  he  or  his  schooner  could  render  to 
the  country ;  and  it  was  in  consequence  of  this  offer 
that  the  schooner  was  purchased. — N.  Y.  Times , 
April  29. 

Andy  Johnson’s  Nose  Pulled,  and  He  near 
being  Hung. — We  once  heard  of  a  wag  that  seized 
hold  of  an  elephant’s  snout  on  every  occasion,  and 
he  always  excused  himself  upon  the  pretext  that  he 
could  not  resist  the  temptation  to  pull  a  nose  that  he 
could  get  hold  of  with  both  hands.  It  seems  that 
Andy  Johnson  is  such  a  miserable  traitor,  that  an 
editor  at  Lynchburg  could  not  resist  the  temptation 


44 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


to  pull  his  proboscis.  Our  citizens  heard  yesterday, 
with  every  demonstration  of  delight,  the  indignity 
offered  Gov.  Johnson  on  his  way  from  Washington 
to  Greenville.  Ilis  presence  in  Virginia  was  regarded 
as  exceedingly  offensive  to  Virginians.  He  was  in¬ 
sulted  at  almost  every  depot.  At  Lynchburg  his 
nose  was  most  handsomely  pulled,  while  he  was 
hooted  and  groaned  at  by  the  large  crowd.  The 
traitor  is  meeting  his  reward.  We  have  heard  since, 
from  good  authority,  that  at  Liberty,  in  Bedford 
county,  Va.,  Johnson  was  taken  from  the  cars,  and  a 
rope  placed  around  his  neck  preliminary  to  a  pro¬ 
posed  hanging.  Some  old  citizens  of  the  county 
begged  for  him,  saying  that  Tennessee  would  do  for 
him  what  they  proposed  to  do,  and  he  was  let  off. — 
Memphis  Avalanche ,  April  25. 

The  Charleston  Mercury  enumerates  the  following 
telegraphic  lies  which  appeared  in  the  Northern 
papers  at  the  time  of  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter. 
The  second,  about  the  South  Carolinians  firing  on 
the  men  who  were  endeavoring  to  extinguish  the  fire, 
is  being  used  with  great  effect  by  the  Northern 
press : 

First.  That  cannonading  “  is  going  on  fiercely 
from  vessels  outside  and  along  our  coast.” 

Second.  That  “  Major  Anderson  has  thrown  out 
a  raft  loaded  with  men,  who  are  passing  up  buckets 
of  water  to  extinguish  the  fire ;  that  balls  are  to 
be  seen  skipping  over  the  water  and  striking  the  un¬ 
protected  raft,  creating  great  havoc  among  the  poor 
fellows.” 

Third.  That  “  eleven  shots  penetrated  the  float¬ 
ing  battery  below  the  water  line.” 

Fourth.  That  “  Fort  Sumter  had  unconditionally 
surrendered.” 

Fifth.  That  “  Major  Anderson  and  his  men,  un¬ 
der  guard,  were  conveyed  to  Morris  Island.” 

Sixth.  That  “  Major  Anderson  had  reached  the 
city,  and  was  the  guest  of  Gen.  Beauregard.” — N.  0. 
Delta ,  April  28. 

New  Yoke,  April  24. — The  folds  of  a  superb 
star-spangled  banner  were  flung  to  the  breeze  in 
trout  of  the  store  of  A.  Morton,  25  Maiden  Lane, 
having  been  subscribed  for  by  the  occupants  of  the 
building.  The  “  Star-Spangled  Banner  ”  was  beauti¬ 
fully  sung,  thousands  swelling  the  chorus  and  cheer¬ 
ing  the  national  emblem. 

The  banner,  20  by  30  feet,  was  made  entirely  by 
the  family  of  a  former  Senator  of  this  State  and  city, 
(Hon.  0.  Newcomb,)  who  generously  volunteered 
their  services,  as  the  unprecedented  demand  for  flags 
rendered  it  impossible  for  the  manufacturers  to  get 
one  up  in  less  than  ten  or  twelve  days. 

No  less  than  four  generations  assisted  in  its  con¬ 
struction.  One  of  the  ladies  (having  passed  her 
sixty-seventh  winter)  is  a  great-great-grandmother, 
and  was  personally  acquainted  with  General  Wash¬ 
ington.  As  the  needle  was  plied  by  her  not  infirm 
hand,  the  big  tears  would  fall  copiously  on  the  bunt¬ 
ing,  as  she  recounted  her  many  reminiscences  of 
Washington,  and  her  vivid  recollections  of  the  war 
of  1812.  “  When  her  eyes  shall  behold  for  the  last 

time  the  sun  in  heaven,  may  she  still  see  him  shining 
on  this  gorgeous  ensign  of  a  United  Republic ;  not 
a  stripe  erased  or  polluted,  nor  a  single  star  ob- 
seured !  ” 

The  crowd  dispersed  with  nine  cheers  for  the  Stars 
and  Stripes,  and  nine  cheers  for  the  patriotic  ladies 
who  made  it. — Commercial  Advertiser ,  April  25. 


According  to  a  Memphis  paper,  the  following  is 
reported  to  be  the  answer  of  the  Governor  of  Ar¬ 
kansas,  to  Lincoln’s  requisition  for  volunteers : 

“  Youra  received  calling  for  a  regiment  of  volun¬ 
teers  from  Arkansas.  Mary  one — see  you  d - d 

first!” — Charleston  Mercury,  April  25. 

Boston,  April  25. — Touching  incidents  of  the 
times  are  hourly  becoming  history.  Humorous  ones 
occasionally  find  a  niche  in  which  they  are  seen,  and 
afford  amusement,  but  none  that  are  “  decidedly 
good  ”  should  be  overlooked.  One  good  one  that 
has  reached  our  ears,  we  will  give.  One  of  the  Jus¬ 
tices  of  the  Police  Court,  who  has  seen  much  service 
in  our  Volunteer  Militia,  was  holding  court  a  few 
days  since,  when  a  company  of  volunteers  passed  the 
Court  House,  marching  to  the  immortal  tune  of  the 
“  Star-Spangled  Banner.”  The  spectators  sprang  to 
their  feet,  responsive  to  the  understood  order  of 
“  Forward,  to  the  door  !  ”  Running  feet  shuffled  in 
the  entry.  Boom  !  boom  !  sounded  the  band.  “  0, 
long  may  it  wave  !  ”  screamed  a  patriotic  urchin  out¬ 
side  the  window*.  “ First  Regiment ,  take  the  witness 
stand!"  thundered  the  Court,  which  must  have 
imagined  itself  on  the  green  field  at  the  head  of  its 
command.  The  outburst  of  laughter — unconsciously 
provoked— which  succeeded,  is  yet  going  through  the 
bar  of  the  county. — Boston  Traveller ,  April  25. 


Charleston,  fiipril  25. — We  are  requested  by 
Brig.-Gcn.  Simons,  commanding  Morris  Island,  to 
state  that  some  firing  for  exercise,  and  to  discharge 
guns,  will  be  done  at  Morris  Island  to-day,  and  he 
gives  notice  to  prevent  any  uneasiness  in  the  city. — 
Charleston  Mercury. 


A  Home  Scene. — A  member  of  one  of  the  Charles¬ 
ton  companies,  on  leave  of  absence  in  the  city,  re¬ 
ceived  a  summons  to  appear  at  his  post  on  Sullivan’s 
Island  on  one  of  the  nights  when  the  air  was  rife 
with  the  most  startling  rumors  of  the  coming  of  an 
overwhelming  fleet.  With  cheerful  promptitude  the 
brave  soldier  prepared  to  obey  the  imperative  call. 
He  is  a  husband,  and  the  father  of  a  blue-eyed  little 
girl,  w’ho  has  just  begun  to  put  words  together. 
After  the  preparation  for  the  camp  had  been  made, 
the  soldier  nerved  himself  for  the  good-bye.  Those 
present  thought  that  the  wife  felt  the  parting  less 
than  the  husband.  Lively  words  flowed  fast,  and  her 
fair  face  was  as  bright  and  calm  as  a  morning  in 
May.  Her  heart  seemed  to  be  full  of  gladness. 

She  cheered  him  with  pleasant  earnestness  to  show 
himself  a  man,  and  running  on  in  a  gleeful  strain, 
admonished  him  not  to  come  back  if  he  were  shot  in 
the  back.  With  incredible  fortitude  she  bade  her 
child  tell  papa  good-bye,  and  to  say  to  him  that  she 
would  not  own  him  her  father  if  he  proved  to  be  a 
coward.  The  echo  of  the  soldier’s  footfall  through 
the  corridor  had  hardly  died  away,  when  a  ghastly 
pallor  was  seen  spreading  over  the  lady’s  face.  In  a 
voice  weak  and  husky  she  begged  a  friend  to  take 
her  child,  and  before  she  could  be  supported  she  fell 
from  her  chair  prostrate  on  the  floor. 

By  a  tremendous  effort  the  noble  woman  had  con¬ 
trolled  her  feelings ;  but  nature  could  bear  no  longer, 
and  she  fainted.  The  swoon  was  deep,  and  it  was  some 
time  before  consciousness  returned.  At  length  she 
opened  her  eyes  languidly,  and  looked  around  upon  the 
sympathizing  group,  and  in  a  tremulous  tone  inquired 
“  if  she  had  fainted  before  her  husband  left  the 
room." — Charleston  Courier ,  April  16. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


45 


ON!  BROTHERS,  ON! 

BY  KAUAI!  WARNER  BROOK8. 

Air — '■'■nail  to  the  Chief." 

On  !  brothers,  on  !  for  the  Flag  that  is  peerless  ! 
Striped  from  the  rainbow,  and  starred  lrom  the 
sky. 

On,  with  a  sturdy  step  !  dauntless  and  fearless  1 
On,  to  unfurl  it  in  triumph,  or  die  ! 

Honored  in  all  the  lands, 

Now  shall  unholy  hands 
Trail  it,  defiled  and  despised,  in  the  dust  ? 

Down  with  the  “traitor’s  rag”  ! 

Up  with  the  starry  Flag  ! 

Death  for  our  Banner  !  and  God  for  the  just ! 

Fiercely  at  Sumter  have  thundered  their  cannon 
Bravely  the  guns  of  our  hero  replied ! — 

On  !  for  the  ashes  that  slumber  at  Y ernon  ! 

On  !  for  the  city  whose  name  is  our  pride  ! 

Now  let  our  country’s  guns 
Sweep  down  the  bastard  sons  ! 

Woe  for  her  chivalry’s  flower  in  the  dust ! 

Down  with  the  “  traitor’s  rag  ”  ! 

Up  with  the  starry  Flag  ! 

Death  for  our  Banner  !  and  God  for  the  just ! 

On,  with  a  prayer  !  there  is  peril  before  us  ! 

On,  in  the  face  of  death,  fearless  and  proud  ! 

Life  !  with  the  Flag  that  our  fathers  waved  over  us ! 
Death !  with  its  crimson-stained  folds  for  a  shroud  ! 
Now  for  our  “  fatherland,” 

Strike  with  true  heart  and  hand  ! 

Loyal  our  venture — and  Heavenward  our  trust ! 
Down  with  the  “  traitor’s  rag  ”  ! 

Up  with  the  starry  Flag  ! 

Death  for  our  Banner  !  and  God  for  the  just ! 

— Providence  Journal. 


GOD  FOR  OUR  NATIVE  LAND! 

BY  REV.  DR.  BETHUNE.* 

God’s  blessing  be  upon 
Our  own,  our  native  land  ! 

The  land  our  fathers  won 

By  the  strong  heart  and  hand, 

The  keen  axe  and  the  brand, 

When  they  felled  the  forest’s  pride, 

And  the  tyrant  foe  defied, 

The  free,  the  rich,  the  wide  ; 

God  for  our  native  land  ! 

Up  with  the  starry  sign, 

The  red  stripes  and  the  white  ! 

Where’er  its  glories  shine, 

In  peace,  or  in  the  fight, 

We  own  its  high  command  ; 

For  the  Flag  our  fathers  gave, 

O’er  our  children’s  heads  shall  wave, 

And  their  children’s  children’s  grave  1 
God  for  our  native  land  ! 

Who  doth  that  Flag  defy, 

We  challenge  as  our  foe ; 

Who  will  not  for  it  die, 

Out  from  us  he  must  go  ! 

*  Sang  at  his  church,  21st  Street,  New  York  city,  May  5, 
1861. 


So  let  them  understand. 

Who  that  dear  Flag  disclaim, 
Which  won  their  fathers’  fame, 

We  brand  with  endless  shame ! 

God  for  our  native  land  ! 

Our  native  land !  to  thee, 

In  one  united  vow, 

To  keep  thee  strong  and  free, 

And  glorious  as  now — 

We  pledge  each  heart  and  hand  ; 
By  the  blood  our  fathers  shed, 

By  the  ashes  of  our  dead, 

By  the  sacred  soil  we  tread, 

God  for  our  native  land  ! 


A  POEM. 

BY  C.  F. 

Tho  morning  sun  shone  brightly  o’er  a  brave  and 
noble  band, 

Who  gathered  there  to  bleed  and  die  for  their  be¬ 
loved  land ; 

They  fought  against  a  foreign  power  who  strove,  but 
strove  in  vain, 

To  bring  America’s  free  soil  beneath  Oppression’s 
chain. 

Then  bravely  rose  her  gallant  sons, — they  felt  their 
cause  was  right, — 

And  the  Stars  and  Stripes  waved  over  them  through¬ 
out  the  deadly  fight ; 

And  foremost  in  the  fearful  strife  there  rode  a  mighty 
one, 

Whoso  name  we  reverence  and  love — our  own  George 
Washington. 

’Tis  over,  and  our  freedom  won — while  glorious  and 
fair, 

Above  us  the  bright  Stars  and  Stripes  arc  floating 
high  in  air ; 

No  more  we  bow  and  tremble  ’neath  Old  England  s 
haughty  sway ; 

America  stands  nobly  forth,  a  nation  from  that  day. 

And  God  hath  ever  smiled  upon  our  own,  our  blood- 
bought  land, 

And  blessings  and  prosperity  we  meet  at  every  hand ; 

Our  Washington  hath  laid  him  down,  and  quietly 
doth  rest, 

But  ho  liveth  in  his  people’s  hearts,  in  the  broad 
lands  of  the  West. 

But  lo  !  a  darker  cloud  appears  !  the  sound  of  war 
once  more 

Is  ringing  through  the  land  we  love — is  heard  upon 
our  shore ; 

It  is  not  now  a  foreign  power  that  biddeth  us  to 
strife — 

A  brother  seeks  a  brother’s  blood — would  take  a 
brother’s  life ; 

A  brother  seeks  to  break  the  bonds  of  mutual  love 
and  trust ; 

And  lo  !  the  Banner  we  revere,  lies  trampled  in  the 
dust ! 

The  sunny  South  is  up  in  arms,  and  wishes  to  divide 

Tho  Union  we  have  owned  so  long — for  which  our 
fathers  died. 

And  shall  we  quietly  submit,  and  see  our  country’s 
laws 

Lie  trampled  ’neath  a  traitor’s  foot — shall  we  forsake 
our  cause  ? 


46 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Shall  we  allow  our  Banner,  revered  through  all  the 
world, 

.From  its  proud  height  of  glory,  by  traitors  to  be 
hurled  ? 

No,  never — though  our  blood  be  shed  !  our  eagle 
stoops  not  so ; 

His  haughty  mien  is  still  untamed,  his  head  not  yet 
brought  low ; 

He  still  is  soaring  proudly  above  the  Northern  land  ; 

He  finds  no  fitting  resting-place  upon  the  Southern 
strand. 

Then  let  us  rally  round  our  Flag,  nor  rest  until  again 

The  dove  of  peace  unfolds  her  wings  o’er  forest  and 
o’er  plain ; 

Until  again  we  meet  in  love  a  noble  brother-band, 

And  sheathe  the  sword  which  now  is  drawn  in  terror 
o’er  our  land ; 

Until  the  glorious  Stars  and  Stripes  triumphantly 
once  more 

Shall  wave  o’er  a  united  land,  the  country  we  adore  ! 

Oh,  may  we  yet,  Americans,  in  freedom  take  our 
stand, 

And  battle  bravely  for  the  right ! — God  for  our  na¬ 
tive  land  ! 


ARMING  FOR  BATTLE. 

[INSCRIBED  TO  GOVERNOR  SPRAGUE.] 

Oh  men  !  who  gird  yourselves  with  speed, 

No  common  call  is  that  ye  heed  ; 

Your  country  bids  you  go,  and  bleed 

Perchance  ;  and  who  shall  say  what  more, 
What  less  than  death,  there  is  in  store 
For  you,  ere  this  fell  strife  is  o’er  ? — 

This  strife,  that  needs  some  unbreathed  name 
To  speak  its  woe — its  ruthless  fame  ; 

That  sets  a  continent  aflame  ! 

Oh,  reckless  stroke  !  oh,  impious  hand  ! 

That  cleft  the  bonds  which  held  our  land 
In  happy  league  our  fathers  planned. 

On  History’s  page,  no  fouler  thing 
Has  left  its  stain  ;  and  Time  shall  bring 
No  veil  for  it,  with  pitying  wing. 

Treason’s  fierce  breath  fanned  the  red  fire, 

In  whose  wild  flame  may  yet  expire 
Sweet  Liberty,  the  world’s  desire. 

Oh,  men,  who  haste  at  duty’s  call, 

To  quench  that  fire,  or  in  it  fall, 

God  speed  you,  arm  you,  keep  you  all ! 

We  will  not  say,  “  Be  true  !  be  brave  !  ” 

But  through  our  tears  a  boon  we  crave — 

“  Heart  of  your  heart,  oh,  let  us  have  !  ” 

We  are  cast  down,  to  see  you  go, 

With  patriot  souls,  and  eyes  aglow 
With  valor’s  light,  to  meet  the  foe — 

A  foe  we  called,  but  yesterday, 

Brother  and  friend  ;  and  now  we  say, 

“  Alas,  for  love  he  spurned  away  !  ” 

We  know  you  brave — ye  will  not  quail ; 

We  do  not  fear  your  swords  will  fail ; 

1  et  for  all  this,  our  lips  grow  pale 


With  parting  words,  that  say,  “  Come  back, 
By  God’s  dear  grace,  on  Victory’s  track  !  ’’ 
But  then,  our  brothers  fall,  alack  ! 

Yet  go  !  ye  bear  no  wanton  brand ; 

Honor’s  bright  hilt  in  every  hand  ; 

Go  !  for  our  Flag  undaunted  stand. 

That  dear  old  Flag,  spangled  with  stars — 

Go,  keep  it  full ;  ’tis  worth  some  wars, 

To  save  its  crest  from  Treason’s  scars. 

No  upstart  flag  the  land  shall  own, 

Where  the  old  stars  have  proudly  shone, 

Till  Hope,  Truth,  Valor,  all  are  gone. 

Brave  hearts,  farewell !  bright  eyes  will  weep 
To  night,  quick  tears  that  hinder  sleep — 
Weeping  for  you,  whom  angels  keep  ! 

April  19,  1861.  W.  C.  R. 

— Providence  Evening  Press. 


A  SONG  FOR  THE  UNION.* 

England’s  heavy  chains  oppressed  us, 

And  her  foot  had  held  us  down, 

Till  the  people,  full  of  fury, 

Raised  the  shout,  “  Resist  the  crown  !  ” 

All  the  nation  heard  the  watchword, — 

Every  town  sent  up  the  cry, — 

Answering,  like  a  solemn  echo, 

“  We  will  conquer  or  will  die  !  ” 

Then  were  seen 
The  brave  Thirteen, 

Fighting  for  our  liberty. 

All  New  England’s  heroes  wakened, 

With  the  courage  wrongs  inspire, — 

Nerved  themselves  to  stand  the  struggle, 

Dare  and  brave  Old  England’s  ire  ; 

While  from  every  hill  and  valley 
Thronging  came  an  answering  band, 

Poorly  clad,  half-armed,  but  heroes, 

And  for  Freedom  took  their  stand ; 

Then  were  seen 
The  brave  Thirteen, 

Winning  us  a  free-born  land. 

Victory  crowned  their  gallant  struggle, — 

God  alone  they  owned  as  king, 

And  they  stood  a  free-born  people, 

Sheltered  by  the  Almighty’s  wing ; 

While  their  statesmen  and  their  heroes 
To  a  compact  set  their  hand, — 

“All  our  strength  lies  in  our  Union ; 

To  the  world  as  one  we’ll  stand.” 

The  Old  Thirteen 
Since  then  have  been 
Honored  and  blest  in  every  land. 

Oh  !  the  contrast  time  now  shows  us  ! 

Scarce  a  hundred  years  have  passed, 

And  the  smothered  mutterings  warn  us, 

This  will  be  the  Union’s  last. 

Last !  Virginia,  you  who  gave  us 
Our  dear  Father,  Statesman,  Chief, 

*  Read  at  a  Union  meeting  at  Detroit,  Michigan,  held 
Jan.  28, 1S61.  A  fall  report  of  the  meeting  is  given  in  the 
Detroit  Free  Press,  Jan.  29. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


47 


Can  you  let  the  life  he  fought  for — 

A  great  nation’s — be  so  brief? 

Strife  between 
The  Old  Thirteen  ! 

Never  let  that  sight  be  seen. 

Georgia  !  whose  chivalric  soldiers 
Proved  the  worth  of  gentle  blood, 

When  the  enemy  struck  so  boldly, 

And  o’erswept  you  like  a  flood, 

Will  you  turn  your  steel  against  those 
Who,  when  in  your  direst  need, 

Came  to  strengthen  those  proud  spirits  ? 
Georgians,  dare  you  say,  “  Secede  ”  ? 
Blood  between 
That  Old  Thirteen — 

Brothers  both  in  word  and  deed  ! 

Thy  records,  Carolina,  point  where 
The  first  blood  for  Freedom  fell ; 

By  the  mother  who  thus  bore  you, 

Will  you  bid  us  all  farewell  ? 

Wild  and  wilful,  proud,  impatient, 

Haughty  sister,  have  you  known 
Through  your  turbulent  life  we  loved  you 
For  a  beauty  of  your  own, — 

Loved  you  truly, 

Even  unduly, 

And  could  never  have  you  gone  ? 

By  the  memories  of  the  Keystone, — 

By  the  Jerseys’  blood-stained  snow, — 
By  old  Empire’s  glorious  battles, — 

By  the  record  of  our  foes, — 

By  Schuyler,  Knox,  old  Putnam,  Greene, — 
By  Marion’s  men,  and  Harry  Lee, 

Let  us  forget  all  party  strife, 

And  only  know  that  we  are  free. 

The  world  has  seen 
What  we  have  been. 

Oh  !  still  preserve  the  Old  Thirteen. 

With  what  blindness  are  we  smitten, 
Brother  thus  opposing  brother ! 

In  the  nation’s  past  ’tis  written, 

Freedom  is  our  glorious  mother. 

You  can  count  her  pangs  of  travail 
In  the  banner  waving  o’er  us ; 

History  tells  the  wreck  and  carnage 
That  o’erspread  her  when  she  bore  us. 
Shall  love  languish 
When  her  anguish, 

Beacon-like,  still  floats  before  us  ? 

Palsied  be  the  lips  that  frame  it, — 

Helpless  fall  that  foeman’s  arm, — 

Turn  his  fiercest  strength  to  weakness, 

Who  would  do  a  brother  harm. 

And,  0  God  !  wilt  Thou  take  vengeance 
On  whoe’er,  by  word  or  deed, 

Broadcast  o’er  our  noble  country 
Sowed  disunion’s  fruitful  seed  ? 

Curse  the  tongue 
Of  old  or  young, 

Who  shouts  the  battle-cry,  “  Secede  ”  ! 

God,  our  Lord,  be  Thou  our  support, 

Thou  our  stay  in  this  dark  hour ; 

Guide  us  through  these  angry  mazes, 

By  Thine  overseeing  power ; 


Blast  the  rage  of  party  sections ; 

Cause  such  war  and  strife  to  cease ; 

Give  us — greatest  gift  to  nations — 

Give  us  union,  love,  and  peace. 

The  Old  Thirteen 
On  Thee  shall  lean  ; 

Lord,  let  their  mutual  love  increase. 

Cast  to  the  breeze  that  banner  still, 

With  not  one  single  star  erased, 

With  not  one  single  stripe  effaced  ; 
Shout,  with  a  hearty,  brave  good-will, 

“  Let  nought  our  happy  land  dissever, — 
The  Union,  one,  and  one  forever ! !  ” 
Wake  the  wide  echoes  with  that  pcean, — 
The  Union ,  and  the  Old  Thirteen. 


THE  NORTHERN  VOLUNTEERS. 

BY  GEORGE  BOWERYEM. 

We  arm  by  thousands  strong, 

To  battle  for  the  Right, 

And  this  shall  be  our  song, 

As  we  march  into  the  fight : 

With  our  country’s  banner  o’er  us, 

And  traitor-ranks  before  us, 

Let  Freedom  be  the  chorus 
Of  the  Northern  Volunteers  1 
Now  hearken  to  the  cheers 
Of  the  Northern  Volunteers  ! 

[Chorus  of  cheering.] 

When  the  battle  rages  round, 

And  the  rolling  of  the  drum, 

And  the  trembling  of  the  ground, 

Tell  usurpers  that  we  come  ! — 

Then  the  War’s  deep-mouthed  thunder 
Shall  our  lightnings  cleave  asunder, 

And  our  enemies  shall  wonder 
At  the  Northern  V olunteers  ! 

Shall  wonder  at  the  cheers 
Of  the  Northern  Volunteers! 

True,  loyal  sons  arc  we 

Of  men  who  fought  and  died 
To  leave  their  children  free, 

Whom  dastards  now  deride  ! 

Tremble,  traitors  !  at  the  beaming 
Of  our  starry  banner  gleaming, 

When  like  a  torrent  streaming, 

Come  the  Northern  Volunteers  ! 
Dealing  death  amid  their  cheers, 
Come  the  Northern  Volunteers  ! 

When  Northern  men  unite, 

Heart  to  heart  and  hand  to  hand, 

For  Freedom’s  cause  to  fight, 

Shall  Wrong  the  Right  withstand? 
With  our  country’s  banner  o’er  us, 

And  rebels  base  before  us, 

And  Liberty  the  chorus 

Of  the  Northern  Volunteers, — 

How  terrible  the  cheers 
Of  the  Northern  Volunteers  1 

Where  Freedom’s  banner  waves, 

Over  land  or  over  sea, 

It  shall  not  cover  slaves  ! 

They  shall  touch  it  and  be  free  ! 


48 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Tremble,  tyrants  !  at  the  flashing 
Of  our  arms,  when  onward  dashing, 
You  shall  hear  their  fetters  crashing, 
Broke  by  Northern  Volunteers  ! 

And  your  slaves  give  back  the  cheers 
Of  the  Northern  Volunteers  ! 

God  of  Freedom  !  give  Thy  might 
To  the  spirits  of  Thy  sons  ! 

To  their  bayonets  in  fight ! 

To  the  death  within  their  guns  ! 

Make  their  deeds  in  battle  gory, 

Burn  and  brightly  shine  in  glory, 

When  the  world  shall  read  the  story 
Of  the  Northern  Volunteers  ! 

And  echo  back  the  cheers 
Of  the  Northern  Volunteers  ! 

Headquarters  British  Volunteers,  ) 

New  York,  May  18, 1861.  ) 


THE  MARCH  OF  THE  “  SEVENTH.” 

What  means  this  eager  rush  ?  whence  this  commo¬ 
tion  ? 

Why  surge  the  people  thus,  like  a  lashed  ocean  ? 

See,  the  vast  multitude,  crowding  and  craving ; 

See,  from  each  lofty  staff  stars  and  stripes  waving  ! 

Banners  from  balcony,  banners  from  steeple, 

Banners  from  house  to  house,  draping  the  people ; 
Banners  upborne  by  all,  men,  women,  children, 
Banners  on  horses’  fronts,  flashing,  bewild’ring. 

Hark  !  there’s  a  trumpet-blast  strikes  on  the  hearing ; 
Now  the  quick  drum-beat  comes  rapidly  nearing ; 
Blue  forms  with  clubs  in  hand,  steadily  banding, 
Through  the  compacted  crowd  pathway  demanding. 

Drums  beat,  and  trumpets  sound,  louder  and  louder, 
Bugles  and  cornets  mix  deep  tones  and  prouder ; 
Whose  is  that  solid  front  ?  whose  is  that  thick  step  ? 
Whose,  but  the  “Seventh’s”  tread,  moves  to  that 
quickstep  ? 

On  comes  the  Regiment,  like  to  none  other ; 

Who  has  not  in  its  ranks  loved  son  or  brother  ? 

If  he  has  none  of  these,  not  e’en  a  cousin, 

He  served  himself  in  it,  years  by  the  dozen. 

Know  ye  the  city’s  heart  in  that  mass  mingles  ? 

Hear,  the  responsive  throb  everywhere  tingles  ! 

Now,  as  they’re  moving  past,  shout,  sob,  and  greeting, 
Love’s  deep  devotion  they’re  constantly  meeting. 

See,  ’midst  the  serried  ranks,  none  now  objecting, 
Hundreds  of  laymen  the  flanks  seem  protecting, 
f  rowding  between  platoons,  filling  the  spaces, 

Many  a  manly  form  steadily  paces ! 

Those  are  the  fathers,  proud  eyes  overflowing, 

<>n  Freedom’s  altar  their  best  blood  bestowing ; 

Gladly  they  give  their  sons,  each  true  heart  bleeding, 
Offering  the  noblest  to  Liberty’s  needing. 

*  a  costly  gift  now  they  are  bringing, 

And  on  their  country’s  shrine  willingly  flinging ; 

One  gives  his  five  sons,  others  their  four,  three,  two  — 
i  o  who  have  sons  there,  ah,  how  do  I  envy  you  ! 


There  stands  brave  Anderson,  watching  them,  breath¬ 
less — 

Glory’s  new-born  son,  whose  name  now  is  deathless ; 
Looks  he  not  proudly  on  ?  Soon  they  espy  him, 
Loud  rings  their  homage  cheer,  as  they  pass  by  him. 

Why  does  he  drop  a  tear  ?  why  is  he  weeping, 

As  that  majestic  march  past  him  is  sweeping  ? 

Ah,  he  beholds  in  them,  earnest  and  steady, 

Hearts  like  his  noble  own,  for  sacrifice  ready. 

He  knows  the  savage  horde  lately  contending, 

Not  as  our  sires  fought,  Justice  defending, 

But,  with  the  tiger’s  fangs,  stealthily  seeking 
Power  the  weak  to  scourge,  ’midst  tears  and  shriek¬ 
ing. 

Hero  of  Sumter  !  thy  name  is  forever 
Coupled  with  Glory,  and  ne’er  will  we  sever 
“  Manhood  and  Anderson.”  Freedom’s  libation 
Pours  forth  from  million  hearts  through  all  the 
nation. 

Vengeance  is  now  the  cry,  no  more  betraying  ; 
Treating  with  traitors  is  senseless  delaying ; 

Sons  of  the  Bay  State  their  Sumner  remember ; 

W rongs  to  be  righted  now  wake  from  their  slumber. 

Pass  on  the  battle-cry  !  sound  it  forth,  trumpeter  ! 
Hand  it  from  man  to  man — “ Sumner  and  Sumter!" 
Hark  !  now  from  Baltimore  comes,  madly  driven, 

One  more  foul  insult  that  can’t  be  forgiven. 

Go  forth,  then,  gallant  hearts,  bearing  the  casket 
Holding  our  city’s  blood — seek  not  to  mask  it ! 

Fling  it  before  you  far,  fight  your  way  to  it ; 

Stay  them  not,  Maryland,  or  you  will  rue  it ! 

Fathers  are  arming  fast,  mothers  are  praying, 

While  you  are  noble  deeds  skilfully  playing ; 

Soon  we  will  follow  you ;  New  York  is  coming  ! 

Hark,  do  you  hear  the  rush,  like  Niagara  booming  ? 

Onward,  then,  “  Seventh  !  ”  delay  not,  nor  waver  ! 
Rush  to  fair  Freedom’s  side,  guard  her  and  save 
her ! 

Give  the  vilo  vulture  brood — kites,  buzzards,  ma¬ 
rauders — 

The  feast  that  they’re  lusting  for  from  their  own 
borders  !  R.  s.  o. 

— A.  T.  Tribune ,  April  23. 


A  TALE  OF  1861. 

BY  EDW.  SPRAGUE  RAND,  JR. 

Come,  children,  leave  your  playing ;  a  tale  I  have  to 
tell — 

A  tale  of  woe  and  sorrow,  which  long  ago  befell ; 

’Twas  in  the  great  rebellion,  in  eighteen  sixty-one  ; 

Within  the  streets  of  Baltimore  the  bloody  deed  was 
done. 

Of  gallant  Major  Anderson  I  told  you  yesternight, 

Of  Moultrie’s  shattered  battlements,  and  Sumter’s 
bloodless  fight ; 

And  how  the  cannon’s  echo  shook  the  North  and  East 
and  West, 

And  woke  a  flame  in  loyal  hearts  which  would  not  be 
repressed. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


49 


Oh,  ’twas  a  goodly  sight  to  see  the  uprising  of  the 
people ; 

To  hear  the  clanging  bells  ring  out  from  every  tower 
and  steeple ; 

To  see  our  glorious  flag  flung  wide  all  through  the 
loyal  land ; 

To  know  at  last  the  North  stood  up  a  firm  united 
band ! 

A  call  went  forth  through  all  the  land :  “  On,  on  to 
Washington !  ” 

On,  for  the  Union  that  we  prize  !  for  Right  and 
Freedom,  on ! 

’Twas  sunset  ere  the  call  was  known,  but  ere  the 
break  of  day, 

Our  brave  militia  were  in  arms,  and  ready  for  the 
fray. 

They  left  the  plough,  forsook  the  loom,  bade  hasty, 
sad  farewell, 

To  all  they  loved,  with  looks  which  spoke  far  more 
than  words  could  tell ; 

And  loving  wives  and  mothers  wept  and  blessed 
them  on  their  way ; 

But,  ’mid  the  throng  of  anxious  ones,  not  one  would 
bid  them  stay. 

As  on  through  loyal  towns  they  went,  ’twas  one  pro¬ 
longed  ovation ; 

Of  all  a  patriot  people  did,  would  weary  the  narra¬ 
tion. 

On,  on  for  Washington  they  pressed,  for  there  the 
patriot  band, 

For  the  Union  and  for  Liberty,  for  Right  must  take 
their  stand. 

’Twas  the  nineteenth  of  April; — 0  most  auspicious 
day  ! 

It  ushered  in  at  Lexington  the  bloody,  fatal  fray, 

Baptized  our  Revolution ;  and  ’twas  again  to  be 

For  Massachusetts  men  to  bleed  for  Freedom  and  the 
free. 

Through  Baltimore  their  pathway  led,  and  boldly  on 
they  passed, 

But  bitter  taunts  and  angry  words  fell  on  them  thick 
and  fast ; 

’Twas  the  low  rabble  of  the  town  by  whom  the  deed 
was  done, 

But  men  of  wealth  and  rank  were  there,  and  urged 
and  cheered  them  on. 

0  who  shall  tell  of  all  that  chanced,  or  in  that  fearful 
fray 

Tell  what  was  done,  or  truly  write  the  history  of 
that  day ! 

How,  not  content  with  scoffs  and  taunts,  the  pave¬ 
ment  up  they  tore, 

And  showered  the  stones  upon  our  troops,  around, 
behind,  before. 

“  Why  did  they  let  them  ?  ”  0  alas  !  forgetful  grows 
my  mind ; 

The  others  had  passed  safely  on,  a  few  were  left  be¬ 
hind  ; 

For  thus  Secession’s  chivalry  its  boldest  deeds  has 
done, 

And  often  have  they  bravely  fought,  a  hundred 
against  one. 

Poetry — 7 


On,  on,  in  close-set  ranks  they  pressed,  turned  not  to 
left  or  right ; 

They  all  were  Massachusetts  men ;  they  never  thought 
of  flight ; 

But  as  the  stones  came  thick  and  fast,  the  curses 
deep  and  loud, 

In  self-defence,  at  bay,  they  turned  and  fired  upon 
the  crowd. 

0  many  a  taunting  traitor  fell  beneath  their  deadly 
fire ; 

But  thicker  flew  the  showers  of  stones,  and  fiercer 
grew  their  ire. 

Enough — they  fought  their  passage  through,  and  then 
kept  marching  on, 

Obedient  to  their  country’s  call,  to  rescue  Wash¬ 
ington. 

Yet  not  unscathed ;  four  noble  ones  fell  in  the 
bloody  fray, 

And  many  carry  scarring  wounds  in  memory  of  that 
day; 

And  high  on  honor’s  scroll  are  writ  the  names  of 
those  who  fell, 

First  martyrs  to  maintain  the  rights,  the  land  we  love 
so  well. 

Yes,  Washington  was  saved,  my  boy  :  another  time 
I’ll  tell 

Of  Freedom’s  armies,  marshalled  there,  of  all  that 
there  befell. 

The  blood  then  spilt  at  Baltimore  roused  all  the  loyal 
land, 

And  such  an  army  sprung  to  birth  no  traitors  could 
withstand. 

I  mind  me  when  the  honored  dead  in  solemn  pomp 
came  home ; 

How  our  starry  banner  drooped  half-mast  on  the 
high  State  House  dome  ; 

How  minute-guns  spoke  sharply  out,  and  sad  the 
bells  were  tolling, 

And  mournfully  upon  the  breeze  the  funeral  dirge 
was  rolling. 

0  there  was  that  within  the  looks,  within  the  eyes  of 
men, 

A  stern  determination,  I  never  saw  but  then ; 

With  hard-pressed  lips  and  swimming  eyes  they 
watched  the  funeral  train, 

With  bowed,  uncovered  heads,  they  stood  amid  the 
falling  rain. 

In  vision  yet  I  seem  to  see  the  biers  with  flags  en¬ 
twined  ; 

The  memory  of  that  solemn  dirge  will  never  flee  my 
mind ; 

And  Massachusetts  lifts  her  head  more  proudly  at 
this  day, 

That  twice  in  Freedom's  battles  her  sons  have  led 
the  way. 

0  children,  guard  your  heritage  ;  be  to  your  country 
true ; 

Be  proud  of  Massachusetts,  and  let  her  be  proud  of 
you ! 

Be  ready  in  her  cause  to  fight,  and  for  her  sake  to 
fall ! 

But  cherish  in  your  heart  of  hearts  the  Union  above 
all. 

—Boston  Transcript ,  May  22. 


50 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


TO  ARMS! 

BY  MARTHA  PERRY  LOWE. 

Traitors  and  foes  !  We  shall  arm  !  We  shall  arm  ! 

Brethren  are  ye  ? — but  it  matters  us  not — 

Men  of  the  South  !  We  are  calm  !  We  are  calm  ! 
You  are  like  madmen,  misguided  and  hot ! 

Long  have  we  patiently  borne  with  your  hate  ; 

Shame  has  been  rising  and  flushing  our  brow  ; 

Oh  !  we’ve  entreated  you,  early  and  late — 

God  only  knows  what  has  come  o’er  us  now  ! 

We  are  not  angry — the  fire  is  too  deep  ; 

We  will  not  taunt — that’s  for  boys,  and  not  men  ; 
Yet  we  have  sworn,  and  our  word  we  will  keep, 
Never  shall  you  trample  on  us  again  ! 

You  have  dishonored  the  Stripes  and  the  Stars  ! 

The  pale  North  a  moment  did  hold  in  her  breath  ; 
Now  thousands  of  eyes,  like  the  red  planet  Mars, 

Do  glare  on  you  steady  defiance  and  death  ! 

You  love  not  to  work,  you  are  all  gentle-men ; 

Arms  are  your  pastime,  and  “fight”  is  your  word  ; 
We  love  the  plow,  and  the  loom,  and  the  pen  ; 
Nobler  is  Peace,  to  our  hearts,  than  the  Sword. 

You  have  been  plotting  all  over  the  land — 

You  have  been  training  to  tear  down  the  State ; 
We’ve  not  been  playing  with  weapons  in  hand, 

But  we’ll  tear  down  your  flag,  at  the  Capitol’s  gate  ! 

Lord  of  the  Nations  !  Restrain  us  !  Restrain  ! 

Terrible,  mighty,  our  waking  will  be ; 

Blood,  when  it  falls,  will  come  down  as  the  rain, 
Flooding  the  earth  like  the  surge  of  the  sea  ! 

Then  courage,  ye  men  of  the  North  and  the  West ! 

A  nation  is  springing  again  into  birth  ! 

In  the  beautiful  garments  of  liberty  drest, 

Forever  to  stand  the  desire  of  the  earth ! 

— Y.  Y.  Tribune. 


A  BUGLE  NOTE. 

Air — Met  rse  illaise. 

Oh,  freemen’s  sons,  arouse  to  battle, 
’Gainst  the  proud,  insulting  foe  ; 
Shall  their  cannon  ’round  us  rattle, 
And  no  arm  to  strike  a  blow  ? — 
And  no  arm  to  strike  a  blow  ? 

Too  long  has  tolerance  been  given, 

By  forbearance  kind  and  free ; 

But  let  now  the  war-cry  be, 

Our  blest  land  shall  ne’er  be  riven  ! 

To  arms  !  to  arms,  ye  brave  ! 

Our  trampled  flag  reclaim 
From  traitor’s  grasp,  and  nobly  win 
A  patriot’s  honored  name. 

Hear,  hear  the  cannon  loudly  roaring, 
’Round  our  brave  and  valiant  band  ; 
And  a  nation  loud  deploring 
The  stained  honor  of  our  land — 
The  stained  honor  of  our  land. 


And  will  you  tamely  now  surrender 
To  a  false  and  perjured  host, 

Your  glorious  country’s  boast, 

Refusing  to  defend  her  ? 

To  arms  !  to  arms,  ye  brave  ! 

Our  trampled  flag  reclaim 
From  traitor’s  grasp,  and  nobly  win 
A  patriot’s  honored  name. 

Emii.y. 

Phila.  Inquirer,  April  24. 


SEND  THEM  HOME  TENDERLY.* 

BY  G.  W.  BUNGAY. 

I. 

In  their  own  martial  robes  arrayed, 

With  cap,  and  cloak,  and  shining  blade, 

In  the  still  coffin  softly  laid, 

Oh,  send  them  tenderly. 

Our  bleeding  country’s  gallant  corps 
Of  noble  dead  can  sleep  no  more 
Where  monuments  at  Baltimore 
Libel  our  Liberty. 

Ii. 

Oh,  touch  them  tenderly,  I  pray, 

And  softly  wipe  the  blood  away 
From  the  red  lips  of  wounds,  that  say, 

“  How  sweet  it  is  to  die 
For  one’s  dear  Country,  at  a  time 
Coincidence  crowns,  with  sublime 
Associations,  deeds  that  chime 
In  human  history  !  ” 

hi. 

Deal  gently  with  the  pale,  cold  dead, 

For  Massachusetts  bows  her  head — 

But  not  with  shame  ;  her  eyes  are  red 
With  weeping  for  the  slain. 

Like  Rachel,  she  is  sad  indeed ; 

And  long  her  broken  heart  will  bleed 
For  children  true  in  word  and  deed 
She  cannot  meet  again. 

IT. 

Whisper  no  word  of  treason  when 
Ye  bear  away  our  bravest  men 
From  the  foul  traitor’s  hateful  den, 

Red  with  our  brother’s  blood ; 

A  spot  that  must  forever  be, 

Like  Sodom  sunk  beneath  the  sea, 

It  sinks  in  coward  treachery, 

Lnwept  beneath  the  flood. 

V. 

Lift  up  each  gallant  son  of  Mars, 

And  shroud  him  in  the  flag  of  stars, 

Beneath  whose  folds  he  won  the  scars 
Through  which  his  spirit  fled 
From  glory  here,  to  glory  where 
The  banner  blue  in  fields  of  air 
Is  bright  with  stars  forever  there, 

Without  the  stripes  of  red. 

—AT.  Y.  Tribune. 

*  See  Gov.  Andrew’s  despatch  to  the  Mayor  of  Balti- 
more,  p.  34,  Diary  of  Events,  Rebellion  Record. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


51 


SONG  OF  COLUMBIA’S  DAUGHTERS. 

BY  ELIZABETH  D.  WRIGHT. 

Oh,  go  !  brothers,  go  ! 

Hark  to  Freedom  calling  I 
See  her  bleeding  stand 
While  her  sons  are  falling ! 

Mothers,  yield  your  darlings ; 

Wives,  your  husbands  send ; 

Children,  spare  your  fathers — 

God  will  be  your  friend  ! 

Rally  round  our  standard  ! 

Hasten  on  to  save  ! 

Be  our  watchword  ever, 

“  Freedom,  or  the  grave  !  ” 

Onward  !  See  our  Country — 

Once  a  peaceful  home, 

Where  the  world’s  oppressed  ones 
Might  for  refuge  come — 

Now  all  tom  and  fainting, 

Wounded  sore  she  lies; 

Forward  to  the  rescue, 

Ere  our  Union  dies  ! 

Rally  round  our  standard,  &c. 

Oh,  fight !  brothers,  fight ! 

Our  fathers  fought  before  you ; 

Your  blows  are  for  the  right, 

And  Freedom’s  God  is  o’er  you. 
Remember,  when  in  battle, 

How  we  at  home  will  pray, 

That  He,  as  your  Commander, 

Will  aid  you  win  the  day. 

Rally  round  our  standard ! 

Hasten  on  to  save  ! 

Be  our  watchword  ever, 

“  Freedom,  or  the  grave  !  ” 

New  York,  April  22,  1861. 

—N.  Y.  Tribune. 


THE  MAJOR  AND  HIS  MEN. 

In  Charleston  Bay  Fort  Sumter  stood, 
Begirt  by  traitor  guns, 

Its  garrison  just  seventy — 

Columbia’s  bravest  sons. 

“  I’ll  have  that  fort,”  quoth  Beauregard, 

“  Or  else  may  I  be  curst !  ” 

“  But  then,”  says  Major  Anderson, 

“  You’ll  have  to  fight  me  first !  ” 
Chorus — Cheer,  boys,  cheer  ! 

And  pass  the  bowl  again  ; 

Till  time  shall  end,  we’ll  ne’er  forget 
The  Major  and  his  Men. 

The  traitors  built  their  batt’ries  round, 
And  thousands  counted  they ; 

But  Sumter  with  its  seventy 
Still  held  them  all  at  bay  ! 

“  Surrender  now,”  says  Beauregard  ; 

“  I’ll  have  you  in  a  trap.” 

“  Not  yet,”  says  gallant  Anderson, 

“  My  fuss-and-feather  chap  !  ” 

Chorus — Cheer,  boys,  cheer  ! 

The  traitors  in  their  den 
Could  not  with  all  their  guns  appall 
The  Major  and  his  Men. 


To  Sumter,  straight  from  Washington, 

A  secret  message  came  : 

“  Till  we  make  sure  the  Capital, 

Hold  Sumter  all  the  same. 

If  traitors  fire,  return  their  fire, 

Until  the  fleet  you  see ; 

Then  leave  the  fort,  brave  Anderson, 

And  bring  thy  men  with  thee.” 

Chorus — Cheer,  boys,  cheer  ! 

The  ball  was  opened  then, 

And  traitors  were  outwitted  by 
The  Major  and  his  Men. 

One  day  the  rebel  batteries, 

That  numbered  near  a  score, 

Commenced  to  fire  at  Sumter’s  walls 
With  an  infernal  roar. 

The  Major  and  his  seventy, 

By  numbers  undismayed, 

The  rebels’  iron  compliments 
With  shot  and  shell  repaid  ! 

Chorus — Cheer,  boys,  cheer  ! 

We  shall  not  see  again 
Such  pluck  as  that  which  gave  to  fame 
The  Major  and  his  Men. 

For  forty  hours  that  gallant  band 
Held  Sumter  from  the  foe, 

And  gaily  their  columbiads 
Dealt  ruin  high  and  low  ; 

But  when  the  fleet  from  Uncle  Sam 
Made  signals  fair  in  sight, 

That  Washington  was  safe  enough, 

The  Major  stopped  the  fight. 

Chorus — Cheer,  boys,  cheer  ! 

And  pass  the  glass  again ; 

The  “  trick  ”  that  time  was  taken  by 
The  Major  and  his  Men. 

The  Major  left  the  battered  fort, 

A  crumbling,  empty  pen, 

And  ere  the  rebels  can  repair, 

We’ll  have  it  back  again  ! 

Their  harbor  is  blockaded  now, 

And  Anderson  is  here, 

With  sword  still  girded  by  his  side, 

And  stranger  still  to  fear  ! 

Chorus — Cheer,  boys,  cheer  ! 

We’ll  have  it  back  again  ! 

And  who  shall  be  our  comrades  but 
The  Major  and  his  Men  ? 

—K  Y.  Sunday  Atlas,  May  12. 


OUR  NATIONAL  FLAG. 

BY  EMELINE  S.  SMITO. 

Who  said  that  the  stars  on  our  banner  were  dim — 
That  their  glory  had  faded  away  ? 

Look  up,  and  behold  !  how  bright,  through  each  fold, 
They  are  flashing  and  smiling  to-day. 

A  few  wand'ring  meteors  only  have  paled — 

They  shot  from  their  places  on  high  ; 

But  the  fixed  and  the  true  still  illumine  the  blue, 
And  will,  while  old  Ages  go  by  ! 

Who  said  the  fair  temple,  so  patiently  reared 
By  heroes,  at  Liberty’s  call, 

Was  built  insecure — that  it  could  not  endure _ 

And  was  tottering  e’en  now  to  its  fall  ? 


52 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


False,  false,  every  word ;  for  that  fame  is  upheld 
By  the  stoutest  of  hearts  and  of  hands ; 

Some  columns  unsound  may  have  gone  to  the  ground, 
But  proudly  the  temple  yet  stands. 

Who  said  there  were  murmurs  of  grief  in  our  midst, 
When  loved  ones  departed  to-day  ?* 

Ah,  no  ! — ’twas  not  so — every  heart  hushed  its  woe, 
And  gave  them  “  God  speed”  on  their  way. 

With  their  banner  above,  loving  glances  around, 

And  blessings  and  prayers  as  a  shield, 

We  trusted  this  band,  the  fair  flower  of  the  land, 

To  the  perilous  risks  of  the  field. 

Who  said  the  good  name  of  our  country  was  gone — 
That  her  flag  would  be  honored  no  more  ? 

Over  valley  and  plain,  over  mountain  and  main, 

Rolls  an  answer  like  Thunder’s  deep  roar ; 

A  million  brave  spirits  all  shout  with  one  voice, 

“We  will  die  for  the  rights  we  demand  ! 

Let  traitors  beware  !  By  their  dark  plots  we  swear, 
That  no  shadow  shall  rest  on  our  land  !  ” 

Who  questions  the  promise  ?  Not  we  who  behold 
This  love  and  this  national  pride 

Sweeping  on  through  the  clime,  in  a  torrent  sublime, 
And  bearing  all  hearts  on  its  tide. 

Who  fears  for  the  issue  ?  Ah,  that  must  bo  left 
To  the  Mightiest  Leader  of  all ; 

While  He  holds  the  scale,  Truth  and  Right  will  pre¬ 
vail, 

And  Error  and  Treason  will  fall. 

A  stain  on  our  banner  ?  Oh  !  shame  to  the  heart 
Or  the  lip  that  could  breathe  such  a  thought ! 

Every  hue  is  as  clear,  every  fold  is  as  dear, 

As  when  first  the  bright  symbol  was  bought. 

With  the  blood  of  brave  men  it  was  purchased,  and  we 
Pledge  our  own  lives  to  keep  it  unstained  ; 

On  the  land  or  the  sea,  where’er  it  may  be, 

Its  honor  shall  still  be  maintained. 

Heaven’s  blessings  upon  it !  Its  stars  never  shone 
With  a  lustre  so  pure  and  so  warm  ; 

Like  a  beacon's  calm  ray,  pointing  out  the  safe  way, 
They  gleam  through  this  gathering  storm. 

Their  heart-cheering  light  led  our  fathers  aright, 
Through  all  the  dark  perils  they  knew ; 

The  same  magic  glow  shall  lead  us  to  the  foe, 

And  guide  us  to  Victory  too  ! 

■N.  Y.  Times ,  April  29. 


WESTERN  VIRGINIA  ON  THE  SEIZURE  OF 
SHERRARD  CLEMENS. 

A  good  sword  and  a  trusty  hand, 

A  merry  heart  and  true, — 

The  Richmond  men  shall  understand 
What  Wheeling  lads  can  do. 

And  have  they  fixed  the  where  and  when  ? 

And  must  our  Clemens  die  ? 

Here’s  twenty  thousand  mountain  boys 
Will  see  the  reason  why ! 

The  West  shall  set  this  matter  right, 

The  West  shall  heeded  be  ; 

Though  Richmond  jail  had  Moultrie’s  guns, 
We’d  set  our  Clemens  free. 

*  Alluding  to  the  departure  of  the  Seventh  Regiment. 


We’ll  cross  the  hills,  a  lively  band, 

The  James  shall  be  no  stay, 

All  side  by  side,  and  hand  to  hand, — 

And  who  shall  bid  us  nay  ? 

And  when  we  come  to  Richmond’s  wall, 

Our  Stars  and  Stripes  in  view, — 

Come  forth,  come  forth,  ye  traitors  all, 

To  better  men  than  you. 

Our  Clemens,  he’s  in  keep  and  hold, 

Our  Clemens,  he  may  die  : 

But  here’s  twenty  thousand  freemen  bold 
Will  see  the  reason  why ! 

— Boston  Transcript,  April  22. 


THE  BALLAD  OF  COCKEY’S  FIELD. 

It  was  on  Sunday’s  holy  day, 

There  came  a  fearful  sound ; 

Five  thousand  hostile,  armed  men, 

Were  marching  on  the  town. 

They  were  as  far  as  Cockeysville ; 

Five  thousand  in  the  van. 

And  with  ten  thousand  more  behind — 

’Twas  thus  the  rumor  ran. 

The  children  cried,  the  women  screamed — 
For  scream  they  always  will ; 

And  did  you  ever  know  a  fright 
Enough  to  keep  them  still  ? 

And  good  folks  in  the  churches  met, 

Arose  and  went  away, 

As  if,  in  such  a  din  as  this, 

It  was  no  use  to  pray. 

And  sober  folks,  who’d  lost  their  wits, 

Were  running  up  and  down 

To  see  if  they  could  buy,  or  beg, 

Some  arms — beside  their  own. 

Until,  at  last,  some  wiser  head 
Suggested  he  would  go 

And  see  how  many  men  there  were, 

Or  if  it  could  be  so  ; 

And  started  off  in  hottest  haste  : 

The  horse  had  caught  the  fire, 

And  flew  along  the  old  York  road 
As  if  he  could  not  tire  ! 

And  there  he  found  two  thousand  men, 
Unarmed,  in  helpless  plight ; 

They  did  not  have  a  thing  to  eat — 

Had  slept  out-doors  all  night. 

And  so  he  rode  up  brave,  and  said  : 
w  What  are  you  doing  here? 

Why  did  you  come  ?  What  do  you  want  ? 
How  many  in  the  rear  ? 

And  so  the  Captain  he  replied, 

Most  courteously  to  him  : 

“  We  stopped  because  the  bridge  was  gone  ; 
We  had  to  stop — or  swim. 

“  We’re  going  on  to  Washington, 

Because  we  have  been  sent ; 

We  are  unarmed ;  we  have  no  food, 

Nor  any  base  intent. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


53 


“  But  when  ‘  Old  Abe  ’  the  war-note  sounds, 
From  East  and  West  we  come, 

Armed  and  unarmed,  the  young,  the  old, 
The  Vandal  and  the  Hun. 

“  Hurrah  for  our  old  Stars  and  Stripes, 
Afloat,  on  ship  or  shore  ! 

It  never  waved  o’er  coward  heads ; 

God  guard  it  evermore  !  ” 

And  so  came  back  the  messenger, 

As  fleet  as  comes  the  wind  ; 

The  very  horse  half  understood 
The  load  he  left  behind. 

And  then  they  called  the  fathers  out, 

The  fathers  of  the  town, — 

Wisdom  has  always  dwelt  with  them 
From  pagan  Romans  down ; — 

And  they  resolved,  “No  hostile  foot 
Shall  ever  cross  our  soil ; 

That  all  should  arm  themselves,  and  keep 
Our  fields  and  towns  from  spoil. 

“  We’ll  tear  our  railroads  up  a  space ; 

We’ll  burn  our  bridges  down  ; 

That  no  invading  foe  may  harm 
Our  old  and  stately  town.” 

And  when  defence  was  all  arranged, 

All  warlike  plans  were  laid, 

The  softer  counsels  of  the  heart 
Stole  upwards  to  the  head. 

“  We’ll  send  them  something  up  to  eat, 

Or  all  these  famished  men 

Will  not  have  strength  enough  to  go 
Back  to  their  homes  again.” 

And  so  great  loads  of  all  good  things 
Went  creaking  up  the  road  ; 

A  sort  of  music  in  the  wheels, 

A  moral  in  the  load. 

Hurrah  for  South  !  Hurrah  for  North  ! 
Hurrah  for  our  great  land  ! 

Three  cheers  for  this  old  Brotherhood — 
The  Brotherhood  of  Man ! 

Baltimore  Co.,  Md.,  April  80,  1861. 

— Baltimore  Co.  American. 


THE  CALL  FOR  VOLUNTEERS. 

BY  GEORGE  W.  BUNGAY. 

I. 

The  thunder  of  the  rebel’s  gun, 

Before  the  morn  had  seen  the  sun, 
Proclaimed  the  treason  of  the  traitors, 
Where  the  tide  heaves  its. breast,  and  sighs, 
And  the  free  waves  in  tumult  rise, 

And  the  free  winds  are  agitators. 

ii. 

Hot  shells  explode  in  lurid  glare, 

Like  meteors  in  morning  air, 

Hoarse  cannon  unto  cannon  calling. 
War’s  tropic  tempest  fiercely  rains, 
Belching  red  fire  in  crinkling  chains, 

The  iron  drops  on  Sumter  falling. 


hi. 

Shall  our  good  swords  in  scabbards  rust, 

Our  flag,  dishonored,  trail  in  dust, 

When  rebels  seek  our  subjugation  ? 

Perish  the  thought !  our  blades  are  drawn, 

Thick  as  the  summer  blades  of  corn, 

Swift  to  defend  our  bleeding  nation. 

IV. 

The  breach  in  Sumter’s  battered  walls, 

With  black  lips  to  the  nation  calls, 

To  rise,  from  inland  to  the  borders. 

Our  flag  of  stars,  by  traitors’  slaves 
Trod  in  the  dust,  in  triumph  waves 

With  stripes  for  cowards  and  marauders. 

v. 

Oh,  clang  the  old  bell  in  the  tower, 

That  spoke  for  Freedom  in  the  hour 

“  That  tried  the  souls”  of  bravest  mortals. 

Let  patriots  rock  old  Faneuil  Hall, 

And  mantles  on  our  heroes  fall, 

From  those  who  climbed  Fame’s  starry  portals. 

VI. 

We  have  a  chief  whose  battle  soars 
Were  won  beneath  the  Stripes  and  Stars, 

Whose  name  will  live  in  song  and  story. 
Green  are  the  laurels  he  has  won — 

Our  Scott  stands  next  to  Washington 
Upon  the  radiant  scroll  of  glory. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune. 


THE  DEPARTURE. 

The  gallant  young  men  of  Rhode  Island 
Are  marching,  in  haste,  to  the  wars  ; 

Full-girded  for  strife,  they  are  hazarding  life 
In  defence  of  our  Banner  of  Stars. 

That  flag  is  in  danger  from  Treason, 

Disowned  and  dishonored  by  States, 

Whose  blazon  of  stars  may  be  turned  into  scars, 

If  the  great  Northern  Legion  but  waits. 

Oh,  eyes  that  are  weary  with  weeping, 

For  husbands,  and  brothers,  and  sons, 

Who  are  marching  away,  for  many  a  day, 

To  face  that  which  no  true  hero  shuns : 

Look  up  to  the  Star-spangled  Banner ; 

Shall  one  ray  of  its  glory  be  lost  ? 

Then  dry  every  tear,  change  weeping  to  cheer, 

For  the  brave  men  whose  swords  have  been  crossed 

In  the  patriot  oath  to  defend  it 

From  Treason,  and  Faction’s  wild  lust ; 

Be  proud  they  are  true  to  their  flag  and  to  you, 

And  in  them,  and  their  God,  put  your  trust. 

Look  on  to  the  day,  when,  returning 
With  victory  crowned,  from  the  fray, 

Their  shouts  shall  burst  forth — “  O’er  the  South  and 
the  North 

Waves  the  Star-spangled  Banner  for  aye  !  ” 

April  25,  1861.  W.  C.  R. 

— Providence  Evening  Press, 


54 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-G1. 


New  Orleans,  April  28.— The  courts  being 
closed,  and  the  lawyers  having  nothing  to  do,  those 
of  the  Second  and  Third  Districts  have  formed  a 
military  company,  in  the  ranks  of  which  none  are 
received  under  the  age  of  45  years.  The  roll  con¬ 
tains  already  69  names,  the  first  among  the  privates 
being  that  of  Hon.  Pierre  Soule.  The  Captain  is 
Judge  Louis  Duvignaud ;  the  Lieutenants,  J.  P. 
Monnier  and  Emile  Wiltz  ;  the  Sergeants,  J.  Mallet, 
P.  Caudrain,  Fenelon  F.  Coquet ;  and  the  Corporals, 
A.  Dreyfous,  L.  Rigand,  Rudolph  Hetcb,  L.  N.  Jo¬ 
han,  A.  Duvignaud,  L.  Deroche,  J.  P.  Montagnet, 
and  Amedee  Porche. 

Most  of  these  gentlemen  are  already  renowned  for 
their  deeds  in  another  field.  If  Cicero  could  come 
up,  what  would  he  say,  he  who  uttered  once  those 
famous  words,  Cedant  arma  topee  — V.  0.  Picayune , 
April  28.  _ 

The  Richmond  Whig  says  that  the  last  reliable 
intelligence  represents  that  Old  Abe  had  been  beastly 
intoxicated  for  the  previous  thirty-six  consecutive 
hours,  and  that  eighty  Border  Ruffians,  from  Kansas, 
under  the  command  of  Lane,  occupied  the  East  Room 
to  guard  His  Majesty’s  slumbers.  It  is  broadly 
hinted  in  a  Washington  paper,  that  his  guard  exerts 
a  despotic  control  over  the  Presidential  inmate — that 
all  his  decrees  are  of  its  inspiration.  The  paper 
( The  States  and  Union)  then  proceeds  to  shed  a  be¬ 
coming  quantity  of  tears  over  this  “  sad  subject  for 
contemplation.” — N.  0.  Sunday  Delta ,  April  28. 


TnE  following  has  been  placarded  on  all  the  dead 
walls  in  the  upper  part  of  the  city  of  New  York  : 

CONDITIONS  OF  PEACE  REQUIRED  OF  THE  SO-CALLED 
SECEDED  STATES. 

Art.  1.  Unconditional  submission  to  the  Govern¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States. 

Art.  2.  To  deliver  up  one  hundred  of  the  Arch 
Traitors  to  be  hung. 

Art.  3.  To  put  on  record  the  names  of  all  others 
who  have  been  traitorous  to  the  Government,  who 
shall  be  held  infamous  and  disfranchised  forever. 

Art.  4.  The  property  of  all  traitors  to  be  confis¬ 
cated  to  pay  the  damage. 

Art.  5.  The  seceded  States  to  pay  the  balance  of 
the  expense,  and  to  restore  all  stolen  property. 

Art.  6.  The  payment  of  all  debts  due  to  Northern¬ 
ers,  and  indemnity  for  all  indignities  to  persons,  loss 
of  time,  life,  and  property. 

Art.  7.  The  removal  of  the  cause  of  all  our  diffi¬ 
culties,  which  can  only  be  done  by  the  immediate  and 
unconditional  abolition  of  slavery. 

Art.  8.  Until  a  full  compliance  with  all  the  above 
terms,  the  so-called  seceded  States  to  be  held  and 
governed  as  United  States  territory. 

The  above  is  the  least  an  indignant  people  will 
accept,  outraged  as  they  have  been  by  the  foulest  and 
most  heinous  and  gigantic  instance  of  crime  recorded 
in  history. — N.  Y.  Express,  April  26. 


A  correspondent  of  the  Richmond  Whig ,  writing 
from  Norfolk,  gives  the  following  account  of  affairs 
at  the  time  of  the  destruction  of  the  Gosport  Navy 
Yard : — 

The  truth  is,  everybody  was  drunk,  from  Commo¬ 
dore  Macaulay,  the  commandant,  down.  The  Com¬ 
modore  was  so  drunk  as  to  be  incapable  of  any  duty, 
and  had  to  be  borne  to  the  ship  on  a  litter.  Nearly 


every  officer,  it  was  reported,  was  having  a  high  old 
time.  It  seems  we  have  a  swilling  set  opposed  to  us, 
even  those  filling  the  highest  stations.  A  gentleman 
arrived  here  this  morning,  who,  with  several  others, 
was  arrested  while  passing  through  Washington,  for 
being  Southerners,  and  taken  into  the  presence  of 
the  august  Baboon.  He  declares  that  Lincoln  was 
so  drunk  that  he  could  scarcely  maintain  his  seat  in 
the  chair ;  and  it  was  notorious  in  Washington  that 
he  had  been  in  a  state  of  intoxication  for  more  than 
thirty-six  hours.  The  man  is  scared  nearly  to  death, 
and  lew  people  in  that  city  are  in  any  better  condi¬ 
tion. — N.  0.  Delta,  April  29. 


A  gentleman  from  Washington  reports  that  the 
following  is  the  language  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Balti¬ 
more  Committee : — 

Gentlemen  :  You  have  come  here  to  ask  for  peace 
on  any  terms.  Such  a  desire,  on  such  terms,  is  not 
like  the  course  of  Washington  or  Jackson.  They — 
the  rebels — attacked  Fort  Sumter,  and  you  attack  the 
troops  sent  to  the  Federal  Government  for  the  pro¬ 
tection  of  the  same,  and  for  the  defence  of  the  lives 
and  the  property  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  city.  My 
intention  was  never  to  attack  Maryland,  but  to  have 
those  troops,  as  I  said  before,  for  the  protection  of 
Washington.  Now,  gentlemen,  go  home  and  tell 
your  people,  that  if  they  will  not  attack  us,  we  will 
not  attack  them ;  but  if  they  do  attack  us,  we  will 
return  it,  and  that  severely.  Those  troops  must 
come  to  Washington,  and  that  through  Maryland. 
They  can  neither  go  under  it  nor  can  they  fly  over 
it,  and  they  shall  come  through  it. — Philadelphia 
Press  April  26. 


A  deputation  of  sixteen  Virginians  and  eight 
Marylanders  visited  the  President  on  the  21st  of 
April,  and  demanded  a  cessation  of  hostilities  until 
after  the  session  of  Congress.  Mr.  Lincoln  of  course 
declined  the  proposition.  One  of  the  deputation 
said  that  75,000  Marylanders  would  contest  the  pas¬ 
sage  of  troops  over  her  soil ;  to  which  the  President 
replied ,  that  he  presumed  there  was  room  enough  on 
her  soil  to  bury  75,000  men. — A7".  Y.  Times,  April  27. 

When  Major  Anderson  and  his  command  passed 
out  of  the  harbor  on  their  way  to  join  the  fleet  of  the 
United  States,  the  Marion  Artillery,  a  company  which, 
according  to  high  military  authority,  contributed  very 
materially  to  the  reduction  of  Fort  Sumter,  in  testi¬ 
mony  of  their  appreciation  of  his  gallant  defense, 
formed  on  the  beach  and  stood  with  uncovered  heads 
until  the  Isabel  had  passed  their  position. — N.  O. 
Delta ,  April  25. 


New  Orleans,  April  25. — In  the  ranks  of  the 
Louisville  Blues,  now  at  Montgomery,  from  Barbour 
County,  is  the  Rev.  Alexander  McLenan,  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  who,  with  his  two  sons, 
have  enlisted  with  the  company  for  the  term  of 
twelve  months,  in  the  service  of  the  Confederate 
States.  In  a  speech  made  by  him  at  Clayton,  on 
their  way  to  Columbus,  he  remarked  that  “  our  cause 
was  honored  of  God,  and  He  would  crown  it  with 
success.”  Mr.  McLenan  is  upwards  of  sixty  years  of 
age,  and  the  greater  part  of  his  manhood  has  been 
dedicated  to  the  service  of  the  ministry.  Equality 
and  justice  to  the  South  is  a  motto  to  which  he  has 
always  been  religiously  devoted. — Columbus  Sun, 
April  21. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


55 


First  Catch  the  Rabbit. — Ole  Dabe  threatens  to 
burn  Baltimore  if  the  railways  leading  to  Washing¬ 
ton  be  obstructed.  Hadn’t  he  better  get  Baltimore 
before  he  burns  it  ?  Ole  Dabe  ought  to  consult  Miss 
Leslie’s  recipe  for  hare  soup — “  first  catch  the  hare,” 
Ac. — W.  0.  Delta,  April  26. 

The  conduct  of  the  Eighth  Massachusetts  Regiment 
at  Annapolis,  Md.,  is  deserving  of  the  greatest  praise. 
When  Gen.  Butler  asked  if  any  of  them  could  sail  the 
Constitution,  fifty-four  men  stepped  from  the  ranks, 
one  of  whom  was  the  son  of  the  man  who  built  her ! 

A  similar  incident  occurred  when  the  General 
called  for  mechanics  to  put  the  dislocated  engine  to¬ 
gether.  One  stalwart  Yankee  stepped  from  the 
ranks,  and  said,  “  Well,  General,  I  rather  think  I 
can — I  made  that  engine and  in  two  hours  the  en¬ 
gine  was  at  work  drawing  trains  with  the  troops 
towards  Washington.  The  efficiency  of  the  stalwart 
six-footers  with  which  the  regiment  abounds,  was  a 
most  fortunate  thing  for  the  vast  body  of  troops  con¬ 
centrating  there. — X.  Y.  Times ,  April  27. 

The  insane  fury  of  New  York  arises  from  purely 
mercenary  motives.  She  is  concerned  about  the 
golden  eggs  which  are  laid  for  her  by  the  Southern 
goose  with  the  sword.  Let  us  assure  her  we  have 
more  fear  of  her  smiles  than  of  her  frowns.  New 
York  will  be  remembered  with  especial  hatred  by  the 
South  to  the  end  of  time.  Boston  we  have  always 
known  where  to  find  ;  but  this  New  York,  which  has 
never  turned  against  us  till  the  hour  of  trial,  and  is 
now  moving  heaven  and  earth  for  our  destruction, 
shall  be  a  marked  city  to  the  end  of  time. — Rich¬ 
mond  Dispatch,  April  25. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  private  letter, 
dated  22d  April,  from  a  Southern  lady,  now  in  Wash¬ 
ington  City,  to  a  lady  friend  and  relative  in  New 
Orleans : 

This  place  is  in  a  terrible  condition ;  the  streets 
are  thronged  with  soldiers ;  it  is  really  unsafe  for  a 
lady  to  walk  out  alone.  Old  Lincoln  sleeps  with  a 
hundred  armed  men  in  the  east  room  to  protect  him 
from  the  Southern  army.  He  is  expecting  them  to 
attack  the  city  every  night ;  he  keeps  a  sentinel 
walking  in  front  of  his  bed-room  all  night,  and  often 
gets  so  frightened  that  he  leaves  the  White  House, 
and  sleeps  out,  no  one  knows  where.  These  arc 
facts.  Mrs.  Lincoln,  a  few  nights  since,  heard  whis¬ 
pering  in  the  hall  in  front  of  her  room ;  she  rose 
from  bed,  dressed,  and  sat  up  the  remainder  of  the 
night  watching  for  the  Southern  army  to  blow  up  the 
White  House,  as  they  are  confidently  expecting  it. 

Senator  Gwin’s  son,  a  fine-looking,  intelligent 
young  man,  about  twenty  years  old,  has  thrown  up  a 
cadetship  at  West  Point,  and  gone  to  Montgomery  to 
seek  an  appointment  in  the  Confederate  Army.  The 
Senator  himself  has  gone  to  California,  and  his  family 
have  broken  up  housekeeping,  and  will  spend  the 
summer  on  his  plantation  in  Isaquena  County,  Mis¬ 
sissippi,  and  thus  Mrs.  Gwin  and  her  daughter  may 
grace  New  Orleans  with  her  presence  during  the  sum¬ 
mer,  if  there  is  no  epidemic  in  your  city. — N.  0. 
Delta,  April  28. 

At  New  York,  a  matronly  lady,  accompanied  by 
her  son,  a  fine  youth  of  about  nineteen  years,  entered 
a  gun  store  on  Broadway,  and  purchased  a  full  outfit 
for  him.  Selecting  the  best  weapons  and  other  arti¬ 
cles  for  a  soldier’s  use,  that  could  be  found  in  the 


store,  she  paid  the  bill,  remarking,  with  evident  emo¬ 
tion,  “  This,  my  son,  is  all  that  I  can  do.  I  have 
given  you  up  to  serve  your  country,  and  may  God 
go  with  you  !  It  is  all  a  mother  can  do.”  The  inci¬ 
dent  attracted  considerable  attention,  and  tearful  eyes 
followed  this  patriotic  mother  and  her  son,  as  they 
departed  from  the  place. — N.  Y.  Times,  April  29. 


At  the  great  demonstration  at  Union  Square,  New 
York,  April  26th,  for  the  defence  of  the  Union,  a 
committee  was  appointed,  which  was  subdivided  into 
other  committees,  and  among  them  a  committee  to 
obtain  subscriptions  in  aid  of  the  fund  to  be  provided. 
Mr.  A.  T.  Stewart,  who  is  one  of  the  latter,  headed 
his  own  subscription  list  with  the  sum  of  Ten  Thou¬ 
sand  Dollars  ! — N.  Y.  Tunes,  April  26. 


Richmond,  Ya.,  April  23. — It  is  reported  here 
that  a  dispatch  has  been  received  by  Gov.  Letcher 
from  Mr.  Cameron,  the  Secretary  of  War  at  Wash¬ 
ington,  inquiring  whether  if  he  came  to  Richmond  he 
would  be  protected,  his  purpose  being  to  ask  for  an 
armistice  of  sixty  days. 


Wm.  B.  Dobbin,  of  the  Fifty-third  Regiment  of 
Maryland,  arrived  here  last  night  from  Baltimore, 
and  says  that  no  report  had  reached  here  with  regard 
to  the  rumored  slaughter  of  the  Seventh  Regiment  at 
Annapolis. — N.  Y.  Times,  April  27. 


THE  CONFEDERATE  FLAG  IN  HAVANA. 

A  vessel  from  a  Florida  port  came  in  the  other 
day  with  the  Confederate  flag  flying  as  her  nation¬ 
ality.  The  boat  of  the  Captain-General  immediately 
came  alongside,  and  required  that  it  should  be  at 
once  lowered,  as  it  represented  no  known  nation, 
and  the  master,  who  had  an  American  flag  ready  at 
hand,  hoisted  that  in  place.  He  then  went  to  the 
Vice-Consul,  Mr.  Savage,  acting  since  the  departure 
of  Major  Helmn,  and  presented  a  register  from  the 
Confederated  States.  The  Consul  replied  he  could 
recognize  no  such  papers :  but  on  the  captain  repre¬ 
senting  that  he  was  innocent  in  the  matter,  having 
taken  command  at  the  last  moment,  and  the  register 
having  been  taken  out  in  the  name  of  a  previous 
master,  the  consul  said  that  if  he  would  make  oath 
that  the  vessel  was  owned  wholly  by  citizens  of  the 
United  States  he  would  give  him  a  sea-letter,  which 
would  enable  him  to  return  to  any  port  in  the  United 
States,  but  that  he  should  retain  his  register  and  for¬ 
ward  it  to  Washington. 

The  case  was  an  anomalous  one ;  the  owners  might 
be  really  loyal  citizens,  but  forced  in  absence  of 
regular  United  States  officers,  to  take  out  Confede¬ 
rate  States  papers,  and  in  the  absence  of  any  instruc¬ 
tions  from  Washington,  Mr.  Savage  hardly  felt  willing 
to  take  the  responsibility  of  entirely  refusing  to  have 
any  thing  to  do  with  the  vessel,  after  she  had  hoisted 
the  United  States  flag,  and  thus  of  condemning  her 
to  lie  here,  unable  to  leave,  an  indefinite  time.  Per¬ 
haps  it  would  have  been  better  to  have  assumed  the 
responsibility,  and  have  declined  any  connection  with 
a  vessel  that  could  not  prove  her  right  to  fly  the 
United  States  flag,  by  her  papers.  But  for  a  Vice- 
Consul,  and  so  near  home,  and  so  easily  within  reach 
of  instructions,  to  assume  to  decide  in  so  grave  a 
case,  is  a  thing  that  could  hardly  be  expected.  It 
would  certainly  seem,  however,  as  if  it  were  very  de¬ 
sirable  that  immediate  instructions  should  be  given 


56 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


by  our  Government,  in  regard  to  such  cases. — JY.  Y. 
Express ,  April  27. 

When  the  boats  from  the  Baltic  landed  at  Fort 
Monroe,  one  of  them  was  left  at  the  fort  under  the 
command  of  Lieut.  Snyder,  U.  S.  A.,  who  was  a  pas¬ 
senger  in  the  Baltic.  Soon  afterwards  he  started 
from  the  fort,  having  in  his  boat  a  howitzer,  with  two 
boxes  of  ammunition  and  16  boxes  of  rifle  cartridges. 
The  current  was  so  strong  that  the  heavy-laden  boat 
could  not  make  the  ship,  and  was  only  brought  up 
about  five  miles  away  from  her  by  making  an  anchor 
of  a  box  of  rifle  cartridges,  and  she  drifted  into  shal¬ 
low  water,  awaiting  either  a  change  of  tide  or  succor 
from  the  Baltic.  While  lying  there,  two  horsemen 
came  down  to  the  beach,  and  after  surveying  the  boat 
for  a  few  minutes,  retired  and  reported  to  a  company 
of  soldiers,  who  were  concealed  in  the  bushes  at 
some  distance  from  the  beach.  The  horsemen  re¬ 
turned  in  about  half  an  hour,  and  riding  into  the 
water,  flourishing  their  swords,  hailed  the  boat  and 
asked  who  she  was,  and  what  was  her  business  there. 
Lieut.  Snyder  replied  that  it  was  a  boat  from  the 
Baltic ,  with  a  howitzer  and  ammunition  for  that  ves¬ 
sel.  The  horsemen  rode  off  without  further  ques¬ 
tion,  the  wrord  howitzer  probably  conveying  the  idea 
of  sharper  work  than  they  were  prepared  to  en¬ 
counter,  and  Lieut.  S.  was  unmolested  during  the  re¬ 
mainder  of  the  night.  At  the  change  of  tide  he  made 
his  way  to  the  Baltic ,  reaching  her  about  daylight, 
with  the  loss  of  one  box  of  rifle  cartridges. — N.  Y. 
Times,  April  27. 

Txie  vestry  of  Grace  Church,  in  New  York,  were 
desirous  that  an  American  flag  should  wave  from  the 
very  apex  of  the  spire  of  the  Church,  at  a  height  of 
260  feet  from  the  ground.  Several  persons  offered 
to  undertake  the  dangerous  feat,  but  on  mounting  by 
the  interior  staircase  to  the  highest  window  in  the 
steeple,  thought  they  would  scarcely  have  nerve 
enough  to  undertake  it.  At  last,  William  O’Donnell 
and  Charles  McLaughlin,  two  young  painters  in  the 
employ  of  Richard  B.  Fosdiclc  of  Fifth  avenue,  de¬ 
cided  to  make  the  attempt.  Getting  out  of  the  little 
diamond-shaped  window  about  half  way  up,  they 
climbed  up  the  lightning-rod  on  the  east  side  of  the 
spire,  to  the  top.  Here  one  of  the  men  fastened  the 
pole  securely  to  the  cross,  although  quite  a  gale  was 
blowing  at  the  time.  The  flag  thus  secured,  the  dar¬ 
ing  young  man  mounted  the  cross,  and,  taking  off  his 
hat,  bowed  to  the  immense  crowd  which  were  watch¬ 
ing  his  movements  from  Broadway.  As  the  flag 
floated  freely  in  the  air,  they  burst  into  loud  and  re¬ 
peated  cheers. — N.  Y.  Tribune,  April  26. 

When  Gen.  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  in  command  of 
the  Massachusetts  regiment,  landed  at  Annapolis, 
Md.,  some  of  the  authorities  protested  against  the 
passage  of  Massachusetts  troops  over  Maryland 
soil ;  when  he  replied :  “  Sir,  we  came  here  not  as 
citizens  of  Massachusetts,  but  as  citizens  of  and 
soldiers  of  the  United  States,  with  no  intention  to 
invade  any  State,  but  to  protect  the  capital  of  our 
common  country  from  invasion.  We  shall  give  no 
cause  of  offence ;  but  there  must  be  no  fugitive  shots 
or  stray  bricks  on  the  way.” — N.  Y.  Commercial 
Advertiser,  April  26. 

The  first  official  act  of  the  representative  of  a  for¬ 
eign  Government  indicating  a  recognition  of  the  in¬ 
dependence  of  the  Old  Dominion,  was  performed 


April  19,  by  Hon.  Mr.  Moore,  Her  British  Majesty’s 
Consul  at  Richmond.  In  preparing  the  usual  clear¬ 
ance  papers  for  a  British  brig  from  Halifax,  N.  S.,  he 
erased  the  printed  words  “  United  States  of  America,” 
and  wrote  “  Commonwealth  of  Virginia.” — Boston 
Journal,  April  25. 


REIGN  OF  TERROR  IN  NEW  YORK. 

A  gentleman  of  Richmond,  Va.,  was  in  New  York. 
The  scenes  which  be  witnessed  in  the  streets  remind¬ 
ed  him  of  the  descriptions  of  the  Reign  of  Terror  in 
Paris.  Nothing  was  wanting  but  the  bloody  guillo¬ 
tine  to  make  the  two  pictures  identical.  The  violent 
and  diabolical  temper  everywhere  conspicuous,  show¬ 
ed  but  too  clearly  whither  all  things  are  tending  in 
the  commercial  metropolis.  A  spirit  is  evoked, 
which  can  only  be  laid  in  blood.  The  desperadoes 
of  that  great  city  are  now  in  the  ascendant.  At 
present,  they  are  animated  by  very  bloody  designs 
against  the  South.  They  have  been  persuaded,  or 
urged  by  hunger,  to  believe  that  by  enlisting  for  the 
war  they  will  win  bread  and  honor  and  riches.  By- 
and-by,  they  may  come  to  reflect  there  is  an  abun¬ 
dance  of  meat  and  bread,  and  inexhaustible  supplies 
of  money  all  around  them — in  the  banks,  the  palatial 
residences,  in  the  fire-proof  safes  of  the  princely  mer¬ 
chants.  They  may  consider  that  all  this  meat  and 
bread  and  money  may  be  won  with  fewer  risks  of 
cracked  pates  and  bloody  noses  than  the  meagre,  un¬ 
savory  food  of  the  poor  South.  That  they  have  only 
to  demand  to  have  it.  That  they  have  as  much  right, 
as  men  and  Christians,  to  call  for  it  and  help  them¬ 
selves,  as  to  be  compelled  to  travel  five  or  six  hun¬ 
dred  miles  to  plunder  a  poor  people,  who  never  did 
them  any  harm.  It  is  quite  natural  for  such  thoughts 
as  these  to  come  into  the  heads  of  men  who,  having 
no  means  of  subsistence,  and  being  elated  with  a 
sudden  idea  of  their  great  importance,  and  seeing 
a  wealth  of  treasure  and  good  things  all  around  them 
— to  be  had  for  the  taking.  W e  do  not  know  that 
their  quick  wits  have  yet  comprehended  all  the  ad¬ 
vantages  of  their  position.  But  they  will  not  be 
very  slow  in  finding  that  they  arc  masters  of  the  situ¬ 
ation.  They  have  only,  in  swaggering  along  Broad¬ 
way  and  looking  into  some  of  the  magnificent  stores 
that  grace  that  vaunted  street,  or  stepping  into  one 
of  the  Banks,  or  looking  over  the  list  of  the  recipients 
of  specie  by  the  last  steamer  from  California — or  the 
names  of  the  subscribers  to  the  last  Government  loan 
— the  Grinnell’s-King’s  Sons,  &c.,  to  be  convinced 
that  a  military  contribution  on  New  York  would 
yield  a  hundred  fold  more  than  they  could  hope  to 
realize  in  ten  bloody  and  desperate  campaigns  in  the 
South. — Richmond  Whig,  April  22. 


Washington,  April  27. — A  gentleman  from  Rich¬ 
mond  this  morning,  gives  some  information  of  the 
feeling  prevalent  there.  He  represents  it  as  a  perfect 
reign  of  terror,  and  an  excitement  that  he  never  saw 
paralleled.  The  troops  in  the  city,  he  thinks  a  fine, 
hardy  body  of  men,  but  ignorant  beyond  belief.  It 
is  upon  the  ignorance  of  these  men  that  the  leaders 
play.  Some  of  the  statements  he  heard  made,  would 
hardly  be  credited  as  the  assertions  of  sane  men.  He 
listened  to  one  man  who  publicly  stated  that  the  Sev¬ 
enth  Regiment  had  been  cut  to  pieces  in  the  streets 
of  Annapolis,  and  that  he  himself  saw  more  than  100 
of  their  dead  bodies  lying  in  the  streets  of  that  city. 
Another  man  he  heard  assure  the  crowd  that  the 
Massachusetts  vagabonds  (her  glorious  volunteers) 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


57 


had  been  quartered  in  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  and 
had  amused  themselves  by  running  their  bayonets 
through  the  pictures  which  adorned  it,  and  that  the 
rich  hangings  of  the  different  rooms  have  been  pulled 
down  and  made  into  blankets  and  wrappers  for  the 
use  of  the  troops. 

Another  man,  who  was  organizing  a  corps  of  infan¬ 
try,  told  them  they  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  march 
to  glory  and  wealth.  “  What,”  said  he,  “  could  a 
Northern  army  do  on  our  sterile  hills — they  would 
starve  to  death.  But  you,”  he  continued,  “have  but 
to  march  to  Washington,  and  lay  that  in  ashes — then 
to  Philadelphia,  which  is  rich  in  all  kinds  of  wealth 
— from  that  through  all  the  North  ;  there  is  a  village 
every  five  miles,  and  every  village  has  a  bank,  and 
every  bank  has  a  vault  of  specie,  and  you  have  but 
to  help  yourselves.” — Cor.  N.  Y.  Times ,  Mai/  1. 


It  is  rumored  that  Lincoln  has  been  drunk  for 
three  days ,  and  that  Capt.  Lee  has  command  at  the 
Capitol,  and  also  that  Col.  Lee,  of  Va.,  who  lately 
resigned,  is  bombarding  Washington  from  Arlington 
Heights.  If  so,  it  will  account  for  his  not  having 
arrived  here  to  take  command,  as  was  expected. — 
Norfolk  (  Va.)  Herald ,  April  22. 


New  York,  April  27. — They  get  some  very  curi¬ 
ous  telegraphic  despatches  down  South  nowadays. 
For  instance,  The  Mobile  Tribune  publishes,  with  a 
great  flourish  of  sensation  headings,  the  following : 

“  New  Orleans,  April  20. — The  details  from  Bal- 
timore  say  the  citizens  have  no  arms  except  those 
seized  from  the  Federal  troops. 

“  They  are  fighting  like  heroes,  with  paving- 
stones.” 

“  New  Orleans,  April  20. — The  Baltimoreans  cap¬ 
tured  the  Seventh  Pennsylvania  Regiment,  taking 
eight  hundred  stand  of  arms. 

“  It  is  reported  that  one  hundred  lives  were  lost. 
Maryland  has  raised  her  State  flag. 

“  Rumors  of  fighting  in  St.  Louis.” 

“  Louisville,  April  20. — Kentucky  has  declared, 
through  her  Legislature,  that  she  will  secede. 

“  Lincoln  will  instantly  resign  in  obedience  to 
Gen.  Scott’s  example.” 

— The  news  that  Kentucky  has  seceded  and  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  is  about  to  follow  Gen.  Scott’s  example 
and  resign,  The  Mobile  Tribune  declares  to  be  spe¬ 
cially  worthy  of  confidence. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April 
27. 


Gen.  Scott,  it  seems,  has  taken  position  against 
his  native  State.  It  is  a  sight  to  see  the  drivelling 
old  fop,  with  his  skinny  hands  and  bony  fingers, 
undo,  at  one  dash,  the  labors  of  a  long  and  active 
life.  With  the  red-hot  pencil  of  infamy  he  has  writ¬ 
ten  upon  his  wrinkled  brow  the  terrible,  damning 
word,  “  Traitor.” — Abingdon  ( Va.)  Democrat ,  Mag. 


Annapolis,  Md.,  April  2S. — “  To  give  you  an 
example  of  the  punishment  traitors  receive,  we  can 
see  from  where  I  am  writing,  about  two  miles  from 
shore,  on  the  yard-arm  of  the  U.  S.  Brig  Caledonia, 
two  men  hanging — one  for  smuggling  provisions  and 
powder  to  the  rebels  at  Charleston,  the  other  for 
piloting  the  Seventh  Regiment  on  the  Chesapeake 
bar,  with  the  intention  that  the  Baltimoreans  might 
get  possession  of  Annapolis  before  the  Seventh  could 
land.” — Ex.  from  a  Letter,  date  Annapolis,  in  N.  Y. 
Sunday  Atlas ,  May  5. 

Poetry — 8 


Sunday  at  the  Capitol  at  Washington. — Rev. 
Dr.  Weston,  Chaplain  of  the  Seventh  Regiment  of 
New  York,  preached  in  the  Hall  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  Sunday,  April  28,  and  the  Regi¬ 
ment  improvised  a  choir  of  20  choice  singers.  The 
services  were  as  follows : 

morning  service. 

Voluntary, . By  the  Band. 

Chant, . Venite. 

Chant, .  . Benedictus. 

Psalm, . “  For  Thou,  O  Cod,  art  seated  high.” 

Hymn  171,  3,  “  Guide  me,  O  Thou  great  Jehovah.” 

Voluntary, . By  the  Band. 

EVENING  SERVICE. 

Voluntary, . By  the  Band. 

Psalm  47,  L.  M . “Portuguese  Hymn.” 

MS.  “My  country,  ’tis  of  thee,” . America. 

Voluntary, . By  the  Band. 

At  10^-  A.  H.,  the  Regiment,  except  those  on 
guard,  was  mustered  for  worship.  The  decorations 
of  the  interior — gilding,  painting,  enamel,  oak,  mar¬ 
ble,  and  velvet — blended  together  to  the  eye  in  the 
dim,  religious  light,  that  falls  from  the  ceiling.  The 
reporters’  gallery  afforded  a  place  for  the  band ;  the 
speaker’s  desk,  tapestried  with  the  country’s  flag, 
held  the  Bible  and  Prayer-Book  of  the  chaplain ; 
and  the  choir  ranged  themselves  in  the  clerk’s  circle 
below.  The  Regiment  nearly  filled  the  floor  and 
galleries,  and  the  whole  scene  was  impressive. 

The  opening  voluntary  swelled  to  the  remotest  cor¬ 
ner  of  a  room  better  adapted  to  proper  musical  effect 
than  any  ever  entered  before. 

The  words  of  the  Collect — “  Defend  us,  thy  hum¬ 
ble  servants,  in  all  assaults  of  our  enemies  ;  that  we, 
surely  trusting  in  Thy  defence,  may  not  fear  the 
power  of  any  adversaries  ” — had  a  meaning  never 
felt  before. 

The  chaplain  selected  for  his  text  the  39th  verse 
of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount : 

“  But  I  eay  unto  you,  That  ye  resist  not  evil  :  but  who¬ 
soever  shall  smite  thee  on  the  right  cheek,  turn  to  him  the 
other  also.” 

— N.  Y.  Express,  April  29. 


A  Regiment  of  Smiths. — We  understand  that  it 
is  the  intention  of  Mr.  Chas.  Smith,  connected  with 
Hodge’s  banking  establishment,  to  organize  a  regi¬ 
ment  to  be  composed  entirely  of  members  of  the 
Smith  family,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  right 
of  way  through  Baltimore.  All  persons  of  the  name 
of  Smith,  (none  other  need  apply,)  who  are  capable 
of  bearing  arms,  and  desire  to  join  such  a  regiment, 
are  requested  to  call  at  No.  558  Broadway. — N.  Y. 
News,  April  29. 


WnF.N  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  Regiment  passed 
through  Trenton,  N.  J.,  a  person  residing  there  asked 
one  of  the  soldiers  “  if  he  had  any  whiskey  to  stimu¬ 
late  him.”  The  other  put  his  hand  in  his  pocket, 
and  drawing  out  a  Bible,  said,  “  That  is  my  stimu¬ 
lant.”  A  noble  answer,  worthy  of  the  cause  in 
which  he  is  engaged.  History  informs  us  of  an  army 
which  carried  Bibles  and  sang  hymns,  and  “  no  enemy 
ever  saw  their  backs.” — Phila.  Inquirer. 


An  iRisn  Regular. — The  following  dialogue  really 

took  place  between  Lieutenant  A.  C.  C - d,  late  of 

the  United  States  Texan  army,  and  Pat  Fletcher,  one 
of  the  privates  of  the  Second  Cavalry,  now  at  Car¬ 
lisle,  then  near  Fort  Bliss  : — 


58 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Officer — Well,  Fat,  ain’t  you  going  to  follow  the 

General  (Twiggs)  ?  „  . 

pat _ If  Gincral  Scott  ordhers  us  to  folly  him,  sir, 

ben-or  Toby  (Pat’s  horse)  can  gallop  as  well  as  the 
best  of  ’em. 

Officer — I  mean,  won’t  you  leave  the  abolition 
army,  and  join  the  free  South  ? 

pat — Begor  I  never  enlisted  in  th’  abolition  army, 
and  never  will.  I  agreed  to  sarve  Uncle  Sam  for  five 
vcar,  and  the  divil  a  pin  mark  was  made  in  the  con¬ 
tract,  with  my  consint,  ever  since.  When  my  time 
is  up,  if  the  army  isn’t  the  same  as  it  is  now,  I  won’t 
join  it  agin. 

Officer — Pat,  the  “  Second  ”  (Cavalry)  was  eighteen 
months  old  when  you  and  I  joined.  The  man  who 
raised  our  gallant  regiment  is  now  the  Southern 
President ;  the  man  who  so  lately  commanded  it,  is 
now  a  Southern  General.  Can  you  remain  in  it, 
when  they  are  gone  ? 

Pat — Well,  you  see,  the  fact  of  the  matther  is, 
Lieut.  C.,  I  ain’t  much  of  a  scholar;  I  can’t  argue 
the  question  with  you,  but  what  would  my  mother 
say,  if  I  desarted  my  colors  ?  Oh,  the  divil  a  give-in 
I’ll  ever  give  in,  now,  and  that’s  the  ind  of  it.  I 
tried  to  run  away  once,  a  few  weeks  after  enlistin’, 
but  a  man  wouldn’t  be  missed  thin.  It’s  quite  dif¬ 
ferent  now,  Lieutenant,  and  Pm  going  not  to  dis¬ 
grace  naithcr  iv  my  countries. 

Officer — Do  you  know  that  you  will  have  to  fire  on 
green  Irish  colors,  in  the  Southern  ranks  ? 

Pat — And  won’t  you  have  to  fire  on  them  colors, 
(pointing  to  the  flag  at  Fort  Bliss,)  that  yerself  and 
five  of  us  licked  nineteen  rangers  under  ?  Sure,  it 
isn’t  a  greater  shame  for  an  Irishman  to  fire  on  Irish 
colors,  than  for  an  American  to  fire  on  American 
colors.  An’  th’  oath  ’ll  be  on  my  side,  you  know, 
Lieutenant. 

Officer — D — n  the  man  that  relies  on  Paddies,  I 
say. 

Pat — The  same  compliments  to  desarters,  your 
honor. — N.  Y.  Commercial ,  April  29. 


Remarkable  Coincidence — Was  it  Accident  ?— 
It  has  already  been  noticed,  that  the  attack  upon  the 
Sixth  Massachusetts  Regiment  at  Baltimore,  occurred 
on  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Lexington — the 
one  being  on  April  19th,  1801,  and  the  other  on 
April  19tli,  17*75,  just  80  years  previous.  This  fact 
was  remarkable,  but  not  as  much  as  another  in  the 
same  connection. 

It  appears  from  a  Boston  letter  in  the  New  York 
World,  that  that  Regiment  was  all  from  Middlesex 
County,  which  embraces  the  battle-fields  of  Lexing¬ 
ton,  Concord,  and  Bunker  Hill.  One  or  two  of  the 
companies  are  entirely  composed  of  the  lineal  de¬ 
scendants  of  the  patriots  who  were  in  the  “  Concord 
Fight.”  The  gallant  Sixth  was  first  sent  forward  be¬ 
cause  it  first  reported  itself  at  head-quarters  with  full¬ 
est  ranks.  Col.  Jones  received  his  orders  at  Lowell 
on  Monday  night  at  11  o’clock,  in  the  midst  of  a 
driving  northeast  storm.  He  mounted  his  horse,  and 
rode  all  night  through  the  scattered  towns  in  which 
his  companies  were.  Every  company  was  in  Boston 
with  full  ranks  next  Tuesday  noon,  and,  if  the  equip¬ 
ments  furnished  by  the  State  had  been  ready,  the 
Regiment  would  have  left  that  afternoon  for  Wash¬ 
ington,  instead  of  twenty-four  hours  later,  which  was 
done. 

The  Stoncham  Company,  Capt.  Dike,  which  per¬ 
formed  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  affair  at  Baltimore, 
has  a  rather  remarkable  record  for  promptitude. 


The  town  is  situated  about  midway  between  Bunker 
Hill  and  Lexington.  The  company  belonged  to  the 
Seventh  Regiment,  which  had  not  been  ordered  out. 
On  Tuesday  night  it  was  determined  at  head-quarters 
to  attach  the  Stoneham  Company  to  the  Sixth.  Capt. 
Dike,  who  had  no  warning  of  this  intention,  received 
his  orders  at  4  o’clock  in  the  morning.  At  10 
o’clock,  he  and  his  company,  with  sixty-four  muskets, 
and  every  uniform  full,  were  at  Faneuil  Hall  ready  to 
march.  The  same  (Wednesday)  afternoon  they  left 
for  Washington  with  the  Sixth  Regiment ;  on  Thurs¬ 
day  they  were  in  New  York  ;  on  Friday  they  were  in 
the  midst  of  the  fight  at  Baltimore,  where  Capt.  Dike 
and  ten  of  his  nren  were  wounded,  and  one  has  been 
reported  killed. 

The  most  remarkable  of  all  is,  that  the  first  man 
who  fell  at  Baltimore  was  a  member  of  the  Stoneham 
Company,  and  he  a  lineal  descendant  of  the  frst  one 
hilled  at  Lexington  !  Thus  we  have  the  connection 
in  the  days  of  the  year,  and  the  late  and  unexpected 
change  of  the  Stoneham  Company  from  the  Seventh 
to  the  Sixth  Regiment,  with  a  seeming  design  to  the 
remarkable  connection  in  the  first  victims  of  the  two 
wars — the  one  to  establish  freedom  in  this  country,  and 
the  other  to  defend  and  maintain  it. — Toledo  Blade. 


Fighting  Resources  of  tiie  North. — The  ex¬ 
treme  Southern  editors  seem  to  be  as  thoroughly 
ignorant  of  the  spirit  that  animates  the  whole  North, 
as  if  they  had  never  been  acquainted  with  the  people 
of  the  United  States  at  all.  For  instance,  see  what 
the  Mobile  Advertiser  says  of  the  fighting  materiel 
at  the  disposition  of  our  Government : — 

Paradoxical  as  it  may  seem,  a  chief  element  of  the 
strength  of  the  North  is  its  poverty.  It  is  levying 
for  its  war  upon  us,  for  our  subjugation,  (save  the 
mark  !)  a  pauper  soldiery.  We  have  reports  that 
corporations  make  appropriations  for  the  support  of 
the  families  of  volunteers.  We  need  not  mistake 
this  for  patriotic  liberality.  It  is  any  thing  but  that. 
It  is  the  coercion  of  necessity.  The  armies  that  are 
marching  against  us  are  composed  of  mercenary  pau¬ 
per  soldiery.  We  all  know  the  stagnation  of  indus¬ 
trial  and  mechanical  pursuits  which  has  ensued  at  the 
North ;  how  thousands  of  operatives  and  mechanics 
are  begging  bread, — are,  with  their  families,  sup¬ 
ported  by  public  charities.  To  this  class,  so  numer¬ 
ous  in  the  cities  which  are  offering  the  most  imposing 
contingents,  the  call  for  volunteers  was  a  God-send, 
indeed,  for  it  gave  them  a  chance  to  get  bread  at  the 
public  cost  which  could  not  be  earned  by  individual 
exertion,  and  was  bitter  in  the  eating  if  the  dole  of 
public  or  private  charity. 

So,  on  the  call  for  volunteers,  these  poverty- 
stricken  and  starring  creatures  rush  where  rations 
may  be  obtained,  and  the  men  with  families  are  en¬ 
couraged  to  enlist  by  the  promise  that  their  responsi¬ 
bilities  will  be  cared  for.  Men  of  the  South  rush  to 
arms  spurred  by  patriotic  zeal,  not  compelled  by  the 
pangs  of  starvation,  like  these  mongrel  hordes  of  all 
nationalities  of  the  operative  class  of  the  Northern 
cities.  Our  sons  of  the  soil,  patriots  by  birthright, 
grasp  their  weapons,  leaving  their  homes  of  plenty, 
spring  impetuously  to  arms,  ask  but  one  favor — that 
they  may  be  placed  face  to  face  with  the  foe.  Our 
volunteer  soldiery  is  not  the  soldiery  of  necessity — 
men  worth  their  hundreds  of  thousands  carry  the 
musket  in  the  ranks.  Plenty  reigns  in  our  dwellings, 
and  is  gladly  abandoned  for  the  privations  of  the 
camp.  Such  is  the  materiel  with  which  we  meet  a 
mercenary  pauper  soldiery.  Who  would  doubt  the 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


59 


issue  when  it  is  man  to  man  ?  The  creatures  of  one  j 
side,  sordid  and  indifferent,  fight  for  60  much  per 
diem  as  the  alternative  of  starvation.  The  men  on 
the  other  side  fight  for  rights  and  liberties,  filled  with 
ardor  by  the  noblest  impulses.  Let  these  foes  meet 
in  pitched  battle,  and  the  sons  of  the  South  will  triumph 
were  the  enemy  five  to  one. — H.  Y.  Express,  April  20. 

Tiie  Raleigh  (N.  C.)  Banner ,  urging  an  attack 
upon  Washington,  says  : — 

The  army  of  the  South  will  be  composed  of  the 
best  material  that  ever  yet  made  up  an  army  ;  whilst 
that  of  Lincoln  will  be  gathered  from  the  sewers  of 
the  cities — the  degraded,  beastly  offscourings  of  all 
quarters  of  the  world,  who  will  serve  for  pay,  and 
run  away  as  soon  as  they  can  when  danger  threatens 
them. — Idem. 


In  the  Concord  Company  which  is  writh  the  Fifth 
Massachusetts  Regiment,  are  four  Buttricks,  sons  of 
one  man,  and  he  the  descendant  of  Col.  Buttrick 
who  gave  the  word  of  command  at  Concord  Bridge, 
on  the  19  th  of  April,  1 775,  “Fire!  fellow-soldiers! 
for  God’s  sake,  Fire!” — Boston  Transcript,  April 
29. 


While  Fernando  Wood  was  speaking  at  the  New 
York  Union  Meeting,  there  was  a  brief  interruption 
to  read  a  despatch.  Just  then  one  of  the  roughs,  who 
perched  himself  in  a  tree  just  over  the  Mayor’s  head, 
leaned  down  and  said :  “  Now,  Fernandy,  jist  you 
look  out  what  you  say,  ’cause  you’ve  got  to  stick  to 
this.”  The  Mayor  heard  and  heeded. — Idem. 


Baltimore,  Md.,  April  23. — There  is  but  one 
feeling  now  in  Maryland,  and  that  is  for  our  own 
State,  and  a  united  South.  We  cannot  consent  that 
Lincoln  &  Co.  shall  take  advantage  of  our  former 
loyalty  to  the  old  Union,  and  turn  it  to  the  support 
of  Black  Republicanism  under  the  guise  of  defend¬ 
ing  a  broken,  dissevered  Government.  No  !  to  a 
man,  without  a  dissenting  voice,  we  rally  under  the 
Southern  flag.  We  have  been  driven  from  a  con¬ 
servative  position  by  the  mad,  stubborn  folly  of 
fanaticism,  to  turn  our  thoughts  from  patriotic 
reminiscences  and  memories,  and  soar  to  the  azure 
field  and  broader  stripes  of  your  Confederate  ensign, 
hoping  its  constellation  will  soon  number  many  more 
glittering  jewels.  We  implored  peace  ;  we  offered 
the  Crittenden  resolutions  ;  Virginia  came  as  a  pacific 
messenger ;  she  sought  a  Peace  Conference ;  Ken¬ 
tucky  and  other  noble  States  stood  by  her  side,  but 
all  were  indignantly  spurned,  and  now  we  have  fallen 
back  with  one  heart,  one  impulse,  upon  our  reserved 
rights,  prepared  to  defend  and  maintain  them  at  every 
hazard.  Endurance  has  ceased  to  be  a  virtue. — Cor. 
H.  0.  Picayune,  April  30. 

All  the  United  States  vessels  are  provided  with 
engines  for  pouring  volleys  of  hot  water  upon  their 
assailants.  We  trust  that  the  Southern  defences  will 
all  be  supplied  writh  this  efficient  agent.  We  are 
naturally  a  hospitable  people  in  the  South,  and  ought 
to  give  the  new-comers  a  reception  appropriate  to 
their  merit3.  Scalding  and  skinning  is  the  very  least 
mark  of  distinction  we  can  bestow  upon  these  invad¬ 
ing  swine. — Charleston  Mercury,  April  19. 

The  y.  Y.  Herald  makes  up  a  table  of  voluntary 
contributions  by  cities,  counties,  and  individuals  in 
the  North,  all  §1,000  or  over,  each,  which  sum  up 


to  §11,230,000,  of  which  New  York  city  gives 
§2,155,000,  and  the  N.Y.  State  Legislature  §3,000,000 
more.  And  all  this  has  been  subscribed  since  the 
15th  of  April. 

Of  sums  below  a  thousand  dollars  subscribed  by 
private  individuals,  and  of  which  no  mention  is  made 
in  this  statement,  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  set  down 
the  aggregate  at  §5,000,000.  If  we  take  the  aver¬ 
age  expenditure  of  each  volunteer  of  the  250,000 
men  who  are  now  drilling  and  under  arms  in  the  free 
States  at  §10,  it  will  give  us  a  further  amount  of 
§2,500,000  Besides  these  sums,  we  may  put  down 
§5,000,000  more  for  the  contributions  made  by  fami¬ 
lies  towards  the  more  comfortable  outfit  and  equipment 
of  such  of  their  members  as  have  taken  up  arms  in 
defence  of  the  national  flag.  And  of  casual  sums 
given  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  to  applicants  need¬ 
ing  aid,  in  rifles,  money,  or  clothing,  and  of  which 
no  notice  has  been  taken,  the  total  is  probably  not 
far  short  of  another  §5,000,000.  These  different 
amounts  thus  figure  up  : — 


Contributions  of  $1,000  and  upwards, . $11,250,000 

Contributions  below  $1,000, .  5.000,000. 

Expenditure  of  volunteers,  ($10  each,) .  2,500,000 

Contributions  of  families  to  outfit, .  5,000,000 

Casual  contributions  in  money  and  clothing,....  5,000,000 


Total, . . - . $28,730,000 


Making  an  aggregate  of  nearly  twenty-nine  millions 
of  dollars  spontaneously  donated  to  the  Government 
in  less  than  a  fortnight.  Could  the  people  of  the 
South  but  have  foreseen  this  wonderful  unanimity  of 
feeling  and  patriotic  self-devotion  on  the  part  of  the 
North,  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  the  national  flag 
would  still  have  been  left  floating  over  Fort  Sumter. 

Thirteen  banks  of  the  city  of  New  York  contributed 
nearly  half  a  million  of  dollars  for  the  defence  of  the 
Government.  Added  to  the  previous  subscription 
of  §250,000  by  the  Broadway  Bank,  these  contribu¬ 
tions  amount,  thus  far,  to  §715,000,  divided  as  fol¬ 
lows  : — 

Bank  of  Commerce,  by  J.  A.  Stevens,  President,.. $100, 000 


New  York  Exchango  Bank,  by  8.  Van  Duzer, 

President, .  10,000 

Mechanics’  Bank,  by  8.  Knapp,  President, .  25,000 

National  Bank,  by  James  Gallatin,  President, .  25,000 

Merchants’  Bank,  by  A.  E.  Silliman,  President,...  25,000 
Manhattan  Bank,  by  J.  M.  Morrison,  President,...  25,000 
Bank  of  the  Republic,  by  R.  II.  Lowry,  Cashier,..  00,000 

Phcenix  Bank,  by  M.  P.  Bryson,  Cashier, .  25,000 

Bank  of  New  York,  by  A.  P.  Halsey,  President,..  50,000 
Bank  of  North  America,  by  J.  Seymour,  President,  20,000 

Bank  of  America,  by  J.  Punnett,  President, .  50,000 

Bank  of  the  State  of  New  York,  by  R.  Withers, 

President, .  25,000 

Shoo  and  Leather  Bank,  by  A.  V.  Stout,  President,  25,000 
Broadway  Bank, .  250,000 


Total, . $715,000 


— N.  Y.  Herald,  April  29. 

Among  the  men  whose  names  should  never  be  for¬ 
gotten,  until  they  have  been  duly  punished  for  the 
atrocious  crimes  in  which  they  have  involved  them¬ 
selves  at  Baltimore,  Ross  Winans,  Thomas  Winans, 
Abel  of  the  Baltimore  Sun,  Kane,  the  Police  Mar¬ 
shal,  S.  Teakle  Wallis,  and  some  others,  are  already 
known  to  the  country.  They  are  all  traitors  of  the 
blackest  dye,  and  amply  merit  the  traitor’s  doom. 
We  now  learn  the  name  of  another  of  these  con¬ 
spirators  to  destroy  the  Union  and  ruin  Maryland. 
It  is  signed  to  the  following  order  served  upon  a 
peaceful  citizen  of  Baltimore  on  Tuesday  last : 

“  Baltimore,  April  23. 

“Mr.  John  T.  Burgess  You  arc  hereby  notified  to 
leave  the  State  of  Maryland  within  twenty-four  hours 


60 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1SG0-G1. 


nfttr  receipt  of  thia  note  from  date,  by  authority  of  tho 
Itegulutorb’  Committee  of  the  State. 

“W.  o.  n.  Eheman.” 

When  the  final  settlement  of  accounts  takes  place 
at  Baltimore,  Mr.  W.  G.  H.  Ehrman,  of  the  Regulators’ 
Committee  of  the  State,  need  not  fear  that  he  will  be 
overlooked  or  forgotten. — N.  Y.  Tribune,  April  29. 


General  Pillow,  being  about  raising  a  brigade 
of  volunteers  for  the  Southern  army,  sent  a  message 
to  the  noted  Parson  Brownlow,  requesting  him  to 
serve  as  Chaplain.  Tho  “  Reverend  ”  individual  re¬ 
plied  in  characteristic  style,  saying  :  “  When  I  shall 
have  made  up  my  mind  to  go  to  hell,  I  will  cut  my 
throat,  and  go  direct ,  and  not  travel  round  by  way 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy.”  It  is  not  necessary 
that  the  “  Reverend  gentleman  ”  should  cut '  his 
throat  to  go  to  the  place  he  mentions,  as  it  is  pretty 
evident  he  is  making  there  direct  without  any  such 
operation. — Charleston  Mercury ,  May  1. 

The  following  incidents  of  the  late  riot  in  Balti¬ 
more,  and  the  concluding  statements  concerning  the 
intentions  and  doings  of  the  rebels  there,  arc  derived 
from  a  letter  written  by  a  prominent  officer  in  the 
rebel  forces : — 

“  An  old,  gray-haired  man,  aged  more  than  sixty- 
five  years,  saw  one  of  the  Massachusetts  soldiers  in 
the  act  of  levelling  his  musket,  when  he  rushed  in 
his  shirt  sleeves  from  his  shop,  disarmed  the  man  by 
main  force,  and  killed  him  with  the  bayonet.  Some 
thirty  negroes  engaged  in  unloading  a  vessel  dropped 
their  work  and  joined  in  the  assault  on  the  Massachu¬ 
setts  men,  and  did  good  work  with  their  handspikes. 
Every  shot  gun,  rifle,  or  boy’s  pop-gun  for  killing 
tom-tits,  is  brought  into  use  throughout  the  State, 
and  the  sentiment  is  universal  that  no  more  Northern 
troops  shall  cross  the  State  without  fighting  their  way 
every  step,  and  every  rock  and  tree  on  the  roadside 
will  cover  a  sharp-shooter.  This  city  alone  has  ap¬ 
propriated  half  a  million  of  dollars,  and  a  million 
more  has  been  given  by  private  subscription.  Wi- 
nans  is  running  '700  men  night  and  day,  in  his 
immense  establishment,  casting  cannon,  shot,  and 
shells,  putting  up  grape  and  cannister,  and  preparing 
other  munitions  of  war ;  and  every  thing  is  moving 
on  a  grand  scale.” — Ar.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  April  29. 

Annapolis,  Mil,  April  25. — The  general  suspen¬ 
sion  of  business  during  the  past  few  days,  and  the 
hopelessness  of  the  adoption  of  peace  measures,  have 
caused  a  neglect  on  the  part  of  our  citizens  to  give 
proper  attention  to  their  pecuniary  engagements,  and 
the  notaries  have  had  quite  a  harvest  in  the  way  of 
protests.  They  have  been  the  busiest  of  our  popu¬ 
lation,  and,  what  is  unusual,  complain  of  having  too 
much  to  do. 

The  citizens  of  Annapolis  have  no  occasion  of 
complaint  in  reference  to  the  conduct  of  the  Federal 
troops,  every  proceeding  being  conducted  in  the  most 
orderly  manner.  In  no  instance  have  the  rights  of 
any  one  been  interfered  with  to  their  detriment.  In 
cases  where  it  was  necessary  to  take  possession  of 
property  for  the  use  of  the  Government,  the  most 
ample  compensation  was  allowed,  and  the  owners  of 
property  were  required  to  assess  its  valuation.  A 
citizen  who  was  the  owner  of  four  horses  and  carts 
was  called  upon  to  dispose  of  them  for  the  trans¬ 
portation  of  baggage  and  supplies.  He  declined  to 
sell  them,  but  the  officers  stated  that  they  must  have 
them,  and  requested  him  to  name  his  price.  With 


the  view  of  avoiding  a  sale,  ho  asked  the  exorbitant 
price  of  $1,000.  The  property  was  taken,  and  a 
draft  given  lor  amount  of  tho  valuation. 

The  presence  of  the  troops  has  had  the  tendency 
of  inflating  the  price  of  every  description  of  pro¬ 
visions.  Flour  was  held  at  £20  per  barrel. — N.  I'. 
Commercial ,  April  29. 


On  tho  route  South,  into  the  secession  States,  your 
baggage  is  examined,  not  directly  upon  your  crossing 
the  line  between  North  Carolina  and  South  Carolina, 
but  at  Florence,  S.  C.,  which  is  the  inspection  point. 
Tho  cars  ran  up  to  a  tall  polo  bearing  the  flag  of  the 
Confederate  States.  Then  comes  the  revenue  inspec¬ 
tor,  who  calls  out  for  passengers  to  hand  over  the 
keys  of  their  baggage.  Each  trunk  is  taken  out  of 
the  car,  and  its  owner  furnishes  the  key  and  aids  the 
inspector  in  turning  up  the  contents,  and  satisfies  him 
that  there  is  nothing  contained  in  them.  There  is  no 
getting  off  from  this,  and  no  feigned  loss  of  keys  nor 
bogus  pretence  of  rusty  locks  can  save  you.  No 
more  offensive  thing  can  be  done  than  this  to  an 
American  citizen  in  the  United  States,  and  it  is  one 
of  the  very  last  acts  to  which  they  will  quietly  sub¬ 
mit. — Ar.  Y.  Express,  April  29. 

It  is  going  to  be  the  very  mischief  to  run  the  Lin- 
colnites  off  Santa  Rosa  Island  if  they  don’t  want  to 
go.  We  may  and  will  make  Fort  Pickens  hot  for 
them,  but  they  have  plenty  of  men,  and  can  get  as 
many  more  as  Lincoln  can  send  them  ;  when  Pickens 
is  rendered  untenable,  they  can  entrench  themselves 
— beyond  tho  reach  of  our  batteries,  if  they  like,  and 
so  keep  up  their  camp  as  long  as  they  please,  or  until 
we  leave  the  mainland  to  attack  them  in  their  strong¬ 
hold.  We  cannot  starve  them  out  without  a  naval 
force  superior  to  that  at  their  command.  So  we 
shall  have  to  keep  a  strong  force  on  hand  to  watch 
this  nest  of  impudent  fellows  right  under  our  noses. 
The  knocking  to  pieces  of  Fort  Pickens  will  not  be 
getting  rid  of  them  if  they  are  of  a  mind  to  stay  on 
the  island.  There  is  plenty  of  sand  there  for  bat¬ 
teries,  and  our  reports  show  that  the  enemy  is  using 
it  to  fortify  his  lines. — Mobile  Adv.,  April  23. 

Stringent  measures  arc  being  taken  in  New  Or¬ 
leans  to  rid  tho  city  of  abolition  agents  and  sympa¬ 
thizers.  Several  have  been  obliged  to  leave — with 
half  their  heads  shaved. —  Galveston  Ecu-s,  April  30. 

The  Attack  on  Washington. — The  papers  in  the 
interest  of  the  Southern  rebels  have  repeatedly 
avowed  that  the  capture  of  the  national  capital  was 
the  ulterior  object  of  the  rebellion.  The  Secretary 
of  War  of  the  so-called  Southern  Confederacy  pub¬ 
licly  avowed  the  same  purpose,  in  his  speech  at 
Montgomery  after  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter. 
Notwithstanding  this  official  declaration,  some  per¬ 
sons  still  affect  to  believe  that  no  such  movement  was 
ever  or  is  now  intended.  The  following  testimony 
on  the  subject  from  a  gentleman  whose  respectability 
is  abundantly  vouched  for  by  the  Tribune ,  ought,  we 
think,  to  be  conclusive  on  the  point.  The  gentleman 
was  escaping  from  Fayetteville,  North  Carolina,  to 
avoid  impressment  in  the  rebel  service.  He  says : — 

At  all  the  stations  crowds  were  assembled,  and  the 
secession  fever  ran  high.  At  Warsaw,  where  our 
informant  took  the  train,  he  found  Alexander  H.  Ste¬ 
phens,  who  was  on  his  way  to  Richmond.  At  nearly 
every  station  Stephens  spoke.  The  capture  of  Wash¬ 
ington  was  the  grand  idea  which  he  enforced,  and 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


01 


exhorted  the  people  to  join  in  the  enterprise,  to  which 
they  heartily  responded.  This  was  the  only  thing 
talked  of.  “  It  must  be  done  !  ”  was  his  constant 
exclamation.  At  Welden  a  man  supposed  to  be  a 
Northerner  was  whipped  and  tarred  and  feathered 
just  before  the  train  arrived.  There  was  a  large 
crowd,  deeply  excited,  which  Mr.  Stephens  addressed. 
Vigorous  measures  were  on  foot  to  arouse  and  arm 
the  people,  and  they  were  answering  to  the  call  as 
one  man. — Commercial  Advertiser,  April  25. 

On  Thursday,  lltli  of  April,  telegraphic  despatches 
had  been  received,  which  appeared  on  the  bulletins 
of  the  Mercury  and  Courier ,  at  Charleston,  S.  C., 
stating  that  but  three  States  in  the  North — Massachu¬ 
setts,  Pennsylvania,  and  Ohio — had  responded  to  Old 
Abe’s  call  for  troops ;  that  Old  Abe  had  been  poi¬ 
soned,  and  that  Seward  held  the  reins  of  Govern¬ 
ment.  Another  despatch  subsequently  arrived,  which 
recited  that  Maine  and  Vermont  had  refused  to  send 
troops  out  of  their  States.  When  those  announce¬ 
ments  were  read  by  the  people,  who  assembled  round 
the  newspaper  offices,  there  were  loud  demonstrations 
of  applause.  But  those  remarkable  flattering  de¬ 
spatches  did  not  stop  there ;  they  were  followed  by 
others,  which  declared  in  large  capitals  on  bulletin 
boards  of  those  journals,  that  the  famous  New  York 
Seventh  Regiment,  with  another  corps  from  Boston, 
tendered  their  services  to  Jefferson  Davis  to  fight 
against  the  Black  Republicans  of  the  North ;  and 
that  they  had  chartered  a  vessel,  and  were  proceeding 
on  their  way  South.  This  was  followed  by  the  wel¬ 
come  announcement  that  Maryland,  Tennessee,  and 
North  Carolina,  had  passed  ordinances  of  secession. 
All  these  reports  were  duly  credited — not  a  professed 
skeptic  appearing  among  the  tens  of  thousands  who 
heard  them. — Boston  Transcript ,  April  30. 


APRIL  15th,  1861. 

BY  WILLIAM  II.  BURLEIGH. 

Thank  God  !  the  free  North  is  awake  at  last ! 
When  burning  cannon-shot  and  bursting  shell, 
As,  from  the  red  mouth  of  some  volcan’s  hell, 
Rained  on  devoted  Sumter  thick  and  fast, 

The  sleep  of  ages  from  her  eyelids  past. 

One  bound — and  lo  !  she  stands  erect  and  tall, 
While  Freedom’s  hosts  come  trooping  to  her  call, 
Like  eager  warriors  to  the  trumpet’s  blast ! 

Wae  to  the  traitors  and  their  robber  horde  ! 

Woe  to  the  spoilers  that  pollute  the  land  ! 
When  a  roused  Nation,  terrible  and  grand, 
Grasps,  in  a  holy  cause,  th’  avenging  sword, 

And  swears,  from  Treason’s  bloody  clutch  to  save 
The  priceless  heritage  our  fathers  gave. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  April  30. 


TO  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE. 

BY  BAYARD  TAYLOR. 

I. 

That  late,  in  half-despair,  I  said : 

“  The  Nation’s  ancient  life  is  dead  ; 

Her  arm  is  weak,  her  blood  is  cold  ; 

She  hugs  the  peace  that  gives  her  gold — 
The  shameful  peace,  that  sees  expire 
Each  beacon-light  of  patriot  fire, 

And  makes  her  court  a  traitor’s  den  ” — 
Forgive  me  this,  my  Countrymen  ! 


ii. 

Oh,  in  your  long  forbearance  grand, 

Slow  to*  suspect  the  treason  planned, 
Enduring  wrong,  yet  hoping  good 
For  sake  of  olden  brotherhood, 

How  grander,  how  sublimer  far, 

At  the  roused  Eagle’s  call  ye  are, 

Leaping  from  slumber  to  the  fight 
For  Freedom  and  for  Chartered  Right ! 

hi. 

Throughout  the  land  there  goes  a  cry : 

A  sudden  splendor  fills  the  sky ; 

From  every  hill  the  banners  burst, 

Like  buds  by  April  breezes  nurst ; 

In  every  hamlet,  home,  and  mart, 

The  fire-beat  of  a  single  heart 
Keeps  time  to  strains  whose  pulses  mix 
Our  blood  with  that  of  Seventy-Six  ! 

IV. 

The  shot  whereby  the  old  flag  fell 
From  Sumter’s  battered  citadel, 

Struck  down  the  lines  of  party  creed, 

And  made  ye  One,  in  soul  and  deed — 

One  mighty  people,  stern  and  strong, 

To  crush  the  consummated  wrong, 

Indignant  with  the  wrath,  whose  rod 
Smites  as  the  awful  sword  of  God  ! 

v. 

The  cup  is  full !  They  thought  ye  blind ; 
The  props  of  State  they  undermined  ; 
Abused  your  trust,  your  strength  defied, 
And  stained  the  Nation’s  name  of  pride. 
Now  lift  to  Heaven  your  loyal  brows  ; 

Swear  once  again  your  fathers’  vows, 

And  cut  through  traitor  hearts  a  track 
To  nobler  fame  and  freedom  back  ! 

VI. 

Draw  forth  your  million  blades  as  one  ! 
Complete  the  battle  then  begun  ! 

God  fights  with  ye,  and  overhead 
Floats  the  dear  banner  of  your  dead. 

They,  and  the  glories  of  the  Past, 

The  Future,  dawning  dim  and  vast, 

And  all  the  holiest  hopes  of  man, 

Are  beaming  triumph  in  your  van ! 

VII. 

Slow  to  resolve,  be  swift  to  do  ! 

Teach  ye  the  False  how  fight  the  True  ! 

How  bucklered  Perfidy  shall  feel 
In  her  black  heart  the  Patriot’s  steel ; 

How  sure  the  bolt  that  Justice  wings ; 

How  weak  the  arm  a  traitor  brings  ; 

How  mighty  they,  who  steadfast  stand 
For  Freedom’s  Flag  and  Freedom’s  Land  ! 

April  30,  1861. 

— N.  Y.  Independent ,  May  9. 


VOLUNTEERED. 

I  know  the  sun  shines,  and  the  lilacs  are  blowing, 
And  Summer  sends  kisses  by  beautiful  May  ; 

Oh  !  to  see  all  the  treasures  the  Spring  is  bestowing,' 
And  think — my  boy  Willie  enlisted  to-day  !  *. 


62 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


It  seems  but  a  day  since  at  twilight,  low  humming, 

I  rocked  him  to  sleep  with  his  cheek  upon  mine  ; 
While  Robby,  the  four-year-old,  watched  for  the 
coming 

Of  father,  adown  the  street’s  indistinct  line. 

It  is  many  a  year  since  my  Harry  departed, 

To  come  back  no  more  in  the  twilight  or  dawn ; 
And  Robby  grew  weary  of  watching,  and  started 
Alone,  on  the  journey  his  father  had  gone. 

It  is  many  a  year — and  this  afternoon,  sitting 
At  Robby’s  old  window,  I  heard  the  band  play, 
And  suddenly  ceased  dreaming  over  my  knitting, 

To  recollect  Willie  is  twenty  to-day  ; 

And  that,  standing  beside  him  this  soft  May-day 
morning, 

The  sun  making  gold  of  his  wreathed  cigar-smoke, 
I  saw  in  his  sweet  eyes  and  lips  a  faint  warning, 

And  choked  down  the  tears  when  he  eagerly  spoke : 

“  Dear  mother,  you  know  how  those  traitors  are 
crowing ; 

They  trample  the  folds  of  our  flag  in  the  dust ; 

The  boys  are  all  fire ;  and  they  wish  I  were  going — •” 
He  stopped,  but  his  eyes  said,  “  Oh,  say  if  I 
must !  ” 

I  smiled  on  the  boy,  though  my  heart  it  seemed 
breaking ; 

My  eyes  filled  with  tears,  so  I  turned  them  away, 
And  answered  him,  “  Willie,  ’tis  well  you  are 
waking — 

Go,  act  as  your  father  would  bid  you,  to-day  !  ” 

I  sit  in  the  window,  and  see  the  flags  flying, 

And  dreamily  list  to  the  roll  of  the  drum, 

And  smother  the  pain  in  my  heart  that  is  lying, 

And  bid  all  the  fears  in  my  bosom  be  dumb. 

I  shall  sit  in  the  window  when  Summer  is  lying 
Out  over  the  fields,  and  the  honey-bees’  hum 
Lulls  the  rose  at  the  porch  from  her  tremulous 
sighing, 

And  watch  for  the  face  of  my  darling  to  come. 

And  if  he  should  fall ....  his  young  life  he  has  given 
For  Freedom’s  sweet  sake ....  and  for  me,  1  will 
pray 

Once  more  with  my  Harry  and  Robby  in  heaven 
To  meet  the  dear  boy  that  enlisted  to-day. 

Albion,  New  York. 

— Harper's  Weekly,  May  18. 

WAR  QUESTIONS. 

TO  COL.  C.  M.  CLAY. 

The  battle  is  for  the  very  entity  of  the  Nation. — Dr..  Chapin. 
BY  WILLIAM  ROSS  WALLACE. 

I. 

0  soldier  !  0  soldier  !  why  thus  is  your  hand 

With  such  eagerness  clasped  on  your  sharp  battle- 
brand  ? 

Has  your  flag  been  insulted  ?  its  eagle  betrayed  ? 

For  revenge  flash  the  flames  of  that  blood-drinking 
blade  ? 

“  Not  revenge,  not  revenge,  that  is  arming  me  now, 
But  as  white  as  the  dove’s  is  the  plume  on  my  brow, 


Though  my  flag  was  insulted — the  Star-flag  that 
rolled 

Like  a  storm  for  the  Right  o’er  my  fathers  of  old  !  ” 

Ii. 

0  soldier  !  0  soldier  !  is’t  glory  you  seek 

Where  the  War-demon  shouts,  and  the  death-vultures 
shriek  ? 

Does  your  manly  brow  yearn  for  the  laurels  that 
wave 

On  the  tree  that  is  nursed  by  the  blood  of  the  brave  ? 

“  Oil,  no  !  ’tis  not  glory  that  calls  on  my  soul, 

V  here  the  black  cannons  roar,  and  the  red  banners 
roll ; 

Though  ’tis  there  that  the  bold,  gallant  hand  may  en¬ 
twine 

A  green  wreath  for  his  name  on  a  world-worshipped 
shrine  !  ” 

hi. 

0  soldier  !  0  soldier  !  then  why  is  your  hand 

With  such  eagerness  clasped  on  that  sharp  battle- 
brand  ? 

While  the  flush  on  your  brow,  and  the  flash  in  your 
eye, 

Show  that  storms  of  deep  passion  are  thundering  by  ? 

“  ’Tis  the  Right !  ’Tis  the  Right !  God’s  own  high, 
holy  Right, 

That  has  called  me,  and  armed  for  the  terrible  fight ! 

0  ye  shades  of  my  fathers  !  0  ye,  to  whose  hand 

We  have  owed  the  great  Union  that  blesses  our  land, 

Lo,  the  traitors  have  struck  !  They  would  rend  the 
Star-fold 

That  for  Freedom,  and  Honor,  and  Truth,  ye  un¬ 
rolled  ! 

How  your  grand  eyes  look  on  me !  I  rush  to  the 
strife, 

Not  for  fame  or  revenge,  but — the  National  Life!" 

— N.  Y.  Tribune,  May  2. 


Oil!  LET  THE  STARRY  BANNER  WAVE. 

BY  WM.  OLAND  BOURNE. 

I  love  the  flag  whose  radiant  stars 
Within  its  azure  field  are  set, 

Whose  crimson-flushed  and  stainless  bars 
Are  types  of  peace  and  glory  met. 

It  floats  unfurled  in  every  clime, 

And  speaks  to  nations  yet  asleep, 

While  million  hearts  await  the  time 
When  Freedom’s  vow  they  too  shall  keep.  • 

Unrivalled,  as  when  freemen  trod 
Triumphant  on  the  battle-field, 

And  pledged  to  Freedom  and  to  God, 

Our  banner  we  will  never  yield — 

It  floats  the  standard  of  the  Free  ! 

On  Northern  peaks  and  Southern  plains, 

On  hill  and  vale,  from  sea  to  sea, 

On  mighty  streams  and  mountain  chains. 

Unfurl  the  Stars  and  Stripes  to-day, 

To  kindle  fire  in  every  breast ! 

While  millions  on  the  altar  lay 
A  passion  that  no  more  can  rest ; 

It  was  not  dead  !  It  only  slept, 

Self-conscious  in  the  strength  of  truth, 

Till  traitors  witness  how  it  kept 
The  vigor  of  its  glorious  youth 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


03 


Unfurl  the  flag  !  The  shadows  deep 
Have  fallen  on  our  brightest  noon  ; 

And  millions  bow,  and  sadly  weep 
That  brother-love  has  failed  so  soon. 

But  shadows  pass,  and  clouds  dissolve 
In  silvery  mists  before  the  sun — 

And  thus  in  Freedom’s  high  resolve 
Shall  cloudless  skies  once  more  be  won. 

Bright  emblem  of  the  mighty  Past ! 

Bedewed  all  through  a  night  of  tears  ! 

Whose  crimson-price  our  fathers  cast 
With  faith  and  prayer  adown  the  years  ! 

Untarnished  on  the  page  of  time, 

And  purer  in  to-morrow’s  beam, 

Thy  stars  shall  be  a  speech  sublime 
Of  peace,  and  love,  and  joy  supreme. 

Then  let  the  starry  banner  wave ! 

Let  songs  o’er  all  the  nation  ring  ! 

To  hail  the  flag  that  freemen  gave — 

A  costly,  bright,  and  sacred  thing  ! 

Till  stars  shall  crowd  upon  the  field, 
Undimmed  with  aught  of  error’s  night ; 

Whose  bliss  shall  be  the  truth  revealed, 

That  Freedom  is  Eternal  Right. 

— Ar.  Y.  Christian  Intelligencer ,  May  10. 


OUR  COUNTRY. 

BY  GEORGE  LENT. 

Our  Country,  right  or  wrong  ! 

What  manly  heart  can  doubt 
That  thus  should  swell  the  patriot’s  song, 
Thus  ring  the  patriot’s  shout  ? 

Be  but  the  foe  arrayed, 

And  war’s  wild  trumpet  blown, 

Cold  were  his  heart  who  has  not  made 
His  Country’s  cause  his  own  ! 

Where’er  her  flag  unrolled 
Woos  the  saluting  breeze, 

Flings  o’er  the  plain  its  starry  fold, 

Or  floats  on  stormy  seas, 

All  dearest  things  are  there, 

All  that  makes  life  divine — 

Home,  faith,  the  brave,  the  true,  the  fair, 
Cling  to  the  flaming  sign  ! 

Oh  !  is  this  thought  a  dream  ? 

No  !  by  the  gallant  dead 
Who  sleep  by  hill,  and  plain,  and  stream, 
Or  deep  in  ocean’s  bed ; 

By  every  sacred  name, 

By  every  glorious  song, 

By  all  we  know  and  love  of  fame, 

Our  Country,  right  or  ivrong  ! 


THE  GATHERING. 

Forward  !  onward  !  far  and  forth  ! 

An  earthquake  shout  awakes  the  North. 
Forward ! 

Massachusetts  hears  that  cry — 

Hears,  and  gives  the  swift  reply, 
Forward  ! 


Pennsylvania  draws  her  sword, 

Echoes  from  her  hills  the  word, 

Forward ! 

Brave  New  Y ork  is  up  and  ready, 

With  her  thirty  thousand  steady, — 

Forward  1 

Small  Rhode  Island  flies  to  arms, 

Shouting  at  the  first  alarms, 

Forward ! 

Illinois  and  Indiana 

Shriek,  as  they  unroll  our  banner, 

Forward ! 

Not  behind  the  rest  in  zeal, 

Hear  Ohio’s  thunder-peal, 

Forward  ! 

From  Vermont,  New  Hampshire,  Maine, 
Comes  the  same  awakening  strain, 

Forward  ! 

Old  Connecticut  is  here, 

Ready  to  give  back  the  cheer, 

Forward  ! 

Minnesota,  though  remote, 

Swells  the  free,  inspiring  note, 

Forward  ! 

Iowa  and  Michigan, 

Both  are  ready  to  a  man — 

Forward ! 

Not  the  last  in  honor’s  race, 

See  Wisconsin  come  apace — 

Forward  ! 

Delaware,  New  Jersey,  rise 
And  put  on  their  martial  guise. 

Forward ! 

Onward  !  On  !  a  common  cause 
Is  yours — your  liberties  and  laws. 

Forward ! 

Forward,  in  your  strength  and  pride  ! 

God  himself  is  on  your  side. 

Forward  ! 

— Boston  Transcript,  April  SO. 


THE  YANKEE  VOLUNTEERS. 

.is  sung  by  Private  Ephraim  Peabody,  on  the  night  after 
the  march  through  Baltimore. 

Come,  all  ye  true  Americans  that  love  the  Stripes 
and  Stars, 

For  which  your  gallant  countrymen  go  marching  to 
the  wars ; 

For  grand  old  Massachusetts  raise  up  three  rousing 
cheers — 

Three  times  three  and  a  ti-ger  for  the  Yankee  Volun¬ 
teers  ! 

The  nineteenth  day  of  April  they  marched  unto  the  war, 

And  on  that  day,  upon  the  way,  they  stopped  at  Bal¬ 
timore, 

And  trustingly  expected  the  customary  cheers 

Which  every  loyal  city  gives  the  Yankee  Volunteers. 


64 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


But  suddenly  in  fury  there  came  a  mighty  crowd, 

Led  on  by  negro-drivers,  with  curses  long  and 
loud, 

With  frenzied  imprecations,  with  savage  threats  and 
sneers, 

They  welcomed  to  the  city  the  Yankee  Volunteers. 

So  furious  grew  the  multitude,  they  rushed  at  them 
amain, 

And  a  great  storm  of  missiles  came  pouring  like  a 
rain. 

Amid  a  thunderous  clamor,  such  as  mortal  seldom 
hears, 

They  tried  to  cross  the  city,  did  the  Yankee  Volun¬ 
teers. 

The  murderous  storm  of  missiles  laid  many  a  soldier 
low, 

Yet  still  these  gallant  hearts  forbore  to  give  the  an¬ 
swering  blow, 

Till  all  the  miscreants  shouted,  “  They’re  nearly  dead 
with  fears ; 

We’ll  hurry  up  and  finish  these  Yankee  Volunteers.” 

But,  lo !  the  guns  are  levelled,  and  loud  the  volleys 
roar, 

And,  inch  by  inch,  they  fight  their  way  through  the 
streets  of  Baltimore ; 

Before  them  shrunk  the  traitors,  above  them  rise  the 
cheers, 

As  through  the  throng,  a  myriad  strong,  march  on 
the  Volunteers. 

Hurrah,  then,  for  the  old  Bay  State  that  stood  so  well 
at  bay  ! 

Hurrah,  for  those  who  shed  their  blood,  and  gave 
their  lives  away  ! 

For  grand  old  Massachusetts,  boys,  let’s  give  three 
rousing  cheers  ! — 

Three  times  three  and  a  ti-ger  for  the  Yankee  Volun¬ 
teers  ! 

— N.  Y.  Tribune,  May  4, 


SONGS  OF  THE  REBELS. 


SONG  FOR  THE  TIMES. 

WRITTEN  FOR  THE  LADIES’  MILITARY  FAIR,  NEW 
ORLEANS. 

Go,  soldiers  !  arm  you  for  the  fight ; 

God  shield  the  cause  of  Justice,  Right ; 

May  all  return  with  victory  crowned  ; 

May  every  heart  with  joy  abound  ; 

May  each  deserve  the  laurel  crown, 

Nor  one  to  meet  his  lady’s  frown. 

May  each  deserve  his  lady’s  kiss ; — 

His  gun  ne’er  find  its  aim  amiss  ; 

May  Pickens’  Fort  at  once  be  ours ; 

May  glory  bright  await  the  hours ; 

May  every  foeman  take  to  flight ! 

To  arms,  then,  soldiers  !  for  the  fight. 

To  arms,  ye  brave  !  your  homes  are  dear  ; 

To  arms  !  the  foe  is  very  near. 


Your  country  calls— your  cause  is  good ; 

To  arms,  who  have  fair  lady  woo’d  ! 

To  arms,  if  you  would  know  the  joy 
Of  her  esteem,  without  alloy. 

To  arms  !  the  Fort  must  now  be  ours  ; 

Then  fight  and  work  with  all  your  powers; 

Let  wreaths  immortal  crown  your  graves — 

The  surging  surf  and  foaming  waves 
Your  requiem  sing.  Oh,  soldiers  dear, 

For  you  who  fall  we’ll  drop  a  tear. 

Your  cause  is  good — ’tis  honor  bright, 

’Tis  virtue,  country,  home,  and  right ; 

Then  should  you  die  for  love  of  these, 

We’ll  waft  your  names  upon  the  breeze ; 

The  waves  will  sing  your  lullaby, 

Your  country  mourn  your  latest  sigh. 

April  25.  L.  F. 

— N.  O.  Picayune,  April  28. 


THE  OLD  RIFLEMAN. 

BY  FRANK  TICKNOR,  M.D. 

Now  bring  me  out  my  buckskin  suit ! 

My  pouch  and  powder,  too  ! 

We’ll  see  if  seventy-six  can  shoot 
As  sixteen  used  to  do. 

Old  Bess  !  we’ve  kept  our  barrels  bright ! 

Our  trigger  quick  and  true  ! 

As  far,  if  not  as  fine  a  sight, 

As,  long  ago,  we  drew  ! 

And  pick  me  out  a  trusty  flint ! 

A  real  white  and  blue ; 

Perhaps  ’twill  win  the  other  tint, 

Before  the  hunt  is  through  ! 

Give  boys  your  brass  percussion  caps  ! 

Old  “  shut-pan  ”  suits  as  well ! 

There’s  something  in  the  sparks ;  perhaps 
There’s  something  in  the  smell ! 

We’ve  seen  the  red-coat  Briton  bleed  ! 

The  red-skin  Indian,  too  ! 

We  never  thought  to  draw  a  bead 
On  Yankee-doodle-doo ! 

But,  Bessie  !  bless  your  dear  old  heart ! 

Those  days  are  mostly  done  ; 

And  now  we  must  revive  the  art 
Of  shooting  on  the  run  ! 

If  Doodle  must  be  meddling,  why, 

There’s  only  this  to  do : 

Select  the  black  spot  in  his  eye, 

And  let  the  daylight  through  ! 

And  if  he  doesn’t  like  the  way 
That  Bess  presents  the  view, 

,  He’ll  rnay-be  change  his  mind,  and  stay 
Where  the  good  Doodles  do  ! 

V  here  Lincoln  lives ; — the  man,  you  know, 
V  ho  kissed  the  Testament, 

To  keep  the  Constitution  ? — No  ! 

To  keep  the  Government ! 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


65 


We’ll  hunt  for  Lincoln,  Bess  ! — old  tool — 

And  take  him  half-and-half ; 

W e’ll  aim  to  hit  him,  if  a  fool, 

And  miss  him,  if  a  calf ! 

We’ll  teach  these  shot-gun  boys  the  tricks 
By  which  a  war  is  won ; 

Especially  how  seventy-six 
Took  Tories  on  the  run. 

— Richmond  Dispatch,  May  23. 

OUR  BRAVES  IN  VIRGINIA. 

Aik — '■'■Dixie  Land." 

We  have  ridden  from  the  brave  Southwest, 

On  fiery  steeds,  with  throbbing  breast ; 

Hurrah  !  hurrah  !  hurrah  !  hurrah ! 

With  sabre  flash  and  rifle  true, — 

Hurrah  !  hurrah  ! — 

The  Northern  ranks  we  will  cut  through, 

And  charge  for  Old  Virginia,  boys. 

Hurrah  [  hurrah ! 

Then  charge  for  Old  Virginia. 

We  have  come  from  the  cloud-capp’d  mountains, 
From  the  land  of  purest  fountains  ; 

Hurrah  !  hurrah  !  hurrah  !  hurrah  ! 

Our  sweethearts  and  wives  conjure  us, — 

Hurrah  !  hurrah  ! — 

Not  to  leave  a  foe  before  us, 

And  strike  for  Old  Virginia,  boys,  &c. 

Then  we’ll  rally  to  the  bugle  call ; 

For  Southern  rights  we’ll  fight  and  fall ; 

Hurrah  !  hurrah  !  hurrah  !  hurrah ! 

Our  gray-haired  sires  sternly  say, — 

Hurrah  !  hurrah  ! — 

That  we  must  die  or  win  the  day. 

Three  cheers  for  Old  Virginia,  boys,  &c. 

Then  our  silken  banner  wave  on  high  ; 

For  Southern  homes  we’ll  fight  and  die. 

Hurrah  !  hurrah  !  hurrah  !  hurrah ! 

Our  cause  is  right,  our  quarrel  just, — 

Hurrah  !  hurrah  ! — 

We’ll  in  the  God  of  battles  trust, 

And  conquer  for  Virginia,  boys,  &c. 

— N.  O.  Picayune ,  May  12. 

SONG  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  WOMEN. 

Oh,  Abraham  Lincoln,  we  call  thee  to  hark 
To  the  song  we  are  singing,  we  Joans  of  Arc ; 

While  our  brothers  are  bleeding,  we  fear  not  to 
bleed ; 

We’ll  foce  the  Red  Horror,  should  there  be  need. 

By  our  brothers  we’ll  stand  on  the  terrible  field ; 

By  our  brothers  we’ll  stand,  and  we’ll  ask  for  no 
shield , 

By  our  brothers  we’ll  stand  as  a  torch  in  the  dark, 

To  shine  on  thy  treachery, — we  Joans  of  Arc. 

Behold  our  free  plumes  of  the  wild  eagle  dark ; 
Behold  them,  and  take  our  white  brows  for  thy  mark ; 
We  fear  not  thy  cannon,  we  heed  not  thy  drum ; 

The  deeper  thy  thunder,  the  stronger  we  come. 

Is  woman  a  coward  ?  No,  no,  she  is  brave  ! 

Oh,  nothing  but  Love  ever  made  her  a  slave ; 

In  home’s  happy  circle  she’s  poetry’s  lark, 

But  threaten  that  home,  and  she’s  Joan  of  Arc. 
Poetry — 9 


Oh,  Abraham  Lincoln,  we  call  thee  to  hark  ! 

Thou  Comet  of  Satan  !  thou  Boast  of  the  Dark  ! 
Take  off  thy  red  shadow  from  Washington’s  land — 
Back  !  back  !  for  thy  footstep  is  slavery’s  brand. 
Future-eyed  Prophecy  cries  to  thee,  Down  ! 

For  she  sees  on  thy  forehead  the  hope  of  a  crown  ; 
The  fire  that  sleeps  in  our  Southern  eyes  dark, 
Would  lighten  in  battle — we’re  Joans  of  Arc. 

Julia  Mildred. 

— Mobile  Advertiser,  April  2§. 


A  POEM  FOR  THE  TIMES. 

BY  JOHN  B.  THOMPSON. 

Who  talks  of  Coercion  ?  Who  dares  to  deny 
A  resolute  people  their  right  to  be  free  ? 

Let  him  blot  out  forever  one  star  from  the  sky, 

Or  curb  with  his  fetter  one  wave  of  the  sea. 

Who  prates  of  Coercion  ?  Can  love  be  restored 
To  bosoms  where  only  resentment  may  dwell  ? — 
Can  peace  upon  earth  be  proclaimed  by  the  sword, 

Or  good-will  among  men  be  established  by  shell  ? 

Shame  !  shame,  that  the  statesman  and  trickster  for¬ 
sooth 

Should  have  for  a  crisis  no  other  recourse, 

Beneath  the  fair  day-spring  of  Light  and  of  Truth, 
Than  the  old  brutem  fidmen  of  tyranny — Force. 

From  the  holes  where  Fraud,  Falsehood,  and  Hate 
slink  away; 

From  the  crypt  in  which  Error  lies  buried  in 
chains, 

This  foul  apparition  stalks  forth  to  the  day, 

And  would  ravage  the  land  which  his  presence 
profanes. 

Could  you  conquer  us,  men  of  the  North — could  you 
bring 

Desolation  and  death  on  our  homes  as  a  flood — 
Can  you  hope  the  pure  lily,  Affection,  will  spring 
From  ashes  all  reeking  and  sodden  with  blood  ? 

Could  you  brand  us  as  villains  and  serfs,  know  ye  not 
What  fierce,  sullen  hatred,  lurks  under  the  scar  ? 
How  loyal  to  Hapsburg  is  Venice,  I  wot ; 

How  dearly  the  Pole  loves  his  father,  the  Czar  ! 

But  ’twere  well  to  remember,  this  land  of  the  sun 
Is  a  nutrix  leonum,  and  suckles  a  race 
Strong-armed,  lion-hearted,  and  banded  as  one, 

Who  brook  not  oppression,  and  know  not  dis¬ 
grace. 

And  well  may  the  schemers  in  office  beware 
The  swift  retribution  that  waits  upon  crime, 

When  the  lion,  Resistance,  shall  leap  from  his  lair 
With  a  fury  that  renders  his  vengeance  sublime. 

Once,  men  of  the  North,  we  were  brothers,  and  still, 
Though  brothers  no  more,  we  would  gladly  be 
friends ; 

Nor  join  in  a  conflict  accurst,  that  must  fill 
With  ruin  the  country  on  which  it  descends. 

But  if  smitten  with  blindness,  and  mad  with  the  rage 
The  gods  gave  to  all  whom  they  wished  to  destroy, 
You  would  not  act  a  new  Iliad  to  darken  the  age 
With  horrors  beyond  what  is  told  as  of  Troy ; — 


66 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


If,  deaf  as  the  adder  itself  to  the  cries, 

When  Wisdom,  Humanity,  Justice  implore, 

You  would  have  our  proud  eagle  to  feed  on  the 
eyes 

Of  those  who  have  taught  him  so  grandly  to  soar ; 

If  there  be  to  your  malice  no  limit  imposed, 

And  you  purpose  hereafter  to  rule  with  the  rod 
The  men  upon  whom  you  have  already  closed 
Our  goodly  domain,  and  the  temples  of  God  ; — 

To  the  breeze,  then,  your  banner  dishonored  unfold, 
And  at  once  let  the  tocsin  be  sounded  afar ; 

We  greet  you,  as  greeted  the  Swiss,  Charles  the  Bold, 
With  a  farewell  to  peace  and  a  welcome  to  war ! 

For  the  courage  that  clings  to  our  soil,  ever  bright, 
Shall  catch  inspirations  from  turf  and  from  tide ; 
Our  sons  unappalled  shall  go  forth  to  the  fight, 

With  the  smile  of  the  lair,  the  pure  kiss  of  the 
bride ; 

And  the  bugle  its  echoes  shall  send  through  the 
past, 

In  the  trenches  of  Yorktown  to  waken  the  slain ; 
While  the  sods  of  King’s  Mountain  shall  heave  at  the 
blast, 

And  give  up  its  heroes  to  glory  again. 

— Charleston  Mercury ,  May  7. 


REBELS. 

Gen.  Beauregard,  now  in  command  of  tho  rebel  forces 
in  Charleston,  has  much  fame  as  a  tactician.—  Harper's 
Weekly ,  March  23. 

Yes,  call  them  rebels  !  ’tis  the  name 
Their  patriot  fathers  bore, 

And  by  such  deeds  they’ll  hallow  it 
As  they  have  done  before. 

At  Lexington,  and  Baltimore, 

Was  poured  the  holy  chrism  ; 

For  Freedom  marks  her  sons  with  blood, 

In  sign  of  their  baptism. 

Rebels,  in  proud  and  bold  protest, 

Against  a  power  unreal ; 

A  unity  which  every  quest 
Proves  false  as  ’tis  ideal. 

A  brotherhood,  whose  ties  are  chains, 

Which  crushes  while  it  holds, 

Like  the  old  marble  Liiocoon 
Beneath  its  serpent  folds. 

Rebels,  against  the  malice  vast, 

Malice,  that  nought  disarms, 

Which  fills  the  quiet  of  their  homes 
With  vague  and  dread  alarms. 

Against  th’  invader’s  daring  feet, 

Against  the  tide  of  wrong, 

Which  has  been  borne,  in  silence  borne, 

But  borne  perchance  too  long. 

They  would  be  cowards,  did  they  crouch 
Beneath  the  lifted  hand, 

Whose  very  wave,  ye  seem  to  think, 

Will  chill  them  where  they  stand. 

Yes,  call  them  rebels  !  ’tis  a  name 
Which  speaks  of  other  days, 

Of  gallant  deeds,  and  gallant  men, 

And  wins  them  to  their  ways. 


Fair  was  the  edifice  they  raised, 

Uplifting  to  the  skies ; 

A  mighty  Samson  ’neath  its  dome 
In  grand  quiescence  lies. 

Dare  not  to  touch  his  noble  limb, 

With  thong  or  chain  to  bind, 

Lest  ruin  crush  both  you  and  him ; — 

This  Samson  is  not  blind  ! 

Natchitoches,  May ,  1861. 

— N.  O.  Picayune  Supplement ,  May  26. 


VIRGINIA’S  MESSAGE  TO  THE  SOUTHERN 
STATES. 

i. 

You  dared  not  think  I’d  never  come  ; 

You  could  not  doubt  your  Mother  ; 

If  traitorous  chains  had  crushed  my  form , 

My  soul  with  yours  had  hovered. 

Yes,  children,  I  have  come  ; 

We’ll  stand  together — we’ll  be  one ; 

Brave  dangers,  death,  and  wars  begun  ! 

ii. 

Where  should  this  struggle  work  and  end  ? 

Where  should  this  conflict  be  ? 

Where  should  we  all  our  rights  defend, 

And  gain  our  liberty  ? 

Upon  my  soil  your  swords  you’ll  wield  ; 

Upon  my  soil  your  homes  you’ll  shield  ; 

And  on  my  soil  your  foes  shall  yield  ! 

hi. 

Where,  but  on  my  mountain’s  heights, 

And  on  my  rivers’  banks, — 

Where,  but  ’neath  my  heavens’  lights, 

And  in  my  children’s  camps, 

Shall  all  the  blood  be  shed, 

In  streams  of  living  red, 

And  all  our  foes  be  dead  ? 

vi. 

Upon  this  earth  is  there  a  spot 
So  fit  to  give  a  battle-field  ? 

In  all  the  country,  there  is  not , 

Nor  one  so  brave  to  shield. 

If  you  doubt  it,  scorn  History’s  pages ; 

If  you  doubt  it,  mark  other  ages , 

And  come  together  for  the  war  that  rages  ! 

V. 

Then,  soldiers  brave,  come  forth  ! 

You  sons  of  noble  mothers  ! 

They’ll  chide  you  if  you’re  loath, 

And  yield  your  homes  to  others. 

Mothers  !  send  them,  then,  without  a  tear ; 

Bid  them  go,  and  make  all  earth  revere 
Their  country's  honor  and  a  soldier’s  bier  ! 

—  Charleston  Evening  News,  May  6. 


THE  STARS  AND  BARS. 

BY  A.  J.  REQUIER. 

Fling  wide  the  dauntless  banner 
To  every  Southern  breeze, 

Baptized  in  flame,  with  Sumter’s  name — 
A  patriot  and  a  hero’s  fame — 

From  Moultrie  to  the  seas  ! 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


G7 


That  it  may  cleave  the  morning  sun, 

And,  streaming,  sweep  the  night ; 

The  emblem  of  a  battle  won 
With  Yankee  ships  in  sight. 

Come,  hucksters,  from  your  markets ; 

Come,  bigots,  from  your  caves ; 

Come,  venal  spies,  with  brazen  lies 
Bewildering  your  deluded  eyes, 

That  we  may  dig  your  graves. 

Come,  creatures  of  a  sordid  clown, 

And  drivelling  traitor’s  breath, 

A  single  blast  shall  blow  you  down 
Upon  the  fields  of  Death. 

The  very  flag  you  carry, 

Caught  its  reflected  grace, 

In  fierce  alarms,  from  Southern  arms, 

When  foemen  threatened  all  your  farms, 
And  never  saw  your  face. 

Do  !  braggarts  of  New  England’s  shore, 
Back  to  your  hills,  and  delve 
The  soil  whose  craven  sons  forswore 
The  flag  in  Eighteen  Twelve  ! 

We  wreathed  around  the  roses 
It  wears  before  the  world, 

And  made  it  bright  with  storied  light 
In  every  scene  of  bloody  fight 
Where  it  has  been  unfurled  ; 

And  think  ye,  now,  the  dastard  hands 
That  never  yet  could  hold 
Its  staff,  shall  wave  it  o’er  our  lands, 

To  glut  the  greed  of  gold? 

No  !  by  the  truth  of  Heaven, 

And  its  eternal  Sun, 

By  every  sire  whose  altar-fire 
Burns  on  to  beckon  and  inspire, 

It  never  shall  be  done  ! 

Before  that  day,  the  kites  shall  wheel 
Hail-thick  on  Northern  heights ; 

And  there,  our  bared,  aggressive  steel, 

Shall  counter-sign  our  rights  ! 

Then,  spread  the  flaming  banner 
O’er  mountain,  lake,  and  plain  ! 

Before  its  bars,  degraded  Mars 
Has  kissed  the  dust  with  all  his  stars, 

And  will  be  struck  again  ; 

For  could  its  triumph  now  be  stayed 
By  hell’s  prevailing  gates, 

A  sceptered  Union  would  be  made 
The  grave  of  sovereign  States. 

— N.  O.  Delta ,  May  5. 


April  23. — Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  have 
won  the  praise  and  the  blessing  of  all  men.  The 
sons  of  Massachusetts  lay  dead  in  the  streets  of  Bal¬ 
timore  on  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Lexing¬ 
ton,  before  a  single  regiment  of  New  York  had 
crossed  the  border  between  the  slave  and  the  free 
States.  Soldiers  of  Massachusetts  have  made  their 
way  to  Havre  de  Grace,  seized  a  steamboat,  reached 
Annapolis,  and  taken  a  position  by  which  they  could 
keep  open  a  road  to  Washington,  before  a  single 
troop  of  New  York  soldiers  had  found  a  passage  into 
the  enemy’s  country.  Troops  from  Massachusetts 
and  Rhode  Island  have  been  sent  by  sea,  and  were 
thrown  into  Fort  Monroe,  commanding  Norfolk, 


while  the  authorities  at  Albany  were  debating  upon 
the  proper  oilicial  steps  to  be  taken  in  regard  to  the 
President’s  Proclamation.  “  God  save  the  Common¬ 
wealth  of  Massachusetts  !  ” — the  State  that  compro¬ 
mise  was  to  leave  out  of  the  new  Confederacy  !  and 
blessings  be  upon  the  State  of  Roger  Williams,  so 
confidently  calculated  on  as  the  first  of  the  Northern 
States  that  would  avow  its  allegiance  to  the  piratical 
Government  of  Jeff.  Davis  1 — The  Independent. 


That  Flag. — The  white  flap,  reported  to  have 
been  borne  by  the  Massachusetts  Regiment  when  it 
fought  its  way  through  Baltimore,  was  the  regular 
Massachusetts  standard.  It  is  a  flag  of  white  silk, 
with  the  arms  of  the  Union  on  one  side,  and  those 
of  the  State  on  the  reverse.  Massachusetts  troops 
ask  no  truce  with  a  mob  of  traitors. — Boston  Journal. 


SOUTHERN  OPINIONS. 

From  the  Charleston  Mercury ,  April  30. 

The  bug-bear  of  civil  war  need  frighten  no  one. 
We  are  not  engaged  in  civil  war,  and,  thank  Heaven ! 
all  danger  of  that  most  dreadful  of  human  scourges 
is  past.  It  almost  reconciles  us  to  the  delay  of  the 
Convention.  That  delay  has  made  Virginia  a  unit — 
has  made  the  whole  South  a  unit.  The  natives  of 
the  South  are  leagued  and  confederated  to  repel 
Northern  invasion,  and  establish  Southern  independ¬ 
ence. 

Not  for  an  hour  since  the  first  white  man  set  his 
foot  on  American  soil  have  the  people  of  the  United 
States  been  one  people.  From  the  beginning,  each 
colony  had  its  separate  and  distinct  laws  and  institu¬ 
tions,  and  its  separate  Government.  We  have  planted 
and  have  grown  up  as  distinct  and  different  peoples  and 
nations  ;  and  the  difference  and  distinction  between 
us  have  been  increasing  and  widening  from  the  day 
of  our  birth  until  the  present  hour.  A  war  between 
Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  would  bo  no  civil  war, 
because  we  are  separate  nations ;  far  less,  then,  is  a 
war  between  the  North  and  the  South.  We  are  so¬ 
cially  and  politically  as  distinct  a  people  from  the 
North,  as  from  France  or  England.  The  people  of 
the  two  sections  have  ever  hated  each  other,  not 
merely  because  their  laws,  customs,  manners,  and 
institutions  are  different ;  but  more  still,  because 
their  races,  their  blood,  their  ancestry,  were  differ¬ 
ent.  The  people  of  the  South  belong  to  the  brave, 
impulsive,  hospitable,  and  generous  Celtic  race  ;  the 
people  of  the  North  to  the  cold,  phlegmatic  Teutonic 
race.  We  include  the  old  Greek  and  Roman  among 
the  Celtic  races ; — and  also  the  Anglo-Normans, 
whose  cleanly  habits,  language,  laws,  and  personal 
appearance,  prove  beyond  a  doubt  that  they  were  of 
Latin  origin.  The  South  was  settled  by  Anglo-Nor¬ 
mans,  Welshmen,  Scotchmen,  Irishmen,  Frenchmen, 
and  Spaniards.  These  were  all  Celts,  all  belonging 
to  what  may  be  classed  as  Mediterranean  people. 
Few  Teutons  and  few  Anglo-Saxons  (who  are  of  Teu¬ 
tonic  extract)  settled  in  the  South.  What  Teutonic 
blood  did  settle  in  the  South,  has  been  diluted  and 
neutralized  by  frequent  intermarriage  with  our  Anglo- 
Norman  families.  Every  schoolboy  knows  that  the 
Mediterranean  races  have  almost  monopolized  the 
chivalry  of  the  world,  and,  until  within  the  last  three 
hundred  years,  quite  monopolized  its  civilization. 
The  people  of  the  South  belong  to  a  different  and 
superior  race  from  those  of  the  North. 

It  suffices,  however,  for  our  present  purpose  to 
show  that  we  have  never  been  one  people,  and  that 


68 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-G1. 


the  war  between  us  is  no  civil  or  fratricidal  war,  but 
a  very  natural,  orthodox,  and  proper  war,  if  there 
can  be  any  such  war.  We  want  to  see  peace  estab¬ 
lished  as  soon  as  possible  ;  and  to  effect  that  purpose 
we  should  rain  down  our  blows  as  fast  and  furious  as 
possible,  and  not  permit  ourselves  to  be  unnerved 
and  paralyzed  by  the  raw-head-and-bloody-bone  cry 
of  civil  war.  The  people  of  the  two  sections  gene¬ 
rally  live  at  great  distance  from  each  other,  and  have 
intermarried  very  little,  as  well  from  this  cause  as 
from  difference  of  institutions,  difference  of  race,  and 
mutual  dislike  growing  out  of  those  differences. 

We  wish  to  make  peace  with  them  as  soon  as  pos¬ 
sible  and  to  keep  peace  with  them,  by  having  in  the 
future  nothing  to  do  with  them. — Richmond  Ex¬ 
aminer. 

It  is  important  that  we  of  the  South,  at  least, 
should  understand  the  nature  of  this  war  fully. 
Many  of  us  are  too  prone  to  take  our  enemies  at 
their  word,  and  look  upon  this  war  as  one  that  must 
be  marked  with  all  the  terrible  convulsions  and  un¬ 
natural  horrors  of  a  civil  strife.  It  is  time  to  realize 
the  fact,  that  we  are  engaged  in  a  foreign  war  ;  that 
the  Government  at  Washington  represents  a  foreign 
power,  which  aims' at  our  subjugation  ;  that  we  have 
all  the  rights,  and  owe  all  the  duties  of  an  inde¬ 
pendent  people  placed  in  a  state  of  belligerency ; 
and  that  we  have  nothing  to  apprehend  from  civil 
war  so  long  as  we  are  a  united  people,  able  to  main¬ 
tain  and  worthy  to  enjoy  our  independence. 

By  doing  this  we  will  get  rid  of  much  morbid  feel¬ 
ing,  produced  by  delusive  names  and  sophistical  con¬ 
fusion  of  ideas  in  regard  to  the  existing  contest. 
Are  we  a  homogeneous  people  ?  Are  we  free  ?  Are 
we  united  ?  Have  we  a  common  Government  to 
which  we  render  cordial  allegiance,  and  which  we  are 
ready  to  defend  with  patriotic  resolution  ?  If  so,  no 
civil  war  can  exist  within  our  borders.  We  know 
where  the  enemy  is,  and  who  he  is.  He  is  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Potomac  and  the  Ohio.  He  is  the 
enemy  of  our  country,  of  our  property,  of  our  insti¬ 
tutions,  and  our  homes.  Let  us  front  him  manfully, 
and  we  shall  come  out  of  the  conflict  as  safe  and  tri¬ 
umphant,  as  he  shall  come  out  of  it  discomfited  and 
humiliated. — New  Orleans  Daily  Delta. 


Let  the  Devil  Take  the  Hindmost. — Let  us  see 
who  shall  get  South  fastest — farthest — first.  Now 
that  the  word  to  bounce  is  come,  let  us  know  who 
can  jump  the  biggest  summersault  with  the  most  pro¬ 
digious  energy.  Of  all  Secessionists  that  were  ever 
seen,  it  is  certain  that  the  Union-shriekers  make  the 
best.  Beyond  other  fire-eaters,  are  Submissionists 
fierce.  Those  who  have  risked  every  thing  and  dared 
every  thing  in  the  late  struggle  for  Liberty  and  Inde¬ 
pendence — and  long  before  it  was  begun,  for  South¬ 
ern  rights  and  Virginia’s  honor — are  utterly  con¬ 
founded  and  struck  dumb  by  the  fiery  enthusiasm  of 
those  who  were  lately  denouncing  them  as  rebels  ripe 
for  hemp,  Southern  rights  as  sedition,  and  State  sover¬ 
eignty  a  blasphemy  against  the  Constitution.  The 
natural  congratulations  of  the  conquerors  in  the  fight 
are  drowned  in  the  shouts  of  triumph  raised  by  the 
vanquished ;  and  the  world  has  lived  to  see  that  Lost 
Principle, — to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils, — dis¬ 
placed  by  this  other,  that  from  the  victors  shall  the 
spoils  be  taken  !  Long  was  belief,  and  deep  was 
once  the  conviction,  that  the  shriek  of  “Union”  was 
the  winning  cry;  and  just  so  long  as  that  belief 
endured,  it  was  written  in  the  Book  of  Judas  that 


Davis  was  a  Traitor,  Disunion  was  Treason,  and  the 
Southern  Confederacy  a  conglomeration  of  every 
thing  that  was  weak,  wicked,  and  absurd.  But  no 
rapping  spirits  ever  turned  the  tables  like  those  that 
Lincoln’s  Proclamation  evoked  from  the  vasty  deep 
of  revolution.  The  cannon  of  Fort  Sumter  an¬ 
nounced  to  all  the  world  that  the  Baboon  of  Illinois 
had  no  more  nuts  for  Virginia  monkeys ;  and  when 
once  fully  up  to  the  idea  that  henceforth  the  star  of 
empire  had  taken  a  Southern  track  ;  that  there  were 
patrons  in  Montgomery  ;  that  place  and  pay,  if  any¬ 
where,  must  be  searched  on  this  side  of  the  Potomac, 
and  earned  by  devotion  to  State  Rights — there  was  a 
revival  in  the  church  politic  such  as  no  camp  meet¬ 
ing  ever  saw.  When  McDowall  Moore  can  sign  him¬ 
self  “  sinner  saved  ”  at  the  bottom  of  an  Ordinance 
to  unite  Virginia  to  a  rebel  Confederacy  of  slave¬ 
owners,  and  Bursted  Baldwin  inspects  the  troops  that 
are  to  take  Washington  and  march  on  Boston — who 
may  despair  of  getting  to  glory  ?  No  heard-of  bison 
ever  went  over  a  precipice  with  precipitancy  like  that 
of  our  mummied  Federalists  and  galvanized  Submis¬ 
sionists  plunging  into  the  Southern  Confederacy.  It 
is  a  race  to  Montgomery — office  is  at  Montgomery — 
and  the  devil  take  the  hindmost. — Richmond  Ex¬ 
aminer. 


Contraband  of  War,  Constipation,  and  Combus¬ 
tion. — The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  at  Washington 
has  added  to  his  list  of  contraband  of  war  articles  the 
following  : — “  Mercury  in  all  its  compounds,  chlorate 
of  potash,  muriatic  acid,  chloride  of  potash,  nitrate 
of  soda,  chloride  of  potassium,  potash  and  pearlasli, 
and  nitric  acids.”  You  doubtless  remember,  Messrs. 
Editors,  how  a  member  of  the  Plymley  family  was 
once  disturbed,  when  a  British  minister  undertook 
thus  to  interfere  with  the  bowels  of  mankind,  and 
the  inalienable  right  of  people  to  take  medicine. 
Old  Peter  Plymley,  with  commendable  indignation, 
described  it  as  an  attempt  “  to  bring  the  French  to 
reason  by  keeping  them  without  rhubarb,”  and  to 
“  exhibit  to  mankind  the  awful  spectacle  of  a  nation 
deprived  of  neutral  salts.”  “  This,”  said  old  Peter, 
“  is  not  the  dream  of  a  wild  apothecary,  indulging  in 
his  own  opinion ;  this  is  not  the  distempered  fancy 
of  a  pounder  of  drugs,  delirious  from  smallness  of 
profit.  *  *  *  What  a  sublime  thought,  that  no 
purge  can  be  taken  between  the  Weser  and  the  Ga¬ 
ronne  ;  that  the  bustling  pestle  is  still,  the  canorous 
mortar  mute,  and  the  bowels  of  mankind  locked  up 
for  fourteen  degrees  of  latitude.  *  *  *  When 
was  this  great  plan  of  conquest  and  constipation  fully 
developed  ?  In  whose  mind  was  first  engendered  the 
idea  of  destroying  the  pride  and  plasters  of  France  ? 
Without  castor  oil  they  might,  for  some  months,  to 
be  sure,  have  carried  on  a  lingering  war ;  but  can 
they  do  without  bark?  Will  the  people  live  under  a 
Government  whose  antimonial  powders  cannot  be 
procured?  Will  they  bear  the  loss  of  mercury? 
‘  There’s  the  rub.’  Depend  upon  it,  the  absence  of 
Materia  Medica  will  soon  bring  them  to  their  senses, 
and  the  cry  of  Bourbon  and  Bolus  burst  forth  from 
the  Baltic  to  the  Mediterranean.” 

Now,  Messrs  Editors,  I  should  like  to  know  where 
our  Secretary  took  his  degrees  in  Chemistry  and 
Pharmacy  ?  Why  this  war  upon  Chlorides,  Nitrates, 
Muriatic  and  Nitric  Acids  ?  What  is  there  about  the 
Chloride  of  Potassium  to  make  it  a  contraband  of 
war?  Its  principal  use  is  in  the  manufacture  of 
Alum  ;  and  the  Confederate  troops  cannot  have 
much  use  for  that,  unless  the  Union  forces  intend  to 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


69 


set  the  Secessionists  on  fire,  and  prohibit  the  use  of 
Alum  in  order  to  prevent  the  Southerners  from  mak¬ 
ing  their  clothes  and  bodies  fire-proof.  I  can  under¬ 
stand  the  objection  to  Chlorate  of  Potash,  because 
that  makes  a  terribly  explosive  compound,  being  the 
chief  agent  in  the  manufacture  of  percussion  pow¬ 
der.  But  it  is  a  dangerous  article  to  handle,  and  why 
not  let  the  Southerners  have  it,  and  blow  themselves 
sky-high  with  it?  But  the  prohibition  in  this  par¬ 
ticular  amounts  to  nothing.  The  Muriatic  Acid  is 
prohibited  in  order  to  prevent  the  Confederate  army 
from  manufacturing  Chlorine  gas,  by  which  Chlorates 
and  Chlorides  are  made.  Muriatic  Acid  is  not  only 
not  essential  to  the  manufacture  of  Chlorine,  but  it 
is  not  used  at  all  in  making  that  article  on  a  large 
scale.  It  is  easily  made  with  manganese,  table  salt, 
and  unconcentrated  sulphuric  acid.  This  produces 
Chlorine,  and  neither  of  these  articles  is  prohibited. 
The  manufacture  of  Chlorine  from  the  Binoxide  of 
Manganese  and  Muriatic  Acid  is  so  perilous,  owing  to 
the  action  of  the  acid  on  the  lead,  and  the  evolution 
of  Hydrogen  gas,  by  which  a  spontaneous  explosive 
mixture  of  Chlorine  rs  produced,  that  the  attention 
of  the  Secretary  is  respectfully  asked  as  to  the  utility 
of  preventing  the  seceding  States  from  blowing  them¬ 
selves  up.  Why  prohibit  them  from  using  the  dan¬ 
gerous  articles,  and  allow  them  free  access  to  means 
unattended  with  any  peril  ?  And  why  prohibit  Pot¬ 
ash,  when  it  can  easily  be  manufactured  wherever 
wood  can  be  obtained  ?  The  small  quantity  of  Chlo¬ 
rine  and  of  Potash  needed  for  war  purposes,  can  be 
obtained  without  the  use  of  the  Secretary’s  inter¬ 
dicted  articles,  and  might  be  dispensed,  as  the  au¬ 
thorities  of  Massachusetts  sold  whiskey  some  years 
since — for  medicinal  purposes. 

The  prohibition  against  Nitric  Acid  and  its  com¬ 
pounds  can  answer  no  very  useful  purpose.  The  cir¬ 
cular  explains  that  Nitric  Acid  is  prohibited  because 
it  can  be  used  in  the  manufacture  of  gun-cotton. 
Why  should  the  Secretary  discourage  the  manufac¬ 
ture  of  this  article  ?  Its  use  is  attended  with  a  good 
deal  of  peril  to  those  who  handle  it.  For  war  pur¬ 
poses  it  cannot  be  compared  with  gunpowder.  It  is 
much  less  tractable,  very  perilous  in  itself,  and  terri¬ 
ble  on  weapons.  It  has  much  more  force  than  gun¬ 
powder,  and  does  not  make  smoke,  but  it  has  disad¬ 
vantages  that  counterbalance  all  these  qualities.  It 
may  ignite  from  percussion,  or  even  spontaneously, 
or  it  may  be  decomposed  by  the  moisture  of  the 
atmosphere,  or  even  spontaneously,  and  thus  become 
worthless.  Its  explosive  force  is  subject  to  great 
variations,  and  the  great  danger  attending  its  manu¬ 
facture  has  caused  the  almost  universal  abandonment 
of  attempts  at  making  the  article.  The  velocity  of 
its  combustion  is  too  great  for  all  fire-arms,  except 
those  of  unusual  strength  and  the  smallest  bore.  If 
it  gives  out  no  smoke,  it  gives  out  something  more 
deleterious — acid  fumes,  which  destroy  health.  Then, 
again,  cotton  is  a  fibrous  body,  and  the  physical  con¬ 
ditions  of  a  fibrous  body  are  strongly -opposed  to  its 
use  in  fire-arms. 

The  projectile  power  of  gun-cotton  is  nearly  or  quite 
double  that  of  gunpowder.  When  prepared  by  the 
American  method,  by  treating  Schonbein’s  gun-cotton 
with  a  saturated  solution  of  Chlorate  of  Potash,  it 
acquires  a  remarkable  force.  A  pistol  loaded  with 
one  grain  of  this  cotton  has  driven  a  ball  through  a 
yellow  pine  board  one  inch  thick,  at  the  distance  of 
twenty  feet. 

At  the  siege  of  Moultan,  in  India,  gun-cotton  was 
used  for  the  first  time  for  military  purposes,  and  the 


brilliance  and  breadth  of  flash  are  said  to  have  shown 
a  terrific  intensity.  But  the  British  Board  of  Ord¬ 
nance  have  decided  against  the  adoption  of  this  ex¬ 
plosive  article  for  fire-arms,  for  reasons  already  given. 
It  is  a  clear  case  to  one  of  the  Plymley  family,  that 
Secretary  Chase,  if  he  designs  evil  to  the  Southern 
Confederacy,  should  encourage  the  transit  of  articles 
for  the  manufacture  of  gun-cotton.  It  would  be  likely 
to  injure  the  Confederate  more  than  the  Union  armies. 

Gunpowder  is  by  far  the  most  manageable  and 
(  perfect  of  all  explosive  materials  for  fire-arms.  It 
I  is  very  curious  that  it  was  invented  by  a  priest,  and 
{  greatly  improved  by  an  English  Episcopal  bishop. 

I  Watson,  of  Llandaff,  and  George  111.  once  twitted 
the  soldiers  of  the  gospel  of  peace  about  the  gun¬ 
powder  direction  of  his  mental  powers.  The  last 
great  improvement  is  due  to  what  is  called  “  cylin¬ 
der  ”  charcoal,  made  by  distilling  wood  free  of  resin, 
in  iron  cylinders,  thus  gathering  its  volatile  products. 
Gunpowder  made  of  this  charcoal  is  so  strong,  that 
the  charges  for  this  used  in  ordnance  were  reduced 
nearly  one-third,  as  compared  with  gunpowder  made 
with  ordinary  charcoal.  Mr.  Faraday,  in  a  paper 
read  to  the  Royal  Institution,  showed  the  importance 
of  time  in  the  production  of  the  effects  of  gunpow¬ 
der.  If  it  exploded  as  instantaneously  as  fulminating 
mercury,  or  those  terrible  explosives,  chloride  of 
nitrogen  or  iodine,  it  would  be  useless  for  its  present 
applications.  It  would  go  the  wrong  way.  For  ex¬ 
ample  :  Mr.  Faraday  placed  on  a  plate  a  small  par¬ 
ticle  of  the  iodide  of  nitrogen,  and  touched  it  with 
a  long  stick.  The  parts  in  immediate  contact  with 
the  iodide  were  shattered,  the  end  of  the  stick  was 
shivered,  and  the  spot  in  the  plate,  covered  with  the 
iodide,  was  drilled  through  as  though  a  bullet  had 
passed  through  it.  Yet  the  stick  was  not  lifted  by 
the  explosion.  The  merit  of  gunpowder  is,  that  it 
lifts  and  projects  the  materials  in  front  of  it,  and 
thus  acquires  its  force.  Instantaneous  as  the  effects 
seem  to  be,  the  explosive  force  “  does  not  reach  its 
intensity  until  the  space  it  occupies  has  been  en¬ 
larged  by  that  through  which  the  ball  has  been  pro¬ 
pelled  during  the  first  moment  of  ignition.  Its  ex¬ 
pansive  force  is  thus  brought  down  and  kept  below 
that  which  the  breech  of  the  gun  can  bear,  whilst  an 
accumulating,  safe,  and  efficient  momentum  is  com¬ 
municated  to  the  ball,  producing  the  precise  effects 
of  gunnery.’’  The  inventor  of  the  monster  gun  at 
Fortress  Monroe  has  a  powder  made  expressly  for  it 
on  these  principles :  It  is  very  coarse-grained,  or  it 
is  made  in  perforated  cakes,  to  secure  the  results 
just  mentioned.  But  although  the  most  perfect  ex¬ 
plosive  article  for  war,  it  is  wasted  on  a  grand  scale. 
In  one  day  at  Sebastopol  the  Russians  fired  13,000 
rounds  of  shot  and  shell,  and  the  only  result  was  the 
wounding  of  three  men.  At  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  74, 987 
pounds  of  gunpowder  were  consumed  in  thirty  hours 
and  a  half ;  at  Badajoz,  228,830  pounds  in  104 
hours,  and  this  from  the  great  guns  only.  I  appeal 
to  you,  Messrs.  Editors,  should  not  the  Secretary  fur¬ 
nish  all  possible  facilities  to  the  Confederacy  for 
manufacturing  gun-cotton ! 

In  order  to  prevent  the  manufacture  of  fulminating 
mercury  for  percussion  powder  and  caps,  mercury  is 
prohibited ;  but  why  does  the  Secretary  order  an 
interdiction  upon  all  the  compounds  of  the  article  ? 
Are  we  no  longer  to  enjoy  the  privilege  of  being 
salivated  ?  Are  our  teeth  to  remain  wedged  in  our 
jaws  ?  Are  sluggish  livers  no  longer  to  be  spurred 
with  the  “  divine  remedy  ”  ?  Are  inflammations  to 
go  on  with  their  deposits  and  effusions,  and  are  wc  to 


70 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


use  nothing  to  oat  them  up  ?  Must  we  be  under  the 
combined  tyrannies  of  combustion  and  constipation  ? 
Is  not  gunpowder  direful  enough,  without  depriving 
us  of  the  benignant  offices  of  Mercury  ?  Are  we  to 
be  feasted  on  lead  pills,  and  be  debarred  from  mer¬ 
cury  pills  ?  Is  daguerreotyping  to  come  to  an  end 
from  the  Ohio  to  the  Gulf,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Indian  country  ?  Arc  we  to  use  buckets  of  water  or 
burnished  copper  for  mirrors  ?  Suppose,  Mr.  Secre¬ 
tary,  your  liver  were  locked  up  for  a  week,  wouldn’t 
you  want  blue  pill?  Think  of  going  backwards  in 
civilized  medicine,  in  one  class  of  cases,  to  times 
antecedent  to  Paracelsus.  If,  Mr.  Secretary,  you 
should  be  stretched  in  fever,  learn  the  agencies  of 
chlorate  of  potash,  and  then  let  us  have  blue  pill  and 
chlorate  of  potassa.  If  our  sufferings  become  intol¬ 
erable,  and  wre  order  blue  pill  and  calomel  from 
Wolverhampton,  would  you  be  gratified  in  seeing  it 
convoyed  from  Woolwich?  Are  the  mountains  of 
Cinnabar  in  California  to  stand  idly  kissing  the  moun¬ 
tain  air,  because  you  forbid  mercury  to  flow  through 
the  Mississippi  valley  ?  Answer  us  that,  Master  Chase. 
Why  not  forbid  lancets  ?  They  shed  blood  as  well  as 
Minie  balls.  Why  are  we  allowed  quinine,  if  we  can¬ 
not  have  mercury  ?  Why  is  morphine  regular,  and 
chlorate  of  potassa  contraband  ?  Alas,  Mr.  Secretary, 
if  you  starve  us  in  health,  is  that  any  reason  why  we 
should  be  starved  in  the  food  of  sickness  ?  Do  let  the 
mercury  and  chlorate  of  potassa  come  in  and  go 
through  us.  Jonathan  Flymley. 

— Louisville  Journal ,  May  2S. 


In  a  tow'n  in  Indiana,  an  old  man  of  sixty-five 
years,  with  hair  and  flowing  beard  as  white  as  snow, 
implored  permission  to  join  the  volunteers,  but  being 
refused,  he  went  to  the  barber’s,  had  his  beard 
cropped,  and  his  hair  and  beard  dyed,  and  again  | 
applied  for  admission.  Not  being  detected,  he  was 
received,  and  being  asked  his  age,  replied,  “  Rising 
thirty-five.” — New  Haven  Palladium ,  May  G. 

Savannah,  Ga.,  April  30. — On  the  occasion  of 
the  arrival  of  Mr.  A.  H.  Stephens  from  Richmond  a 
large  procession  was  formed,  which  marched  through 
the  city.  They  carried,  painted  on  canvas,  a  repre¬ 
sentation  of  the  American  flag,  soiled  and  torn,  sus¬ 
pended  by  a  broken  flag-staff.  Underneath  was  the 
picture  of  a  grave,  with  the  words,  “  Receive  me.” 
This  outrage  upon  the  flag  aroused  feelings  of  deep 
disgust  and  indignation  among  the  still  loyal  portion 
of  the  citizens ;  and  one  gentleman,  a  venerable  pas¬ 
tor  of  the  Seamen’s  Bethel,  openly  denounced  the 
proceedings,  declaring  that  Savannah  had  been  the 
first  to  dishonor  the  glorious  banner  of  the  Union. 
On  being  threatened  with  violence,  lie  told  the 
mobocrats,  that  though  he  was  an  old  man,  he  would 
defend  himself  if  attacked,  and  some  of  them  would 
bite  the  dust  if  they  laid  their  hands  on  him. — N.  Y. 
Times,  May  8.  _ 

Of  course  every  one  can  understand  how  Massa¬ 
chusetts  is  enabled  to  send  so  many  men  to  the  Lin- 
colnitish  army.  The  operative  population  of  the 
State  is  immense.  The  stagnation  of  business  and 
cessation  of  manufacturing  have  reduced  many  thou¬ 
sands  of  the  operative  and  laboring  classes  to  the 
verge  of  starvation.  It  is  these  paupers  who  are  so 
abundantly  pensioned  off  on  the  Federal  Government 
by  State  and  municipal  authorities.  The  body  of  the 
Massachusetts  soldiery  are  the  merest  hirelings. — 
Charleston  Evening  News,  May  7. 


The  Richmond  Dispatch  gives  the  following  de¬ 
scription  of  a  company  from  Western  Virginia, 
called  the  Grayson  Dare-Devils : — 

They  number  one  hundred  men,  all  six  feet  high, 
and  unfailing  rifle  shots.  The  company  consisted  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty-five,  but  it  is  said  their  com¬ 
mander  informed  them  that  only  one  hundred  would 
be  allowed  to  come  to  Richmond ;  and  to  decide 
which  of  them  should  enjoy  that  desired  privilege, 
they  fired  at  a  mark  running ,  and  the  hundred  who 
struck  the  target  nearest  to  or  exactly  in  the  centre, 
were  accordingly  detailed,  to  the  chagrin  of  the  re¬ 
mainder,  who  were  as  confident  as  their  comrades 
that  they  could  send  a  ball  at  every  crack  through 
the  vitals  of  a  Lincolnpoop. — N.  0.  Delta,  May  7. 


Old  Abe  has  his  intermediate  legs  in  perfect  readi¬ 
ness  to  run.  lie  has  not  passed  a  night  in  the  White 
House  for  two  weeks,  but  goes  into  the  barracks  to 
sleep  with  his  armed  hirelings  all  around  him.  He 
does  not  so  much  as  take  off  his  boots,  that  he  may 
be  ready  to  run  at  a  second’s  warning. — Petersburg 
( Va.)  Express,  May  4. 


EPIGRAM  ON  SOUTn  CAROLINA. 

0  Carolina,  sister,  pray  come  back  ; 

Scorn  not  our  flag,  nor  nightly  talk  of  wars, 

Lest  Uncle  Sam,  once  fairly  on  your  track, 

Should  make  you  feel  the  stripes  and  see  the  stars. 

— N.  Y.  Sun,  May  8. 

The  Charleston  Courier  gives  the  following  intel¬ 
ligence  of  matters  at  the  North  : — 

We  learn  from  a  passenger  from  Philadelphia,  that 
one  day  last  week  at  Havre  de  Grace,  three  of  the 
Northern  volunteers  refused  to  go  any  further,  assign¬ 
ing  as  a  reason  that  they  did  not  volunteer  to  go  into 
a  war  of  invasion  upon  the  South.  An  officer  stand¬ 
ing  by  instantly  cut  and  hacked  two  of  the  men  to 
pieces.  A  third,  who  took  the  same  ground,  gave 
vent  to  a  similar  expression  for  the  Union,  and  cut 
his  own  throat  from  ear  to  ear,  rather  than  allow 
himself  to  be  hacked  to  pieces. 

Mob  law  (in  New  York  city)  is  triumphant,  and 
Southern  men,  or  those  known  to  sympathize  with 
the  South,  are  in  constant  danger  of  their  lives. 
Vigilance  committees  visit  the  houses  of  the  wealthy, 
and  every  man  is  heavily  assessed  for  the  support  of 
the  families  of  those  who  have  volunteered  their  ser¬ 
vices  to  the  Administration.  Assessments  of  $5,000, 
$3,000,  and  $2,000,  on  large  houses,  are  said  to  be 
very  common.  Those  merchants  who  refuse,  or 
make  the  slightest  hesitation,  are  threatened  with  the 
cleaning  out  of  their  stores,  and  several  already  have 
been  emptied  by  the  mob.  Three  men  were  set  upon 
in  Florence  Hotel,  New  York,  and  two  killed,  for 
expressing  sympathy  with  the  South.  Merchants  are 
packing  off  their  clerks,  and  it  is  said  that  several 
large  manufactories  have  been  stopped,  with  a  view 
of  forcing  the  operatives  into  the  ranks  of  the  volun¬ 
teer  soldiery. 

The  Mobile  Advertiser  says  : — 

They  may  raise  plenty  of  men — men  who  prefer 
enlisting  to  starvation,  scurvy  fellows  from  the  back 
slums  of  cities,  whom  Falstaff  would  not  have 
marched  through  Coventry  with — but  these  recruits 
are  not  soldiers,  least  of  ail  the  soldiers  to  meet  the 
hot-blooded,  thoroughbred,  impetuous  men  of  the 
South.  Trencher  soldiers,  who  enlisted  to  war  on 
their  rations,  not  on  men,  they  are — such  as  marched 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


through  Baltimore,  squalid,  wretched,  ragged  and 
half-naked,  as  the  newspapers  of  that  city  report 
them.  Bellows  who  do  not  know  the  breech  ot  a 
musket  from  its  muzzle,  and  had  rather  filch  a  hand¬ 
kerchief  than  fight  an  enemy  in  manly  combat. 
White-slaves,  peddling  wretches,  small-change  knaves 
and  vagrants,  the  dregs  and  offscourings  of  the  popu¬ 
lace — these  are  the  levied  “  forces  ”  whom  Lincoln 
suddenly  arrays  as  candidates  for  the  honor  of  being 
slaughtered  by  gentlemen — such  as  Mobile  sent  to 
battle  yesterday.  Let  them  come  South,  and  we  will 
put  our  negroes  to  the  dirty  work  of  killing  them. 
But  they  will  not  come  South.  Not  a  wretch  of 
them  will  live  on  this  side  of  the  border  longer  than 
it  will  take  us  to  reach  the  ground  and  drive  them 
over. — N.  Y.  Sun ,  May  8. 

One  of  the  Ohio  regiments  elected  the  Rev.  Gran¬ 
ville  Moody,  a  well-known  Methodist  preacher  of  that 
State,  their  chaplain.  When  their  choice  had  been 
declared,  they  sent  to  Brother  Moody  to  ask  him  if 
he  would  go.  He  replied,  Why,  yes,  he  would  like 
to  be  their  chaplain— but  with  one  condition,  that 
they  would  furnish  him  with  a  musket — for,  said  he, 
“  in  our  Methodist  communion  we  do  not  believe  in 
faith  without  works.” — N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  8. 


A  company,  composed  of  sixty-five  men,  bearing 
the  name  of  Bedford  Yankee-Catchers,  was  organ¬ 
ized  at  Lisbon,  Bedford  County,  Va.,  and  the  follow¬ 
ing  officers  were  elected :  Captain,  John  Buford  ;  1st 
Lieut.,  W.  D.  Williams ;  2d  Lieut.,  David  Garrett ; 
3d  Lieut.,  W.  II.  Hatcher ;  Orderly  Sergeant,  Robert 
Garrett.  The  Yankee-Catchers  will  report  and  be 
ready  to  enter  service  in  a  few  days. — Richmond  Ex¬ 
aminer ,  May  18.  _ 

Letter  from  Mrs.  President  Davis. — The  fol¬ 
lowing  letter  from  Mrs.  Jefferson  Davis  was  written 
in  acknowlegment  of  the  receipt  of  a  beautiful  work- 
box,  manufactured  and  presented  to  her  by  several 
patriotic  misses  of  Petersburg  : — 

“  Montgomery,  Ala.,  April  29, 1861. 

“  My  dear  Young  Ladies  :  Permit  me,  before 
thanking  you  for  your  kind  present,  and  wishes  for 
my  husband’s  welfare,  to  congratulate  you  upon  the 
secession  of  Virginia — the  birthplace  of  my  mother, 
as  well  as  yours. 

“  The  elder,  and  honored  sister  of  the  Southern 
States,  is  received  with  tearful  joy  among  us,  and 
many  hands  will  fashion  stars  with  which  to  mark 
this  brilliant  accession  to  our  galaxy. 

“  The  possession  of  a  work-box  manufactured  by 
little  Southern  girls,  so  industrious,  so  enthusiastic, 
and  so  patriotic,  will  be  much  prized  by  me ;  and  I 
will  leave  it  to  my  daughter  with  the  note  which  pre¬ 
cedes  it,  as  a  precious  legacy. 

“  Long  ere  you  reach  the  responsibility  of  a  useful 
womanhood,  may  we  have  united  peace  to  independ¬ 
ence  in  our  Southern  Confederacy. 

“  Wishing  you,  my  dear  young  friends,  a  long,  a 
happy  life,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

“  Very  gratefully  and  sincerely, 

“  Your  friend,  Varina  Davis.” 

— Idem .  _ 


Massachusetts  was  the  first  to  start  a  regiment 
for  Washington ;  Massachusetts  blood  was  the  first 
shed  in  the  war  ;  a  Massachusetts  regiment  was  the 
first  to  reinforce  Fort  Monroe ;  the  first  to  open  a 


pathway  from  Annapolis  to  Washington  ;  the  first  to 
reach  the  capital ;  and  is  the  first  to  invade  Virginia ! 

“  God  bless  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  !  ” 
— Albany  Evening  Journal,  May  7. 

The  three  greatest  villains  and  traitors  which  the 
present  war  has  produced,  are,  beyond  all  doubt, 
Hicks,  Scott,  and  Harney.  We  place  them  in  the 
order  of  their  infamy.  Hicks  ranks  his  confederates 
by  long  odds.  Scott  and  Harney  have  some  pallia¬ 
tion  in  the  fact  of  their  being  mercenaries,  and  in 
their  carnal  weakness.  But  in  Hicks’  villainy  there 
are  no  mitigating  circumstances — no  plea  of  human 
frailty.  His  treachery  was  deliberate,  cold-blooded, 
cowardly,  and  hypocritical.  Before  the  incensed 
populace  of  Baltimore,  he  quailed  into  submission, 
abjured  his  Unionism,  and  declared  unqualifiedly  his 
determination  to  resist  the  Lincoln  invasion  to  the 
death.  The  threats  for  vengeance  against  the  Yan¬ 
kee  murderers  of  Baltimore  citizens  has  hardly  died 
away,  before  he  slunk  off  to  Winter  Davis’  den, 
and  set  to  work  concocting  a  plan  to  betray  Maryland 
into  Lincoln’s  hands.  The  men  of  the  South,  unfor¬ 
tunately,  trusted  his  assurances,  and  now  Baltimore 
and  Maryland  are  suffering  the  penalty  of  their  credu¬ 
lity  and  weakness. — New  Orleans  Delta,  May  23. 

A  thrilling  scene  is  related  of  one  of  the  Massa¬ 
chusetts  men,  who  was  mortally  wounded  at  Balti¬ 
more  by  the  mob  on  the  afternoon  of  the  fatal 
nineteenth  of  April.  He  soon  bled  to  death,  not¬ 
withstanding  every  effort  was  made  to  save  him  An 
instant  before  he  expired  he  rose,  struggling  with 
death,  and,  standing  erect,  he  fixed  his  glassy  eyes 
upon  every  person  in  the  room,  and  then  lifting  them 
towards  heaven,  and  raising  his  right  hand,  he  ex¬ 
claimed,  with  clear  voice,  “  All  hail  to  the  Stars  and 
Stripes !  ”  Saying  this,  he  fell  back  into  the  arms  of 
his  physician,  and  expired.  This  patriotic  declara¬ 
tion  of  the  dying  man  so  thrilled  the  lookers-on,  that 
all  but  his  immediate  attendants  turned  silently  away, 
although  many  of  them  were  stained  with  the  blood 
of  the  deceased. — N.  Y.  Herald,  May  5. 


The  man  at  Bunker  Hill  who  belonged  to  no  regi¬ 
ment,  and  no  company,  and  was  fighting  on  his  own 
hook,  is  well  remembered.  Another  man  of  the 
same  stamp  has  been  found  in  New  Hampshire..  The 
Littleton  (N.  H.)  Journal  says,  that  as  soon  as  tidings 
of  the  threatened  attack  on  Washington  reached  that 
town,  Mr.  Benjamin  W.  Kilburn  took  down  his  rifle 
and  started  for  the  nation’s  capital,  to  aid  in  its  de¬ 
fence.  He  is  said  to  be  an  excellent  marksman,  and 
anxious  to  cover  a  fighting  Secessionist  with  the 
sight  of  his  gun.  He  bears  his  own  expenses  in  the 
service  of  his  country.  Such  promptitude  equals 
that  of  John  Stark  of  Revolutionary  memory. — New 
Haven  Palladium,  May  6. 

Col.  Pinckney,  of  the  Sixth  Regiment  of  New 
York,  on  setting  out  from  Annapolis  to  Washington, 
made  a  stirring  address  to  his  men : — “  If  any  of 
you  falter,”  said  the  Colonel,  “  you  will  be  instantly 
shot  down ;  and  if  I  falter,  I  hope  you  will  put  a 
thousand  bullets  through  my  heart  at  once.”  Every 
officer  and  soldier  responded  with  a  most  enthusiastic 
“  Aye  ”  to  these  remarks,  which  were  delivered  in  a 
calm,  inflexible,  and  determined  way.  Col.  Pinck¬ 
ney  evidently  meant  all  he  said,  and  at  each  telling- 
point  every  soldier’s  heart  throbbed  audibly  beneath 
his  cross-belts. — Independent,  May  2. 


72 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


KING  COTTON. 

[After  Beranger.] 

BY  R.  H.  STODDARD. 

See  this  new  king  who  comes  apace, 

And  treats  us  like  a  conquered  race ; 

He  comes  from  Dixey’s  Land  by  rail, 

His  throne  a  ragged  cotton-bale. 

On  to  the  White  House  straight 
He’s  marching — rather  late, 

Clanking  along  the  land, 

The  shackles  in  his  hand. 

Hats  off !  hats  off ! 

Ye  slaves,  of  curs  begotten, 

Hats  off  to  great  King  Cotton  ! 

“White  niggers,  mudsills,  Northern  scum, 
Base  hirelings,  hear  me,  and  be  dumb : 
What  makes  this  country  great  and  free  ? 
'Tis  me,  I  tell  you — only  me  ! 

Beware,  then,  of  my  might, 

Nor  dare  dispute  my  right, 

Or  else  you’ll  find,  some  day 
There’ll  be  the  devil  to  pay  ! 

Hats  off !  hats  off ! 

Ye  slaves,  of  curs  begotten, 

Hats  off  to  great  King  Cotton  ! 

Dare  you  dispraise  my  royal  parts, 

And  prate  of  Freedom,  Commerce,  Arts? 
What  are  they  to  my  pedigree  ? 

Why,  Adam  was  an  F.  F.  V.  ! 

My  arms,  (a  whip,  ye  fools, 

Above  a  bloodhound,  gules !) 

Declare  my  house  and  birth — 

The  king  of  kings  on  earth  ! 

Hats  off !  hats  off ! 

Ye  slaves,  of  curs  begotten, 

Hats  off  to  great  King  Cotton ! 

Paupers,  who  can  l’esist  me  ?  None  I 
My  wife’s  a  pew  in  Washington ; 

My  youngest  son — he  looks  like  me — 

Will  be  in  Congress  soon,  (S.  C.) 

His  brother,  Colonel  Fuss, 

Trained  up  by  old  U.  S., 

Tore  down  your  dirty  flag — 

A  General,  now,  with  Bragg  ! 

Hats  off !  hats  off ! 

Ye  slaves,  of  curs  begotten, 

Hats  off  to  great  King  Cotton  ! 

Let  us  alone,  ye  Federal  crew, 

Nor  dare  collect  our  revenue  ; 

For  gentlemen,  from  earliest  date 
Were  never  useful  to  the  State. 

Thanks  to  my  forts,  and  guns, 

And  arsenals,  (yours,  once !) 

I  can  now  speak  my  mind, 

As  Ancient  Abe  shall  find  ! 

Hats  off !  hats  off ! 

Ye  slaves,  of  curs  begotten, 

Hats  off  to  great  King  Cotton  ! 

God’s  ministers,  we  fight  for  you : 

Aid  us,  ye  aid  the  Gospel  too. 

For  you,  beast-people,  (clear  the  track  !) 
Still  bear  our  saddles  on  your  back  ! 

We’ll  ride  you  all  your  lives ; 

Your  daughters,  too,  and  wives, 


Shall  serve  us  in  our  need, 

And  teach  our  girls  to  read  ! 

Hats  off !  hats  off ! 

Ye  slaves,  of  curs  begotten, 

Hats  off  to  great  King  Cotton  ! 

Your  musket,  chaplain — (mind  my  toes!) 
The  smoke  is  incense  in  my  nose  ! 

On  them,  Confederates,  great  and  small ! 
Down  with  the  Union — death  to  all ! 

From  my  brave  ancestry, 

These  rights  descend  to  me, 

And  all  true  Southern  men, 

World  without  end.  Amen. 

Hats  off !  hats  off ! 

Ye  slaves,  of  curs  begotten, 

Hats  off  to  great  King  Cotton  ! 

May  26,  1861.  —  Vanity  Fair. 


THE  HEAVENLY  OMEN* 

BY  ELIZABETH  T.  P.  BEACH. 


“  Three  cheers  for  Diana !  ”  loud  shouted  the  band  ; 
“  Faint  not,  gallant  sons  of  Columbia’s  land ; 

Our  cause  is  for  justice,  ’gainst  treason  and  shame, 
Our  rights  to  uphold,  and  our  country’s  fair  fame. 


*  A  singular  phenomenon  appeared  in  the  heavens  as 
the  Seventh  (New  York)  Regiment  were  floating  over  the 
broad  waters  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  on  their  way  to  the 
protection  of  Washington.  As  they  were  singing  their 
hymns  and  national  airs  beneath  the  clear  blue  evening 
skies,  and  the  notes  of  our  “  Star-spangled  Banner"  rang 
forth  over  the  silvery  waves,  the  moon  shone  out,  brightly 
arrayed  in  our  national  colors,”  wearing  a  brilliant  zone 
of  “  Red,  White  and  Blue,”  which  glorious  eight  was  en¬ 
thusiastically  cheered  by  the  Regiment  as  a  blessed  omen. 


Oh  !  say,  did  ye  see  round  the  moon  yesternight, 

“  Our  colors  ”  encircled  in  glorious  light  ? 

Our  “  Red,  White  and  Blue,”  fair  enzoning  the  sheen 
Of  the  “  Goddess  Diana,”  the  heavenly  queen  ? 

’Tis  most  wondrous,  I  know,  but  the  tale  is  o’ertrue, 
And  if  ye  will  listen,  I’ll  tell  it  to  you  ; 

No  vision  of  fancy  poetic,  I  ween, 

But  an  omen  most  blest,  that  by  hundreds  was  seen ! 

As  the  brave,  gallant  “  Seventh,”  were  chanting  last 
night, 

By  the  calm,  holy  gleam  of  the  moon’s  silvery  light, 
The  songs  that  our  fathers  had  sung  long  ago, 

When  our  ensign  they  bore  to  the  heart  of  the  foe, 

And  the  stars  brightly  smiled  on  the  flag  of  our 
land, 

That  responsively  waved  to  the  song  of  the  band, 
The  “  Star-spangled  Banner,”  in  full  chorus  glee, 

Lo  !  an  omen  soul-stirring  each  soldier  did  see  ! 

For  high  in  the  heavens,  encircling  her  there, 

Fair  Luna  “  our  colors  ”  did  brilliantly  wear  ! 

Bright  in  “  trinity  ”  circlets,  our  “  Red,  White  and 
Blue,”  * 

In  the  pure  starry  skies  were  presented  to  view  ! 

Thus  she  beamed,  as  the  “Star-spangled  Banner” 
they  sang, 

When  a  shout  of  wild  gladness  exultingly  ran  ! 

“  To  Diana  the  Goddess !  now  hail  “  three  times 
three !  ” 

Blest  omen  from  Heaven  of  our  victory  ! 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


73 


Sainted  heroes  are  gazing  with  sad,  deathless  look, 

On  the  shame  that,  if  with  us,  they  never  would 
brook  ! 

And  the  pux-e  Queen  of  Night  our  loved  colors  wears, 

To  say  that  our  cause  e’en  the  “  high  heaven 

shares  !  ”  _  , 

— N.  y.  Evening  Post. 


SONG  OP  THE  IRISH  LEGION 

BY  JAMES  DE  MILLE. 

E  Pluribus  Unum.  Erin  go  Bragh. 

Ye  boys  of  the  sod,  to  Columbia  true,  _ 

Come  up,  lads,  and  fight  for  the  Red,  White  and 

Blue  !  , 

Two  countries  we  love,  and  two  mottoes  we  11  snare, 

And  we'll  join  them  in  one  on  the  banner  we  bear . 
Erin,  mavourneen  !  Columbia,  agra  ! 

E  pluribus  unum.  Erin  go  bragh. 

Upon  them,  my  lads  !  and  the  rebels  shall  know 
How  Erin  can  fight  when  she  faces  the  foe  ; 

If  they  can’t  give  us  arms,  sure,  we  needn’t  delay  ; 
With  a  sprig  of  shillelagh  we’ll  open  the  way. 

Erin,  mavourneen  !  Columbia,  agra  1 
E  pluribus  unum.  Erin  go  bragh. 

“  Blood  Tubs  ”  and  “  Plug  Uglies,”  and  others  galore, 
Are  sick  for  a  thrashing  in  sweet  Baltimore ; 

Be  Jabers  !  that  same  I’d  be  proud  to  inform 
Of  the  terrible  force  of  an  Irishman’s  arm. 

Erin,  mavourneen  !  Columbia,  agra  ! 

E  pluribus  unum.  Erin  go  bragh. 

Before  you  the  tyrant  assembles  his  band, 

And  threatens  to  conquer  this  glorious  land ; 

But  it  wasn’t  for  this  that  we  traversed  the  sea, 

And  left  the  Green  Isle  for  the  land  of  the  free. 

Erin,  mavourneen  !  Columbia,  agra  ! 

E  pluribus  unum.  Erin  go  bragh. 

Go  forth  to  the  tyrant,  and  give  him  to  know 
That  an  Irishman  holds  him  his  bitterest  foe ; 

And  his  sweetest  delight  is  to  meet  him  in  fight, 

To  battle  for  freedom,  with  God  for  the  right ! 

Erin,  mavourneen  !  Columbia,  agra  ! 

E  pluribus  unum.  Erin  go  bragh. 

GOD  AND  THE  RIGHT. 

BY  DAVID  J.  DICKSON. 

(i  Now,  soldiers  of  Freedom,  for  love  of  God,  rally  1 
Old  Earth  yearns  to  know  that  her  children  are  men. 

Gerald  Massey. 

Arise  !  let  our  Banner  be  flung  to  the  skies  ! 

See,  the  Northern  battalions  are  roused  to  the 
fight ! 

The  echoing  mountains  shall  wake  to  our  cries : 

Our  Country  and  Liberty  !  God  and  the  Right ! 
The  old  Land  comes  down  with  the  old  Sword  in  hand ; 

She  comes,  as  she  came  to  the  olden  wars ; 

Her  frown  shall  strike  death  to  the  traitorous  band 
Who  would  tear  from  her  clutches  the  Banner  of 
Stars. 

Arise  !  let  our  Banner  be  flung  to  the  skies  ! 

See,  the  Northern  battalions  are  roused  to  the 
fight ! 

The  echoing  mountains  shall  ring  with  our  cries : 

Our  Country  and  Liberty  !  God  and  the  Right . 
Poetry — 10 


Then  let  the  storm  burst,  and,  as  firm  as  the  rock, 
We’ll  stand  with  the  old  Banner  streaming  on 
high ; 

The  breast  of  the  old  Land  is  bared  for  the  shock ; 

Like  freemen  we’ll  live,  or  like  freemen  we’ll  die. 
Then  strike  for  the  old  Land,  that  never  has  bowed, 
And  Vict’ry  shall  carry  our  Flag  through  the  wars ; 
But  if  we  must  fall,  let  our  glorious  shroud 

Be  the  Flag  of  our  Country — the  Banner  of  Stars. 

Let  the  Flag  of  our  Country  be  flung  to  the  sky  ; 

Our  arms  shall  be  bared  for  the  glorious  fight ; 

As  freemen  we’ll  live,  or  like  heroes  we  11  die  ! 

Our  Union  and  Liberty  !  God  and  the  Right . 

Sterling,  Pa.,  April ,  1861. 


DIXIE. 

BY  T.  M.  COOLEY.* 

Away  down  South,  where  grows  the  cotton, 
’Seventy-six  seems  quite  forgotten  ; 

Far  away,  far  away,  far  away,  Dixie  land. 

And  men  with  rebel  shout  and  thunder, 

Tear  our  good  old  flag  asunder, 

Far  away,  far  away,  far  away,  Dixie  land. 

Then  we’re  bound  for  the  land  of  Dixie  ! 

Hurrah  !  hurrah ! 

In  Dixie  land  we’ll  take  our  stand, 

And  plant  our  flag  in  Dixie  !  . 

Away,  away,  away  down  South  in  Dixie  ! 

Away,  away,  away  down  South  in  Dixie  ! 

That  flag— the  foemen  quailed  before  it, 

When  our  patriot  fathers  bore  it, 

Far  away,  &c. 

And  battle-fields  are  shrined  in  story, 

Where  its  folds  were  bathed  in  glory, 

Far  away,  &c. 

And  now,  when  traitor  hands  assail  it, 

Stanch  defenders  ne’er  shall  fail  it 
Far  away,  &c. 

Nor  from  its  glorious  constellation, 

Stars  be  plucked  by  pirate  nation ; — 

Far  away,  &c. 

Undimmed  shall  float  that  starry  banner, 

Over  Charleston  and  Savannah, 

Far  away,  &c. 

And  Bunker  Hill  and  Pensacola 
Own  alike  its  mission  holy ; — 

Far  away,  &c. 

Then  sound  the  march !  We  pledge  devotion 
In  our  blood  on  land  or  ocean, 

Far  away,  &c. 

Till  every  traitor  in  the  nation 
Gains  a  Haman’s  elevation, 

Far  away,  &c. 

Yes,  sound  the  march !  Our  Northern  freemen 
Turn  not  back  for  man  or  demon, 

Far  away,  far  away,  far  away,  Dixie  land. 

Until  once  more  our  banner  glorious 
Waves  o’er  Dixie  land  victorious, 

Far  away,  far  away,  far  away,  Dixie  land. 

*  This  song  lias  taken  bo  well,  that  arrangements  have 
been  made  to  send  it  to  our  regiments,  that  it  may  bo  the 
“Michigan  Patriots’”  song  of  the  campaign.— Ann  Arbor 
(Mich.)  News,  June  4. 


74 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Then  we’ll  plant  our  flag  in  Dixie  ! 

Hurrah  !  hurrah  ! 

Whoever  hauls  the  old  flag  down, 

We’ll  shoot  him  down  in  Dixie  ! 

Away,  away,  away  down  South  in  Dixie  ! 
Away,  away,  away  down  South  in  Dixie  ! 


STAND  BY  THE  FLAG. 

i. 

Stand  by  the  Flag ! — its  stars,  like  meteors  gleaming, 
Have  lighted  Arctic  icebergs,  Southern  seas, 

And  shone  responsive  to  the  stormy  beaming 
Of  old  Arcturus  and  the  Pleiades. 

ii. 

Stand  by  the  Flag  ! — its  stripes  have  streamed  in 
g'orj, 

To  foes  a  fear,  to  friends  a  festal  robe, 

And  spread,  in  rhythmic  lines,  the  sacred  story 
Of  Freedom’s  triumph  over  all  the  globe. 

in. 

Stand  by  the  Flag  ! — on  land  and  ocean  billow, 

By  it  your  fathers  stood,  unmoved  and  true, 

Living  defended — dying,  from  their  pillow, 

With  their  last  blessing,  passed  it  on  to  you. 

IV. 

Stand  by  the  Flag  ! — immortal  heroes  bore  it 
Though  sulphurous  smoke,  deep  moat,  and  armed 
defence, 

And  their  imperial  shades  still  hover  o’er  it — 

A  guard  celestial,  from  Omnipotence. 

v. 

Stand  by  the  Flag  ! — it  is  a  holy  treasure  ; 

Though  wrong  may  dim  some  stars  which  should 
be  light, 

A  steady,  gentle,  and  persistent  pressure, 

Kindly  exerted,  yet  will  make  them  bright. 

VI. 

Stand  by  the  Flag ! — though  death-shots  round  it 
rattle, 

And  underneath  its  waving  folds  have  met, 

In  all  the  dread  array  of  sanguine  battle, 

The  quivering  lance  and  glittering  bayonet. 

VII. 

Stand  by  the  Flag ! — all  doubt  and  treason  scorning — 
Believe,  with  courage  firm,  and  faith  sublime, 

That  it  will  float  until  the  eternal  morning 
Pales,  in  its  glories,  all  the  lights  of  time  ! 


THE  ZOUAVES’  BATTLE  SONG. 

BY  J.  HOWARD  WAINWRIGHT. 

Onward,  Zouaves  !  Ellsworth’s  spirit  still  leads  us  ; 
Onward,  Zouaves  !  for  our  country  still  needs  us  ; 
Onward,  Zouaves  !  for  our  banner  floats  o’er  us ; 
Onward,  Zouaves  !  for  the  foe  is  before  us. 

Chorus — Onward,  Zouaves  ! 

Do  nothing  by  halves ; 

Home  to  the  hilt  with  the  bay’net, 
Zouaves ! 


Onward,  Zouaves  !  for  the  foe  hath  defied  us  ; 
Onward,  Zouaves  !  we  have  brave  men  to  guide  us  ; 
Let  the  sunlight  and  moonlight,  from  bayonets 
glancing, 

Tell  the  foe  the  vanguard  of  the  North  is  advancing. 
Chorus — Onward,  Zouaves  ! 

Do  nothing  by  halves ; 

Home  to  the  hilt  with  the  bay’net, 
Zouaves ! 

Onward,  Zouaves  !  till  we  break  down  oppression  ; 
Onward,  Zouaves  !  till  we  crush  out  secession ; 

We’ve  shown  them  our  friendship  is  honest  and  true, 
We’ll  show  them  our  wrath  can  be  terrible  too. 
Chorus — Onward,  Zouaves  ! 

Do  nothing  by  halves ; 

Home  to  the  hilt  with  the  bay’net, 
Zouaves ! 

Onward,  Zouaves  !  for  our  bugles  are  clanging ; 

Onward,  Zouaves  !  the  assassins  need  hanging ; 

No  longer  we’ll  bear  with  their  rapine  and  wrong ; 

Their  guilt  makes  them  weak,  while  our  cause  makes 

us  strong. 

© 

Chorus — Onward,  Zouaves  ! 

Do  nothing  by  halves  ; 

Home  to  the  hilt  with  the  bay’net, 
Zouaves ! 

Onward,  Zouaves  !  when  the  struggle  is  ended, 
Homeward  we’ll  carry  the  flag  we’ve  defended  ; 
Home,  where  our  dear  ones  will  greet  with  caress- 
ings; 

Home,  where  our  country  will  greet  us  with  blessings. 
Chorus — Onward,  Zouaves  ! 

Do  nothing  by  halves ; 

Home  to  the  hilt  with  the  bay’net, 
Zouaves  1 

Onward,  Zouaves  !  till  the  traitors  are  punished  ; 
Onward,  Zouaves  !  till  the  treason  hath  vanished  ; 
Onward,  Zouaves  !  till  once  more  in  communion, 

O’er  the  North  and  the  South  floats  the  Flag  of  our 
Union. 

Chorus — Onward,  Zouaves  ! 

Do  nothing  by  halves  ; 

Home  to  the  hilt  with  the  bay’net, 
Zouaves ! 

— N.  Y.  Evening  Post. 


THE  PROPHECY  OF  THE  DEAD. 

BY  AMANDA  T.  JONES. 

Is  the  groaning  earth  stabbed  to  its  core  ? 

Are  the  seas  oozing  blood  in  their  bed  ? 
Have  all  troubles  of  ages  before, 

Grown  quick,  in  those  homes  of  the  dead  ? 

The  red  plagues  of  yore, 

Must  they  to  our  season  be  wed  ? 

We  thought  the  volcano  of  war 

Would  belch  out  its  flames  in  the  East ; 
We  knew  where  the  winds  were  ajar 
With  the  quarrel  of  soldier  and  priest : 

We  shuddered — though  far — 

To  think  how  the  vultures  might  feast. 

We  said,  “  We  have  Liberty’s  smile  ; 

Go  to  !  we  are  safe  in  the  West 


75 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


But  the  plague-spot  was  on  us  the  while, 

And  the  serpent  was  warm  in  our  breast. 

We  can  no  more  revile ; 

The  ox  is  for  sacrifice  dressed. 

Do  ye  hear,  0  ye  Dead,  in  your  tombs— 

Ye  Dead,  whose  bold  blows  made  us  free — 
Do  ye  hear  the  reveille  of  drums '? 

Can  ye  sav  what  the  issue  shall  be  ? 

Past  the  midnight  that  comes, 

Is  the  noon  rising  up  from  the  sea  ? 

Who  whispered  ?  Is  life  underneath, 

Astir  in  the  dust  of  the  brave  ? 

For  there  steals  to  my  ear  such  a  breath 
As  can  only  steal  out  of  the  grave  : 

“Ye  must  go  down  to  death  ! 

Y c  have  drunk  of  the  blood  of  the  slave ! 

We  have  sinned !  we  have  sinned !  0  ye  Dead ! 

Our  fields  with  the  outcrying  blood 
Of  Abel,  our  brother,  are  fed. 

Must  we  therefore  be  drowned  in  the  flood  ? 

Waits  no  Ararat’s  head  ? 

Is  no  ark  guided  there  by  our  God  ? 

“Ye  must  go  down  to  death  !  Have  ye  heard 
The  tale  of  the  writings  of  yore  ? — 

IIow  One  in  the  sepulchre  stirred, 

And  cast  off  the  grave-clothes  he  wore  ? 

In  the  flesh  dwelt  the  Word, 

Inheriting  life  evermore. 

“  When  the  foes  of  the  nation  have  pressed 
To  its  lips  the  sponge  reeking  in  gall ; 

When  the  spear  has  gone  into  its  breast, 

And  the  skies  have  been  rent  by  its  call ; 

It  shall  rise  from  its  rest : 

It  shall  rise,  and  shall  rule  over  all. 

—Buffalo  Courier. 


OUR  FLAG. 


The  nation’s  pulse  will  leap  with  joy, 

And  every  man  that's  true 
Will  fight  while  God  will  give  him  strength, 

For  Red,  White,  and  the  Blue. 

7  w 

Sugar  Grove,  Pa.  v 


THE  REPUBLIC. 

it  Tho  great  Republic  is  no  more.”— London  Times, 
by  wm.  oland  bourne. 

“  No  more  !  ” 

Thus  sigh  the  eastern  winds, 

As  o’er  the  sea  they  come, 

And  waft  their  murmurs  deep 
To  Freedom’s  radiant  home ; 

The  sad  waves  die  away 
Along  the  ocean  strand, 

And  whisper  low,  “  No  more  ! 

No  more  !  0  glorious  land  !  ” 

“  Ho  more  ?  ”  a  voice  replied  ; 

“  What  meaning  words  are  these? 

A  nation  oft  may  pass 

Through  red  and  bloody  seas  ! 

Through  fierce  baptismal  fires, 

Through  nights  that  have  no  ray, 

God’s  people  oft  must  pass, 

To  win  unclouded  day. 

0  Prophet  of  the  world’s  deep  woe ! 

0  Prophet  at  the  gloomy  shrine  ! 

Invoke  its  mystery,  and  show 

The  future,  if  thou  canst  divine !  ” 

A  solemn  tone, 

That  died  along  the  New  World’s  shore, 
Brought  back  alone 
The  Prophet’s  words,  “No  more  ! ” 

“  No  more,  Columbia,  shall  thy  banner  wave 
In  lustrous  azure  with  its  peerless  stars  ; 

Thy  glory  now  has  found  a  lasting  grave 

Thy  strength  shall  perish  through  the  bloody  Mars. 


“Let  the  Flag 
every  church  in 
cross  of  Christ.” 


of  our  Country  wave  from  the  spire  of 
the  land,  with  nothing  above  it  but  the 
Rev.  E.  A.  Anderson. 


Oh,  raise  that  glorious  ensign  high, 

And  let  the  nations  see 
The  flag  for  which  our  fathers  fought, 

To  make  our  country  free  ! 

Their  sons  beneath  its  ample  folds, 

With  loyal  hearts,  and  true, 

May  well  maintain  the  Stars  and  Stripes, 
The  Red,  White,  and  the  Blue. 


From  every  hill,  in  every  vale, 

Where  freemen  tread  the  sod, 

And  from  the  spires  where  freemen  meet, 
For  prayer  and  praise  to  God ; — 

Yes,  on  the  church— no  place  too  good — 
Our  country  yet  is  free ! 

Unfurl  the  Flag',  beneath  but  this — 

The  cross  of  Calvary  ! 


“  No  more  the  nations  of  the  world  shall  sigh 

For  Freedom’s  vision,  when  they  learn  thy  dream, 

But  watching  where  they  see  the  mighty  die, 

Shall  hopeless  wait  while  flows  the  sullen  stream. 

“  Come  up,  0  millions  !  gather  round  the  bier, 
Where  lies  the  great  Republic  in  its  sleep ; 

We  bury  nations  like  the  loved  and  dear, 

O’er  whom  we  linger  while  we  stand  and  weep 

“  Unlock  the  sepulchres  of  ancient  Time  ! 

Turn  back  the  bolts  that  keep  the  realms  of  gloom 

For  now  we  bury  in  an  age  sublime 
A  nation  glorious  in  her  early  doom. 

“  In  deep,  dark  caves  where  despots  long  have  lain, 
And  chains  have  rusted  with  the  added  years, 

We  lay  her  down,  no  more  to  rise  again, 

Nor  make  our  visions  restless  with  our  fears. 


Let  Southern  traitors  heed  their  doom  ; 

The  time  is  drawing  near 
When  Freedom’s  host,  with  patriots’  hearts, 
Among  them  will  appear. 


“  In  awful  shadows  and  the  sacred  urn, 

Her  place  shall  be  remembered,  but  no  more 
Shall  Freedom’s  name  make  human  hearts  to  burn, 
Or  swell  in  grandeur  from  the  Western  shoie. 


76 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


“  The  temple  crumbles,  and  the  pillars  fall ! 

The  altar  passes,  and  the  worship  dies  ! 

The  millions  gather  as  they  bear  the  pall, 

And  Freedom  seeks  her  refuge  in  the  skies. 

“  In  peaceful  slumber  let  her  pass  away  ! 

’Tis  vain  the  ancient  spirit  to  restore  f 
The  sun  is  set,  and  peaceful  let  the  day 

Close  on  the  mighty  nation  now  no  more  !  ” 

The  waves  rolled  on, 

And,  dying,  murmured  forth,  “No  more!” 
The  low,  sad  winds, 

Breathed,  as  they  lulled  to  rest,  “No  more  !  ” 
The  ancient  cliff, 

In  muttered  echoes,  said,  “  No  more  !  ” 

And  in  my  heart, 

Where  Hope  was  dying  on  the  shore 
Of  Doubt  and  Death, 

The  solemn  pulses  beat,  “  No  more  !  ” 

“  0  Prophet  of  the  world’s  deep  woe  ! 

Is  this  the  answer  from  thy  shrine  ? 

Wait  till  the  morrow — thou  shalt  know 
That  Freedom  hath  a  life  divine  ! 

The  sun  shall  stand  in  heaven  to-day, 

Nor  set  once  more  on  hill  or  plain, 

While  freemen  strike,  and  toil,  and  pray, 

Till  Freedom  lives  in  bliss  again  !  ” 

And  still  the  Prophet  said, 

“  The  nation  now  is  dead  ! 

The  great  Republic  is  no  more  !  ” 

Star  after  star  went  down ; 

The  flag  was  trailed  in  dust ; 

And  chiefs  of  old  renown 
Forsook  their  ancient  trust ; 

It  seemed  too  true, 

As  the  Prophet  said, 

That  the  life  had  sped, 

And  the  soul  was  dead, 

And  the  nation  lived  no  more  1 
And  e’en  when  Sumter  fell, 

The  heart  beat  silent  with  its  doubt, 

A  moment  only — for  the  spell 
Was  broken  by  the  freeman’s  shout. 

“  To  arms  !  to  arms  !  ”  they  cry ; 

“  Defend  that  flag,  or  die  !  ” 

“  To  arms  !  ”  amid  their  tears ; 

“To  arms  !  ”  as  in  the  years 
When  heroes  saw  the  field  of  battle  nigh ; 

“  To  arms  !  ”  replied  the  hills; 

“  To  arms  !  ”  the  mountains  grand ; 

“  To  arms,  let  him  who  wills  !  ” 

Swept  o’er  the  freeman’s  land ; 

It  leaped  from  hill  to  hill, 

It  shook  the  mountain  crag, 

For  love’s  electric  thrill 
Still  kept  the  starry  flag ; 

“  To  arms  !  ”  replied  the  plains, 

The  hot  blood  throbbing  through  the  veins, 

I  or  millions  rallied  with  the  vow, 

“  We  strike  for  Freedom  surely  now ; 

In  heaven’s  great  name  the  damning  wrong  shall  bow !” 

From  the  steep  mountain  side, 

From  the  deep  flowing  tide, 

From  the  green  prairies  wide, 

“  Forward  !  ”  they  cry ; 


From  the  far  eastern  hills, 

From  the  pure  flowing  rills, 

From  the  great  busy  mills, 

“  Onward  for  aye  !  ” 

From  the  forge,  old  and  grim, 

From  the  mine,  dark  and  dim, 

Swelled  the  bold  hero-hymn, 

“  Onward  or  die  1  ” 

And  to  their  arms  they  sprung, 

Freedom  on  every  tongue, 

True  to  the  songs  they  sung, 

Filling  the  sky  : — 

“Arm,  brothers,  arm  !  for  the  foe  is  before  us, 
filled  with  deep  hate  to  the  Union  we  love ; 
Onward  we  press,  with  the  loud-swelling  chorus 
Shaking  the  earth,  and  the  heaven  above. 

Chorus — Arm,  brothers,  arm  ! 

For  the  strife  be  ye  ready ! 

W  ith  an  eye  ever  steady  1 
Arm,  brothers,  arm ! 

“  On,  brothers,  on  !  For  they  haste  to  the  battle  ! 

The  treason  is  theirs,  whom  we  trusted  so  long ; 
For  Freedom  we  fight,  and  not  a  mere  chattel ; 

The  Union  and  Peace — the  Right  over  Wrong. 
Chorus — Arm,  brothers,  arm  ! 

“  Haste,  brothers,  haste  !  for  the  moments  are  flying ! 

An  hour  now  lost  may  undo  all  the  past ! 

And  millions  of  mourners  now  burdened  are  sighing, 
And,  terror-struck,  bow  in  the  force  of  the  blast ! 
Chorus — Arm,  brothers,  arm  ! 

“  Come,  brothers,  come  !  It  is  time  for  the  starting ! 

.  We  pray  on  the  field  !  At  the  altar  they  pray 
Who  mourn  for  our  loss— nor  wait  for  the'  parting — 
Our  children  shall  bless  us  for  valor  to-day  ! 
Chorus — Arm,  brothers,  arm  ! 

“  Swear,  brothers,  swear  !  For  the  Union  forever  1 
Resting  not  now  till  each  traitor  is  riven  ! 

God  for  our  land,  and  of  freedom  the  Giver, 

Onward  we  haste  in  the  sunshine  of  Heaven.” 
Chorus — Arm,  brothers,  arm  ! 

“  She  lives  !  ”  the  freeman  cried  ; 

“  She  lives  !  ”  my  heart  replied  ; 

“  She  lives  !  ”  rolled  o’er  the  plain, 

And  thrilled  the  waking  land, 

That  caught  it  back  again 
From  mountains  old  and  grand ; 

And  starry  banners  waved 

From  peak,  and  dome,  and  spire, 

The  flag  of  love  and  peace, 

And  glory’s  quenchless  fire. 

0  toiling  millions  on  the  Old  World’s  shore  I 
Look  up,  rejoicing,  for  she  is  not  dead  1 
The  soul  is  living  as  it  lived  before, 

W hen  sainted  heroes  spurned  the  tyrant’s  tread  ; 
The  strife  is  earnest,  and  the  day  wears  on, 

And  ages  tremble  at  the  mighty  blow — 

Beyond  the  conflict  is  a  glorious  dawn, 

A  rapturous  birth  of  Freedom  out  of  woe ; 

The  clouds  may  gather,  and  the  storm  be  long, 

And  lightnings  leap  across  the  darkened  sky, 

But  Freedom  lives  to  triumph  over  wrong — 

It  still  will  live,  for  Truth  shall  never  die  1 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


77 


Shot  and  Shell  Expended  during  the  Bombard¬ 
ment  oe  Fort  Sumter. — From  the  statistical  repoit 
of  the  batteries  engaged  during  the  bombardment  of 
Fort  Sumter,  published  in  yesterday’s  Mercury ,  we 
compile  the  following,  which  will  prove  interesting 
to  many  readers.  The  number  ot  shot  and  shell 
thrown  by  each  battery  is  here  given,  making  a  grand 
total  of  2,361  shot  and  980  shell. 

Stevens’  Battery,  Morris  Island . 

Trapier’s  Battery,  Morris  Island .  ~~ 

Cumming’s  Point  Battery,  Morris  Island...  006 

liifle  Cannon,  Morris  Island.... . 

Battery  No.  1,  Sullivan’s  Island . 

Battery  No.  2,  (Mortar,)  Sullivan’s  Island..  — 

Sumter  Battery,  Sullivan’s  Island .  651 

Oblique  Battery,  Sullivan’s  Island .  110 

Enfilade  Battery,  Sullivan’s  Island -  Kn' 

Dahlgren  Battery,  Sullivan’s  Island . 

Floating  Battery,  Sullivan’s  Island .  470 

Mount  Pleasant  Battery . 

Lower  Battery,  James  Island . 

Upper  Battery,  James  Island . 

— Charleston  Mercury,  May  3. 


SHOT. 

SHELL. 

1S3 

60 

— 

170 

336 

197 

11 

19 

_ 

185 

— 

SS 

651 

1 

,  no 

5 

.  600 

— 

— 

61 

.  470 

— 

— 

61 

— 

99 

.  — 

63 

2,301 

9S0 

The  New  Nation. — We  have  all  witnessed  the 
sudden  transformation  of  the  scene-painter’s  art — a 
whistle,  a  creak  of  a  wheel,  and  in  place  of  a  cot¬ 
tage,  a  palace  ! — a  sighing  maiden  is  followed  by  an 
exultant  conqueror;  and  seeing  these  delusions  of 
the  canvas,  we  have  accustomed  ourselves  to  look 
upon  it  as  a  trick  of  the  drama,  and  never  in  our  ex¬ 
perience  to  be  paralleled  by  the  actual.  We  are  to 
see  all  strange  things  in  the  19th  century,  and  of 
the  very  strangest  is  the  sudden  change  of  a  North¬ 
ern  people  from  a  race  of  quiet,  patient,  much- 
enduring,  calm,  “  consistent  members  of  the  Peace 
Society,”  willing  to  compromise  to  the  last  possible 
interpolation  of  the  Constitution,  to  a  gathering  of 
armed  men,  backing  up  courage  by  cash,  and  coming 
together  with  a  union  of  the  purse  and  the  sword, 
which  is  to  be  one  of  the  most  remarkable  chapters 
that  history  ever  wrote. 

The  Macaulay  of  American  annals  will  record  that 
in  one  brief,  earnest,  intense  ten  of  days,  the  chain 
of  party  melted  ;  the  organization  of  party  shivered ; 
the  leaders  of  opposing  opinions  were  as  brethren  ; 
Seward,  Douglas,  Dix,  even  Caleb  Cushing,  wrote  a 
full  acquittance  of  past  political  strife,  and  declared 
that  the  life  of  their  political  doctrine  was  the  pres¬ 
ervation  of  the  country’s  honor.  Who  shall  ever 
despair  of  a  nation  after  this  ?  If  from  our  quarrels, 
our  pale  compromises,  our  bondage  to  the  Exchange 
and  to  the  warehouse,  from  all  the  indolence  of  pros¬ 
perity,  such  a  transformation  to  the  camp  of  a  brave 
and  united  soldiery,  a  close  and  compact  counsel 
the  purse  inverted  over  the  soldier  s  needs  the 
struggle  who  shall  quickest  forget  his  party  watch¬ 
word,  and  learn  that  of  the  line  of  battle  if  this 
new  life  has  thus  sprung,  the  philosopher  of  History 
must  learn  of  us  new  ideas  of  the  power  of  a  free 
people. 

The  Revolution  of  1776  witnessed  no  such  union. 
More  families  left  New  York  and  her  sister  colonies, 
because  they  would  not  show  steel  to  King  George, 
(and  that  when  New  York  had  population  only  ot 
thousands  where  it  now  has  hundreds  of  thousands,) 
than  have  now  suggested  doubts  of  our  right  from 
all  the  vast  numbers  of  the  Northern  States.  We 
cannot  even  yet  realize  the  change  these  ten  days 
have  wrought.  We  arc  like  those  who  bring  all  their 
valuables  to  the  fire  of  the  furnace,  and  recast  the 


compound.  That  process  is  now  in  our  midst.  Docs 
any  man  suppose  we  are  to  be  fused  in  just  such 
party  shape  again?  Differ  we  shall — but  the  gold 
has  been  tried,  and  the  great  fact  established,  that 
those  dwelling  in  the  Northern  States  have  that  de¬ 
votion  to  the  country  at  whose  call  the  mother  gives 
her  son  to  the  battle,  the  capitalist  his  treasure  to  the 
cause,  and  men  blend  as  a  N  ation.  Were  we  ever  a 
Nation  before  ? 

All  lineages — the  Mayflower  man  is  in  the  front 
rank  only  to  be  met  in  line  by  those  who  look  back 
to  Delft  Haven.  I  have  found  the  warmest  thought 
and  act  in  those  who  but  a  month  since  were  doubt¬ 
ful  of  the  patriotism  of  those  of  us  who  could  not 
see  the  merit  of  “  compromise.”  The  voice  of  Ed¬ 
ward  Everett  rings  out  its  call  to  arms  the  men 
who  have  risked  to  offend  the  North  by  their  ultra 
Southern  views,  have  thrown  all  aside  as  the  caU  for 
Union  for  the  country’s  honor  reached  them. — Ar .  Y. 
Courier  <£’  Enquirer ,  May  2. 

Adventure  of  Commissary  Patton. — On  Sunday 
night,  the  21st  of  April,  Commissary  Patton,  of  the 
New  York  Seventh  Regiment,  with  .  important  de¬ 
spatches  from  Lieut. -Gen.  Scott  to  Brigadier-General 
Butler,  left  Washington  for  Annapolis  in  company 
with  Major  Welsh,  Col.  Lander,  and  Mr.  Y  an  \  alken- 
burgli.  They  took  separate  seats  in  the  cars,  and 
held  no  communication  with  each  other.  They 
arrived  safely  at  the  Junction,  but  had  no  sooner 
stepped  upon  the  platform,  than  some  merchant,  with 
whom  Mr.  Patton  had  done  business,  stepped  up  and 
said,  “Hallo,  Patton,  what  are  you,  a  National 
Guard,  doing  here?”  Mr.  Patton  endeavored  to 
silence  him,  but  not  until  too  late,  as  a  spy,,  who  had 
followed  the  party,  overheard  the  salutation.  Mr. 
Patton  walked  over  the  fields  to  the  Annapolis  train, 
but,  being  unable  to  ascertain  when  the  train  would 
leave,  he°went  to  the  hotel,  in  front  of  which  a  mili¬ 
tia  company  was  drilling.  In  a  lew  moments  there¬ 
after,  he  saw,  to  his  astonishment,  the  train  start  off 
without  a  passenger  on  board.  W  bile  smoking,  a 
cigar  upon  the  stoop,  a  lawyer  of  the  place  toqk  him 
by  the  arm,  and  asked  him  what  his  business  was,  at 
the  same  time  telling  him  that  he  was  suspected  of 
being  a  spy.  Mr.  Patton  replied  boldly,  “  I  am  no 
spy,  sir,  but  a  messenger  from  the  War  Department 
at  Washington  to  the  troops  at  Annapolis.”  The 
lawyer  then  gave  a  signal,  upon  which  the  militia 
company  marched  over  to  the  House.  The  captain 
of  the  company  also  demanded  to  know  his  business, 
when  he  replied  as  before,  and  further  said :  “  I  will 
not  be  taken  prisoner  by  any  civilian.  I  am  not 
aware  that  this  State  has  seceded  ;  and  if  you  arrest 
me,  I  demand  that  you  hold  me  as  a  prisoner  of  war, 
for’l  am  a  Government  officer.”  Ho  further  told  the 
captain  that  he  had  better  be  cautious,  and  set  forth 
the  responsibility  of  such  an  act.  This  set  the 
doughty  captain  to  thinking,  and  he  went  off  to  con¬ 
sult  with  his  comrades.  At  the  termination  of  the 
council,  the  captain  told  Mr.  Patton  that  he  must  go 
back  to  Washington,  and  that  they  would  send  him 
in  a  wagon.  To  this  he  assented  in  apparent  good 
faith,  and  said  he  would  walk  along  the  road  until 
the  wagon  was  ready.  A  short  distance  from  the 
village  he  stopped  to  chat  with  some  people  at  a 
farm-house,  and  was  agreeably  surprised  to  find  that 
they  were  related  to  one  of  the  captains  of  his  regi¬ 
ment.  Soon  the  wagon  came  up,  and  conveyed  him 
to  the  outposts  at  Washington,  where  he  alighted, 
but  the  vehicle  was  scarcely  out  of  sight  before  he 


78 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1S60-G1. 


“  faced  about  ”  and  started  again  for  Annapolis. 
Falling  in  with  a  countryman,  he  offered  the  man  $1 
for  a  lift,  which  was  accepted.  Being  worn  out  with 
fatigue,  lie  fell  asleep  in  the  bottom  of  the  wagon, 
and  thus  reposed  until  the  man  arrived  at  his  desti¬ 
nation.  Starting  onward  again,  he  overtook  a  boy- 
plodding  along,  and  after  some  conversation  engaged 
him  as  a  pilot.  Thus  they  kept  on  until  reaching  the 
main  road,  when  a  drunken  fellow,  armed  to  the 
teeth,  ordered  Mr.  Patton  to  “hold  on.”  Mr.  Patton 
said  his  name  was  “  Moore,”  and  that  he  was  going 
to  Annapolis  to  collect  some  money  which  was  owing 
him  ;  but  the  fellow  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he 

was  a  “  d - d  Yankee  spy,”  and  must  return  to  the 

tavern  near  by.  Here  were  several  other  rebels 
armed  to  the  teeth,  and  very  drunk.  They  took  Mr. 
Patton  inside,  and  held  a  “  Court  Martial,”  but  were 
diversified  in  their  decision  as  to  how  they  should 
dispose  of  him.  Some  wanted  to  shoot  him,  others 
to  hang  him,  and  others  to  lock  him  up.  Meantime 
drinks  were  called  for,  in  which  all  joined.  It  was 
finally  decided  to  hang  the  “  God  damned  spy,”  and 
Mr.  Patton  was  marched  out  to  the  yard,  where  he 
saw  a  rope  dangling  from  the  limb  of  a  tree.  Pend¬ 
ing  the  preparations  for  the  “  execution  of  the  spy,” 
a  gentleman  on  horseback  came  up,  and,  ordering 
the  men  to  fall  back,  took  Mr.  Patton  one  side,  at  the 
same  time  saying,  “  I  know  you,  sir ;  you  belong  to 
the  National  Guard,  and  I  drank  with  you  in  Balti¬ 
more.”  Some  further  conversation  ensued,  when  the 
gentleman,  who  represented  himself  as  the  com¬ 
mander  of  that  district,  said  he  would  release  him  if 
he,  Mr.  P.,  would  pledge  his  word  and  honor  to  re¬ 
turn  to  Washington.  This  pledge  he  readily  gave 
glad  to  escape  from  the  hands  of  a  drunken  rabble, 
and  forthwith  took  the  road  for  Washington.  About 
a  mile  away  from  this  scene,  he  met  his  boy,  who  had 
watched  the  proceedings  from  a  distance,  and  pay¬ 
ing  him  handsomely,  discharged  him.  After  several 
stoppages  upon  the  road  by  the  rebel  patrols,  he 
arrived  in  Washington,  and  made  report  to  Gen. 
Scott.  Here  he  found  his  companions,  who  had  also 
been  arrested,  and  sent  back.  Determining  to  start 
again  for  Annapolis,  he  disguised  himself  completely, 
and  in  company  with  a  friend,  who  had  a  fast  team, 
set  out  on  the  journey — in  search  of  a  stolen  horse. 
Every  person  whom  they  met  upon  the  road  was 
asked  about  a  “  stray  horse,”  but  no  one  had  seen  the 
animal.  This  ruse  took  well,  and  they  got  along 
without  much  interruption.  Reaching  a  tavern  at 
night,  they  took  supper,  and  apparently  went  to  bed. 
Mr.  Patton,  however,  slipped  out  of  the  back  door, 
and  started  off  on  foot.  Presently  he  came  to  a 
piece  of  woods,  but  had  not  proceeded  far  before  he 
heard  the  tramp  of  horses  and  the  voices  of  men. 
He  had  barely  time  to  conceal  himself  in  a  heap  of 
underbrush,  before  they  came  up  and  halted  near 
him.  From  their  conversation  he  learned  that  the 
Seventh  Regiment  had  moved  toward  Washington — 
a  fact  which  he  was  most  desirous  of  knowing.  The 
horsemen  directly  moved  away  after  hunting  about 
the  woods,  when  Mr.  P.  left  his  retreat,  and  safely 
reached  his  hotel  again,  where  he  overheard  a  con¬ 
versation  relative  to  the  destruction  of  a  bridge,  over 
which  the  train  containing  the  Seventh  had  "to  pass. 
The  nuts  had  been  taken  off  the  bolts  in  the  bridge, 
and  had  the  train  passed  over  it,  all  on  board  would 
have  been  killed.  Mr.  P.  and  his  companions  again 
got  under  way,  and  taking  measures  to  prevent  such 
a  calamity,  returned  to  Washington.  Mr.  Patton 
drove  eighty  miles ,  and  loalkcd  thirty  miles  within 


thirty  hours ,  in  order  to  accomplish  all  this. — Cor. 
N.  1.  Tribune ,  May  4. 


The  Cockade  Black  Diamonds. — Quite  a  novel 
spectacle  was  witnessed  in  Petersburg,  Va.,  as  we  are 
informed  by  a  gentleman  who  arrived  from  that  city. 
One  hundred  and  twenty  free  negroes,  uniformed 
with  red  shirts  and  dark  pants,  and  bearing  a  flag  of 
the  Southern  Confederacy,  which  had  been  presented 
to  them  by  the  ladies,  marched  through  the  city  and 
embarked  on  the  cars  for  Norfolk.  They  proceeded 
upon  this  excursion  of  their  own  free  will,  in  re¬ 
sponse  to  the  request  made  by  Gen.  Gwynn  for  the 
services  of  six  hundred  negroes  from  any  portion  of 
the  State,  to  work  upon  the  fortifications  around  Nor¬ 
folk  harbor.  They  were  all  in  the  finest  spirits,  and 
seemed  anxious  to  “  catch  Old  Linkum  one  time  ” — 
a  desire  which  appeared  to  be  foremost  in  their 
thoughts.  They  certainly  deserve  great  credit  for 
their  disinterestedness,  and  will  find  that  it  is  appre¬ 
ciated. — Charleston  Evening  News,  May  1. 

The  Occupation  of  Cairo. — This  audacious  move¬ 
ment  has  had  good  effect  in  developing  the  purpose 
of  our  enemies  to  prosecute  the  war  in  earnest,  and 
in  its  inspiring  influence  upon  the  Tennessee  and, 
Kentucky  mind.  It  conveys  a  threat  which  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  those  States  will  join  their  brethren  of  the 
Confederate  States  in  resenting  with  promptitude. 

Geography  has  made  Cairo  a  strategetical  position 
of  the  utmost  consequence.  It  is  the  key  to  the 
upper,  as  New  Orleans  and  the  Lake  and  the  Balize 
are  the  key  to  the  lower  Mississippi.  It  can  block¬ 
ade  St.  Louis  on  the  one  hand,  and  Louisville  on  the 
other;  while,  if  in  possession  of  a  considerable  force, 
possessing  heavy  ordnance,  and  commanding  the  rail¬ 
road  leading  south  of  that  point,  it  would  menace  the 
city  of  Memphis,  and  open  the  way  for  an  invading 
army  to  make  that  an  advanced  post  of  occupation. 
It  is  not  pleasant  to  contemplate  such  a  possibility. 
But  it  is  good  policy  to  face  it  fairly,  if  we  would  de¬ 
feat  it  effectually. — Jackson  Mississippian,  April  20. 

Tiie  Fikst  Gun  in  the  present  conflict  was  fired  at 
Fort  Sumter  on  Henry  Clay’s  birthday.  The  fort 
surrendered  on  Thomas  Jefferson’s  birthday.  The 
contest  began  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore  on  the  an¬ 
niversary  of  the  battle  of  Lexington  and  Concord. — 
Charleston  Mercury ,  May  6. 

.New  Tork,  May  6. — A  flour  merchant  of  this 
city,  who  has  just  returned  from  Charleston,  states 
that  he  was  impressed  into  the  rebel  service,  and  was 
in  Fort  Moultrie  during  the  whole  battle.  He  con¬ 
firms  previous  reports  of  the  destructive  effect  of 
Major  Anderson’s  fire,  and  adds : — 

The  very  first  shot  from  Fort  Sumter  came  boom¬ 
ing  into  one  of  the  port-holes  near  which  I  was  sta¬ 
tioned,  dismounted  the  gun,  and  shivered  the  car¬ 
riage  into  thousands  of  splinters.  These  splinters 
were  scattered  with  terrible  force  throughout  the  fort, 
killing  thirty-three  men  instantly ,  and  wounding 
many  more.  This  was  the  most  destructive  single 
shot  we  received,  but  throughout  the  entire  cannon¬ 
ading  the  havoc  in  Moultrie  was  terrible.  The  dead 
and  dying  lay  about  us  in  every  direction,  and  were 
trampled  under  foot  by  the  soldiers  in  their  arduous 
labors.  We  had  not  surgeons  enough  to  attend  to 
them  all,  and  the  groans  of  the  dying  and  their  pite¬ 
ous  cries  for  help  were  distressing  in  the  extreme. 
When  Sumter  finally  capitulated,  without  losing  a 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


79 


man,  thank  God,  the  relatives  of  our  dead  and 
wounded  hastened  to  Moultrie  to  learn  their  fate. 
Mothers  came  asking  for  their  sons,  sisters  for  broth¬ 
ers,  sons  for  fathers,  and  all  were  told  that  all  were 
well — that  none  were  killed,  but  that  confusion  pre¬ 
vailed,  and  the  soldiers  could  not  be  seen. 

That  night  the  bodies  of  the  dead  were  boxed  up 
and  conveyed  on  shore,  where  they  were  buried  in 
trenches  in  the  negro  burying-ground.  One  hun¬ 
dred  and  sixty  bodies  were  conveyed  to  the  burial- 
place  on  a  small  schooner ,  and  the  others  by  various 
other  conveyances.  On  the  following  day,  when  rela¬ 
tives  inquired  for  those  who  were  dead,  they  were 
told  that  they  had  been  sent  away  to  other  points  to 
recruit  their  energies.  Every  possible  means  were 
resorted  to,  to  keep  the  truth  from  being  known.  I 
myself  counted  over  two  hundred  dead  bodies  in 
Moultrie,  and  know  that  there  were  others  which  I 
did  not  see.  I  have  no  means  of  knowing  the  ex¬ 
tent  of  the  slaughter  at  the  other  fortifications,  but 
heard,  incidentally,  that  it  was  serious,  although  not 
so  great  as  at  Moultrie.  I  was  told  that  one  shot  at 
Stevens’s  Battery  dismounted  a  cannon  and  killed 
several  persons. — -ZV.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  May  6. 

The  furore  of  war  which  absorbs  the  North  to  that 
degree  that  Yankees  have  ceased  to  calculate,  will 
not,  and  cannot,  be  a  long-lived  sentiment..  Inva¬ 
sion  of  the  South  is  simply  la  mode ,  the  fashion,  the 
excitement  of  the  hour.  Just  as  they  ran  mad  after 
Jenny  Lind,  the  Japanese  Tommy,  Kossuth,  Morus 
Multicaulis,  Spirit  Rappings,  and  every  other  new 
bubble,  so  they  now  unite  in  the  great  delirium  of 
civil  war,  and  intoxicate  their  brains  with  thoughts 
of  blood  and  plunder.  When  all  the  individuals  of 
a  nation  have  been  occupied  from  their  birth  with 
ledgers  and  cash-books,  dollars  and  cents,  the  hum¬ 
drum  existence  of  trade  or  traffic,  a  “  sensation”  be¬ 
comes  a  necessity  to  their  mental  constitution.  No 
people  on  earth  need  temporary  excitement  like  the 
Yankees,  are  more  eager  to  get  it,  or  will  pay  more 
for  it.  Their  newspapers,  their  books,  their  theatres, 
their  cities,  furnish  daily  illustrations  of  their  thirst 
after  excitement.  But  it  never  lasts  long.  The  taste 
is  gratified,  the  want  supplied,  and  Yankees  become 
Yankees  again  until  the  next  season.  Once  used, 
they  never  take  up  the  cast-off  fashion,  and  that 
which  ran  them  mad  with  coarse  and  gregarious  en¬ 
thusiasm,  becomes  in  a  few  weeks  mere  caput- 
mortuum ,  stale  champagne, — old  clothes.  Kossuth 
coming,  was  greater  than  Washington  ;  Kossuth 
leaving,  attracted  no  more  attention  than  the  dust¬ 
cart  on  which  all  the  filth  of  the  newspaper  offices 
was  emptied.  The  whole  city  of  New  York,  men, 
women,  and  children,  the  upper  ten  and  the  b’hoys, 
assembled  in  one  dense  and  shouting  multitude,  to 
see  an  ugly,  vulgar,  money-loving  Swedish  opera 
woman  land  from  a  steamboat,  to  sing  to  them  to  the 
tune  of  half  a  million  of  dollars ;  but  three  months 
later  she  walked  and  travelled  with  as  little  notice  as 
any  other  strong-minded  woman  and  unprotected 
female.  As  with  these  trifles,  so  with  mania  of  a 
character  more  serious.  The  North  blazed  with  rage 
for  war  with  England  in  1812,  with  Mexico  in  1846, 
and  after  a  few  weeks  no  more  soldiers  could  be  got¬ 
ten  out  of  it  for  either.  The  tremendous  outburst 
of  ferocity  that  we  witness  in  the  Northern  States,  is 
simply  the  repetition  of  one  of  the  most  common 
traits  of  their  national  character.  It  is  the  fashion 
of  the  day,  the  humbug  of  the  hour,  and  it  will  cease 
as  suddenly  as  it  has  commenced.  Like  straw  on 


fire,  the  periodical  sensations  of  the  North  make  a 
great  flame,  but  to  sink  to  the  ashes  and  the  dust  of 
indifference  as  swiftly  as  they  sprang.  It  is  easy, 
and  to  them  amusing,  to  indulge  their  tastes,  of  this 
sort  in  bloody  talk  about  invading  the  South,  in  mob¬ 
bing  a  few  of  them  hitherto  suspected  of  sympathy 
with  us,  in  joining  volunteer  companies,  running  off 
to  cities  like  Washington,  by  way  of  Annapolis, 
where  no  brickbats  are  on  the  road  ;  but  in  three  or 
four  weeks  the  superfluous  gas  will  be  gone,^  and 
Yankees  will  be  Yankees  again. — Richmond  Exam¬ 
iner ,  May  3.  _ 

New  York,  May  3. — The  mate  of  the  schooner 
D.  B.  Pitts,  lately  arrived  from  Charleston,  says  that 
there  is  no  doubt  that  nearly  200  men  were  killed  in 
the  batteries  during  the  engagement,  and  that  most 
of  them  were  buried  on  the  beach.  He  says  that  on 
the  nights  of  the  15th,  16th,  and  17th  instant,  the 
steamboat  which  plied  between  the  city  and  the  bat¬ 
teries  took  down  an  aggregate  of  about  200  coffins. 
He  was  informed  also  by  a  gentleman  who  had  a 
brother  and  brother-in-law  in  the  garrison  of  Fort 
Moultrie,  that  after  writing  to  them  repeatedly  with¬ 
out  obtaining  any  answer,  he  finally  received  a  note 
from  one  of  the  officers,  stating  that  they  had  both 
been  killed,  and  that  their  bodies  could  be  sent  for, 
which  he  was  about  to  do.  He  learned  from  various 
sources  that  the  number  killed  in  Fort  Moultrie  was 
39,  but  could  not  ascertain  the  number  in  the  other 
batteries.  He  is  positive  as  to  the  shipment  of  a 
large  number  of  coffins  on  board  the  steamboat  on 
the  nights  mentioned,  having  seen  them  taken  on 
board  himself. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  3. 


Washington,  May  2. — Some  two  or  three  months 
since,  seven  negroes,  who  had  been  slaves,  effected 
an  escape  from  their  masters,  and  appeared  at  Fort 
Pickens,  then  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Slemmer. 
That  officer  returned  them  to  the  rebel  troops,  by 
whom  they  were  given  up  to  their  owners,  by  whom 
they  were  mercilessly  punished  for  the  attempt  to 
gain  their  liberty.  At  the  time  of  their  surrender, 
Fort  Pickens  was  greatly  in  need  of  men  to  defend 
it,  and  down  to  this  moment  there  has  been  no  day 
when  these  negroes  would  not  have  been  of  great 
use  in  the  various  labors  about  the  fort.  Just  such 
laborers  have  since  been  carried  thither  at  a  great 
expense  to  the  Government.  Their  fidelity  was 
guarantied  by  every  circumstance,  and  was  beyond 
question. 

When  General  Jackson  defended  New  Orleans,  he 
pressed  every  thing  that  had  any  fighting  quality 
about  it, — Barataria  pirates,  free  negroes,  whatever 
came  to  hand,  into  the  service. 

One  of  the  Secessionists  is  reported  to  have  said, 
that  if  Lieutenant  Slemmer  had  not  returned  these 
men,  11  a  nic/ger  would  not  have  been  left  in  all  that 
part  of  Florida.'" — N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  6. 

Novel  Charge. — The  Newberry  Conservatist  says : 
“  The  secession  of  Virginia  was  hailed  with  great  en¬ 
thusiasm  at  this  place  on  Friday,  by  firing  off  the 
cannon,  charged  with  powder  and  tobacco.  Hurrah 
for  the  Old  Dominion  State.” — Charleston  Evening 
News ,  May  3.  _ 

“  Regiments  in  Buckram.” — A  very  funny  article 
appears  under  this  title  in  the  New  Orleans  Commer¬ 
cial  Bulletin.  That  paper  pretends  to  have  heard 
the  news  from  Massachusetts,  but  it  evidently  is  still 


80 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


in  the  dark  concerning  the  achievements  of  the  men 
of  the  Bay  State  in  Maryland.  We  make  a  choice 
extract : — 

“Massachusetts,  the  telegraph  so  reports,  is  all 
alive  with  the  war  spirit.  Her  regiments,  according 
to  this  authority,  are  pouring  over  the  North  in  such 
vast  numbers,  as  to  induce  the  idea  that  the  descend¬ 
ants  of  the  men  who  refused  to  go  out  of  their  own 
State  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  Revolution,  were 
really  a  fighting  race.  But  those  who  know  these 
Puritan  fanatics  will  never  believe  that  they  intend 
to  take  the  field  against  Southern  men.  They  may 
muster  into  service  to  garrison  posts  comparatively 
free  from  attack,  and  when  they  can  be  sheltered 
within  impregnable  walls,  but  the  hereafter  will  have 
little  to  tell  of  their  deeds  in  the  tented  field,  or  the 
‘  imminent  deadly  breach.’ 

“  It  has  been  wittily  and  very  truthfully  observed, 
in  reference  to  Massachusetts’  share  in  the  Revolu¬ 
tion,  that  she  built  the  ‘  Bunker  Hill  Monument,  and 
went  on  the  Pension  List.’  The  history  of  the  com¬ 
ing  struggle  will  not  be  quite  so  brilliant  even  as 
that,  for  the  achievement  of  her  arms  will  win  no 
monuments — except  those  that  commemorate  her 
slain.” — Boston  Transcript ,  May  2. 

A  private  correspondent  of  The  Independent , 
writing  from  Washington,  gives  the  following  inter¬ 
esting  incident :  — 

“A  member  of  a  Worcester  company  was  intro¬ 
duced  to  me  as  a  man  of  pluck.  He  received  orders 
at  11-^  o’clock  on  Monday  night  that  his  company 
would  move  for  Washington  at  4,  a.  m.  At  3  o’clock 
he  called  for  the  young  lady  to  whom  he  was  en¬ 
gaged,  in  a  carriage,  and  they  immediately  drove  to 
a  clergyman’s  and  were  married.  At  4  o’clock  he 
left  with  his  company.  He  is  a  handsome  young  fel¬ 
low,  of  whom  his  new  wife  may  well  be  proud.” — 
Independent ,  May  2. 

Charleston,  May  3. — A  Northern  paper  informs 
us  that  “  there  is  hardly  a  house  (in  Philadelphia) 
from  which  the  triune  colors  arc  not  floating,  and 
woe  betide  the  unfortunate  householder  whose  colors 
are  wanting  when  called  for.” 

When  the  Commonwealth  of  Rome  was  subverted, 
the  people  were  compelled  to  worship  the  image  of 
the  despots  whom  the  brute  force  of  the  mercenary 
soldiery  had  elevated  to  brief  authority.  So  it  seems 
the  Black  Republican  mobs  of  the  Northern  cities 
compel  the  people  to  worship  striped  rags  as  evi¬ 
dence  of  their  obeisance  to  the  Abolition  despots 
who  now  desecrate  the  seats  of  power  in  the  Federal 
city. 

It  is  also  stated,  that  “  every  window-shutter  is 
tied  with  the  inevitable  red,  white,  and  blue.  Canary 
cages  are  trimmed  with  the  national  colors,  and  dogs 
perambulate  the  streets  wrapped  in  the  star-spangled 
banner.” 

“  Oh,  what  a  fall  was  there,  my  countrymen !  ” 
The  “  star-spangled  banner  ”  has  gone  to  the  dogs. 
“  Babylon  the  great  has  fallen,  and  is  become  the 
habitation  of  devils  and  the  hold  of  every  foul  spirit, 
and  a  cage  of  every  unclean  and  hateful  bird.” — 
Charleston  News ,  May  3. 

This  attempt  to  put  down  the  South  by  fire  and 
the  sword,  is  one  of  the  most  curious  and  incompre¬ 
hensible  things  that  ever  occurred  in  the  history  of 
the  world.  If  the  case  were  reversed — if  it  were  the 
North  which  had  seceded  from  the  Union,  and  set  up 


a  Government  for  itself,  the  South,  so  far  from  ob¬ 
jecting,  would  have  hailed  it  as  an  immeasurable 
blessing  and  relief.  They  would  have  said  to  the 
North,  “  If  you  want  to  go,  go  in  peace,  and  Heaven 
speed  you.”  When  we  propose  to  go,  however,  it  is 
all  different.  The  North  wishes  to  keep  us,  unwilling 
and  reluctant  though  we  be,  in  a  Union  which  we 
have  repudiated,  and  to  compel  allegiance  and  tribute 
from  a  people  known  to  be  galled  and  almost  mad¬ 
dened  by  the  association. 

There  is  no  justice  in  this,  no  liberty,  no  humanity, 
no  Christianity,  no  sense.  It  is  the  silliest  and  most 
ridiculous  enterprise  ever  undertaken  by  a  Govern¬ 
ment  professing  to  be  founded  on  the  consent  of  the 
governed.  It  is  not  only  senseless,  but  wicked, 
cruel,  inhuman,  and  barbarous. — N.  0.  Crescent , 
May  4.  _ 

The  members  of  the  Eighth  Massachusetts  Regi¬ 
ment  wTere  put  to  various  useful  purposes  in  forcing 
the  passage  through  Maryland.  It  seems  that  the 
Annapolis  Railroad  was  for  a  time  entirely  managed 
by  members  of  the  Cushing  Guard.  Lieutenant 
Ilodges,  a  machinist,  after  assisting  to  repair  the 
engine,  was  made  superintendent  of  the  road ;  Jo¬ 
seph  Batehelder,  son  of  Constable  Batchelder,  who 
was  formerly  an  employe  on  the  Newburyport  road, 
and  is  standard-bearer  of  the  regiment,  was  made 
engineer ;  and  private  Joseph  Jewett,  who  will  be 
remembered  as  the  lecturer  on  music,  was  employed 
as  fireman.  It  is  believed  that  he  is  admirably 
adapted  to  firing  up  !  The  entire  road  was  in  the 
hands  of  men  from  that  company.  After  the  war, 
railroad  corporations  will  know  where  to  look  for 
employes. 

One  exploit  by  members  of  the  Newburyport  com¬ 
pany  has  not  found  its  way  into  the  papers.  For  two 
days  they  had  nothing  to  eat  but  poor  pork  and  a 
little  hard  bread.  In  their  ranks  are  two  butchers 
from  this  city — Messrs.  Merrill  and  Cilley.  They  took 
a  tramp  into  the  pastures,  and  were  shortly  seen 
driving  an  ox  to  a  part  of  the  railroad  where  the  men 
were  at  work.  A  sturdy  blow  upon  the  head  brought 
the  animal  down  ;  the  body  was  strung  up  to  a  tree 
and  flayed,  and  in  a  little  while  the  whole  gang  were 
feasting  from  the  best  cut  of  beef-steak.  The  man¬ 
ner  in  which  the  men  of  the  Eighth  Regiment  have 
turned  their  hands  to  all  kinds  of  employment,  will 
render  them  famous  throughout  the  world,  and  for 
all  time.  Some  of  them  could  even  keep  a  hotel, 
which  every  man  cannot  do. — Newburyport  (Mass.) 
Herald ,  May  4.  _ 

New  York,  May  1. — A  party  of  Congressmen 
who  came  up  to-day  from  Annapolis  to  Perryville, 
Md.,  on  a  Government  steam-tug,  had  an  amusing 
adventure.  While  on  their  trip,  a  suspicious-looking 
craft  was  discovered  in  the  distance.  There  was  a 
good  revolving  howitzer  on  board  the  tug,  and  it  was 
instantly  got  ready  for  action.  Twenty-five  marines 
on  board  were  drawn  up,  but  their  services  were  not 
needed.  A  shot  brought  the  craft  to,  when  it  turned 
out  to  be  a  schooner  deeply  laden  with  provisions. 
She  was  sailing  under  papers  drawn  up  by  General 
Trimble,  of  Baltimore,  who  is  the  commander  of  the 
secession  troops  in  Baltimore.  Undoubtedly  the  pro¬ 
visions  were  intended  for  the  rebels  in  some  part  of 
the  South.  The  name  of  the  schooner  was  the 
Lioness.  She  was  brought  into  Perryville,  and  her 
Trimble  papers  taken  from  the  captain.  This  Gene¬ 
ral  Trimble  will  soon  be  taken  care  of  by  the  Gov- 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


81 


eminent.  It  is  high  time  that  he  was  tried  for 
treason. — A7".  Y.  Evening  Post,  Mag  2. 

Albany,  N.  Y.,  Mag  3.— The  Northern  spirit  is 
illustrated  by  the  following  incidents  : — A  few  days 
since,  a  company  from  Ogdensburgh  came  without 
orders,  the  first  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  the 
company  being  their  presence  at  Albany.  They  were 
inspected  and  mustered  in.  Next  day,  another  com¬ 
pany  from  the  North  Woods  came  in  the  same  way. 

Next  day,  Frank  Palmer’s  company,  from  Platts¬ 
burgh,  telegraphed  that  they  were  coming,  unless 
forbidden.  They  arrived,  95  men,  immediately  after. 
Yesterday  the  newspapers  gave  notice  of  the  Depey- 
ster  company,  Capt.  Curtis,  coming.  It  arrived  to¬ 
day,  giving  the  first  notice  of  its  existence  to  the 
Department.  This  evening,  Capt.  Bartlett’s  com¬ 
pany,  from  Odgensburgh,  came  the  same  way.  It 
will  be  inspected  and  mustered  here.  Three  hundred 
and  eighty  companies  are  required  for  the  30,000. 
To-day  there  were  415  companies  entered. — N.  Y. 
Tribune,  Mag  4.  _ 

Among  the  ordinances  adopted  by  the  Virginia 
Convention,  is  the  following : — 

Be  it  ordered  by  the  Convention  of  the  Common¬ 
wealth  of  Virginia,  that  the  flag  of  this  Common¬ 
wealth  shall  hereafter  be  made  of  bunting,  which 
shall  be  a  deep  blue  field  with  a  circle  of  white  in 
the  centre,  upon  which  shall  be  painted,  or  embroid¬ 
ered,  to  show  on  both  sides  alike,  the  coat  of  arms 
of  the  State,  as  described  by  the  Convention  of  177G 
for  one  side  of  the  seal  of  the  State,  to  wit : 

“  Virtus,  the  genius  of  the  Commonwealth,  dressed 
like  an  Amazon,  resting  on  a  spear  with  one  hand, 
and  holding  a  sword  in  the  other,  and  treading  on 
Tyranny,  represented  by  a  man  prostrate,  a  crown 
fallen  from  his  head,  a  broken  chain  in  his  left  hand, 
and  a  scourge  in  his  right.  In  the  exergon,  the  word 
‘  Virginia’  over  the  head  of  Virtus ;  and  underneath, 
the  words  ‘  Sic  Semper  Tyrannis.'  ” — Boston  Tran¬ 
script,  Mag  8.  _ 

It  was,  no  doubt,  the  profound  policy  of  Lincoln 
and  his  faction  to  throw  the  operatives  of  the  North 
out  of  employ,  to  secure  the  recruits  for  the  army  of 
coercion.  Starvation  produces  a  certain  sort  of 
valor,  and  a  hungry  belly  may  stimulate  patriotism 
to  a  kind  of  courage  which,  on  a  good  feed,  will  risk 
the  encounter  with  a  bullet.  It  appears  that  the 
Lincoln  recruits  from  Massachusetts,  at  Baltimore, 
were  in  large  proportion  cobblers.  The  Revolution 
seems  to  have  affected  their  craft  more  than  any 
other,  according  to  some  of  the  accounts ;  their  vo¬ 
cation  gave  them  admirable  facilities  in  the  fight, 
especially  in  running ;  they  used  their  footing  expe¬ 
ditiously,  and  took  a  free  flight  with  their  soles 
(souls) — not  one  of  them  apparently  being  anxious, 
under  the  fire  of  Baltimore  brickbats,  to  see  his  last. 
— Charleston  Mercury,  Mag  8. 

General  Leslie  Coombs,  of  Kentucky,  writes  to  a 
friend  in  Cincinnati,  under  date  of  April  27,  as 
follows : — 

“  We  could  not  control  the  Governor  and  his  co¬ 
conspirators,  but  we  appealed  to  the  people,  and  on 
next  Saturday  we  expect  to  elect  John  J.  Crittenden, 
James  Guthrie,  and  others,  to  a  brotherly  peace  con¬ 
ference — by  a  majority  unparalleled  heretofore  in 
Kentucky.  I  6hail  not  be  surprised  at  fifty  thou¬ 
sand.  The  destructionists,  anticipating  their  fate, 
Poetry — 11 


have  recently  resolved  to  abandon  the  contest.  Then, 
in  Heaven's  name  !  let  us  alone — keep  the  peace  on 
your  side  of  the  river,  and  we  will  give  treason  such 
a  rebuke  in  Old  Kentucky  that  it  will  never  again 
dare  to  raise  its  hideous  "head  among  us.  We  can¬ 
not  turn  our  Governor  out  of  office  till  his  term  ex¬ 
pires,  and  he  is  the  military  commander-in-chief  of 
the  State  ;  but  we  can  keep  Kentucky  in  the  Union 
— if  you  will  let  us. 

“  When  a  beardless  boy,  I  left  my  father’s  home 
in  Kentucky,  and  marched,  with  thousands  of  brave 
companions,  to  your  frontiers,  then  invaded  by  hos¬ 
tile  civilized  and  savage  foes.  I  do  not  boast  of  what 
I  did,  but  truthful  history  will  tell  you  that  I  poured 
out  my  blood  freely  on  your  soil ,  and  for  nearly 
fifty  years  I  have  been  incapable  of  manual  labor. 
And  is  Kentucky  to  be  rewarded  now  by  having  her 
soil  invaded  by  the  sons  whose  mothers  we  pro¬ 
tected  ?  Is  my  house  to  be  fired,  over  the  heads  of 
my  children  and  grandchildren,  by  the  children  of 
those  for  whose  sake  I  staked  my  life,  and  suffered 
innumerable  hardships  in  1812— ’13  ?  The  answer  is 
with  Ohio. 

“  We  have  resisted  official  coercion  in  Kentucky  ; 
let  no  power  on  earth  tempt  or  drive  you  to  bloody 
outrage  now. 

“  Very  truly  your  old  friend, 

“  Leslie  Coombs.” 
— N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  7. 


The  Boston  Traveller  recites  the  following  story, 
told  by  one  of  the  New  York  Seventh  Regiment : — 

“  While  in  Maryland,  I  wandered  off  one  day,  and 
came  to  a  farm-house,  where  I  saw  a  party  of  Rhode 
Island  boys  talking  with  a  woman  who  was  greatly 
frightened.  They  tried  in  vain  to  quiet  her  appre¬ 
hensions.  They  asked  for  food,  and  she  cried,  ‘  Oh, 
take  all  I  have,  take  every  thing,  but  spare  my  sick 
husband.’  ‘  Oh,’  said  one  of  the  men,  ‘  we  ain’t 
going  to  hurt  you  ;  we  want  something  to  eat.’  But 
the  woman  persisted  in  being  frightened  in  spite  of 
all  efforts  to  reassure  her,  and  hurried  whatever  food 
she  had  on  the  table.  When,  however,  she  saw  this 
company  stand  about  the  table  with  bared  heads,  and 
a  tall,  gaunt  man  raise  his  hand  and  invoke  God’s 
blessing  on  the  bounties  spread  before  them,  the  poor 
woman  broke  down  with  a  fit  of  sobbing  and  crying. 
She  had  no  longer  any  fears,  but  bade  them  wait,  and 
in  a  few  moments  had  made  hot  coffee  in  abundance. 
She  then  emptied  their  canteens  of  the  muddy  water 
they  contained,  and  filled  them  with  coffee.  Her 
astonishment  increased  when  they  insisted  upon  pay¬ 
ing  her.” — National  Intelligencer,  May  9. 

The  first  inquiry  made  by  the  Fire  Zouaves  on 
landing  at  Washington,  was,  with  grave-faced  earnest¬ 
ness,  “Can  you  tell  us  where  Jeff.  Davis  is?  we’re 
lookin’  for  him.”  “Yes,”  said  another,  “wc’ro 
bound  to  hang  his  scalp  in  the  White  House  before 
we  go  back.”  Another  one,  whose  massive  under¬ 
jaw  and  breadth  of  neck  indicated  him  “  some  in  a 
plug  muss,”  remarked  that  they  had  expected  to  have 
arrived  by  the  way  of  Baltimore.  “  We  would  have 
come  through  Baltimore  like  a  dose  of  salts,”  he 
added,  with  an  air  of  disappointment.  One  of  them 
beckoned  a  citizen,  confidentially,  to  his  side,  and 
inquired,  “  Is  there  any  secession  flags  about  here  ?  ” 
He  was  assured  that  secession  bunting  was  an  article 
that  did  not  prevail  there.  He  nodded,  and  added, 
“  I  only  wanted  to  know.” 

On  coining  down  the  Avenue,  the  Franklin  Fine 


82 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61 


Company  reel  passed  them  at  a  sharp  run,  on  its  way 
to  a  fire  ;  and  the  familiar  apparatus  was  saluted  with 
such  a  yell  of  recognition  along  the  entire  line,  as 
must  have  fairly  astonished  the  staid  old  reel. 

Somebody  remarked  to  one  of  the  b’hoys,  that  his 
hair  was  cut  rayther  short.  “  Oh,  yes,”  was  the 
reply,  “  we  all  had  our  heads  filed  before  we  left 
New  York.”  They  all  look  like  fighting  boys;  but 
one  company  seems  to  have  a  special  prestige  that 
way.  “  If  there’s  any  mischief  done,  lay  it  onto 
Company  68,”  seemed  to  be  a  pet  phrase  amongst 
the  b’hoys. 

Some  of  the  Zouaves,  in  emerging  from  their  quar¬ 
ters  (Columbian  Market  building)  this  morning,  dis¬ 
daining  the  tedious,  common-place  mode  of  exit  by 
the  stairway,  let  themselves  down  to  the  street  from 
the  third  story  by  a  rope,  like  so  many  monkeys. — 
Charleston  Mercury ,  May  8. 


Washington,  May  26. — The  Fifth  Massachusetts 
Regiment,  Col.  Lawrence,  having  received  orders  to 
march  over  the  Long  Bridge  into  Virginia  on  Satur¬ 
day  night,  were  filed  out  of  the  Treasury  Building 
with  astonishing  promptness,  when  it  was  discovered 
that  they  had  only  their  State  color,  not  having  re¬ 
ceived  their  national  ensign.  Immediately,  several 
Massachusetts  gentlemen — Hon.  G.  W.  McClelland, 
A.  W.  Fletcher,  Capt.  Perkins,  and  J.  Wesley  Jones 
— begun  a  search  for  the  “  Stars  and  Stripes  ”  under 
difficulties  which  were  happily  relieved  by  the  kind¬ 
ness  of  Mr.  J.  D.  Hammack,  who  very  kindly  con¬ 
sented  to  sell  them  a  beautiful  new  cashmere  flag,  of 
the  finest  quality,  which  the  ladies  had  made  for  his 
hotel. 

Securing  a  carriage,  they  overtook  the  regiment 
midway  on  the  Long  Bridge.  Word  having  been 
passed  along  the  line,  the  regiment  was  halted,  and 
Col.  Lawrence  advanced  to  the  carriage,  doubtless 
expecting  some  change  of  orders.  Judge  of  his  sur¬ 
prise,  when  the  committee  stepped  forward,  and,  un¬ 
rolling  a  beautiful  flag  to  the  breezes  of  the  Potomac, 
presented  it  to  the  gallant  Colonel,  and  through  him 
to  the  brave  boys  of  the  old  Bay  State,  accompanied 
by  a  few  felicitous  remarks  on  behalf  of  the  com¬ 
mittee  by  Mr.  J.  W.  Jones,  substantially  as  follows : 

“Soldiers  of  Massachusetts  ! — a  title  rendered  illus¬ 
trious  in  the  early  struggles  for  freedom  on  this  con¬ 
tinent,  and  now  established  by  your  prompt  and 
heroic  inauguration  of  the  present  war  for  the 
Union ,  is  the  proudest  title  any  citizen  of  the  world 
can  bear. 

“Soldiers  of  Massachusetts  !  with  honor  you  have 
borne  the  beautiful  ensign  of  your  native  State,  even 
within  the  confines  of  the  enemies  of  human  free¬ 
dom.  Having  rendered  the  capital  of  our  beloved 
country  safe,  you  now  march  towards  the  Gulf! — 
ready  1  to  do  and  to  dare,’  for  the  true  and  the 
right,  which  is  your  country’s  cause,  and  that  of  lib¬ 
erty.  And  we  bring  you  now,  and  here,  on  this 
dividing-line  between  loyalty  and  treason,  the  flag 
of  our  common  country — the  flag  of  the  forever- 
United  States. 

“  Soldiers !  thus  far  your  acts  are  matters  of  history, 
and  noble  acts.  But  we  come  to  give  expression  to 
the  feelings  of  pride  which  we  feel  as  Massachusetts 
men,  at  the  universal  praise  accorded,  by  all  the  citi¬ 
zens  of  Washington,  for  your  gentlemanly  bearing 
and  noble  conduct  while  quartered  in  the  capitol. 
Not  a  single  complaint  has  been  made  by  any  citizen 
of  Washington,  friend  or  foe,  of  any  uncivil  conduct 
by  any  Massachusetts  volunteer.  Bearing  this  high 


reputation,  you  now  advance,  not  as  a  conquering 
army  to  subjugate  and  enslave,  but  as  the  advance 
guard  of  the  grand  liberating  army  of  deliverance, 
bearing  the  ‘  stars  ’  of  hope  to  the  oppressed  lovers 
of  liberty  in  the  South,  and  the  ‘  6tripes  ’  of  justice 
for  all  their  traitorous  oppressors.  For  bear  in 
mind,  that,  though  you  will  contend  with  desperate 
villains  of  the  darkest  hue,  assassins,  and  poisoners, 
and  perjured  traitors,  there  are  yet  millions  of  the 
white  race  in  the  South,  who,  like  good  old  Daniel, 
daily,  with  their  hands  outstretched  towards  the 
heavens,  and  their  faces  eastward,  pray  God  for  a 
sight  of  your  advancing  columns,  as  their  only  hope 
of  salvation  from  a  bondage  worse  than  death,  an 
oppression  more  terrible  than  Siberian  convict  rule. 
As  soon  as  these  noble  men  shall  dare  to  speak,  your 
hands  will  be  strengthened,  and  your  hearts  cheered. 
Go  on,  then,  ye  heralds  of  civilization,  establishing 
in  your  march  the  church,  the  school-house,  the 
Bible,  and  the  Constitution,  as  the  only  sure  founda¬ 
tions  of  human  liberty.  In  your  veins  flow  the 
blood  which  ensanguined  the  fields  of  Lexington  and 
Concord,  and  rendered  immortal  the  heights  of  Bun¬ 
ker  Hill,  and  which  has  rebaptized  the  cause  of 
human  liberty  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore.  With 
you,  we  can  safely  trust  this  glorious  flag,  assured 
that  it  will  be  borne  to  higher  places  of  honor,  and 
will  never  cease  its  triumphant  march  until  every 
secession  symbol  shall  have  been  trampled  in  the 
dust,  and  every  traitorous  enemy  shall  have  been 
hung  in  mid-heaven,  or  be  forever  exiled  from  a  land 
which  he  has  cursed.  Bear  this  flag  proudly  in  every 
battle-field  for  liberty,  guard  it  well  and  long,  until 
triumphantly  it  shall  forever  wave  1  o’er  the  land  of 
the  free,’  and  no  home  of  a  slave  I  ” 

The  gallant  Colonel,  evidently  much  affected  by 
this  tribute  of  his  friends,  received  the  flag  with  a 
few  felicitous  remarks  and  with  many  thanks,  and  the 
column,  with  three  cheers  and  many  a  “  God-bless- 
you,”  resumed  their  onward  march. 

The  night  was  indeed  a  beautiful  one.  A  full 
moon,  just  mounting  the  eastern  sky,  cast  its  silvery 
sheen  over  the  rippling  waters  of  the  majestic  Poto¬ 
mac,  and  sparkled  on  the  bayonets  of  a  thousand 
muskets.  Camp-fires  and  signal-lights  dotted  the 
hills  on  both  sides,  making  a  picture  of  quiet  beauty 
never  to  be  forgotten. —  Washington  National  Re¬ 
publican,  May  27. 


OLD  VIRGINIA. 

Over  vale  and  over  mountain, 

Pealing  forth  in  triumph  strong, 
Comes  a  lofty  swell  of  music, 

Old  Virginia’s  greeting  song. 

In  the  new-born  arch  of  glory, 

Lo  !  she  burns,  the  central  star ; 
Never  shame  shall  blight  its  grandeur, 
Never  cloud  its  radiance  mar. 

“  Old  Virginia  !  Old  Virginia  !  ” 
Listen,  Southrons,  to  the  strain ; 
“  Old  Virginia  !  Old  Virginia  !  ” 
Shout  the  rallying  cry  again  ! 

— N.  0.  Picayune ,  May  5. 


Richmond,  Va. — Feeling  a  deep  interest  in  the 
coming  struggle,  but  yet  an  abiding  faith  that  Divine 
Providence,  which  has  so  evidently  upheld  us,  will 
sustain  us  still ;  remembering,  also,  that  God  takes 
care  of  those  who  take  proper  care  of  themselves,  we 
call  the  attention  of  the  Government  to  the  fact,  that 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


our  noble  army  of  volunteers  have  no  distinguishing 
symbol  from  those  at  the  North ; — alike  in  uniform, 
language,  and  complexion,  they  will  constantly  fall 
victims  to  mistakes.  We  would  suggest  that,  as  in  the 
wars  of  the  Roses  in  England,  the  white  or  red  flow¬ 
ers  designated  the  different  parties,  so  in  our  army 
the  letter  S,  in  the  form  of  a  metallic  badge,  about 
2£  inches  in  length,  worn  on  each  man’s  breast, 
would  guard  him  in  the  skirmish  or  the  battle  from 
being  slain  by  his  own  Southerners.  It  might  have 
inside  a  secret  stamp  or  mark,  to  prevent  it  from 
being  pirated  by  the  enemy. — Charleston  News, 
May  9.  _ 

The  most  eloquent,  persuasive,  and  convincing 
speech  ever  delivered  in  America,  was  delivered  by 
the  rebel  guns  when  they  opened  fire  on  Fort  Sum¬ 
ter.  That  speech  has  compacted  the  loyal  hearts  of 
this  broad  land  into  a  league  of  patriotic  freemen, 
who,  laying  aside  all  minor  issues,  are  now  ready  to 
defend  the  insulted  flag  of  their  country,  or  perish  in 
the  attempt.  The  North,  long  unable  to  believe  that 
treason  would  ripen  into  armed  rebellion,  is  now  fully 
awake  to  the  duties  of  the  hour  ;  and  every  day  only 
adds  to  the  firmness  of  the  determination  on  the  part 
of  the  free  States  to  maintain  the  Government  and 
save  the  Union,  for  themselves,  their  postei’ity,  and 
the  cause  of  Christian  civilization  throughout  the 
world. — N.  Y.  Christian  Intelligencer,  May  9. 


Mr.  Lincoln  is  of  a  Quaker  family,  and  it  is  to  be 
remarked  that  a  Quaker  President  is  the  first  one  to 
plunge  the  country  into  civil  war,  and  within  less 
than  six  weeks  after  his  accession  to  the  office.  Qua¬ 
kers  are  remarkable  for  approaching  their  objects  by 
indirect  means.  Thus,  Lincoln,  after  much  apparent 
hesitation,  despatched  a  fleet  to  reinforce  Fort.  Sum¬ 
ter,  knowing  that  it  would  expedite  the  reduction  of 
that  fort,  and  that  the  flag  would  fire  the  Northern 
mind,  while  it  would  at  the  same  time  inaugurate 
war.  From  that  initial  followed  incidents  and  epi¬ 
sodes  all  tending  to  array  the  North  and  the  South  in 
a  vexed  conflict. — N.  0.  Picayune,  May  9. 

The  New  Orleans  Crescent  thinks  that  one  South¬ 
ern  man  can  whip  two  Northerners,  and  suggests  the 
following  mode  of  beginning  and  ending  the  war — 

“  Let  a  proper  battle-field,  giving  both  armies 
equal  chance  of  position,  be  selected.  Jeff.  Davis 
should  command  a  Southern  army,  say,  for  the  con¬ 
venience  of  round  numbers,  of  fifty  thousand  men. 
Abe  Lincoln  (or  any  person  he  may  choose  to  desig¬ 
nate)  shall  command  an  Abolition  army  of  one  hun¬ 
dred  thousand  men.  The  equipments  of  both  armies 
should  be  equal — we  mean  in  small  arms,  artillery, 
cavalry,  etc. — only  that  the  Northern  army,  outnum¬ 
bering  the  Southern  army  in  the  proportion  of  two 
to  one,  shall  have  twice  the  equipments,  twice  the 
amount  of  small  arms,  twice  the  number  of  cannon, 
twice  the  regiments  of  cavalry,  etc. — that  the  South¬ 
ern  army  shall  have.  All  around  it  shall  be  in  pro¬ 
portion  of  two  to  one  in  favor  of  the  North ;  and  the 
position  on  the  battle-field  is  the  only  one  in  which 
there  shall  be  any  equality,  so  far  as  our  proposition 
is  concerned.  Topographical  equality  is  the  only 
quality  involved. 

“  Then  let  the  two  armies  engage,  and  forever  set¬ 
tle  the  question  between  the  North  and  the  South. 
If  Lincoln’s  one  hundred  thousand  men  whip  Jeff. 
Davis’s  fifty  thousand  men,  the  people  of  the  South 
are  to  bow  submissively  to  whatever  laws  and  regu¬ 


lations  the  Abolition  Government  at  Washington  may 
see  fit  to  adopt.  But  if  Jeff.  Davis’s  fifty  thousand 
men  whip  Lincoln’s  one  hundred  thousand  men, 
then  the  Government  at  Washington — or  wherever 
else  it  may  be  located,  as  we  do  not  believe  it  will 
stay  long  there — shall  agree  to  an  amicable  separa¬ 
tion  and  a  just  division  of  that  which  was  once  com¬ 
mon  property.” — N.  Y.  Independent,  May  9. 


A  FRAGMENT — CABINET  COUNCIL. 

Lincoln — [solus ;  asleep  in  a  rocking-chair — after 
a  pause,  springs  up  suddenly I\ 

Give  me  another  Scotch  cap  ;  wrap  me  in  a  military 
cloak ! 

Have  mercy,  Jeff.  Davis  !  Soft — I  did  but  dream. 

[ Loud  knocking  heard  at  the  door. ] 
Who  knocks  thus  loudly  ? 

Seward — [without.^  ’Tis  I,  my  Lord  !  the  White 
House  cock ; 

Thrice  have  I  crowed  since  the  day  hath  broke. 

[ Enter  Seward,  Chase,  Bates,  Blair,  Cameron,  and 
Welles. ] 

Cameron — How  doth  my  good  Lord  ? 

Lincoln — Indifferently  well,  methinks,  good  Coz. 
That  confection  of  liomminy  and  hog,  which,  as  my 
wont, 

Late  on  yester  eve  I  ate,  did  most  wofully  affect  me. 
Have  I  no  leech  among  my  councillors  chosen, 

Who  can  minister  to  a  body  diseased?  Alas,  my 
friends ! 

Bred  to  the  chicane  of  the  law,  what  know  ye  of  the 
leap 

And  bounds  of  rebellious  blood  by  fitful  fever  stirred  ? 
Bates — My  Liege,  as  I  glanced  o’er  the  morning 
prints, 

In  which  our  glories  are  duly  and  at  length  set  forth, 
Methought  much  praise  was  given  to  a  medicament 
Yclept  in  foreign  lore — Cephalic  Pills  ! 

Lincoln — Away  with  this  nostrum — I’ll  none  of  it ! 
For  know  ye,  I  bought  a  box  from  a  harum-scarum 
boy, 

Whom  I  encountered  on  our  Western  train,  and  who 
Cried— God  wot ! — “  Old  Abe,  buy  some  Pills?  ” 
These  I  bought,  and  tried,  and  got  no  better  fast. 

Blair — You’d  scarce  expect  one  of  my  age 
To  speak  in  public  on  the  stage.  Yet  I  can  but  think 
’Tis  not  the  confection,  but  the  defection  of  the 
Southern  tier, 

Which  pains  our  Liege’s - - 

Lincoln — Ass  !  knave  !  think  you  so  ? 

Know  you  not,  my  babbling  Coz,  that  this  defection 
Is  all  gammon  ?— the  crisis  is  but  artificial ! 

Chase— We  know  it  well;  would  we  could  for¬ 
get  it ; 

Yet,  your  Excellency,  I  read  in  some  fool 
Southern  paper — called,  I  know  not  what — 

The  Mail,  the  Mercury ,  or  some  such  absurdity — 
That  there  is  much  feeling  down  in  their  unsightly 
swamps, 

Where  Afric’s  wrongs  smell  rank  to  heaven. 

Lincoln — What  then  !  Let  them  howl ! — You 

know  full  well, 

That,  cry  as  they  may,  there’s  nobody  hurt ! 

Oh,  how  I  do  despise  a  peevish,  complaining  people— 
A  people  who  know  not  which  side  their  bread  is 
buttered. 

Misguided  people  !  who  would  fain  tear  away  three 
stripes — 

Two  of  red  and  one  of  white — from  our  Star-spangled 
Banner. 


84 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1800-61. 


Seward — \ aside. \  Long  may  it  wave  ! 

Welles — O’er  the  land  of  the  free  ! 

Bates — And  the  home  of  the  brave  ! 

Lincoln — And  imagine  they  founded  a  new  nation ! 

And  now  yon  fighting  Colonel  Davis, 
With  his  ragged  ragamuffin  crew,  loudly  swears 
He’ll  sit  in  this  very  chair  wherein  we  sit — 

Save  the  mark  ! — in  spite  of  Wool  or  Scott. 

Friends,  farewell !  yet  take  something  ere  ye  go  ; 
Leave  me  to  myself,  that  I  may  court  the  drowsy 
god. 

Watch  well  the  door,  that  no  foul  traitors  enter 
With  machines  infernal,  or  throated  revolving  pistol. 
Spread  yourselves,  and  lose  no  opportunity  to  tell 
Th’  expectant  people  that  all  is  going  well ; 

And  while,  reluctant,  ye  admit  the  Southern  feeling, 
Urge  and  declare  that  ’tis  marvellous  consoling, 

That  nothing  is  hurting  anybody.  There,  go  ! 

Stand  not  on  the  order  of  your  going,  but  go  at 
once. 

[ Seward  and  others  bow  and  depart.] 
New  Jerusalem  !  is  this  happiness  ?  When  erst 
I  dreamt  of  might,  majesty,  and  power;  when,  in 
days  gone  by, 

An  humble  splitter  of  rails,  wearing  but  one  shirt  a 
week ; 

Or,  when  in  revery,  I  leaned  in  listless  mood 
O’er  the  oar  (ha  !  a  pun)  of  the  slow-gliding  broad- 
horn, 

And  thought  of  the  powerful  and  rich  of  earth, 

And,  envious,  contrasted  their  gay  feasts  and  revels 
With  our  simple  joys,  our  humble  shuckings  and 
possum  hunts, 

Our  apple-bees  and  quilting  frolics — alack-a-day  ! 

As  Shakespeare  says  in  his  Paradise  Lost,  I  sadly 
feel 

That  “  distance  lends  enchantment  to  the  view.” 

— Nashville  Patriot ;  and  Charleston  Mercury 
May  G.  _ 


The  editor  of  the  Brookhaven  (Miss.)  Advertiser 
offers  the  following  argument  in  favor  of  raising 
more  corn  than  cotton : — 

We  have  always  been  persistently  in  favor  of 
planting  a  large  crop  of  corn,  even  if  cotton  has  to 
be  a  little  neglected,  particularly  in  times  like  these, 
when  communication  with  the  Ohio  may  be  cut  off  at 
any  moment.  Corn  is  a  necessity,  but  cotton  is  only 
a  convenience.  A  man  can  live  very  well  without  a 
shirt,  but  what  can  he  do  without  whiskey  ? — Charles¬ 
ton  Evening  News ,  May  9. 


As  Virginia  is  to  bo  the  great  battle-ground  be¬ 
tween  the  contending  sections,  and  the  first  collision 
of  arms  is  likely  to  take  place  on  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac,  we  hope  that  both  parties  will  consent  to 
respect  one  spot  as  sacred  and  neutral  ground.  Let 
the  grave  of  Washington  be  still  venerated  by  his 
countrymen  of  both  sides,  and  let  his  ashes  not  be 
disturbed  by  the  clash  of  hostile  steel  or  the  roar  of 
cannon.  Let  there  be  one  spot  where  the  descend¬ 
ants  of  the  men  who  fought  under  Marion  and  Sum¬ 
ter,  Putnam  and  Greene,  can  meet  without  shedding 
each  other’s  blood ;  and  if  ever  an  amicable  settle¬ 
ment  of  this  unhappy  civil  war  is  to  be  attempted, 
let  us  keep  the  holy  ground  of  Mount  Vernon  dedi¬ 
cated  to  the  purposes  of  peace,  and  there  let  the 
arbitrating  convention,  which  sooner  or  later  must 
treat  on  some  terms  for  an  adjustment  of  hostilities, 
meet  for  the  purpose. 

Let  the  press,  the  only  organ  which  can  now  speak 


to  the  people,  South  and  North,  claim  from  the  lead¬ 
ers  on  both  sides,  that  no  “  military  necessity  ”  shall 
excuse  the  defilement  of  the  soil  of  Mount  Vernon 
with  carnage,  or  its  air  by  the  sulphurous  breath  of 
battle. — Augusta  ( Ga .)  Chronicle ,  April  30. 


_  The  Richmond  Dispatch  gives  the  following  ad¬ 
vice  to  its  fellow-rebels : — 

“  All  over  the  State,  particularly  in  the  Tidewater 
and  Potomac  counties,  there  are  a  great  many  men 
who  do  not  belong  to  companies,  and  who  probably 
will  not  for  some  time.  They  have  not  regulation 
weapons,  but  almost  every  man  of  them  has  a  rifle, 
or  a  shot-gun,  or  a  flint-lock  musket,  and  one  or  more 
pistols  of  some  kind.  All  these  men  should  form 
neighborhood  squads  of  from  five  to  fifteen,  accord¬ 
ing  to  density  of  population,  put  the  weapons  they 
have  in  perfect  order,  make  each  of  them  a  strong, 
sharp  sheath-knife — a  large  old  file  or  rasp  makes  a 
splendid  one — keep  their  best  and  most  active  horse 
always  fresh  and  in  good  condition,  and  have  a  sig¬ 
nal  at  which  they  shall  all  gather  at  some  rendezvous. 
Such  squads  are  to  act  as  guerillas,  and  if  the  enemy 
approaches  their  section  of  the  country,  hang  upon 
his  outskirts,  fill  the  hollows,  hide  behind  trees,  in 
ditches,  anywhere  that  they  can  best  protect  them¬ 
selves  and  cut  down  the  enemy.  Such  men,  so  armed 
and  equipped,  can  destroy  an  enemy’s  army  more 
certainly  and  effectively  than  regular  troops,  and  any 
of  the  weapons  we  have  named,  in  the  hands  of  a 
cool,  determined  man,  is  sufficient.  Ten  men,  so 
provided,  and  using  proper  judgment,  can  pick  off  a 
hundred  men  in  a  day’s  march,  with  little  risk  to 
themselves.  They  will  also  prevent  foraging  and 
marauding  parties  from  scattering  through  the  coun¬ 
try,  and  every  man  they  drop  will  be  furnishing  Vir¬ 
ginia  with  at  least  another  weapon.  If  our  men 
through  the  country  will  organize  thus — all  of  them, 
boys,  old  men,  all  who  are  not  in  active  service — no 
army  can  ever  reach  Richmond,  and  our  State  can 
never  be  filled  with  the  bands  of  lawless  stragglers 
who  threaten  to  carry  so  much  terror  and  desolation 
to  our  homes  and  firesides.” — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  11. 

Philadelphia,  May  8. — A  gentleman  who  has 
just  made  his  escape  from  Memphis,  Tenn.,  gives  the 
following  account  of  a  solemn  ceremony  which  took 
place  in  that  city  a  day  or  two  before  he  quitted  it. 
He  says  that  he  was  an  eye-witness  to  the  whole  of 
the  proceedings,  and  as  he  is  a  man  of  the  greatest 
respectability,  his  statement  may  be  relied  on.  In 
the  one  solitary  square  which  Memphis  possesses, 
stands  a  statue  of  Andrew  Jackson.  By  the  side  of 
this  statue  a  large  pit  was  dug,  and  on  the  day  in 
question  our  informant,  who  was  standing  near  the 
place,  saw  a  body  of  about  five  hundred  men  slowly 
approaching,  headed  by  a  band  of  music  performing 
the  “  Dead  March.”  After  the  band  came  eight  men 
bearing  the  dead  body  which  was  to  be  consigned  to 
the  pit ;  this  corpse  was  no  more  nor  less  than  a  * 
large  standard  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  which  was 
solemnly  lowered  into  its  final  resting-place,  the  com¬ 
pany  assisting  in  respectful  silence.  The  earth  was 
then  thrown  upon  it — “  ashes  to  ashes,  and  dust  to 
dust” — and  the  pit  was  filled  up.  The  spectators 
then  dispersed  quietly,  apparently  thoroughly  satis¬ 
fied  at  having  paid  the  last  respects  to  an  old  friend’s 
remains.  The  tomb-stone  has  not  yet  been  put  up, 
nor  have  we  heard  what  sort  of  an  epitaph  is  to  be 
inscribed  on  it ;  but  no  doubt  it  will  do  credit  to 
Tennessee. — Philadelphia  North  American ,  May  9. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


85 


‘EIN  FESTE  BURG  1ST  UNSER  GOTT.” 

C Luthers  Hymn.') 

BY  JOHN  G.  WHITTIER. 

We  wait  beneath  the  furnace  blast 
The  pangs  of  transformation  ; 

Not  painlessly  doth  God  recast 
And  mould  anew  the  nation. 

Hot  burns  the  fire 
Where  wrongs  expire ; 

Nor  spares  the  hand 
That  from  the  land 
Uproots  the  ancient  evil. 

The  hand-breadth  cloud  the  sages  feared, 

Its  bloody  rain  is  dropping ; 

The  poison  plant  the  fathers  spared, 

All  else  is  overtopping. 

East,  West,  South,  North, 

It  curses  the  earth : 

All  justice  dies, 

And  fraud  and  lies 
Live  only  in  its  shadow. 

What  gives  the  wheat  field  blades  of  steel  ? 

What  points  the  rebel  cannon  ? 

What  sets  the  roaring  rabble’s  heel 
On  the  old  star-spangled  pennon  ? 

What  breaks  the  oath 
Of  the  men  o’  the  South  ? 

What  whets  the  knife 
For  the  Union’s  life  ? — 

Hark  to  the  answer  -.—Slavery  ! 

Then  waste  no  blows  on  lesser  foes, 

In  strife  unworthy  freemen. 

God  lifts  to-day  the  veil,  and  shows 
The  features  of  the  demon  ! 

0  North  and  South, 

Its  victims  both, 

Can  ye  not  cry, 

“  Let  Slavery  die  !  ” 

And  union  find  in  freedom  ? 

What  though  the  cast-out  spirit  tear 
The  nation  in  his  going  ?  _ 

We  who  have  shared  the  guilt,  must  share 
The  pang  of  his  o’erthrowing  ! 

Whate’er  the  loss, 

Whate’er  the  cross, 

Shall  they  complain 
Of  present  pain, 

Who  trust  in  God’s  hereafter  ? 

For  who  that  leans  on  His  right  arm, 

Was  ever  yet  forsaken  ? 

What  righteous  cause  can  suffer  harm, 

If  He  its  part  has  taken  ? 

Though  wild  and  loud, 

And  dark  the  cloud, 

Behind  its  folds 
His  hand  upholds 
The  calm  sky  of  to-morrow  ! 

Above  the  maddening  cry  for  blood, 
Above  the  wild  war-drumming, 

Let  Freedom’s  voice  be  heard,  with  good 
The  evil  overcoming. 

Give  prayer  and  purse 
To  stay  The  Curse, 


Whose  wrong  we  share, 

Whose  shame  we  bear, 

Whose  end  shall  gladden  Heaven  ! 

In  vain  the  bells  of  war  shall  ring 
Of  triumphs  and  revenges, 

While  still  is  spared  the  evil  thing 
That  severs  and  estranges. 

But,  blest  the  ear 
That  yet  shall  hear 
The  jubilant  bell 
That  rings  the  knell 
Of  Slavery  forever ! 

Then  let  the  selfish  lip  be  dumb,  _ 

And  hushed  the  breath  of  sighing ; 

Before  the  joy  of  peace  must  come 
The  pains  of  purifying. 

God  give  us  grace, 

Each  in  his  place 
To  bear  his  lot, 

And,  murmuring  not, 

Endure,  and  wait,  and  labor ! 

— N.  Y.  Independent,  J une  14. 


SUMTER. 

BY  “IKE.” 

Sixty  men  in  Sumter, 

Fearless  hearts  and  true, 

Stood  with  lighted  matches : — 

How  the  hot  shots  thumped  her  ! 

How  the  bomb-shells  flew  ! 

Twice  five  thousand  traitors 
Poured  their  vengeance  out, 

Maddened  by  their  leaders — 

And  the  Union-haters 
Raised  a  mighty  shout ; 

For  the  flames  were  curling 
Round  that  little  band, 

Who,  with  heads  uncovered, 

Sent  their  missiles  whirling 
Toward  the  treacherous  land. 

Still  the  fiery  question 
Iron  lips  propose — 

“  Will  you  now  surrender  ?  ” 

Then,  from  port  and  bastion, 

Came  the  thunderous  “  JVoes  !  ” 

You  all  know  the  story — 

How  at  last  a  band 

Left  that  smouldering  fortress, 

Crowned  with  wreaths  of  glory, 

Honored  by  the  land  ; 

How  the  rebel  gunners 
Slept  beside  their  guns, 

Never  more  to  waken, 

Red  with  bloody  honors, 

Treason’s  darling  sons. 

— New  Haven  Palladium,  May  6. 


GOD  PROTECT  US! 

BY  GEORGE  G.  W.  MORGAN. 
Air — “God  save  the  Queen." 

0  Lord,  we  humbly  pray, 

Thy  blessing  here  to-day 
On  us  may  fall ; 

Grant  us  our  earnest  prayer, 

Shield  those  who  need  our  care, 
Let  them  Thy  blessings  share, — 
God  save  us  all  ’ 


86 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


0  Lord,  we’d  lead  the  van, 

E’er  in  behalf  of  man, 

When  held  in  thrall ; 

Be  with  us  in  the  fight, 

Now  in  the  cause  of  right ; 
Cursed  be  the  Slaver’s  might,— 
God  save  us  all ! 

0  Lord,  we  fain  would  pray, 
Thy  grace  forever  may 
Direct  this  war ; 

And  where  our  flag’s  unfurled. 
Be  Freedom’s  gauntlet  hurled, 
Bid  Justice  rule  the  world 
For  evermore.* 


THE  YARD-ARM  TREE. 

•  i. 

0  !  the  trees  on  the  land  that  grow,  that  grow, 
And  the  fruits  that  they  produce, 

Demand  to  be  sung  with  vigor,  I  know, 

For  each  of  them  has  its  use. 

To  the  oak  and  the  beech  much  credit  is  due ; 
To  the  birch  we  have  all  dropped  a  tear ; 

And,  as  for  the  pine,  what  teachings  divine 
To  its  gum-clogged  knots  adhere  ! 

But  now  that  ti’eason  stalks  the  shore, 

And  sails  upon  the  main, 

The  tree  that  most  is  worth  a  toast 
From  all  of  loyal  grain, 

Is  the  taper  Yard-Arm  Tree, 

That  grows  on  a  ship  in  the  sea. 

ii. 

Up  from  the  Isthmus  we  steam,  we  steam, 
With  treasure  in  our  hold  ; 

Bars  and  dust  that  take  no  rust, 

And  nuggets  of  yellow  gold. 

Down  on  our  quarter  sweeps  a  bark 
Flaunting  the  Cotton  Flag ; 

A  rebel  bark,  with  a  letter  of  marque, 

And  they  strive  to  get  our  swag ; 

But  they  reckoned  without  one  skipper  brave, 
And  grand  it  was  to  see, 

The  bloated  Cotton  blossoms  wave 
Upon  our  yard-arm  tree. 

So  here’s  to  the  Yard-Arm  Tree, 

That  grows  on  a  ship  in  the  sea  ! 

—  Vanity  Fair. 


THE  UNION,  RIGHT  OR  WRONG. 

A  SOSO  FOR  T  IT  E  VOX.  USTEEIiS. 

BY  GEORGS  P.  MORRIS. 

I. 

In  Freedom’s  name  our  blades  we  draw — 

She  arms  us  for  the  fight ! 

For  Country,  Government  and  Law, 

For  Liberty  and  Right. 

The  Union  must — shall  be  preserved ; 

Our  flag  still  o’er  us  fly  ! 

That  cause  our  hearts  and  hands  has  nerved, 
And  we  will  do,  or  die. 

*  Dedicated  to  England’s  gallant  sons,  The  New  York 
i .ritish  Rifle  Regiment,  by  their  admiring  fellow-coun- 

irvmnn  u 


Chorus — Then  come,  ye  hardy  volunteers, 

Around  our  standard  throng, 

And  pledge  man’s  hope  of  coming  years — 
The  Union,  right  or  wrong  ! 

The  Union,  right  or  wrong,  inspires 
The  burden  of  our  song ; 

It  was  the  glory  of  our  sires — 

The  Union,  right  or  wrong  ! 

ii. 

It  is  the  duty  of  us  all 
To  check  rebellion’s  sway ; 

To  rally  at  the  nation’s  call, 

And  we  that  voice  obey  ! 

Then,  like  a  band  of  brothers,  go, 

A  hostile  league  to  break, 

To  rout  a  spoil-encumber’d  foe, 

And  what  is  ours,  retake. 

Chorus — So  come,  ye  hardy  volunteers, 

Around  our  standard  throng, 

And  pledge  man’s  hope  of  coming  years — 
The  Union,  right  or  wrong  ! 

The  Union,  right  or  wrong,  inspires 
The  burden  of  our  song ; 

It  was  the  glory  of  our  sires — 

The  Union,  right  or  wrong  ! 


WAR  SONG  OF  THE  FREE. 

Air — “Hail,  Columbia." 

i. 

War  sounds  his  tocsin  loud  and  high ; 
Ye  Freemen,  hear  the  battle-cry : 
Awake  ye  from  your  slumbers  deep, 
Your  Country’s  honor  still  to  keep  ! 
Her  hour  of  peril  now  is  here  ! 

The  liberty  she  holds  so  dear, 

The  rebel  Southrons  fain  would  see 
Consigned  to  blackest  infamy. 

Say,  shall  a  traitor  banner  wave 
O’er  ashes  of  our  bygone  brave  ? 

By  the  names  we  most  revere, 

By  the  trust  we  hold  so  dear, 

Sound  abroad  the  wild  alarm, 

Till  it  nerves  each  patriot’s  arm  ! 

ii. 

The  air  ye  breathe  as  yet  is  free ! 

The  song  it  sings  is  Liberty ! 

That  boon  for  which  our  fathers  died, 
lhat  boon  so  long  our  Country’s  pride. 
That  gift  to  every  loyal  son, 

From  the  dear  hand  of  Washington — 
Ye  offspring  of  the  honored  brave, 

Fay,  shall  it  find  a  hireling  grave, 

W  hile  one  more  drop  of  blood  remains, 
To  show  where  Freedom’s  spirit  reigns? 
As  we  bless  the  God  we  love, 

As  we  hope  for  heaven  above. 

Let  us  all  united  stand, 

For  the  honor  of  our  land  ! 

hi. 

By  traitor  hands  shall  Freedom  die  ? 

Her  sacred  shrines  in  ruin  lie  ? 

NO  !  rings  on  every  Northern  breeze ; 
NO  !  comes  from  all  our  inland  seas ; 
NO  !  bursts  from  every  patriot’s  heart, 
In  country  home,  or  city  mart ! 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


87 


The  hallowed  dust  we  tread  cries  out, 

“  Up,  Freemen,  at  the  battle  shout ; 

Let  not  a  traitor  hand  oppress, 

While  we  have  homes  to  guard  and  bless !  ” 
By  the  good  our  fathers  won, 

By  immortal  Washington, 

Let  the  cry,  “  We  will  be  free  !  ” 

Echo  on  from  sea  to  sea  ! 

IV. 

To  arms  ! — and  let  the  rebels  feel 
A  Freeman’s  blow,  and  blade  of  steel ! 

To  arms  !  to  arms  !  let  all  the  world 
See  Freedom’s  banner  wide  unfurled ! 

Let  all  the  waiting  nations  know 
We  still  have  hearts  to  dare  a  foe  ! 

That,  trusting  in  our  fathers’  God, 

We  ne’er  will  heed  a  tyrant’s  rod  ! 

That  we  will  guard  our  Liberty  ! 

That  to  the  end  we  will  be  free  ! 

Then,  in  one  united  host, 

Let  us  stand  at  Duty’s  post, 

And  let  all  the  nations  see 
How  we  love  our  Liberty  ! 

—Exeter  (A.  II.)  News  Letter,  May  6. 


ARMY  HYMN. 

BY  OLIVER  WENDELL  IIOLMES. 

“  Old  Hundred." 

0  Lord  of  Hosts  !  Almighty  King  ! 

Behold  the  sacrifice  we  bring  ! 

To  every  arm  Thy  strength  impart, 

Thy  Spirit  shed  through  every  heart ! 

Wake  in  our  breasts  the  living  fires, 

The  holy  faith  that  warmed  our  sires  ; 

Thy  hand  hath  made  our  Nation  free  ; 

To  die  for  her,  is  serving  Thee. 

Be  Thou  a  pillared  flame,  to  show 
The  midnight  snare,  the  silent  foe  ; 

And  when  the  battle  thunders  loud, 

Still  guide  us  in  its  moving  cloud. 

God  of  all  Nations !  Sovereign  Lord  ! 

In  Thy  dread  name  we  draw  the  sword ; 

We  lift  the  starry  flag  on  high, 

That  fills  with  light  our  stormy  sky. 

From  treason’s  rent,  from  murder’s  stain, 
Guard  Thou  its  folds  till  Peace  shall  reign ; 
Till  fort  and  field,  till  shore  and  sea, 

Join  our  loud  anthem,  Praise  to  Tiiee  ! 

— Atlantic  Monthly,  Juno. 


LITTLE  RHODY. 

Of  all  the  true  host  that  New  England  can  boast, 
From  down  by  the  sea  unto  highland, 

No  State  is  more  true,  or  more  willing  to  do, 
Than  dear  little  Yankee  Rhode  Island. 

Loyal  and  true  little  Rhody ! 

Bully  for  you,  little  Rhody  ! 

Governor  Sprague  was  not  very  vague, 

When  he  said,  “  Shoulder  arms !  little  -Rhody !  ” 


Not  backward  at  all  at  the  President’s  call, 

Nor  yet  with  the  air  of  a  toady, 

The  gay  little  State,  not  a  moment  too  late, 

Sent  soldiers  to  answer  for  Rhody. 

Loyal  and  true  little  Rhody  ! 

Bully  for  you,  little  Rhody  ! 

Governor  Sprague  wTas  not  very  vague, 

When  he  said,  “  Shoulder  arms !  little  Rhody !  ” 

Two  regiments  raised,  and  by  ev’ry  one  praised, 
W ere  soon  on  the  march  for  head-quarters ; 

All  furnished  first-rate  at  the  cost  of  their  State, 
And  regular  fighting  dread-naughters  ! 

Loyal  and  true  little  Rhody  ! 

Bully  for  you,  little  Rhody  ! 

Governor  Sprague  was  not  very  vague, 

When  he  said,  “  Shoulder  arms !  little  Rhody !  ” 

Let  traitors  look  out,  for  there’s  never  a  doubt 
That  Uncle  Abe’s  army  will  trip  ’em  ; 

And  as  for  the  loud  Carolinian  crowd, 

Rhode  Island  alone,  sir,  can  whip  ’em  ! 

Loyal  and  true  little  Rhody  ! 

Bully  for  you,  little  Rhody  ! 

Governor  Sprague  is  a  very  good  egg, 

And  worthy  to  lead  little  Rhody ! 

— N.  Y.  Sunday  Mercury. 


TnE  WILL  FOR  THE  DEED. 

BY  CAROLINE  A.  MASON. 

No  sword  have  I,  no  battle-blade. 

Nor  shining  spear ;  how  shall  I  aid 
My  Country  in  her  great  Crusade  ? 

I  cannot  sow  with  gold  the  sod, 

Like  Dragon’s  teeth,  and  from  the  clod 
Sec  armed  men  rise,  battle-shod. 

I  may  not  stand  in  mart  or  hall, 

And  shout  aloud  great  Freedom’s  call, 

“  Come  to  the  rescue,  one  and  all !  ” 

I  am  a  woman,  weak  and  slight, 

No  voice  to  plead,  no  arm  to  fight, 

Yet  burning  to  support  the  Right. 

How  shall  I  aid  my  Country’s  cause  ? 

How  help  avenge  her  trampled  laws  ? 

Alas,  my  woman’s  heart  makes  pause. 

With  oil  and  wine  I  may  not  go, 

Where  wounded  men  toss  to  and  fro, 
Beneath  the  invader’s  hand  laid  low. 

My  little  child  looks  up  to  me, 

And  lisps  a  stronger,  mightier  plea ; 

God  wills  where  he  is,  I  should  be. 

Ah,  well ; — I  am  not  needed !  He 
Who  knows  my  heart,  perchance,  for  me 
Has  other  work  than  now  I  see. 

“  They  also  serve,  who  stand  and  wait,” — 
Oh,  golden  words ! — and  not  too  late ! 

My  soul  accepts  her  humbler  fate. 

Content  to  serve  in  any  way, 

Less  than  the  least,  if  so  I  may 
But  hail  the  dawning  of  that  day, 


88 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


When  my  beloved  Land  shall  rise, 

And  shout  as  one  man  to  the  skies, 

Lo  !  Freedom  lives,  and  Treason  dies  1 

— Salem  (Mass.)  Register. 


RULE  SLAVEOWNIA. 

THE  NATIONAL  HYMN  OF  THE  CONFEDERATE  STATES. 
( Music  Copyright  in  America.') 

When  first  the  South,  to  fury  fanned, 

Arose  and  broke  the  Union’s  chain, 

This  was  the  Charter,  the  Charter  of  the  land, 

And  Mr.  Davis  sang  the  strain : 

Rule  Slaveownia,  Slaveownia  rules,  and  raves — 

“  Christians  ever,  ever,  ever  have  had  slaves.” 

The  Northerns,  not  so  blest  as  thee, 

At  Aby  Lincoln’s  foot  may  fall, 

While  thou  shalt  flourish,  shalt  flourish  fierce  and  free 
The  whip,  that  makes  the  Nigger  bawl.  ■ 

Rule  Slaveownia,  Slaveownia  rules,  and  raves — 

“  Christians  ever,  ever,  ever  should  have  slaves.” 

Thou,  dully  savage,  shalt  despise 
Each  freeman’s  argument,  or  joke  ; 

Each  law  that  Congress,  that  Congress  thought  so 
wise, 

Serves  but  to  light  thy  pipes  for  smoke. 

Rule  Slaveownia,  Slaveownia  rules,  and  raves — 

“  Christians  ever,  ever,  ever  must  have  slaves.” 

And  Trade,  that  knows  no  God  but  gold, 

Shall  to  thy  pirate  ports  repair ; 

Blest  land,  where  flesh — where  human  flesh  is  sold, 
And  manly  arms  may  flog  that  air. 

Rule  Slaveownia,  Slaveownia  rules,  and  raves — 

“  Christians  ever,  ever,  ever  shall  have  slaves.” 

— London  Punch ,  April  20. 


TO  ARMS ! 

BY  H.  A.  MOORE. 

Wake  !  wake  !  long-slumb’ring  North  ! 
Pour  thy  brave  legions  forth, 

Armed  for  the  fight. 

Hark  ’tis  our  Country’s  cry — 

“  Brave  men  for  Liberty 
Now  must  not  fear  to  die  !  ” 

God  speed  the  right ! 

Sons  of  heroic  sires, 

Turn  from  your  homestead  fires, 

Short  farewells  said ; 

True  sword  and  musket  take ; 

Forth  from  your  mountains  break ; 
Make  hill  and  valley  shake 
’Neath  your  mailed  tread. 

Mother,  give  up  thy  son  ! 

Wife,  bind  his  armor  on 
Who  is  thy  stay ! 

Sister,  thy  brother  yield ! 

Child,  speed  thy  sire  a-field! — 

God  is  the  patriot's  shield 
In  the  wild  fray. 

Maiden,  hold  back  the  tear, 

Utter  no  word  of  fear, 

Stifle  thy  woe. 


Where  could  thy  lover’s  head 
Find  such  a  glorious  bed, 

As  with  the  deathless  dead 
Nobly  laid  low  ? 

Arm,  for  the  Holy  War  ! 

Arm,  in  behalf  of  Law ! 

Give  heart  and  hand, 

Glad  to  pour  loyal  blood 
For  our  dear  Country’s  good, 

Forth  in  a  cleansing  flood, 

Over  the  land. 

Strong  hearts  of  North  and  West, 

Let  Treason  never  rest, 

Even  for  breath. 

Fair  Freedom’s  royal  name, 

Traitors  have  brought  to  shame ; 

Arm  !  To  redeem  her  fame — 

Fight  to  the  death  ! 

God  leads  our  loyal  host ; 

God  is  our  people’s  boast ; 

God  speeds  the  right. 

March  with  undaunted  heart ; 

Act  well  the  soldier’s  part ; 

Make  the  oppressor  smart ; 

Arm  for  the  fight ! 

Heaped  up  by  shot  and  shell, 

Hills  of  brave  dead  will  swell 
Red  on  your  sight. 

Faint  not ;  the  end  shall  be 
Triumph  for  Liberty ! 

Arm  l  march  to  victory  ! 

God  leads  the  fight ! 

BABES  IN  THE  WOOD. 

BY  “  C.  C.” 

So  you’ve  buried  the  flag  at  Memphis  ? 

How  many  fathoms  deep  ? 

What  seal  did  you  set  on  the  Stars  and  Stripes  ? 
And  who  that  grave  shall  keep  ? 

Alas,  for  the  dead  at  Memphis ! 

Mere  dust  to  dust  you  bear ; 

No  vision  of  Life  all  glorified, 

Of  Love  grown  heavenly  fair ; — 

No  radiant  dream,  with  a  Christly  sign, 

Of  the  victor’s  living  palm  ; 

Of  the  odorous  golden  joy  that  dares 
Join  seraphs  in  their  psalm  ! 

You  never  read,  in  a  rich  man’s  cave 
The  Life  of  a  world  lay,  slain  ! 

And  the  mourning  women  went  to  watch, 

But  found — where  he  had  lain. 

Come,  guess — Who  roll’d  from  his  cave  the  rock  ? 

Who  broke  great  Pilate’s  seal  ? — 

While  the  soldiers  sleep ,  and  the  women  weep, 
Base  hands  the  Body  steal. 

Vain  guess  for  knowledge  !  Children  dear, 

Not  Death  lay  in  that  cave, 

But  Living  Love  !  While  the  world  above 
Went  wailing,  “  Died  to  save  !  ” 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


89 


Well — -judge  if  Freedom’s  sacred  sign 
Can  moulder  under  ground, 

With  the  march  of  a  million  men  o’erhead, 
Their  banners  eagle-crowned  ? 

From  Plymouth  Rock  to  the  Golden  Gate, 

A  shout  goes  right  and  left ; 

The  aliens’  dreamful  watch  is  done — 

The  sepulchre  is  cleft. 

Weak  hands  !  Heap  clay  on  the  Stars  of  God ! 

They  never  shone  before  ! 

They  rend  the  shroud,  and  they  pierce  the  cloud ; 
All  hail,  then,  Thirty-Four  ! 

—  The  Independent,  June  14. 


TO  ELLSWORTH. 

So  young,  so  brave,  so  early  called, 

We  mourn  above  his  laurelled  bier ; 

His  name  on  every  heart  enrolled, 

To  friends,  and  home,  and  country  dear. 
Struck  by  the  traitor’s  reckless  hand, 

Falling  without  a  chance  to  raise 
His  sinewy  arm  with  flashing  brand  ; 

And  in  the  morning  of  his  days, 

Entering  upon  the  eternal  land. 

He  goes  his  waiting  God  to  meet, 

Without  a  sin,  without  a  fear ; 

And  as  he  walks  the  golden  street 
Of  yon  fair  far  and  wondrous  sphere, 

The  angels  all  their  harps  will  bring, 

And  hymn  their  holy  welcoming.  . 

J.  W.  F. 

—  Wash.  Sunday  Morning  Chronicle. 


Sons  of  Northern  six'es  arising, 

“  Display  who  gave  you  birth,” 

And  save  the  priceless  treasure,  won 
By  your  brave  fathers’  worth, — 

One  country,  free,  united, 

Called  by  one  glorious  name ; 

One  banner  floating  o’er  them, 

From  Lakes  to  Gulf,  the  same. 

Leave  shop,  and  bench,  and  counter ; 
Leave  forge,  and  desk,  and  field  ; 

Leave  axe,  and  spade,  and  hammer, 

For  weaker  hands  to  wiel  J 

Come  from  Penobscot’s  pine-clad  bank , 
Where  the  hardy  woodman’s  axe 

Hurls  crashing  down  the  giant  tree 
Upon  the  bear’s  fresh  tracks  ; 

From  the  clustered  hills  of  granite, 
Crowned  with  the  noble  name 

Of  him,  whose  home  dishonored 
Has  left  to  us  his  fame  ; 

From  where  Ticonderoga 

Looks  out  on  blue  Champlain ; 

From  the  green  shores  of  Erie, 

The  field  of  Lundy’s  Lane ; 

From  Bennington  and  Plattsburg, 

From  Saratoga’s  plain, 

From  every  field  of  battle 
Where  honored  dead  remain. 

Up,  Massachusetts  !  seize  the  sword 
That  won  calm  peace  and  free  ;* 

*  Ense  petit  placidam  sub  libertate  quictem. 

Poetry — 12 


’Tis  thine,  still  thine,  to  lead  the  way 
Through  blood  to  Liberty. 

On  Narragansett’s  busy  shores, 

Remember  gallant  Greene ; 

And  ye,  whose  fathers  oft  he  led, 

Bold  Putnam’s  courage  keen. 

Through  the  broad  Western  prairies, 

The  mighty  river  pours 
Its  swollen  floods  resistless 
On  subject  Southern  shores. 

So,  freemen  of  the  prairies, 

Pour  your  resistless  flood  ; 

And,  as  the  rushing  l-iver 

Whirls  down  the  drifting  wood, 

So,  let  your  armies  marching, 

O’erwhelm  the  traitorous  band, 

That  dared  their  country’s  flag  to  touch 
With  sacrilegious  hand. 

Kentucky !  “  Why  in  slumbers 

Lethagic  dost  thou  lie  ”  ? 

“  Wake,  join  with”  Massachusetts, 

Thy  time  and  “  old  ally.” 

In  East  and  West,  in  North  and  South, 

Let  every  patriot  rise, 

Till  North  and  South,  till  East  and  West, 

Shall  share  the  glorious  prize, — 

One  country,  undivided, 

Called  by  one  glorious  name, 

One  banner  floating  o’er  us. 

From  Gulf  to  Lakes  the  same. 

Boston,  May  18,  1861.  G.  S.  H. 

— Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  May  25. 


THE  HOLY  WAR. 

IXY  MRS.  HARRIET  BEECHER  STOWE. 

“  And  I  saw  heaven  opened,  and  beheld  a  white  horse  ; 
and  he  that  sat  upon  him  was  called  Faithful  and  True, 
and  in  righteousness  he  doth  judge  and  make  war.  Ilis 
eyes  were  as  a  flamo  of  fire,  and  on  his  head  were  many 
crowns  ;  and  he  had  a  name  written,  that  no  man  knew, 
hut  he  himself.  And  the  armies  which  were  in  heaven 
followed  him  upon  whito  horses,  clothed  in  fino  linen, 
whito  and  clean.”— Rev.  six.  11, 12,  14. 

To  the  last  battle  set,  throughout  the  earth  l 
Not  for  vile  lust  of  plunder  or  of  power 
The  hosts  of  justice  and  eternal  right 
Unfurl  their  banner  in  this  solemn  hour. 

A  King  rides  forth,  whose  eyes,  as  burning  fire, 
Wither  oppression  in  their  dazzling  flame  ; 

And  he  hath  sworn  to  right  all  human  wrong, 

By  the  dread  power  of  his  mysterious  name. 

O’er  all  the  earth  resounds  his  trumpet-call. 

The  nations,  waking  from  their  dreary  night, 

Are  mustering  in  their  ranks,  and  thronging  on 
To  hail  the  brightness  of  his  rising  light : 

And  all  the  armies  that  behind  him  ride, 

Come  in  white  raiment,  spotless  as  the  snow  ; 

“  Freedom  and  Justice  ”  is  their  battle-ci-y, 

And  all  the  earth  rejoices  as  they  go. 

Shoulder  to  shoulder  ride  the  brother  bands — 

Brave  hearts  and  tender,  with  undaunted  eye ; 
With  manly  patience  ready  to  endure, 

With  gallant  dai'ing  resolute  to  die. 


90 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18C0-G1. 


They  know  not  fear,  for  what  have  they  to  fear 
Who  all  have  counted,  and  have  all  resigned, 

And  laid  their  lives  a  solemn  offering  down 

For  laws,  for  truth,  for  freedom, — for  mankind  ? 

No  boastful  words  are  theirs,  nor  murderous  zeal, 
Nor  courage  fed  with  the  inebriate  bowl ; 

But  their  brave  hearts  show  in  true  touch  and  time 
The  sober  courage  of  the  manly  soul. 

Ah !  who  can  say  how  precious  and  how  dear 
Those  noble  hearts,  of  thousand  homes  the  light  ? 

Yet  wives  and  mothers,  smiling  through  their  tears, 
Gave  them  unmurmuring  to  the  holy  fight. 

0  brothers,  banded  for  this  sacred  war ! 

Keep  your  white  garments  spotless  still  and  pure ; 

Be  priestly  warriors,  hallowing  the  right — 

So  shall  your  victory  be  swift  and  sure. 

So  shall  the  spotless  King  with  whom  ye  ride, 

Make  vile  disorder  from  the  earth  to  cease  ; 

And  Time’s  triumphant  songs  at  last  shall  hail 
The  victory  of  a  true  and  righteous  peace. 

—  The  Independent. 


INK,  BLOOD,  AND  TEARS. 

THE  TAKING  OP  FORT  SUMTER. 

A  forty  hours’  bombardment !  Great  guns  throwing 
Their  iron  hail ;  shells  their  mad  mines  exploding  ; 
Furnaces  lighted  ;  shot  at  red-heat  glowing  ; 

Shore-batt’ries  and  fort-armament,  firing,  loading — 
War’s  visible  hell  let  loose  for  forty  hours, 

And  all  her  devils  free  to  use  their  powers — 

And  yet  not  one  man  hit,  her  flag  when  Sumter 
lowers. 

“  Oh,  hero’s  a  theme !  ”  quoth  Punch ,  of  brag  ab¬ 
horrent, 

“  ’Twixt  promise  and  performance  rare  proportion  ! 
This  show-cloth,  of  live  lions,  giving  warrant, 
Masking  some  mangy,  stunted,  stuffed  abortion  ; 
These  gorgeous  covers  hiding  empty  dishes, 

These  whale-like  antics  among  little  fishes — 

Here  is  the  very  stuff’  to  meet  my  dearest  wishes. 

“  What  ringing  of  each  change  on  brag  and  bluster ! 

These  figures  huge  of  speech,  summed  in  a  zero  ; 
This  war-march,  ushering  in  Bomb  a  sics'  muster ; 

This  entry  of  Tom  Thumb,  armed  like  a  hero.  • 
Of  all  great  cries  e’er  raised  o’er  little  wool, 

Of  all  big  bubbles  by  fools’  breath  filled  full, 

Sure  here’s  the  greatest  yet,  and  emptiest,  for  John 
Bull! 

“  John  always  thought  Jonathan,  his  young  brother, 
A  little  of  a  bully  ;  said  he  swaggered  ; 

But  in  all  change  of  chaff  with  one  another, 

Nor  John  nor  Jonathan  was  e’er  called  ‘  laggard.’ 
But  now,  if  John  mayn’t  Jonathan  style,  ‘  Coward,’ 
He  may  hint  Stripes  and  Stars  were  better  lowered 
From  that  tall  height  to  which,  till  now,  their  flag¬ 
staff  towered.” 

Punch  nibbed  his  pen,  all  jubilant,  for  galling — 
When  suddenly  a  weight  weighed  down  the  feather, 
And  a  red  liquid,  drop  by  drop,  slow  falling, 

Came  from  the  nib ;  and  the  drops  rolled  together, 


And  steamed,  and  smoked,  and  sung — “  Not  ink,  but 
blood ; 

Drops  now,  but  soon  to  swell  into  a  flood, 

Perchance  e’er  Summer’s  leaf  has  burst  Spring’s 
guarding  bud. 

“  Blood  by  a  brother’s  hand  drawn  from  a  brother— 
And  they  by  whom  ’tis  ta’en,  by  whom  ’tis  given, 
Are  both  the  children  of  an  English  mother ; 

Once  with  that  mother,  in  her  wrath,  they’ve 
striven ; 

Was’t  not  enough,  that  parricidal  jar, 

But  they  must  now  meet  in  fraternal  war  ? 

If  such  strife  draw  no  blood,  shall  England  scoff 
therefore  ? 

“If  she  will  laugh,  through  thee,  her  chartered  wit, 
Use  thou  no  ink  wherewith  to  pen  thy  scoff; 

We’ll  find  a  liquor  for  thy  pen  more  fit — 

We  blood-drops — see  how  smartly  thou’lt  round  off 
Point,  pun,  and  paragraph  in  this  new  way  ; 

Till  men  shall  read  and  laugh,  and  laughing,  say, 

‘  W ell  thrust !  Punch  is  in  vein  ;  ’tis  his  red-letter 
day.  ” 

The  weight  sat  on  my  quill :  I  could  not  write ; 

The  red  drops  clustered  to  my  pen — in  vain ; 

I  had  my  theme — “  Brothers  that  meet  in  fight, 

Yet  shed  no  blood  !  ” — my  jesting  mood  turned 
pain. 

I  thought  of  all  that  civil  love  endears, 

That  civil  strife  breaks  up,  and  rends,  and  sears, 

And  lo  !  the  blood-drops  in  my  pen  were  changed  to 
tears ! 

And  for  the  hoarse  tongues  that  those  bloody  gouts 
Had  found,  or  seemed  to  find,  upon  my  ears 
Came  up  a  gentle  song  in  linked  bouts, 

Of  long-drawn  sweetness — pity  breathed  through 
tears. 

And  thus  they  sang — “  ’Twas  not  by  chance, 
Still  less  by  fraud  or  fear, 

That  Sumter’s  battle  came  and  closed, 

Nor  cost  the  world  a  tear. 

'Twas  not  that  Northern  hearts  were  weak, 

Or  Southern  courage  cold, 

That  shell  and  shot  fell  harming  not 
A  man  on  shore  or  hold. 

“  It  was  that  all  their  ghosts  who  lived 
To  love  the  realm  they  made, 

Came  fleeting  so  athwart  the  fire, 

That  shot  and  shell  were  stayed. 

Washington  with  his  sad  still  face, 

Franklin  with  silver  hair, 

Lincoln  and  Putnam,  Allen,  Gates, 

And  gallant  Wayne  were  there. 

“  With  those  who  rose  at  Boston, 

At  Philadelphia  met; 

Whose  grave  eyes  saw  the  Union’s  seal 
To  their  first  charter  set. 

Adams,  and  Jay,  and  Henry, 

Rutledge  and  Randolph,  too — 

And  many  a  name  their  country’s  fame 
Hath  sealed  brave,  wise,  and  true. 

“  An  awful  host — above  the  coast, 

About  the  fort,  they  hung ; 

Sad  faces  pale,  too  proud  to  wail, 

But  with  sore  anguish  wrung. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


91 


And  Faith  and  Truth,  and  Love  and  Ruth, 
Hovered  the  battle  o’er, 

Hind’ring  the  shot,  that  freight  of  death 
Between  those  brothers  bore. 

“  And  thus  it  happed,  by  God’s  good  grace, 
And  those  good  spirits’  band, 

That  Death  forbore  the  leaguer’d  place, 

The  battery-guarded  strand. 

Thanks  unto  Heaven  on  bended  knee, 

Not  scoff  from  mocking  scorn, 

Befits  us,  that  to  bloodless  end 
A  strife  like  this  is  borne  !  ” 

— London  Punch ,  May  11. 


- 1  •  • - 

SONGS  OF  THE  REBELS. 


FORT  SUMTER. 

A  IIEROIC  POEM,  IN  THREE  CANTOS. 

BY  CHARLES  EDWARD  LEVERETT,  JR. 

CANTO  I. 

Now  glory  be  to  Uncle  Abe,  and  Scott,  his  lion  pet, 

Arid  Seward,  the  righteous  pontifex,  who  rules  the 
Cabinet ; 

And  glory  to  the  mighty  fleet  that  stood  off  Charles¬ 
ton  Bar, 

And  left  the  dauntless  Anderson  to  bear  the  brunt  of 
war ! 

The  Patriarch  in  Washington  had  summoned  to  his 
side 

His  squad  of  Solons — brilliant  men,  the  rabble’s  joy 
and  pride, 

And  some  were  looking  very  black,  and  some  were 
looking  blue ; 

The  nation  was  at  loggerheads,  and  none  knew  what 
to  do ; 

And  little  light  had  yet  been  thrown  upon  the  States’ 
affairs, 

_  or  Abe,  though  good  at  splitting  rails,  was  bad  at 
splitting  hairs. 

Then  up  arose  that  valiant  man,  Lieutenant-General 
Scott, 

And  drew  his  sword,  like  Philip’s  son,  and  cut  the 
Gordian  knot. 

“  Now,  by  this  waxed  moustache,”  he  said,  and 
looked  around  the  group, 

“  And  by  these  lips  that  tasted  once  a  1  hasty  plate 
of  soup,’ 

I  raise  my  voice  for  horrid  war — ’tis  just  the  thing 
for  me ; 

Too  long  it  is  since  I  have  had  a  military  spree. 

With  all  our  gallant  peddlers,  our  knack  at  making 
clocks, 

Our  taste  for  wooden  nutmegs,  and  glorious  Plymouth 
Rocks, 

Our  reverenco  for  a  Higher  Law,  our  godly  pulpit 
rant, 

With  all  the  talent  which  in  Yankee  land  are  now 
extant, 

A  generalissimo,  like  me,  would  find  it  no  great  thing 

To  gallop  through  the  South,  and  whip  the  Chivalry, 
by  Jing !  ” 


He  said,  the  hero  whose  chief  joy  was  hearing  bullets 
whiz, 

And  drew  a  red  bandana  forth,  and  wiped  his  war¬ 
like  phiz ; 

Around  the  room  a  stifled  buzz  of  admiration  went, 

When  on  his  trembling  knees  arose  the  doughty 
President. 

“  Now,  by  old  Andrew  Jackson’s  shade,  and  by  the 
oaths  ho  swore, 

And  by  his  hickory  stick,  and  by  the  thunder  of  his 
snore, 

And  by  the  proud  contempt  he  showed  for  Carolina 
gents, 

And  English  grammar,”  quoth  Old  Abe,  “  them’s  jist 
my  sentiments. 

Great  Seward  shall  gull  the  Southrons,  like  a  wily 
diplomat, 

With  promises  and  flummery,  with  ’tother,  this  and 
that ; 

And  I  will  launch  a  squadron  forth,  in  secret,  on  the 
seas, 

And  reinforce  Fort  Sumter  with  ‘old  horse,’  and 
bread  and  cheese. 

Poor  Doubleday,  that  wretched  man,  whose  appetite 
ne’er  fails. 

Has  been  obliged,  for  three  weeks  now,  to  eat  his 
finger  nails, 

While  underneath  his  very  nose,  the  rebels  sit  and 
cram 

Their  throats  noth  beef,  and  turtle-soup,  and  English 
peas,  and  lamb. 

Ho !  then,  for  Carolina,  my  veterans  brave  and  true, 

’Tis  high  time  that  the  Chivalry  should  learn  a  thing 
or  two ; 

I  swear  my  hungry  soger-boys  shall  soon  have  meat 
and  drink, 

I,  gallant  spouse  of  Mrs.  Abe,  and  Pa  of  Bobby 
Link !  ” 

So  spake  the  “old  man  eloquent,”  and  hushed  he 
there  and  then ; 

The  Cabinet  all  looked  devout,  and  answered  him 
Amen. 

CANTO  II. 

Oh,  ’twas  a  fearful  thing  to  see,  just  at  the  break  of 
day, 

That  terrible  Armada  sailing  up  through  Charleston 
Bay; 

Battalions  of  Palmetto  troops  stood  marshalled  on 
the  strand, 

To  greet  their  Yankee  cousins,  and  to  welcome  them 
on  land ; 

And  banners  waved,  and  tattoos  beat,  and  cannon 
lined  the  beach, 

All  ready  to  salute,  when  lo  !  they  anchored — out  of 
reach ! 

A  storm  was  bursting  from  the  sky — ’twas  sweeping 
from  the  main ; 

Its  clouds  were  rolling  wreaths  of  smoke,  its  rain  was 
iron  rain ; 

Its  lightning  was  the  lurid  bomb,  its  thunder  was  the 
roar 

Of  mortar  and  columbiad,  bristling  on  the  sandy 
shore ; 

A  thousand  guns  were  flashing  fire,  a  thousand  whist¬ 
ling  balls 

Were  falling  in  hot  showers  upon  Fort  Sumter’8 
blackened  walls. 


92 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61 


They  fought,  “  the  Saucy  Seventy,”  like  brave  men, 
long  and  well, 

With  wondrous  skill  and  fortitude  they  dodged  the 
hurtling  shell ; 

Undauntedly  they  blazed  away,  with  not  a  single 
crumb 

Of  dinner  to  console  them — not  one  cheering  drop 
of  rum ; 

When,  seeing  ’twas  impossible  to  fast  and  fight  much 
more, 

They  strike  their  flag,  and  Foster  falls— perspiring  at 
each  pore  ! 

Hall  waves  his  gleaming  sword,  looks  proud  defiance 
at  his  foes, 

Then  sinks  exhausted,  bleeding  most  profusely — at 
his  nose ; 

And  Doubleday,  his  longing  eye  fixed  on  the  distant 
ships, 

Collapses,  with  “  My  stomach  !  oh,  my  stomach !  ” 
on  his  lips. 

CANTO  III. 

A  telegram  is  flying  North,  ’tis  pithy,  sharp  and 
curt — 

“  Fort  Sumter’s  taken— tell  Old  Abe  that  no-bod-y  is 
hurt.” 

A  panic  strikes  the  Cabinet,  they  wriggle  in  their 
chairs ; 

Seward  mutters  “  curses  deep,  not  loud  ”• — W  elles 
tries  to  say  his  prayers ; 

Old  Uncle  Abe,  their  royal  liege,  grows  pallid  at  the 
news ; 

Uneasy  twitch  the  nimble  feet  within  his  nimble 
shoes ; 

All  downward  through  his  spindle-shanks  a  nervous 
tremor  flows, 

And  fast  the  courage  oozes  from  the  hero’s  valiant 
toes ; 

His  hair  begins  to  stand  on  end,  his  eyes  are  full  of 
dread ; 

Already  in  the  streets  lie  hears  the  Southern  cohorts 
tread ; 

Already  through  the  White  nouse  gates  lie  sees  the 
legions  pour ; 

Already  dreams  their  battle-axe  is  thundering  at  his 
door ; 

Already  feels  fierce  cow-hide  boots  assail  him  in  the 
rear, 

And  finds,  alas,  the  seat  of  war  uncomfortably  near  ! 

“  Now  if,”  he  cries,  “  my  councillors,  ye  are  inclined 
to  flee, 

(For  ’tis  not  every  one  who’d  like  to  face  the  Chiv¬ 
alry,) 

And  if  the  prospect  of  a  fray  should  fill  you  with 
alarm, 

If  ye  demand  a  Captain  who  will  lead  you  out  of 
harm, 

Pack  up  your  spoils,  and  while  the  Gin’ral  keeps  the 
foe  at  bay, 

Put  ye  your  trust  in  Providence,  and  set  your  legs  in 

Play,  „  .  . 

And  follow  whero  this  soger-cloak,  all  streaming  in 
my  flight, 

Is  like  a  streak  of  lightning  seen  dissolving  from  the 
sight. 

no,  ho  !  for  Illinois,  my  braves !  hip,  hip,  hurrah, 
away  ! 

Do  what  you  choose — for  me,  why,  I'll  be  hanged 
if  I  will  stay  !  ” 


Now  glory  be  to  Uncle  Abe,  and  Scott,  his  bully  pet, 
And  Seward,  the  cook  and  bottle-washer  of  the  Cabi¬ 
net; 

And  glory  to  the  mighty  fleet  that  stood  off  Charles¬ 
ton  Bar, 

And  left  the  dauntless  Anderson  to  bear  the  brunt 
of  war ! 

— Charleston  Mercury. 


THE  STAR  OF  THE  WEST 

i. 

I  wish  I  was  in  de  land  o’  cotton, 

Old  times  dair  ain’t  not  forgotten — 

Look  away,  &c. 

In  Dixie  land  whar  I  was  born  in, 

Early  on  one  frosty  mornin’ — 

Look  away,  &c. 

Chorus — Den  I  wish  I  was  in  Dixie. 

II. 

In  Dixie  land  dat  frosty  mornin’, 

Jis  ’bout  de  time  de  day  was  dawnin’ — 

Look  away,  &c. 

De  signal  fire  from  de  east  bin  roarin’, 

Rouse  up  Dixie,  no  more  snorin’ — 

Look  away,  &c. 

Chorus — Den  I  wish  I  was  in  Dixie. 
hi. 

Dat  rocket  high  a  blazing  in  de  sky, 

’Tis  de  sign  dat  de  snobbies  am  cornin’  up  nigh 
Look  away,  &c. 

Dey  bin  braggin’  long,  if  wc  dare  to  shoot  a  shot, 
Dey  cornin’  up  strong  and  dey’ll  send  us  all  to  pot — 
Fire  away,  fire  away,  lads  in  gray. 

Chorus — Den  I  wish  I  was  in  Dixie. 

—  Charleston  Mercury. 


A  NATIONAL  SONG. 

An  appropriate  national  song  for  the  Southern  Confed¬ 
eracy  appears  to  ho  one  of  the  mooted  questions  of  the 
present  exciting  crisis.  Plenty  of  patriotic  poetry  can  bo 
obtained,  hut  a  purely  American  melody,  one  that  will 
take  with  the  masses,  is  hard  to  he  found.  Tho  popular 
old  ballad  of  “  Tho  Minstrel’s  Return,”  composed  by  an 
American— and  a  Southerner,  too — seems  to  be  highly  ap¬ 
propriate  to  tho  patriots  of  tho  South.  Years  ago  it  was 
quite  as  popular  as  tho  negro  tune  of  “Dixie”  is  at  the 
present  day  ;  and  tho  composer,  who  is  a  resident  profes¬ 
sor  of  music  of  Richmond,  received  many  compliments 
for  his  happy  conception. 

A  correspondent  has  sent  us  tho  following  adaptation, 
and  expresses  a  hope  that  it  may  be  taken  up  by  tho  sing¬ 
ers  among  our  brave  volunteers,  and  also  by  lady  vocal¬ 
ists.  Should  tho  peoplo  adox>t  it,  it  will  become  our  na¬ 
tional  anthem : — 

SOUTHERN  SONG  OF  FREEDOM. 

RY  J.  II.  II. 

Air — “  The  Minstrel’s  Return. 

I. 

A  nation  has  sprung  into  life, 

Beneath  the  bright  cross  of  the  South, 

And  now  a  loud  call  to  the  strife 

Rings  out  from  the  shrill  bugle’s  mouth. 

They  gather  from  morass  and  mountain, 

They  gather  from  prairie  and  mart, 

To  drink  at  young  Liberty’s  fountain 
The  nectar  that  kindles  the  heart. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


93 


Then,  hail  to  the  land  of  the  pine  ! 

The  home  of  the  noble  and  free  ! 

A  palmetto  wreath  we’ll  entwine 
Round  the  altar  of  young  Liberty ! 

ii. 

Our  flag  with  its  cluster  of  stars, 

Firm  fixed  in  a  field  of  pure  blue, 

All  shining  through  red  and  white  bars, 

Now  gallantly  flutters  in  view. 

The  stalwart  and  brave  round  it  rally, 

They  pres§  to  their  lips  every  fold  ; 

While  the  hymn  swells  from  hill  and  from  valley : 
“  Bo  God  with  our  volunteers  bold.” 

Then,  hail  to  the  land  of  the  pine  !  Ac. 

hi. 

Th’  invaders  rush  down  from  the  North ; 

Our  borders  are  black  with  their  hordes , 

Like  wolves  for  their  victims  they  froth, 

While  whetting  their  knives  and  their  swords. 

Their  watchword  is  “  Booty  and  Beauty 
Their  aim  is  to  steal  as  they  go  ; 

But,  Southrons,  act  up  to  your  duty, 

And  lay  the  foul  miscreants  low. 

Then,  hail  to  the  land  of  the  pine  !  Ac. 

IV. 

The  God  of  our  fathers  looks  down, 

And  blesses  the  cause  of  the  just ; 

His  smile  will  the  patriot  crown 

Who  tramples  his  chains  in  the  dust. 

March,  march,  Southrons  !  shoulder  to  shoulder, 
One  heart-throb,  one  shout  for  the  cause ; 

Remember,  the  world’s  a  beholder, 

And  your  bayonets  are  fixed  at  your  doors ! 

Then,  hail  to  the  land  of  the  pine  !  &c. 

— Richmond.  Enquir 


A  WELCOME  TO  TIIE  INVADER. 

“AST  ODE,” 

ADDRESSED  TO  THE  PICKED  MEN  OF  COL.  WILSON'S 
NEW  YORK  COMMAND. 

I. 

What !  have  ye  come  to  spoil  our  fields, 
Black  hearts  and  bloody  hands ! 

And  taste  the  sweets  that  conquest  yields 
To  those  who  win  our  lands  ? 

ii. 

Back  to  }Tour  dens  of  crime  and  shame, 

Black  hearts  and  bloody  hands  ! 

Ye  but  disgrace  a  soldier’s  name, 

Owning  such  vile  commands. 

hi. 

Your  ribald  chieftain  is  a  fool, — 

Black  hearts  and  bloody  hands  ! 

In  sneaky  Seward’s  grasp  a  tool — 

In  Blair’s — a  beast  he  stands. 

IV. 

Dare  ye  with  patriot  men  to  strive  ? — 

Black  hearts  and  bloody  hands  ! 

And  can  ye  hope  to  ’scape  alive 
From  their  avenging  brands  ? 


v. 

Thieves,  ruffians,  hirelings,  slaves, 

Black  hearts  and  bloody  hands  ! 

Our  country  will  refuse  its  graves 
To  your  polluted  bands. 

VI. 

The  carrion  vulture  in  his  flight — 

Black  hearts  and  bloody  hands  ! 

Shall  scent  you,  as  you  droop  in  fight, 

Nor  wait  your  ebbing  sands. 

—  Charleston  Courier. 


MARYLAND. 

The  despot’s  heel  is  on  thy  shore, 
Maryland ! 

His  touch  is  at  tby  temple  door, 

Maryland  ! 

Avenge  the  patriotic  gore 

That  flocked  the  streets  of  Baltimore, 

And  be  the  battle  queen  of  yore, 
Maryland  !  My  Maryland  ! 

Hark  to  the  wand’ring  son’s  appeal, 
Maryland  ! 

My  mother  State,  to  thee  I  kneel, 
Maryland  ! 

For  life  and  death,  for  woe  and  weal, 

Thy  peerless  chivalry  reveal, 

And  gird  thy  beauteous  limbs  with  steel, 
Maryland  !  My  Maryland  ! 

Thou  wilt  not  cower  in  the  dust, 

Maryland ! 

Thy  beaming  sword  shall  never  rust, 
Maryland  ! 

Remember  Carroll’s  sacred  trust, 
Remember  Howard’s  warlike  thrust — 
And  all  thy  slumberers  with  the  just, 
Maryland  !  My  Maryland  ! 

Come  !  ’tis  the  red  dawn  of  the  day, 
Maryland  ! 

Come  !  with  thy  panoplied  array, 
Maryland  ! 

With  Ringgold’s  spirit  for  the  fray, 

With  Watson’s  blood  at  Monterey, 

With  fearless  Lowe  and  dashing  May, 
Maryland  !  My  Maryland  ! 

Come !  for  thy  shield  is  bright  and  strong, 
Maryland ! 

Come  !  for  thy  dalliance  does  thee  wrong, 
Maryland  ! 

Come  !  to  thine  own  heroic  throng, 

That  stalks  with  Liberty  along, 

And  give  a  new  Key  to  thy  song, 
Maryland  !  My  Maryland  ! 

Dear  Mother !  burst  the  tyrant’s  chain, 
Maryland ! 

Virginia  should  not  call  in  vain, 

Maryland  ! 

She  meets  her  sisters  on  the  plain — 

“  Sic  semper ,”  ’tis  the  proud  refrain, 

That  baffles  millions  back  amain, 

Maryland  ! 

Arise,  in  majesty  again, 

Maryland  !  My  Maryland  ! 


94 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


I  see  the  blush  upon  thy  cheek, 

Maryland  ! 

But  thou  wast  ever  bravely  meek, 

Maryland  ! 

But  lo  !  there  surges  forth  a  shriek 

From  hill  to  hill,  from  creek  to  creek — 

Potomac  calls  to  Chesapeake, 

Maryland  !  My  Maryland  ! 

Thou  wilt  not  yield  the  Yandal  toll, 

Maryland  ! 

Thou  wilt  not  crook  to  his  control, 

Maryland  ! 

Better  the  fire  upon  thee  roll, 

Better  the  blade,  the  shot,  the  bowl, 

Than  crucifixion  of  the  soul, 

Maryland  !  My  Maryland  ! 

I  hear  the  distant  thunder  hum, 

Maryland ! 

The  Old  Line’s  bugle,  fife,  and  drum, 
Maryland  ! 

She  is  not  dead,  nor  deaf,  nor  dumb — 

Huzza  !  she  spurns  the  Northern  scum  ! 

She  breathes — she  burns  !  she’ll  come  !  she’ll 
come ! 

Maryland  !  My  Maryland !  R. 

—  Charleston  Mercury. 


On  the  list  of  contributors  to  the  fund  in  aid  of 
the  volunteers,  which  is  still  open  at  the  Counting- 
room  of  the  Savannah  News,  are  two  ten-dollar  sub¬ 
scriptions  voluntarily  contributed,  one  by  a  free 
negro,  and  the  other  by  a  slave  of  this  city.  They 
desired  to  the  extent  of  their  ability  to  prove  their 
devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  South. — Charleston 
Evening  News ,  Mag  10. 

Montgomery,  Ala. — William,  a  slave,  belonging 
to  our  townsman,  Dr.  W.  H.  Rives,  has  invested  one 
hundred  and  fifty  dollars  in  the  Confederate  States 
Loan  Bonds.  This  is  another  rebuke,  to  the  hypo¬ 
crites  of  the  North.  Intelligent  slaves  know  that 
they  have  no  friends  in  the  world  but  the  Southern 
white  people. — Montgomery  Mail. 

Ret.  Mr.  Beattie,  of  the  Bethel,  at  Cleveland, 
Ohio,  presented  a  revolver  to  one  of  the  soldiers  of 
the  Seventh  Regiment  before  his  departure,  with  the 
following  injunction  : — “  If  you  get  in  a  tight  place 
and  have  to  use  it,  ask  God’s  blessing  if  you  have 
time,  but  be  sure  and  not  let  your  enemy  get  the 
start  of  you.  You  can  say  ‘Amen’  after  you 
shoot.” — N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  10. 

The  Newport  Artillery  (Company  F  of  the  Rhode 
Island  Regiment)  is  one  of  the  oldest  military  organi¬ 
zations  in  the  country.  It  is  an  independent  com¬ 
pany,  and  was  chartered  by  the  British  Crown  in 
1741.  With  but  three  exceptions  since  that  time 
(during  the  Revolutionary  war,  when  Newport  was  in 
possession  of  English  and  Hessian  troops)  the  com¬ 
pany  has  held  annual  meetings  under  the  charter  and 
elected  officers,  who  consist  of  a  Colonel  and  others 
connected  with  a  regiment.  The  names  of  Generals 
Greene  and  Vaughan,  of  Revolutionary  fame,  Com¬ 
modore  Perry,  and  other  distinguished  personages, 
are  among  the  enrolled  members  of  the  company, 
which  number  between  two  and  three  thousand  since 
its  organization.  In  their  armory  at  Newport  they 


have  an  autograph  letter  from  Gen.  Geo.  Washing¬ 
ton,  written  in  1792,  thanking  them  for  an  invitation 
to  be  with  them  at  their  annual  celebration  on  the 
22d  of  February  of  that  year,  which  is  handsomely 
framed.  Of  the  fifty-two  active  members,  forty- 
seven  volunteered  their  services  for  the  defence  of 
the  National  Capital  when  Governor  Sprague  tele¬ 
graphed  to  inquire  tho  number  of  men  they  could 
furnish,  and  in  a  few  hours  the  number  was  increased 
to  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  by  recruits. — National 
Intelligencer ,  May  17. 

Tiif.  Montgomery  (Ala.)  Weekly  Post  contains  the 
following : — 

“  Too  Good  to  be  Lost. — A  countryman  was  in 
the  town  of  Lumpkin,  Ga.,  last  week,  and  some  one 
asked  him  how  he  liked  the  war  news.  He  replied, 
‘  Very  well.’  ‘  Are  you  to  go  ?  ’  he  was  asked. 
1  Yes,  ’  he  replied.  ‘  Are  you  not  afraid  ?  ’  ‘  No. 

If  I  should  see  a  Yankee  with  his  gun  levelled  and 
looking  right  at  me,  I  would  draw  out  my  pocket- 
book,  and  ask  him  what  he  would  take  for  his  gun, 
and  right  there  the  fight  wmuld  end.’  ” 

Yes,  the  Yankee  would  probably  sell  him  his  gun, 
if  the  Lumpkiner  had  enough  money  to  buy  it ;  but 
as  the  load  would  still  belong  to  the  Yankee,  he 
would  probably  deliver  that  before  he  did  the  gun. — 
Jackson  (la.)  Star. 

Mobile,  May  12. — Mr.  W.  H.  Russell,  the  corre¬ 
spondent  of  the  London  Times,  visited  Forts  Mor¬ 
gan  and  Gaines  to-day,  accompanied  by  several 
prominent  citizens.  Russell  macle  several  very  im¬ 
portant  suggestions  to  Col.  Hardee,  regarding  the 
fortifications,  gathered  from  his  experience  in  the 
Crimea ;  and  seemed  well  pleased  with  Col.  Hardee’s 
command.  Mr.  R.  says  Col.  H.  is  every  inch  a  sol¬ 
dier. — Montgomery  (Ala.)  Mail,  May  13. 

The  Mobile  (Ala.)  Advertiser,  warm  in  its  com¬ 
mendation  of  the  declaration  of  war  by  the  Congress 
of  the  seceded  States,  says : — 

Let  patriotic  citizens  go  forth  upon  the  trackless 
war  paths  of  the  ocean  to  fight  for  their  country  in 
the  most  effective  manner.  Hundreds  and  hundreds 
of  millions  of  the  property  of  the  enemy  invite  them 
to  spoil  him — to  “spoil  these  Egyptians”  of  the 
North,  who  would  coerce  us  to  staying  when  we 
strove  peaceably  to  make  our  exodus  to  independ¬ 
ence  of  their  oppressive  thrall ;  to  go  forth  from  de¬ 
grading  fellowship  with  them.  The  richly  laden 
ships  of  the  enemy  swarm  on  every  sea,  and  are  abso¬ 
lutely  unprotected.  The  harvest  is  ripe ;  let  it  be 
gathered,  and  we  will  strike  the  enemy  to  the  heart 
— for  we  hit  his  pocket,  his  most  sensitive  part.  II13 
treasure  ships,  laden  with  California  wealth,  traverse 
Southern  waters.  Let  them  be  the  prize  of  the 
bravest  and  most  enterprising. 

His  commerce  is  the  very  life  of  the  enemy’s  sol¬ 
vency  and  financial  vitality.  Strike  it,  and  you  lay 
the  axe  to  the  root  of  his  power — you  rend  away  the 
sinews  of  war.  Let  the  flags  of  privateers  show 
themselves  on  the  seas,  and  the  blockade  will  be 
raised.  Lincoln’s  fleet  will  scatter  over  the  world  to 
protect  the  commerce  of  his  citizens.  But  they  can¬ 
not  protect  it  though  they  try.  They  are  numerous 
enough  for  the  blockade,  but  not  to  guard  the  ocean. 
The  risk  of  the  privateer  will  still  be  trilling,  and  he 
will  continue  to  reap  the  harvest,  laughing  at  the  few 
scarecrows  which  would  fright  him  from  his  profitable 
employment. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


95 


It  is  easy  to  put  privateers  afloat.  There  are  an 
abundance  of  brave  men  among  us  ready  to  volun¬ 
teer  to  fight  anywhere.  There  are  many  among  us 
ready  to  give  money  to  the  cause  of  their  country, 
not  looking  for  return.  In  this  privateering  the 
most  enormous  returns  are  promised  with  but  trifling 
risk.  Let  the  men  of  means  fit  out  privateers,  if 
they  would  best  serve  their  country  and  advance 
their  own  interests.  Let  companies  be  formed  to 
embark  capital  in  privateering.  If  they  can  t  get  the 
craft  here,  they  can  get  them  somewhere.  It  is  a 
pursuit  of  honor,  patriotism,  profit.  Let  us  scoiir 
the  seas ,  and  sweep  their  commerce  from  it  with  the 
besom  of  destruction. — N.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  May  13. 

Wm.  C.  Rives,  a  delegate  from  Virginia  to  the 
Southern  Congress,  on  his  way  to  Montgomery,  was 
called  on  by  the  people  at  Atlanta,  Georgia,  for  a 
speech.  He  made  the  following  pointless  response  . 

“  I  feel  highly  complimented  by  this  call  from  the 
citizens  of  Georgia  to  say  a  few  words.  I  suppose 
you  do  not  want  to  hear  a  speech  from  me,  but  that 
you  do  want  to  hear  from  Virginia.  [“  That’s  it,” 
and  cheers  from  the  crowd.]  She  is  all  right,  I  am 
most  happy  to  inform  you.  She  is  heart,  and  hand 
with  Georgia  in  this  struggle,  and  will  faithfully,  do 
her  part.  You  have  been  accustomed,  in  political 
matters,  in  times  past,  to  follow  our  lead ;  but  now 
we  will  follow  your  lead  in  this  great  movement  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  rights  and  independence  of 
the  South  and  her  institutions.  Our  rights  and  lib¬ 
erties  are  assailed,  and  must  be  defended.  Our  cause 
is  a  just  one,  and  brave  hearts  are  rushing  to  uphold 
it.  In  the  mean  time  you  may  rely  upon  Old  Vir¬ 
ginia.  Whether  she  is  to  lead  or  to  follow,  she  will 
be  along  and  give  a  good  account  of  herself. 

“  I  am  happy  to  meet  with  you,  my  fellow-citizens, 
for  though  it  is  the  first  time  I  ever  had  the  pleasure 
of  looking  on  your  faces,  I  feel  in  Georgia  like  I  was 
at  home  in  my  own  State.  Many  of  your  citizens  are 
emigrants  or  the  children  of  emigrants  from  our 
State ;  among  whom  are  the  Gilmers,  Lumpkinscs, 
Forsyths,  Earlys,  Meriwethers,  and  many  others. 

“  I  hope  you  will  excuse  me  from  making  any  further 
remarks,  out  of  respect  for  the  day.  I  suppose  you 
only  wanted  to  hear  a  word  about  Virginia,  [Here 
some  one  in  the  crowd  asked  him  if  there  were  any 
Federal  troops  in  Alexandria.]  No,  my  friend, 
said  Mr.  Rives ;  “  there  are  none  at  that  point. 
There  are  no  Federal  troops  on  any  part  of  the  soil 
of  Virginia,  except  Fortress  Monroe.  I  will  not  say 
they  are  afraid  to  come  into  Alexandria ;  but  I  will 
say  that  we  have  a  trap  for  them  into  which  they  will 
fall  whenever  they  attempt  to  come  into  that  city. 
Thanking  you  for  this  manifestation  of  your  feelings 
towards  Virginia,  I  now  bid  you  adieu. 

While  he  was  uttering  these  last  words,  the  tram 
was  moving,  and  he  retired  amidst  the  applause  of 
the  crowd. — Richmond  Examiner ,  May  18. 

At  the  session  of  the  Wyoming  (N.  Y.)  Confer¬ 
ence,  the  following  substitute  was  offered  and  passed, 
instead  of  a  resolution  to  adopt  the  report  of  last 
year  on  slavery : — 

“  Whereas,  Divine  Providence  has  taken  the  work 
of  emancipation  into  his  own  hands ;  therefore, 

“ Resolved,  That  we  stand  still  and  see  the  salva¬ 
tion  of  God.” — Ar.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  10. 


Mn.  Sparrowgrass  recently  joined  the  “  Home 
Guard  ”  at  Yonkers,  New  York,  and  said  in  a  speech 


that  “  it  is  understood  that  the  Home  Guard  is  not 
to  go  to  the  wars,  and  not  to  leave  L  onkers,  except 
in  case  of  invasion .” 

This  is  as  good  as  the  old  story  of  the  “  Bungtown 
Riflemen,”  an  Ohio  military  company,  whose  by-laws 
consisted  of  two  sections,  namely : — 

“ Article  First. — This  company  shall  be  known  as 
the  Bungtown  Riflemen. 

u Article  Second. — In  case  of  war,  this  company 
shall  immediately  disband.” — Idem. 

A  Patriotic  Family. — Among  the  many  incidents 
connected  with  the  present  military  movements,  no 
one  is  more  remarkable  than  the  following : — One  of 
the  companies  connected  with  the  Ohio  regiments 
contains  sixteen  brothers  by  the  name  of  Finch,  resi¬ 
dents  of  Dayton,  Ohio.  They  were  born  in  Durk- 
heim,  in  Germany.  The  family  numbers  in  all  nine¬ 
teen  children — sixteen  boys,  all  of  whom  are  with 
the  regiment,  as  stated  above.  Their  parents  are  liv¬ 
ing  in  New  York,  and  their  children  obtained  leave 
to  visit  them  in  Philadelphia.  On  their  return,  if 
time  will  permit,  an  entertainment  will  be  given  them 
by  a  number  of  Germans  in  Philadelphia. — V.  Y. 
Tribune,  May  20.  _ 

Marshal  Saxe,  a  high  authority  in  such  things, 
was  in  the  habit  of  saying,  that  to  kill  a  man  in  bat¬ 
tle,  the  man’s  weight  in  lead  must  be  expended.  A 
French  medical  and  surgical  gazette,  published  at 
Lyons,  says  this  fact  was  verified  at  Solferino,  even 
in  the  recent  great  improvements  in  fire-arms.  The 
Austrians  fired  8,400,000  rounds.  The  loss  of  the 
French  and  Italians  was  2,000  killed  and  10,000 
wounded.  Each  roan  hit  cost  700  rounds,  and  every 
man  killed  cost  4,200  rounds.  The  mean  weight  of 
a  ball  is  one  ounce ;  thus  we  find  that  it  required,  on 
an  average,  272  pounds  of  lead  to  kill  a  man.  If 
any  one  of  our  friends  should  get  into  a  military 
fi«rht,  they  should  feel  great  comfort  in  the  fact  that 
700  shots  may  be  fired  at  them  before  they  are  hit, 
and  4,200  before  they  “  shuffle  off  the  mortal  coil.” — 
N.  lr.  Commercial,  May  21. 


Washington,  May  1. — A  number  of  the  Fire 
Zouaves,  who  are  encamped  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  Insane  Asylum,  took  a  stroll  some  distance  into 
St.  George’s  county.  During  their  walk,  they  saw  a 
farmer  planting  his  corn,  and,  on  entering  into  con¬ 
versation  with  him,  found  that  he  was  afraid  that  he 
could  not  get  it  in  soon  enough,  for  he  had  to  do  all 
the  planting  himself.  The  “lambs”  immediately 
took  off  their  jackets  and  went  to  work,  and  soon 
planted  the  whole  field.  The  farmer  expressed  his 
thanks  for  their  help  in  the  warmest  manner,  and 
they  returned  to  their  encampment  a  little  proud  of 
their  farming  abilities. —  Wash.  A  ational  Repub¬ 
lican.  _ 


Historical  Parallels.— The  first  collision  of  our 
fathers  with  the  British  after  the  battle  of  Lexing¬ 
ton,  and  the  first  decided  military  success  of  the  war, 
was  the  capture  of  Forts  Ticonderoga  and  Crown 
Point,  and  a  British  armed  vessel  on  Lake  Cham¬ 
plain,  which  was  achieved  on  the  10th  of  Stay  fol¬ 
lowing  by  the  Vermont  hero,  Col.  Ethan  Allen,  at 
the  head  of  a  force  of  Green  Mountain  Boys.  Mas¬ 
sachusetts  has  matched  the  19tli  of  April,  1775,  with 
the  19th  of  April,  18G1 ;  so  Vermont  now  matches 
the  10th  of  May,  1775,  with  the  10th  of  May,  186!> 
for  on  that  day,  Capt.  Lyon,  a  Vermonter,  and  U.  S. 


96 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-G1. 


commanding  officer  at  St.  Louis,  surrounds  the  rebel 
camp  threatening  that  city,  and  captures  800  men  in 
arms.  Lyon’s  exploit,  like  Allen’s,  was  done  mostly 
on  his  own  responsibility,  and  without  direct  orders. 
Allen,  when  asked  by  the  British  commandant  at 
Ticonderoga  his  authority  for  demanding  its  surren¬ 
der,  could  only  reply,  “  By  the  authority  of  the 
Great  Jehovah  and  the  Continental  Congress and 
Capt.  Lyon,  in  his  summons  to  Gen.  Frost,  demands 
his  surrender  on  general  grounds  only.  Both  Allen 
and  Lyon  took  the  enemy  by  surprise,  who  capitu¬ 
lated  without  striking  a  blow. 


A  Boston  sculptor  lias  offered  to  make  a  statue  in 
marble  of  the  members  of  the  Utica  corps  who  will 
“bag”  Wigfall  or  Jeff.  Davis. — Montgomery  Weekly 
Post ,  May  14.  _ 


A  tall,  6plendid-looking  man,  dressed  in  the  uni¬ 
form  of  the  Allen  Greys,  Vermont,  stood  conversing 
with  a  friend  on  Broadway.  lie  was  entirely  uncon¬ 
scious  that  his  superior  height  was  attracting  univer¬ 
sal  attention,  until  a  splendid  barouche  drove  up  to 
the  sidewalk,  and  a  young  man  sprang  from  it  and 
grasped  his  hand,  saying,  “You  are  the  most  splen¬ 
did  specimen  of  humanity  I  ever  saw.  I  am  a 
Southerner,  but  my  heart  is  with  the  Union if  it 
were  not,  such  noble-looking  fellows  as  yourself 
would  enlist  me  in  the  cause.”  The  subject  of  the 
remark,  although  surprised,  was  perfectly  self-pos¬ 
sessed,  and  answered  the  cordial  greeting  of  the 
young  Southerner  with  warm  enthusiasm.  Ho  was 
several  inches  above  six  feet,  and  his  noble,  open 
countenance,  beamed  with  the  ancient  patriotism  of 
the  Green  Mountain  Boys,  of  which  he  was  so  fine  a 
specimen.  He  had  v/alked  fifteen  miles  from  the 
village  of  Chittenden  to  enlist,  and  was  the  only  rep¬ 
resentative  of  that  village  ;  but  he  was  a  host  in  him¬ 
self.  Long  may  he  live  to  honor  our  Stars  and 
Stripes. — F.  Y.  Sun ,  May  14. 


A  production  called  “Abe’s  Saturday,  or  Wash¬ 
ington  Sixty  Days  Hence,”  has  been  acted  at  the 
Mobile  Theatre.  It  is  called  by  the  playbills  a 
“  laughable  squib,”  and  the  leading  ideas  of  the  plot, 
as  may  be  inferred  from  the  title,  consist  in  the  sur¬ 
prise  of  the  Capital  and  the  capture  of  the  President 
by  the  doughty  Confederates. — Boston  Transcript , 
May  14.  _ 


We  heard,  says  an  exchange,  a  version  of  the 
GOth  Psalm  sung  in  one  of  our  churches  last  Sunday. 
The  following  verse  was  sung  with  emphasis  in  every 
part  of  the  house  : 

‘  Go  with  our  armies  to  the  fight, 

Like  a  Confederate  God ; 

In  vain  confederate  powers  unite 
Against  Thy  lifted  rod.” 

— Chicago  Christian  Times ,  May  15. 


Rev.  Dr.  Worcester,  of  Salem,  Mass.,  in  address¬ 
ing  the  City  Guards  of  that  city,  previous  to  their 
departure  for  the  war,  closed  his  remarks  amidst  pro¬ 
found  stillness,  as  follows  :• — “  Soldiers,  on  a  memo¬ 
rable  night  of  ancient  battle,  when  a  few  men  routed 
many  thousands,  their  watch-cry  was,  ‘  The  sword  of 
the  Lord  and  of  Gideon.’  I  give  to  you,  soldiers, 
for  your  watch-cry,  ‘  The  sword  of  the  Lord  and  of 
Washington.’" — Boston  Transcript,  May  11. 


BEAUREGARD. 

In  philologic  vein, 

The  thought  came  to  my  brain, 

That  Beau  Regard ,  in  France, 

Means  a  “  good  countenance.” 

And  then  I  tried,  but  missed, 

To  give  the  thing  a  twist ; 

Some  joke  to  interlard 
On  General  Beauregard. 

At  last,  this  quip  I  wrought. 

Out  of  the  merry  thought : 

How  Beauregard  was  chosen 
To  lead  the  Union’s  foes  on. 

That  Carolina’s  shame 
For  her  disloyal  game, 

Might — in  slang  phrase — havo  “  Gone  it 
With  a  good  face  upon  it.” 

—  Vanity  Fair ,  May  11. 


Hog  and  Hominy.— A  “  Lady  of  Richmond  ” 
writes  to  the  F.  Y.  Daily  Feus  of  the  sensation 
ci’cated  in  the  Southern  churches  when  the  chapter 
“Blow  ye  the  trumpet  of  Zion,”  from  the  Bock  cf 
Joel,  was  read.  This  chapter  contains  the  Lord's 
promise  to  send  to  the  people  “  corn,  and  wine,  and 
oil.”  Thus  the  lady  gives  that  promise : — “  Then 
will  the  Lord  be  jealous  for  his  land,  and  pity  his 
people.  Yea,  the  Lord  will  answer  and  say  unto  his 
people,  Behold,  I  will  send  ye  corn,  and  swine,  and 
oil,  and  ye  shall  be  satisfied  therewith.” 

Swine  to  the  congregation  !  This  was  “  addressed 
first  to  the  ancient  Jews,”  the  lady  says.  No  doubt 
the  porky  part  of  this  must  be  considered  as  Scrip¬ 
ture  adapted  to  the  latitude  of  Dixey. — Springfield 
Banner,  May  4. 

Washington,  D.  C.,  May  15. — An  incident  is 
mentioned  in  connection  wTith  the  encampment  of  the 
First  Now  Jersey  Regiment,  near  Meridian  Hill, 
wdiich  is  alike  honorable  to  all  concerned.  A  party 
from  this  regiment  called  upon  Mrs.  Baker,  an  elderly 
lady,  who  has  a  vegetable  garden  near  by,  and  at¬ 
tends  the  Northern  Liberties  Market,  and  asked  her 
for  some  onions  and  other  vegetables  for  a  sick  com¬ 
panion,  which  she  freely  gave  them,  asking  no  pay. 
The  next  day  the  party  returned  with  a  handsome 
Bible,  which  they  presented  her,  and  which  she 
accepted  as  worth  more  than  money.  Those  who 
remember  how  the  measure  of  meal  of  the  widow  cf 
Zarephath  was  never  allowed  to  be  empty,  after  her 
Iree  gift  to  the  wayfaring  prophet  when  hungry,  will 
readily  come  to  the  conclusion  that  this  good  old 
lady,  animated  by  the  same  spirit,  will  never  lack  the 
early  and  the  latter  rain  to  give  verdure  to  her  fields 
and  replenish  her  stores  abundantly. — National  In¬ 
telligencer,  May  IT. 

TOE  WHEREABOUTS  OE  GEN.  BEAUREGARD. 

By  Telegraph  to  Vanity  Fair — After  Manner  of  Daily 
Papers. 

Havre  de  Grace,  April  26. — Gen.  Beauregard 
was  in  Richmond  at  23  minutes  past  6  o’clock  yes¬ 
terday,  and  will  attack  Washington  at  once. 

Philadelphia,  April  26. — We  learn  on  undoubted 
authority,  that  Gen.  Beauregard  was  in  Alexandria  at 
24  minutes  past  G  yesterday,  reconnoitring. 

Baltimore,  April  2G. — Gen.  Beauregard  was  in 


97 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


Norfolk  at  25  minutes  past  G  yesterday,  and  took  a 
gin  cocktail  with  several  of  the  first  families. 

Havre  de  Grace,  April  26.— I  learn  from  a  gen¬ 
tleman  just  from  Mobile,  that  Gen.  Beauregard  is  on 
his  way  North,  with  150,000  troops.  Gen.  Beaure¬ 
gard  is  six  feet  high,  but  will  not  join  Blower’s 
“  Household  Guards.”  Declines  advertising  the 
Household  Journal. 

Annapolis,  April  26.— Gen.  Beauregard  was  dis¬ 
covered  in  the  White  House  rear-yard  last  night  at 
26  minutes  past  6,  armed  with  three  large  howitzers 
and  a  portable  sledstake.  He  went  away  after  recon¬ 
noitring  pretty  numerously. 

Philadelphia,  April  26. — I  learn  on  excellent 
authority  that  Gen.  Beauregard  was  in  Charleston  at 
22  minutes  past  6  yesterday,  and  had  no  intention 
of  leaving.  He  was  repairing  Fort  Sumter. 

The  people  of  Bangor,  Maine,  and  of  Cape  Cod, 
Mass.,  report  that  Gen.  Beauregard  ha3  lately  been 
seen  prowling  around  those  places. 

I  learn  that  Gen.  Beauregard  is  within  five  miles 

of  Washington. 

The  report  in  some  of  your  contemporaries,  that 
Gen.  Beauregard  is  within  five  miles  of  Washington, 
is  utterly  without  foundation.  Sensation  despatches 
in  times  like  these  cannot  be  too  strongly  depre¬ 
cated.  The  public  will  invariably  find  my  despatches 
reliable,  and  can  always  find  out  all  about  Gen.  Beau¬ 
regard  by  buying  Vanity  Fair.  Price  6  cents. 

Vanity  Fair ,  May  4. 


A  Tennesseean,  who  owes  $7,000  in  New  York, 
has  addressed  the  following  letter  to  his  creditors. 
He  demands  accommodations  in  New  York  for  the 
rebel  soldiers  as  gravely  as  though  he  were  not  per¬ 
petrating  a  waggish  joke  : — 

“Memphis,  May  8,  1861. 

“Messrs. - ,  New  York:  . 

“  I  have  just  completed  my  arrangement  to  liqui¬ 
date  my  indebtedness  at  New  1  ork  more  completely, 
on  account  of  the  conservative  sentiment  manifested 
by  its  merchant  princes  towards  the  South  ;  but  my 
native  State  will  be  involved  heart  and  soul  in  the 
present  war,  and  needs  means  to  arm  and  equip  oui 
volunteers.  I  have  devoted  all  my  means  to  that 
end,  am  equipped  and  ready,  and  expect  to  be  in 
New  York  in  about  sixty  days,  and  hope  to  be  wel¬ 
comed  by  you  and  other  friends. 

“  Please  make  arrangements  to  quarter  our  sol¬ 
diers.  My  own  regiment  is  already  unanimously  de¬ 
termined  to  occupy  A.  T.  Stewart’s  dry  goods  house. 
However,  arrangements  equally  as  good  have  been 
made  for  the  balance  of  the  regiments.  I  shall  take 
my  grub  at  Taylor’s  with  the  general  officers,  but  be 
certain  to  have'  ample  arrangements.  Tell  Delmonico 
to  be  ready  for  us  also.  Be  kind  enough  to  meet 
me,  and  invite  all  the  members  of  the  following 
houses  *  *  *  *  and  my  particular  friend 

_ _  at  Taylor’s.  Be  certain  to  make  ample 

arrangements.  My  appetite  is  very  good,  and  the 
camp  life  is  said  to  make  soldiers  eat  hearty. 

“  J.  W.  Proudfit.” 

— V.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  May  15. 


The  ladies  of  Boston,  Mass.,  were  informed  that 
five  thousand  shirts,  for  soldiers,  were  required  within 
twenty-four  hours.  They  joined  with  them  some  of 
the  ladies  of  Roxbury,  secured  the  assistance  of 
sewing-machines,  went  to  work  in  “  Liberty  Hall, 
their  head-quarters,  and  had  the  whole  number  com- 

POETRY - 13 


pleted  fairly  within  the  allotted  time. — V.  Y.  Tri¬ 
bune,  May  10. 

New  York,  May  10— A  rigger  from  New  Lon¬ 
don,  Connecticut,  who  has  found  employment  as  such 
during  the  winter  at  Charleston  and  W  ilmington, 
North  Carolina,  and  in  plying  as  a  hand  on  board  a 
vessel  running  between  those  places,  called  at  the 
Tribune  office  yesterday  morning.  He  said  that  he 
had  just  arrrived  from  Wilmington  in  the  schooner 
which  brought  the  garrison  of  the  Fayetteville  arse¬ 
nal,  and  that  he  came  to  contradict  the  story  sent 
from  Charleston,  that  no  one  was  killed  in  the  attack 
on  Fort  Sumter.  He  had  not  seen  any  late  Northern 
papers,  and  did  not  know  that  any  thing  had  been 
printed  about  the  hundreds  killed  at  Morris  Island 
and  in  Fort  Moultrie.  He  was  on  the  Battery  at 
Charleston  during  the  first  day  of  the  fight.  The 
news  was  all  the  while  that  nobody  was  hurt.  A 
number  of  Northern  men  were  together,  and  they, 
doubting  this  story,  agreed  to  go  back  and  see  what 
they  could  see  during  the  night.  So  they  went  down 
where  the  boats  came  in. 

At  about  10  o’clock  one  of  the  two  steamboats 
which  plied  between  the  town  and  the  forts  came  in. 
Three  or  four  long  covered  vehicles,  with  a  tarpaulin 
curtain  hanging  down  behind,  called  cabs  in  Charles¬ 
ton  and  covered  wagons  in  New  England,  had  been 
standing  there  for  some  time.  One  of  them  backed 
up  on  the  wharf,  and  they  began  to  bring  dead  bodies 
on  hand-barrows  from  the  little  steamboat,  and  take 
them  into  the  cabs,  where  they  laid  them  in  long 
boxes.  There  were  three  of  these  boxes  in  each  cab, 
and  they  put  two  bodies  in  each  box.  He  says  that 
he  and'  his  friends  saw  the  boxes  and  the  bodies 
passed  in,  and  when  one  was  passed  in,  the  tarpaulin 
was  allowed  to  fall.  Some  of  the  men  who  were  with 
him  will  soon  be  here  on  the  schooner  John  S.  Smith. 

They  knew  of  these  boats  running,  and  thought  if 
there  was  any  thing  coming  ashore  they  might  get 
some  news.  They  waited  until  2  o  clock  in  the 
morning ;  and  during  the  four  hours  they  were  there, 
one  of  the  boats  went  off  and  came  back  vith 
another  load.  There  were  at  least  a  dozen  carts,  and 
those  which  returned  were  not  gone  over  three- 
fourths  of  an  hour.  The  number  of  bodies  carried 
away  must  have  been  nearly  100. 

The  next  night  also  they  went  down  to  the  Bat¬ 
tery  and  saw  more  bodies  brought  on  shore,  about 
half’  as  many  as  on  the  first  night.  Some  men  who 
had  been  wounded  in  the  hotel  in  Moultrieville  were 
brought  to  the  city  in  the  daytime.  One  of  this 
party  learned  from  a  hand  on  one  of  the  boats,  that 
the  first  shot  at  Fort  Moultrie  entered  an  embrasure 
and  killed  30  odd  men.  This  man  was  a  cooper,  and 
belonged  in  Bridgeport.— N.  Y.  Tribune,  May  10. 


In  May  1860,  at  the  Anniversary  of  the  American 
Tract  So'ciety,  Dr.  Richard  Fuller,  now  of  secession 
notoriety,  uttered  the  following  patriotic  'words: 

“  If  you  Northerners  dissolve  this  glorious  union, 
I’ll  get  a  large  United  States  flag  and  hoist  it  over 
my  house  in  Baltimore,  and  live  and  die  under  ite 
folds.”  One  short  year  must  have  wrrouglit  a  remarx- 
able  change  in  the  Doctor’s  views.  A .  1 .  Exam¬ 
iner,  May  30.  _ 

The  following  copy  of  a  letter  addressed  to  Gen. 
Winfield  Scott,  by  one  of  his  nearest  blood  relatives, 
has  been  furnished  to  us,  with  permission  to  publish 
it.  We  doubt  whether  any  such  appeals  can  ever 


98 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


influence  this  apostate  son  of  Virginia.  His  egotism, 
end  that  callous  heart,  engendered  by  a  long  absence 
from  his  birthplace,  amounting  to  almost  alienage,  in 
the  possession  of  a  vast  military  power,  which  his 
habits  made  a  dictatorship,  render  it  very  certain  that 
he  will  not.  abandon  power  and  place  from  any  senti¬ 
ment.  But  there  must  be  somewhere  in  his  heart 
some  spot  to  be  touched,  and  wrenched  by  the  scorn 
with  which  he  is  thrown  off  by  his  native  State  and 
his  own  kindred  : — 

“  To  Winfield  Scott: 

“  When  the  future  historian  shall  record  the  two 
great  struggles  on  the  American  continent,  of  liberty 
against  oppression  and  wrong,  two  names  will  be  held 
up  to  the  execration  of  mankind — that  of  Benedict 
Arnold  and  your  own.  The  former,  ere  received  into 
the  pitying  embraces  of  the  tomb,  lived  an  object  of 
loathing  to  every  true  and  loyal  heart ;  and  it  might 
be  a  profitable  if  not  an  agreeable  lesson  for  you  to 
ponder  well  on  his  example. 

“  With  a  sophistry  unworthy  the  understanding  of 
a  schoolboy,  you  declare  your  determination  to  light 
under  the  flag  of  your  country,  when  that  flag  has 
been  prostituted  to  the  foulest  and  most  unholy  of 
purposes.  If,  haply,  beneath  its  desecrated  folds, 
you  should  pollute,  with  your  canting  myrmidons, 
the  bosom  of  the  honored  Commonwealth,  whose 
chiefest  reproach  is  that  she  should  have  nurtured 
such  a  viper  as  yourself,  there  is  one  spot  upon  her 
soil  to  which  I  would  particularly  invite  your  pres¬ 
ence.  It  is  one  to  which  now,  doubtless,  your  recol¬ 
lection  but  rarely  reverts,  for  it  contains  the  ashes 
of  your  fathers.  On  that  spot,  deemed  sacred  by 
other  men,  let  your  war-dance  be  celebrated,  and  a 
crusade  against  freedom  and  religion  proclaimed 
throughout  the  world.  M.” 

— N.  0.  Picayune ,  May  28. 


Titf,  Baltimore  Steam-Gun. — The  following  is  a 
description  of  the  Winans  gun  : — 

It  is  on  four  wheels  ;  the  boiler  is  like  that  of  an 
ordinary  steam  fire-engine,  the  cylinder  being  upright. 
There  is  but  one  barrel,  which  is  of  steel,  on  a  pivot, 
and  otherwise  is  like  an  ordinary  musket-barrel.  It 
is  fed  or  loaded  through  a  hopper  entering  the  barrel 
directly  over  the  pivot.  The  barrel  has  a  rotary  mo¬ 
tion,  and  performs  the  circumference,  by  machinery 
attached,  at  the  rate  of  about  sixteen  hundred  times 
a  minute.  The  balls  arc  let  into  the  barrel  through 
a  valve  at  will,  ai*l  every  time  the  barrel  comes 
round  to  a  certain  point,  another  valve,  self-oper¬ 
ated,  lets  out  a  ball,  which  is  propelled  solely  by 
the  velocity  of  the  barrel  in  revolving.  It  will 
discharge  a  two-ounce  ball  three  hundred  times  a 
minute.  The  range  is  accurate  up  and  down,  but 
the  balls  arc  liable  to  hit  wide  of  the  mark  on  one 
side  or  the  other.  The  barrel  revolves  inside  of  a 
drum,  made  of  boiler  iron,  between  five  and  six  feet 
in  circumference,  with  an  opening  where  the  balls 
are  discharged.  Its  range  is  not  over  one  hundred 
yards  at  best,  and  the  gun  can  be  worked  so  as  to 
discharge  in  any  direction.  The  whole  thing  weighs 
pounds,  and  is  about  the  size  of  a  steam  fire- 
engine.  It  is  the  opinion  of  our  informant,  that  the 
gun  does  not  warrant  the  expectations  of  the  in¬ 
ventor,  and  that  it  is  not  likely  to  be  of  much  ser¬ 
vice. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  ( Weekly ,)  May  4. 

A  Representative  of  one  of  the  five  Great  Pow¬ 
ers  met  Mr.  Seward  on  Monday,  just  as  he  was  com¬ 


ing  out  of  his  room  on  his  way  to  dinner.  Of  course, 
the  diplomat  was  invited  to  walk  in.  He  declined, 
saying,  “  Oh,  no ;  I  only  called  to  tell  you  a  good 
joke.  One  of  our  captains  has  just  arrived,  and  says 
that  when  he  reached  Charleston  and  went  to  my 
Consul’s  office,  and  inquired  for  the  Consul,  he  was 
told  that  he  was  drilling  his  company.  ‘  What  com¬ 
pany?’  inquired  the  captain  of  the  ship.  ‘Wliv, 
one  of  the  companies  selected  to  march  against 
Washington.’  The  captain  was  greatly  surprised, 
and  mentioned  the  fact  as  evidence  of  the  universal 
feeling  of  hostility  which  pervades  Charleston.” 

Mr.  Seward — “  What  is  the  name  of  your  Consul 
at  Charleston  ?  ” 

Diplomat — “ - - .” 

Mr.  Sewap.d  (opening  the  door  opposite  where  they 
were  standing) — “  Mr.  Assistant  Secretary,  draw  up  an 

order  recalling  the  exequatur  issued  in  favor  of - 

-  - - ,  Consul  at  Charleston.  There,  that 

business  is  disposed  of.” 

Diplomat — “  My  God  !  Seward,  you  arc  not  in 
earnest.  I  only  told  you  the  story  as  a  good  joke.” 

Mr.  Seward — “And  I,  Mr.  - ,  avail  myself 

of  this  ‘joke’  to  give  you  practical  evidence  of  the 
manner  in  which  we  intend  to  deal  with  every  For¬ 
eign  Power  and  their  representatives,  whenever  they 
interfere,  directly  or  indirectly,  between  us  and  the 
traitors  in  rebellion  against  our  Government.  The 
exequatur  of  your  Consul  is  recalled,  and  the  place 
vacant ;  and  I  sincerely  hope  that  no  imprudence  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  will  compel  me  as  sum¬ 
marily  to  terminate  the  very  pleasant  relations  now 
existing  with  all  the  members  of  the  Diplomatic 
Corps.  Your  Government  understands  us,  and  is 
always  friendly ;  but  it  may  become  our  duty  to 
prove  to  others  that  we  arc  in  earnest  not  to  permit 
interference  in  this  domestic  quarrel.”- — N.  Y.  .Ex¬ 
press,  May  25.  _ 

Uniform  of  the  Confederate  States  Army. — 
Army  regulations  have  been  issued  for  the  uniform 
adopted  by  the  War  Department  of  the  Confederate 
States,  and  are  as  follows  : — The  coat  to  be  of  cadet 
gray  cloth,  short  tunic,  double-breasted,  two  rows  of 
buttons  down  the  breast,  two  inches  apart  at  the 
waist,  and  widening  towards  the  shoulders.  Panta¬ 
loons  of  sky-blue  cloth,  made  full  in  the  leg.  The 
different  corps  of  the  service  to  be  distinguished  by 
the  color  of  their  trimmings — blue  for  infantry,  red 
for  artillery,  and  yellow  for  cavalry.  The  buttons  to 
be  of  plain  gilt,  convex  form,  three-quarters  of  an 
inch  in  diameter.  In  the  artillery  corps,  the  buttons 
to  be  stamped  with  the  letter  A  ;  and  in  infantry  and 
cavalry,  the  buttons  will  bear  only  the  number  of  the 
regiment. 

For  the  General  and  the  officers  of  his  staff,  the 
dress  will  be  of  dark  blue  cloth,  trimmed  with  gold  ; 
for  the  medical  department,  black  cloth,  with  gold 
and  velvet  trimming.  All  badges  of  distinction  are 
to  be  marked  upon  the  sleeves  and  collars.  Badges 
of  distinguished  rank,  on  the  collar  only.  For  a 
Brigadier-General,  three  large  stars;  for  a  Colonel, 
two  large  stars  ;  for  a  Lieutenant-Colonel,  one  large 
star ;  for  a  Major,  one  small  star,  and  a  horizontal 
bar ;  for  a  Captain,  three  small  stars ;  for  a  First 
Lieutenant,  two  small  stars ;  for  a  Second  Lieutenant, 
one  small  star. 

For  General  and  Staff  officers,  the  buttons  will  be 
of  bright  gilt,  convex,  rounded  at  the  edge — a  raised 
eagle  at  the  centre,  surrounded  by  thirteen  stars. 
Exterior  diameter  of  large-sized  button,  one  inch ; 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


of  small  size,  one-half  inch.  For  officers  of  the 
corps  of  Engineers,  the  same  button  is  to  be  used, 
except  that  in  the  place  of  the  eagle  and  stars,  there 
will  be  a  raised  E  in  German  text.  For  officers  of 
artillery,  infantry,  riflemen,  and  cavalry,  the  button 
will  be  a  plain  gilt  convex,  with  a  large  raised  letter 
in  the  centre — A  for  artillery,  I  for  infantry,  &c. 
The  exterior  diameter  of  large-sized  button,  seven- 
eighths  of  an  inch  ;  small  size,  one-half  inch. 

No  cap  has  yet  been  adopted. — JY.  0.  Picayune , 
May  25.  _ _ 

The  following  correspondence  from  the  Louisville 
Journal  explains  itself : — 

“  University  of  Virginia,  May  17, 1861. 

“  Prf.ntice  : 

“  Stop  my  paper ;  I  can’t  afford  to  read  abbolition 
journals  these  times ;  the  atmosphere  of  Old  Vir¬ 
ginia  will  not  at  all  admit  of  such  filthy  sheets  as 
yours  has  grown  to  be. 

“Yours,  &e.,  George  Lake. 

“To  Editors  of  Louisville  Journal." 

“  Lake ! 

“  I  think  it  a  great  pity  that  a  young  man  should 
go  to  a  university  to  graduate  a  traitor  and  a  black¬ 
guard — and  so  ignorant  as  to  spell  abolition  with 
two  b's.  G.  D.  P.” 

—  Vincennes  (lad.)  Gazette ,  May  25. 

Dr.  Junkin,  for  more  than  twelve  years  past  the 
efficient  and  popular  President  of  Washington  Col¬ 
lege,  Lexington,  Virginia,  has  resigned  his  position 
since  the  secession  of  the  State  from  the  Federal  Gov¬ 
ernment.  We  have  seen  some  notices  of  this  resig¬ 
nation  which  are  intended  to  produce  the  impression 
that  Dr.  Junkin  was  forced  to  vacate  his  place  be¬ 
cause  he  was  a  Northern  man.  No  one  who  has  any 
knowledge  of  his  antecedents  could  doubt  his  loy¬ 
alty,  heretofore,  to  the  South  and  to  Southern  inter¬ 
ests  ;  but  he  is  not,  and  never  could  be,  a  Secession¬ 
ist.  And  when,  prior  to  the  action  of  the  State,  the 
students  hoisted  the  secession  flag  upon  the  College 
building,  and  refused  to  permit  it  to  be  removed,  the 
Doctor  declared  he  would  not  deliver  a  lecture  be¬ 
neath  its  folds,  and  immediately  resigned.  This  ven¬ 
erable  College  has  never  known  greater  prosperity 
than  since  Dr.  Junkin’s  incumbency.  The  Trustees 
accepted  his  resignation  with  deep  regret,  and  passed 
very  flattering  resolutions  on  the  occasion. — Banner 
of  the  Covenant ,  May  25. 


Great  “Pop-Gun”  Practice. — Toby  is  a  high 
private  in  the  First  Regiment  of  the  Mississippi  army. 
His  company  is  armed  with  the  breech-loading  May¬ 
nard  rifle,  “  warranted  to  shoot  twelve  times  a  min¬ 
ute,  and  carry  a  ball  effectually  1,600  yards.”  Men 
who  fought  at  Monterey  and  Buena  Vista  call  the 
new-fangled  thing  a  “pop-gun.”  To  test  its  efficacy, 
Toby’s  Captain  told  the  men  they  must  “  try  their 
guns.”  In  obedience  to  command,  Toby  procured 
the  necessary  munitions  of  war,  and  started  with  his 
“  pop-gun  ”  for  the  woods.  Saw  a  squirrel  up  a  very 
high  tree — took  aim — fired.  Effects  of  shot  imme¬ 
diate  and  wonderful.  Tree  effectually  stripped,  and 
nothing  of  the  squirrel  to  be  found,  except  three 
broken  hairs.  “  Pop-gun  ”  rose  in  value — equal  to  a 
four-pounder.  But  Toby  wouldn’t  shoot  toward  any 
more  trees — afraid  of  being  arrested  for  cutting  down 
other  people’s  timber.  Walked  a  mile  and  a  quarter 


to  get  sight  of  a  hill.  By  aid  of  a  small  telescope, 
saw  hill  in  distance ;  saw  large  rock  on  hill ;  put  in 
big  load  ;  shut  both  eyes — fired.  As  soon  as  breath 
returned,  opened  both  eyes ;  could  sec,  just  could, 
but  couldn’t  hear — at  least,  couldn’t  distinguish  any 
sounds ;  thought  Niagara  had  broke  loose,  or  all  out¬ 
doors  gone  to  drum-beating.  Determined  to  see  i! 
shot  hit.  Borrowed  horse,  and  started  toward  hill. 
After  travelling  two  days  and  nights,  reached  place  ; 
saw  setting  sun  shining  through  hill.  Knew  right 
away  that  was  where  his  shot  hit.  Went  closer — 
stumbled  over  rocky  fragments  scattered  for  a  half 
mile  in  line  of  bullet.  Come  to  hole — knew  the 
bullet  hit  there,  because  saw  lead  on  the  edges ; 
walked  in,  and  walked  through  ;  saw  teamster  on  the 
other  side,  “  indulging  in  profane  language  ” — in 
fact,  “  cussin’  considerable,”  because  lightning  had 
killed  his  team.  Looked  as  finger  directed — saw  six 
dead  oxen  in  line  with  hole  through  mountain  ;  knew 
that  was  the  bullet’s  work,  but  didn’t  say  so  to  angry 
teamster.  Thought  best  to  be  leaving ;  in  conse¬ 
quence,  didn’t  explore  path  of  bullet  any  further ; 
therefore,  don’t  know  where  it  stopped  ;  don’t  know 
whether  it  stopped  at  all ;  in  fact,  rather  think  it 
didn’t.  Mounted  horse  ;  rode  back  through  the  hole 
made  by  the  bullet,  but  never  told  Captain  a  word 
about  it ;  to  tell  the  truth,  was  rather  afraid  he’d 
think  it  a  hoax. 

“  It’s  a  right  big  story,  boys,”  said  Toby,  in  con¬ 
clusion  ;  “but  it’s  true,  sure  as  shooting.  Nothing 
to  do  with  Maynard  rifle  but  load  her  up,  turn  her 
North,  and  pull  trigger.  If  twenty  of  them  don’t 
clean  out  all  Yankeedom,  then  I’m  a  liar,  that’s  all.” 
— The  Intelligencer ,  ( Oxford ,  Mississippi.) 


DR.  WATTS  TO  JONATHAN. 

(si  Spiritual  Communication. — Medium ,  Miss  Puxcn.) 

Let  Dons  delight  to  shoot  and  smite 
Their  fellers,  no  ways  slow  ; 

Let  coons  and  wild-cats  scratch  and  fight, 

’Cos  ’tis  their  natur’  too  ; 

But,  Yankees,  guess  you  shouldn’t  let 
Sich  ’tarnal  dander  rise  ; 

Your  hands  warn’t  made  to  draw  the  bead 
On  one  another’s  eyes. 


The  venerable  Gen.  Samuel  L.  Williams,  of  Ster¬ 
ling,  Ivy.,  upon  being  cheered  by  the  Union  Guard 
of  that  place,  thus  addressed  the  men : — “  When  I 
was  a  much  younger  man,  I  followed  that  flag ;  it 
was  in  1812;  the  enemy  was  threatening  our  young 
and  rising  country.  Under  that  banner  we  con¬ 
quered.  And  can  I  now  be  such  a  dastard  as  to  for¬ 
get  it  ?  to  abandon  it  ?  No,  no !  If  Kentucky 
secedes,  I  will  not.  I  will  be  true  to  that  Union. 
They  may  take  my  property — strip  me  of  all,  even 
take  the  little  remnant  of  my  life — but,  as  God  is  m  v 
witness,  they  can  never  make  me  recognize  allegiance 
to  any  Government  but  the  Union,  with  its  glorious 
Stars  and  Stripes.” — JY.  Y.  World ,  May  25. 


Mr.  John  Lindsay,  a  prominent  butcher  in  the 
First  Market,  at  Richmond,  has  the  honor  of  being 
the  first  citizen  of  Virginia  created  since  the  Ordi¬ 
nance  of  Secession  was  passed.  Though  for  nearly 
80  years  a  resident  of  Richmond,  his  genuine  English 
pride  had  always  revolted  at  the  idea  of  becoming  a 
“fellow-citizen”  with  the  Yankees,  and  he  withheld 
his  allegiance  to  the  “  United  States.”  He  found, 


100 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61 


however,  no  compunctious  visitings  when  taking  an 
oath  to  be  loyal  and  true  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
Sovereign  State  of  Virginia.  If  the  State  does  not 
get  many  adopted  citizens  in  future,  they  are  likely 
to  be  good  ones. — Richmond  Examiner,  May  23. 

The  Memphis  Appeal  prints  the  following  reply 
of  Mr.  A.  T.  Stewart,  of  New  York,  to  a  letter  from 
Mr.  J.  P.  Sprague,  of  Memphis : — 

“New  York,  April  29,  1861. 

“  Dear  Sir  : — Your  letter  requesting  to  know 
whether  or  not  I  had  offered  a  million  of  dollars  to 
the  Government  for  the  purposes  of  the  war,  and  at 
the  same  time  informing  me  that  neither  yourself  nor 
your  friends  would  pay  their  debts  to  the  firm  as 
they  matured,  has  been  received. 

“  The  intention  not  to  pay  seems  to  be  universal 
in  the  South,  aggravated  in  your  case  by  the  assur¬ 
ance  that  it  does  not  arise  from  inability ;  but,  what¬ 
ever  may  be  your  determination,  or  that  of  others  at 
the  South,  it  shall  not  change  my  course.  All  that  I 
have  of  position  and  wealth  I  owe  to  the  free  institu¬ 
tions  of  the  United  States,  under  which,  in  common 
with  ail  others  North  and  South,  protection  to  life, 
liberty,  and  property,  have  been  enjoyed  in  the  full¬ 
est  manner.  The  Government  to  which  these  bless¬ 
ings  are  due  calls  on  her  citizens  to  protect  the  Capi¬ 
tal  of  the  Union  from  threatened  assault ;  and, 
although  the  offer  to  which  you  refer  has  not  in 
terms  been  made  by  me,  I  yet  dedicate  all  that  I 
have,  and  will,  if  need,  my  life,  to  the  service  of  the 
country — for  to  that  country  I  am  bound  by  the 
strongest  ties  of  affection  and  duty. 

“  I  had  hoped  that  Tennessee  would  be  loyal  to 
the  Constitution.  But,  however  extensive  may  be 
secession  or  repudiators,  as  long  as  there  are  any  to 
uphold  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States,  I  shall 
be  with  them,  supporting  the  flag. 

“  Yours,  &c.,  Alexander  T.  Stewart.'1 
— Maine  Republican  Journal,  May  24. 

Adventures  of  a  Marylander. — “  I  visited  Mont¬ 
gomery,  hoping  to  recover  my  set  of  mathematical 
and  topographical  instruments  which  were  taken  from 
me  in  April,  or,  failing  in  that,  to  obtain  some  remu¬ 
neration.  The  only  satisfaction  obtained,  was  the 
alternative  of  taking  service  under  the  Jeff.  Davis 
Government  as  Captain  of  Engineers,  with  the  return 
of  my  instruments, — or  leaving  Montgomery  within 
ten  hours ,  and  the  ‘  Seceded  States 1  within  three 
days.  I  chose  the  latter,  of  course,  and  a  pass, 
4  good  for  three  days,'  was  given  me  by  Mr.  Presi¬ 
dent  Davis.  My  trunks,  containing  my  wrardrobe 
and  books,  were  at  Tuslccgee,  but  I  had  no  leisure  to 
go  in  that  direction,  and  took  the  first  train  North¬ 
ward,  unencumbered  with  luggage. 

“  Everywhere  the  cars  were  crowded  with  troops 
hastening  to  Virginia.  At  Culpepper  Custom-IIouse 
I  was  detained  all  night,  and  threatened  with  a  hemp 
cravat.  On  Tuesday  morning,  being  forbidden  the 
ears,  a  friend  loaned  me  a  splendid  horse,  and  bade 
me  4  ride  him  to  death,1  if  necessary ;  and  I  did. 
He  fell  under  me  within  four  miles  of  Alexandria, 
having  gone  46  miles  in  five  and  a  half  hours.  Dur¬ 
ing  that  ride  I  saw  four  men  hanging  to  limbs  of 
trees.  I  had  no  leisure  for  inquiries,  but  heard  in 
Alexandria  that  several  Union  men  had  been  hung 
for  expressing  their  sentiments  at  the  election  polls. 

44  In  Alexandria  I  was  caught  again  by  a  picket 
guard,  who  were  determined  to  detain  me  over  night ; 


and,  as  my  4  pass-time  1  would  expire  at  midnight, 
they  determined  to  indulge  in  a  little  pastime  of  their 
own, -and  hang  me  at  daylight.  I  bribed  the  rascals, 
however,  with  all  the  money  I  had,  and  a  gold  watch ; 
and,  stealing  a  crazy  old  boat  for  me  from  a  schooner, 
they  sent  me  adrift,  and  after  two  hours’  alternate 
bailing  and  sculling,  I  landed  in  a  swamp  on  the 
American  side  of  the  Potomac.  Floundering  out  of 
the  mudhole,  I  footed  it  to  Washington — a  distance 
of  eight  miles — arriving  at  9  a.  m.  Friday  morning, 
and  pi-esented  myself  to  President  Lincoln,  a  beauti¬ 
ful  specimen  of  the  genus  Mud-lark.” — Albany 
Evening  Journal,  May  30. 

Fun  among  the  Soldiers. — A  letter  from  Wash¬ 
ington  says  : — 44 1  am  living  luxuriously,  at  present, 
on  the  top  of  a  very  respectable  fence,  and  fare 
sumptuously  on  three  granite  biscuits  a  day,  and  a 
glass  of  water,  weakened  with  brandy.  A  high  pri¬ 
vate  in  the  Twenty-second  Regiment  has  promised  to 
let  me  have  one  of  his  square  pocket  handkerchiefs 
for  a  sheet  the  first  rainy  night ;  and  I  never  go 
to  bed  on  my  comfortable  window-brush  without 
thinking  how  many  poor  creatures  there  are  in  this 
world  who  have  to  sleep  on  hair  mattresses  all  their 
lives.  Before  the  great  rush  of  Fire  Zouaves  and 
the  rest  of  the  menagerie  commenced,  I  boarded  ex¬ 
clusively  on  a  front  stoop  on  Pennsylvania  avenue, 
and  used  to  slumber,  regardless  of  expense,  in  a 
well-eonductcd  ash-box  ;  but  the  military  monopolize 
all  such  accommodations  now,  and  I  give  way  for  the 
sake  of  my  country. 

44 1  tell  you,  my  boy,  we’re  having  high  old  times 
here  just  now,  and  if  they  get  any  higher,  I  shan’t  be 
able  to  afford  to  stay.  The  city  is  4  in  danger1  every 
other  hour,  and,  as  a  veteran  in  the  Fire  Zouaves 
remarked,  there  seems  to  be  enough  danger  lying 
around  loose  at  Arlington  Heights  to  make  a  very 
good  blood-and-tlmnder  fiction,  in  numerous  pages. 
If  the  vigilant  and  well-educated  sentinels  happen  to 
see  a  nigger  on  the  upper  6ide  of  the  Potomac,  they 
sing  out :  4  Here  they  come  ! 1  and  the  whole  blessed 
army  is  snapping  caps  in  less  than  a  minute.  Then 
all  the  reporters  telegraph  to  their  papers  in  New 
York  and  Philadelphia,  that  4  Jeff  Davis  is  within 
two  minutes’  wTalk  of  the  Capital,  with  a  few  millions 
of  men,1  and  all  the  free  States  send  six  more  regi¬ 
ments  apiece  to  crowd  us  a  little  more.  I  sha’n’t 
stand  much  more  crowding,  for  my  fence  is  full  now, 
and  there  were  six  applications  yesterday  to  rent  an 
improved  knot-hole.  My  landlord  says,  that  if  more 
than  three  chaps  set  up  housekeeping  on  one  post, 
he’ll  be  obliged  to  raise  the  rent. 

44  The  greatest  confidence  in  Gen.  Scott  is  felt  by 
all,  and  it  would  do  you  good  to  see  the  gay  old  hero 
take  the  oath.  He  takes  it  after  every  meal,  and  the 
first  thing  when  he  gets  up  in  the  morning. 

“  Those  Fire  Zouaves  are  fellows  of  awful  suction, 
I  tell  you.  Just  for  greens,  I  asked  one  of  them, 
yesterday,  what  he  came  here  for  ?  4  Ha  ! 1  says  he, 

shutting  one  eye,  4  we  came  here  to  strike  for  your 
altars  and  your  fires — especially  your  free  ! 1  Gen. 
Scott  says  that  if  he  wanted  to  make  those  chaps 
break  through  the  army  of  the  foe,  he’d  have  a  fire- 
bell  rung  for  some  district  on  the  other  side  of  the 
rebels.  He  says  that  half  a  million  of  the  traitors 
couldn’t  keep  the  Fire  Zouaves  out  of  that  district 
five  minutes.  I  believe  him,  my  boy  !  ” — E.  Y.  Ex¬ 
press,  May  31. 

The  Memphis  Avalanche  asks  the  Cairoitcs  if  they 


101 


RUMOIIS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


arc  aware  that  the  South  has  a  company  of  bear- 
hunters  awaiting  their  arrival  at  Memphis,  whose  spe¬ 
cial  duty  it  will  be  to  scalp  the  officers  of  the  Sucker 
army.  In  reply,  the  Springfield  Journal  says : — 
“Scalping  is  not  our  game.  Our  Sucker  boys  are 
now  on  a  grand  ‘  whaling  expedition ,’  and  it  ^  those 
Arkansas  bar-tenders  get  some  of  Uncle  Sam’s  har¬ 
poons  in  their  blubber ,  they  will  stop  blowing ,  and 
want  succors .” — Cairo  fill.)  Gazette,  Mag  <30. 


Arlington  House,  on  the  Potomac,  opposite 
Washington,  is  now  the  head-quarters  of  Gen 
McDowell.  The  N.  Y.  8th,  Col.  Lyons,  is  quartered 
there,  with  their  battery  of  light  artillery.  ihe 
mansion,  is  in  the  old  Revolutionary  style,— solid, 
wide-spread,  and  low.  Gen.  Lee  left  many  pictures 
and  relics  of  the  Revolution.  In  the  entry  are  the 
paintings  of  Revolutionary  sons,  painted  in  his  old 
age  by  George  Washington  Custis.  The  dining-room 
is’  adorned  with,  among  other  things,  three  deer’s 
heads,  from  deer  actually  killed  by  Washington.  A 
line  engraving  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  confionio 
a  full-length  °oil  painting  of  “  Light- Horse  Harry,” 
the  father  of  Gen.  Lee.  A  few  books  and  letters  lie 
about,  marked  with  the  eminent  names  of  Lee  and 
Custis. — N.  Y.  Express ,  May  30. 

What  one  Noble  Woman  can  Do. — Mrs.  Eliza 
Gray  Fisher,  a  lady  of  Boston,  Mass.,  past  the  age  of 
threescore  years,  knowing  from  experience  the  neces¬ 
sities  of  the  volunteer  soldier,  having  lost  a  grand¬ 
father  in  the  Revolutionary  war,  and  a  father  in  the 
war  of  1812,  determined,  immediately  upon  the  issue 
of  the  present  call  for  volunteers,  to  provide  a  com¬ 
plete  outfit  of  under  clothing  for  an  entire  company. 
This,  notwithstanding  the  severe  pressure  of  domes¬ 
tic  duties,  with  the  aid  of  several  ladies,  in  Rev.  Dr. 
Dewey’s  society,  she  has  accomplished  in  the  most 
satisfactory  manner.  The  articles  are  a3  follows,  and 
are  of  the  best  materials  and  most  thorough  work¬ 
manship:— 130  shirts,  130  pairs  of  drawers,  130 
towels,  130  pocket-handkerchiefs,  130  pairs  of  socks, 
12  hospital  gowns,  55  bags  containing  needles,  pins, 
thread,  &c.,  65  Havelock  caps,  500  yards  bandages. 
Such  women  are  of  the  true  Revolutionary  stock, 
all  honor  to  them. — Boston  Transcript ,  Mag  27. 


Prepare  for  Hard  Times.— We  are,  in  all  proba¬ 
bility,  upon  the  verge  of  a  general  and  protracted 
war  between  the  North  and  the  South,  in  which  the 
utmost  strength  of  both  sections  will  be  tested.  In 
a  war,  business  will  be  utterly  prostrated,  money  will 
be  scarce,  and  times  will  be  hard.  We  feel  it  to  be 
our  duty  to  watn  the  Southern  people  of  this  highly 
probable  state  of  things  in  time.  There  should  be 
universal  preparation  for  it.  No  money  should  be 
uselessly  spent.  There  will  be  no  difficulty  in  the 
South  on  the  score  of  courage  and  fighting  men. 
But  our  army  must  be  provided  with  subsistence ; 
the  families  of  the  soldiers  must  be  maintained  in 
their  absence,  if  they  be  poor ;  and  the  people  who 
stay  at  home  must  live.  Under  such  circumstances, 
any  extravagance,  or  unnecessary  expenditure  of 
money,  would  be  criminal.  Every  family  should  be 
put  upon  a  war-footing,  in  the  financial  as  well  as 
military  sense.  And  it  is  not  too  late,  even  now,  to 
plant  corn.  Every  additional  acre  of  corn  that  can 
now  be  “  put  in,”  will  be  an  additional  bulwark  for 
the  support  of  Southern  patriotism,  Southern  homes, 
and  Southern  honor.  Now  is  the  time  for  patriotic 
self-denial  on  the  part  of  those  who  have  hitherto 


enjoyed  ease  and  the  luxuries  of  life.  Now  is  the 
time  for  the  patriotism  of  our  Southern  war  men  to 
manifest  itself.  We  cannot  all  fight,  but  we  can  all 
be  economical,  and  husband  the  resources  of  the 
country.  While  our  brave  boys  are  enduring  the 
hardships  of  the  camp,  and  are  cheerfully  under¬ 
going  labors  to  which  they  arc  not  accustomed,  and 
periling  life  in  the  trenches  and  in  the  field,  and  all 
for  the  defence  of  the  homes  at  which  we  are  remain¬ 
in'1",  who  will  complain  of  the  necessary  self-denial  ? 
Southern  ladies,  wear  your  last  year’s  bonnets  and 
dresses.  You  will  thus  look  much  more  beautiful  and 
charming  in  the  eyes  of  your  patriotic  husbands, 
fathers,  brothers,  and  lovers.  You  are  beautiful 
enough  without  costly  outward  adorning.  Let  us 
hear  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter :  save  money, 
and  plant  corn  and  potatoes,  and  husband  every  thing 
that  will  make  food.  Let  us  sacrifice  our  selfishness, 
and  pride,  and  vanity,  and  consecrate  alt  to  the  cause 
of  the  Church  and  the  country — to  God  and  Liberty. 
— Natchez  (Miss.)  Courier ,  Mag  29. 

New  Haven,  Conn.,  May  26. — Mr.  S.  M.  Brooks, 
a  Massachusetts  gentleman  well  known  to  several  of 
our  citizens  as  a  person  of  unquestioned  veracity, 
arrived  in  this  city  on  Saturday  night,  having  escaped 
from  Fort  Moultrie  in  an  open  boat,  and  managed  to 
get  aboard  a  schooner  which  carried  him  to  New 
York.  He  was  the  guest,  here,  of  Mr.  James  C. 
Parker,  auctioneer  at  No.  151  Congress  Avenue. 
He  states  that  he  and  his  brother  were  impressed  into 
the  Confederate  service,  and  were  placed  in  Fort 
Moultrie,  where  they  assisted  in  working  the  guns 
during  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter. 

He  sags  that  he  will  take  a  solemn  oath  that  from 
six  to  seven  hundred  men  were  killed  in  that  fort 
during  the  engagement ! 

Ten  days  ago 'lie  saw  a  schooner  in  the  offing,  and, 
managing  to  steal  a  skiff,  put  for  her.  After  he  had 
got  some  distance  from  the  Fort  he  was  discovered, 
and  five  or  six  shots  were  fired  at  him,  but  he  escaped 
to  the  schooner,  and  reached  New  York.  The  above 
statement  may  be  relied  on. — A  ew  Haven  Palla¬ 
dium ,  Mag  27.  _ _ 

A  writer  in  the  Ufobile  Register  has  a  novel  plan 
for  capturing  Fort  Pickens.  He  says:  1  It  is  well 
known  that  there  are  some  chemicals  so  poisonous 
that  an  atmosphere  impregnated  with  them  makes  it 
impossible  to  remain  where  they  are,  as  they  would 
destroy  life,  or  interfere  so  much  with  respiiation  as 
to  make  fresh  air  indispensable.  That  the  whole 
atmosphere  of  Fort  Pickens  can  be  so  impregnated 
in  a  short  time,  can  be  shown  to  be  by  no.  means  chi¬ 
merical  ;  and  not  only  chimerical,  but  easily  effected. 
It  will  not  cost  so  much  as  to  be  impracticable,  and 
may  cost  infinitely  less  than  a  regular  siege,  not  only 
in  money,  but  life.  Everybody  almost  knows  that 
burning  "red  pepper,  even  in  small  quantity,  a  tea- 
spoonful,  will  clear  the  largest  room  of  a  crowd  in  a 
few  moments ;  that  the  least  snuff  of  veratria  will 
make  one  cough  himself  almost  to  death,  and  run 
great  risk  of  coughing  himself  into  consumption  ; 
that  some  gases  are  so  poisonous  to  life  that  the 
smallest  quantity  will  kill— hydroceanic  acid  and 
arsemurretted  hydrogen,  for  instance.  By  mixing 
!  red  pepper  and  veratria  with  the  powder  with  which 
the  shells  are  filled,  or  by  filling  large  shells  of  ex¬ 
traordinary  capacity  with  poisonous  gases,  and  throw¬ 
ing  them  very  rapidly  into  the  fort,  every  living  soul 
would  have  to  leave  in  double  quick  time  ;  it  would 


102 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


be  impossible  to  breathe  there.  If  the  bombardment 
is  ell'ceted  in  a  dead  calm,  the  result  would  be  cer¬ 
tain  ;  and  often  at  Fort  Pickens  there  is  not  a  breath 
of  air  stirring  from  daylight  until  10  o’clock  in  the 
morning.” — National  intelligencer ,  May  29. 

SCOTT  AND  THE  VETERAN. 

BY  BAYARD  TAYLOR. 

I. 

An  old  and  crippled  veteran  to  the  War  Department 
came ; 

lie  sought  the  Chief  who  led  him  on  many  a  held  of 
fame — 

The  Chief  who  shouted  “  Forward  !  ”  where’er  his 
banner  rose, 

And  bore  its  stars  in  triumph  behind  the  flying  foes. 

ii. 

“  Have  you  forgotten,  General,”  the  battered  soldier 
cried, 

“  The  days  of  Eighteen  Ilundred  Twelve,  when  I  was 
at  your  side  ? 

Have  you  forgotten  Johnson,  that  fought  at  Lundy’s 
Lane  ? 

Tis  true,  I’m  old  and  pensioned,  but  I  want  to  fight 
again.” 

HI. 

“  Have  I  forgotten  ?  ”  said  the  Chief ;  “  my  brave 
old  soldier,  No  ! 

And  here’s  the  hand  I  gave  you  then,  and  let  it  tell 
you  so ; 

But  you  have  done  your  share,  my  friend ;  you’re 
crippled,  old,  and  gray, 

And  we  have  need  of  younger  arms  and  fresher  blood 
to-day.” 

IV. 

“  But,  General,”  cried  the  veteran,  a  flush  upon  his 
brow, 

“  The  very  men  who  fought  with  us,  they  say,  are 
traitors  now ; 

They’ve  torn  the  flag  of  Lundy’s  Lane — our  old  red, 

-  white,  and  blue ; 

And  while  a  drop  of  blood  is  left,  I'll  show  that  drop 
is  true. 

v. 

“  I’m  not  so  weak  but  I  can  strike,  and  I’ve  a  good 
old  gun 

To  get  the  range  of  traitors’  hearts,  and  pick  them, 
one  by  one. 

Your  Minie  rifles,  and  such  arms,  it  ain’t  worth  while 
to  try ; 

I  couldn’t  get  the  hang  of  them,  but  I'll  keep  my 
powder  dry !  ” 

VI. 

“  God  bless  you,  comrade  !  ”  said  the  Chief ;  “  God 
bless  your  loyal  heart ! 

But  younger  men  arc  in  the  field,  and  claim  to  have 
their  part ; 

They’ll  plant  our  sacred  banner  in  each  rebellious 
town, 

And  woe,  henceforth,  to  any  hand  that  dares  to  pull 
it  down !  ” 


VII. 

“  But,  General,” — still  persisting,  the  weeping  veteran 
cried, 

“  I’m  young  enough  to  follow,  so  long  as  you're  my 
guide ; 

And  some,  you  know,  must  bite  the  dust,  and  that, 
at  least,  can  I ; 

So,  give  the  young  ones  place  to  fight,  but  me  a  place 
to  die ! 

VIII. 

“  If  they  should  firo  on  Pickens,  let  the  Colonel  in 
command 

Put  me  upon  the  rampart,  with  the  flag-staff  in  my 
hand ; 

No  odds  how  hot  the  cannon-smoke,  or  how  the 
shells  may  fly ; 

Fll  hold  the  Stars  and  Stripes  aloft,  and  hold  them 
till  I  die ! 

IX. 

“  I’m  ready,  General,  so  you  let  a  post  to  me  be 
given, 

Where  V  ashington  can  see  me,  as  he  looks  from 
highest  heaven, 

And  say  to  Putnam  at  his  side,  or,  may-be,  General 
Wayne, 

‘  There  stands  old  Billy  Johnson,  that  fought  at 
Lundy’s  Lane  !  ’ 

x. 

“  And  when  the  fight  is  hottest,  before  the  traitors 

fly. 

When  shell  and  ball  are  screeching,  and  bursting  in 
the  sky, 

If  any  shot  should  hit  me,  and  lay  me  on  my  face, 

.My  soul  would  go  to  Washington,  and  not  to  Arnold’s 
place  !  ” 

May  13,  1861.  — The  Independent. 

ELMER  E.  ELLSWORTH. 

Pied  May  24,  1S61, 

Weep,  weep,  Columbia !  Death,  with  traitorous 
hand, 

Has  slain  a  Hero,  quenched  a  manly  flame ; 

Cast  heartfelt  sorrow  o’er  a  throbbing  land, 

And  carved,  for  future  years  to  read,  a  name, 

On  the  grand  altar  of  our  Country’s  fame. 

Strew  roses  o’er  his  corpse  ; — a  soldier’s  vow 
He  took — a  soldier’s  pall  enwraps  him  now  ; 

At  Glory’s  portal  Death’s  red  summons  came. 

Chant,  O  ye  Land,  the  soldier’s  burial  hymn 
O’er  Ellsworth’s  bier ;  and  as  ye  sadly  turn, 

With  falt’ring  voiee,  and  eyes  with  teardrops  dim. 
Swear  ye  that  Retribution’s  torch  may  burn 

In  every  breast !  A  martyr’s  youthful  blood 

Cements  your  oath.  Strike  !  for  your  cause  is  good  ! 

A.  A.  A. 

~~K.  T.  Tribune,  May  27, 


ODE  TO  THE  NORTH  AND  SOLWII. 

O  Jonathan  and  Jefferson, 

Come,  listen  to  my  song ; 

I  can’t  decide,  my  word  upon. 

Which  of  you  is  most  wrong. 

I  do  declare  I  am  afraid 

To  say  which  worse  behaves, 

The  North,  imposing  bonds  on  Trade, 

Or  South,  that  Man  enslaves. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


103 


And  here  you  are  about  to  fight, 

And  wage  intestine  war, 

Not  either  of  you  in  the  right ; 

AVhat  simpletons  you  are  ! 

Too  late  your  madness  you  will  see, 

And  when  your  passion  cools, 

“  Snakes !  ”  you  will  bellow  ;  “  how  could  we 
Have  been  such  ’tarnal  fools !  ” 

One  thing  is  certain  ;  that  if  you 
Blow  out  each  other’s  brains, 

’Twill  be  apparent  what  a  few 
Each  blockhead’s  skull  contains. 

You’ll  have  just  nothing  for  your  cost, 

To  show,  when  all  is  done. 

Greatness  and  glory  you’ll  have  lost, 

And  not  a  dollar  wron. 

Oh,  joined  to  us  by  blood,  and  by 
The  bond  of  kindred  speech, 

And  further,  by  the  special  tie 
Of  slang,  bound  each  to  each, 

All-fired  gonie3,  soft-horn’d  pair, 

Each  other  will  you  lick  ? 

You  everlastin’  dolts,  forbear  ! 

Throw  down  your  arms  right  slick  ! 

You’ll  chaw  each  other  up,  you  two, 

Like  those  Kilkenny  cats, 

When  they  had  better  things  to  do, 

Improvin’  off  the  rats. 

Now  come,  shake  hands,  together  jog 
On  friendly  yet  once  more  ; 

Whip  one  another  not ;  and  flog 
Creation,  as  before  ! 

— London  Punch,  May  25. 

“QUI  TRANSTULIT  SUSTINET.” 

(Tlic  motto  upon  the  Coat  of  Arms  of  the  State  of 
Connecticut.) 

Dedicated  to  the  Connecticut  Volunteers. 

BY  L  .  L.  WELD. 

“ Qui  transtnlit  sustinet!”  motto  of  light! 

’Neath  the  folds  of  that  banner  we  strike  for  the 
right ; 

Connecticut’s  watchword  o'er  hill  and  o’er  plain, 

“  The  Hand  that  transplanted ,  that  Hand  will  sus¬ 
tain 

“  Qui  transtnlit  sustinet  /”  On  the  broad  fold 
Of  Connecticut’s  banner  this  motto’s  enrolled, 

And  flashed  to  the  sunlight  on  morning’s  bright 
wings, 

A  promise  of  glory  and  honor  it  brings  ! 

The  promise  of  One  who  ne’er  promised  in  vain, 

“  The  Hand  that  transplanted ,  that  Hand  will  sus¬ 
tain.” 

Aye  !  and  surely  it  has  well  sustained  us  thus  far, 

In  Peace  and  in  Plenty,  in  Want  and  in  War. 

When  the  foe  has  attacked  us  in  battle  array, 

Then  Connecticut’s  sons  have  stood  first  in  the 
fray ; 

And  faith  in  that  watchword  inspires  us  again, 

For  “He  who  transplanted ,  will  ever  sustain.” 

And  now,  in  the  darkness  of  Treason’s  black  night, 
’Neath  the  folds  of  that  banner  we  strike  for  the 
right ! 


For  the  right  !  ’tis  our  Country  we’re  marching  to 
save,  — 

The  dear  Flag  of  The  Union  in  triumph  shall 
wave ! 

Faith  swells  in  each  heart ;  Hope  fires  every  vein  ! 

‘‘''And  Thou  who  transplanted ,  oh!  always  sus¬ 
tain  !  ” 

— Hartford  (Conn.)  Homestead ,  April  IS. 


THE  VOLUNTEER. 

Hard  by  the  porch  of  the  village  church, 

A  dusty  traveller  halts  awhile  to  rest ; 

His  head  droops  tired  down  upon  his  breast, 

But  the  word  of  prayer  wakes  new  life  there. 

“  God  bless  the  brave,  who  go  to  save 

Our  country,  in  her  dark,  dread  hour  of  danger  !  ” 
The  good  man’s  voice  was  comfort  to  the  stranger ; 
Duty  wipes  away  a  tear  as  he  hurries  to  the  war. 

—Harvard  Magazine, 


THE  CAMP  WAR  SONG. 

Raise  the  Banner,  raise  it  high,  boys  ! 

Let  it  float  against  the  sky ; 

“  God  be  with  us  !  ”  this  our  cry,  boys  ; 

Under  it  we’ll  do,  or  die. 

1st  Ciio. — Arise  to  glory,  glory,  glory  ! 

Our  country  calls — march  on  !  march  on . 
2i>  Cho. — Co-ca-che-lunk-che-lunk-che-la-ly, 
Co-ca-ehe-lunk-che-lunk-che-lav, 
Co-ca-che-lunk-che-lunk-ehe-la-ly, 
Rig-a-ge-dig,  and  away  we  go  ! 

Rebel  miscreants,  stand  from  under ; 

Ye  who  bear  the  traitor’s  name  ! 

Every  star’s  a  bolt  of  thunder — 

Every  stripe  a  living  flame  ! 

Arise,  &c. 

By  our  patriot  sires  in  glory, 

By  our  sainted  Washington, 

We  will  fight,  till  every  Tory 

Falls,  that  breathes  beneath  the  sun  ! 

Arise,  &c. 

By  our  homes,  our  hearths,  and  altars, 

By  our  sweethearts,  children,  wives, 

He  who  from  our  Union  falters, 

Dies,  hath  he  a  thousand  lives  ! 

Arise,  &c. 

Under  Scott,  our  valiant  leader, 

We  will  lay  the  traitors  low ; 

Crushed  to  earth,  each  vile  seceder 
Soon  shall  to  our  vengeance  bow. 

Arise,  &c. 

Anderson  !  thy  name  shall  cheer  us 
’Mid  the  war-field’s  bloody  strife  ; 

Old  Fort  Sumter  yet  shall  hear  us 
Call  her  battlements  to  life  ! 

Arise,  &c. 

God  of  battles  !  we  implore  Thee, 

Nerve  our  souls,  make  strong  our  arms ; 
Bless  us,  as  we  bow  before  Thee, 

In  the  midst  of  war  s  alarms. 

Arise,  &c. 


104 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Our  spangled  banner  waving  o’er  us, 

We  come,  avengers  of  the  free  ! 

Shout,  boys,  shout !  the  foe ’s  before  us  ! 

Union — God — and  Liberty  ! 

1st  Ciio. — Arise  to  glory,  glory,  glory  ! 

Our  country  calls — march  on  !  march  on ! 

2d  Ciio. — Co-ca-che-lunk-che-lunk-che  la-lv, 
Co-ca-che-lunk-che-luuk-che-lay, 
Co-ea-che-lunk-ehe-lunk-che-Ia-ly, 
Rig-a-ge-dig,  and  away  we  go  ! 


T  II E  NATION’S  CALL. 

BY  JESSE  n.  BERRY. 

“  To  arms  !  ”  the  voice  of  Freedom  calls, 

Nor  calls  in  vain  ; 

Up,  from  the  fields,  the  shops,  the  halls, 

The  busy  street,  the  city  walls, 

Rush  martial  men. 

Throbbing  and  quick,  the  nation’s  heart 
Beats  rapidly ; 

And  gathering  on  the  nation’s  brow 
A  fearful  thunder-cloud  of  wrath, 

Illumed  by  lightning  flashes,  now 
Marks  in  majesty  and  awe  the  path 
To  victory. 

Waving  in  grandeur  o’er  these  hosts, 

The  Stripes  and  Stars  ! 

God  of  the  bold,  the  brave,  the  free, 

Who  nerved  our  fathers  for  the  fight, 

Grant  to  us  still,  our  liberty, 

An  arm  to  strike  for  every  right ; — 

These  are  our  prayers. 

Philadelphia  Press ,  May  20. 


GOD  KEEP  OUR  ARMY  PURE. 

BY  H.  A.  MOORE. 

God  keep  our  soldiers  pure  as  brave, — 

The  gentle  “  Seventh,”  the  “  fierce  Zouave, 
And  all  our  gallant  host ; 

Like  the  old  warriors  of  Judea, 

May  ours  be  led  by  “  Israel’s  Fear,” 

Be  God  their  trust  and  boast. 

May  every  camp  amid  the  trees, 

Where  brown  cheeks  feel  the  cooling  breeze, 
While  firm  feet  press  the  sod, — 

May  every  white  tent  on  the  hills, 

Each  round  pavilion  by  the  rills, 

Be  holy  unto  God. 

With  willing  hearts,  but  tearful  eyes, 
(Knowing  what  woe  before  us  lies,) 

Brother  and  sire  we  send  ; 

With  ready  hands,  but  bosoms  sore, 
(Knowing  that  some  will  come  no  more,) 

We  speed  each  patriot  friend. 

W e  give  them  to  the  camp,  the  field ; 

The  dearest  things  of  life  we  yield, 

Nor  grudge  the  sacrifice. 

Take  one,  take  all ,  0  Tented  Plain ! 

0  Battle  Field  !  But  if  again 

Our  offerings  meet  our  eyes ; — 


If  from  the  bloody  strife  they  come, 

Once  more  to  rest,  in  peace,  at  home, 
Return  them  pure  as  brave. 

The  loval  heart,  the  sturdy  frame, 

We  venture  ;  but  the  clean ,  good  name , 

O  War,  thou  terror,  save ! 

God,  save  our  fathers,  brothers,  friends, 
From  all  the  evil  which  attends, 

Watching  for  brave  men’s  souls  ; 
Within,  without,  where  soldiers  dwell, 

In  camp,  and  fort,  and  citadel, 

Too  often  it  controls. 

This  war  is  Thine  !  we  do  not  shrink  ; 

The  wine  is  red,  but  wre  will  drink ; — 

All,  all  we  will  endure. 

Not  blood  unto  the  horses'  mane , 

Not  heaped-up  f  riends ,  dead  on  the  plain, 
Shall  our  wrung  hearts  of  courage  drain, 
So  our  dear  host  be  pure  ! 

God,  keep  our  soldiers  pure  ! 


REDEMPTION. 

Hush  quivering  sighs ! 

Dry  streaming  eyes, 

Who  watch  the  war-cloud’s  billowy  course  ; 
For  nations  rise 
Through  sacrifice ; 

For  this,  earth  bears  her  children’s  loss ; 

For  this  the  scourge,  for  this  the  cross. 

Pray,  mothers,  pray  ! 

For  those  who  may 
’Mid  warring  armies  sink  to  rest ; 

But  in  their  loss, 

Behold  the  cross, 

And  in  each  blood-drop  from  each  breast, 

See  the  red  tide  that  Calvary  pressed. 

“  We  did  not  fear  !  ” 

Year  after  year 

The  nation  held  its  prosperous  way ; — 

Grew  white  with  cant, 

And  huge  with  rant, 

And  cried,  “  0,  hear  the  asses  bray,” 

When  wise  men  warned  us  of  this  day. 

Manacled  hands, 

Marred  with  brands, 

Through  weary  years  were  reared  on  high, 
Pleading  with  tears. 

Who  hears  ?  Who  hears 
Their  tearful  pleading,  woful  cry, — 

In  Slavery’s  hell  let  us  not  die  ! 

Through  threatening  death, 

With  moaning  breath, 

From  worse  than  death,  they  Northward  fled ; 
Those  pleading  hands, 

In  Freedom’s  lands, 

To  Freedom’s  sons,  were  raised  her  head, 
With  eyes  that  spake  their  harrowing  dread. 

But  we’ve  stood  by, 

All  leashed  and  “  spry,” 

We  Northern  slave-hounds,  giving  tongue, 
Until  we  heard 
Our  master’s  word — 

Then  off  upon  his  track  we  sprung ; 

Fast  to  his  bleeding  form  we  hung. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


105 


Our  manhood  gone, 

They  gave  us  scoru — 

Our  Southern  masters— for  our  pains ; 

Hot  insults  hiss — 

(We  thought  it  bliss  !) 

Their  loathsome  scorns,  polluting  stains, 

And  hounded  better  for  our  shames. 

They  bolder  grew— r 
(Chivalrous  crew  !) 

And  swore  the  people’s  mighty  will 
Should  never  o’er 
The  Southern  shore 
Its  sovereign  purposes  fulfil, 

Or  tread  the  Capitoline  hill. 

He  prayed  so  hard, 

And  “  hem’d  ”  and  “  ha’d,” 

The  Wheatland  Sage,  with  feigned  surprise. 
And  what  did  we  ? 

(Shades  of  the  Free  !) 

Did  we  from  off  our  knees  arise  ? 

No  !  no  !  we  whimpered,  “  Compromise  !  ” 

It  came  at  last — 

Hell ! — well,  ’tis  past, 

That  damned  blow,  fair  in  our  eyes. 

Our  boiling  blood 
Flew  in  a  flood 

Through  every  vein.  The  nation  cries, 

War  to  the  death  !  till  every  traitor  dies  ! 

Hear,  Freemen,  hear ! 

Crush  dastard  fear ! 

Gird  Freedom’s  armor  on  your  back. 

See  !  see,  afar, 

Through  gathering  war, 

Our  banner-bird  looms  through  the  rack — - 
The  Eagle’s  on  the  Viper’s  track  ! 

It  may  be  years, 

Ere  bondsmen’s  tears 
Shall  cease  to  flow  from  shore  to  shore. 

But  come  it  will — 

(Stand  still !  stand  still !) 

The  fiery  pillar  goes  before — 

The  Red  Sea’s  crossed — They’re  slaves  no  more  ! 

Dry  streaming  eyes, 

Hush  quivering  sighs, 

Who  watch  the  war-clouds’  billowy  course ; 

For  nations  rise 
Through  sacrifice ; 

For  this,  earth  bears  her  children’s  loss, 

For  this  the  scourge,  for  this  the  cross. 

W.  F.  L. 


IT  IS  GREAT  FOR  OUR  COUNTRY  TO  DIE. 

BY  JAMES  G.  PERCIVAL. 

Oh  !  it  is  great  for  our  country  to  die,  where  ranks 
are  contending ; 

Bright  is  the  wreath  of  our  fame  ;  glory  awaits  us 
for  aye — 

Glory  that  never  i3  dim,  shining  on  with  light  never- 
ending — 

Glory  that  never  shall  fade,  never,  0  never,  away ! 

Oh  !  it  is  sweet  for  our  country  to  die  !  How  softly 

reposes 

Warrior  youth  on  his  bier,  wet  by  the  tears  of  his 
love, 

Poetry — 14 


Wet  by  a  mother’s  warm  tears ;  they  crown  him  with 
garlands  of  roses, 

Weep,  and  then  joyously  turn,  bright  where  ho 
triumphs  above. 

Not  to  the  shades  shall  the  youth  descend  who  for 
country  hath  perished ; 

Hebe  awaits  him  in  heaven,  welcomes  him  there 
with  her  smile ; 

There  at  the  banquet  divine,  the  patriot  spirit  is 
cherished ; 

Gods  love  the  young  who  ascend  pure  from  the 
funeral  pile. 

Not  to  Elysian  fields,  by  the  still,  oblivious  river ; 

Not  to  the  isles  of  the  blest,  over  the  blue,  rolling 
sea ; 

But  on  Olympian  heights  shall  dwell  the  devoted  for¬ 
ever  ; 

There  shall  assemble  the  good,  there  the  wise, 
valiant,  and  free. 

Oh  !  then  how  great  for  our  country  to  die — in  the 
front  rank  to  perish, 

Firm  with  our  breast  to  the  foe,  Victory’s  shout  in 
our  ear ! 

Long  they  our  statues  shall  crown,  in  songs  our 
memory  cherish ; 

We  shall  look  forth  from  our  heaven,  pleased  the 
sweet  music  to  hear. 

—Boston  Transcript ,  May  28. 


SONG  FOR  BATTLE. 

Air. — Marseillaise. 

I. 

Oh,  comrades  going  forth  to  battle, 

Forget  to  doubt,  forget  to  fear ; 

And  when  the  balls  around  us  rattle, 

Let  step  be  firm,  and  eye  be  clear. 

See  how  the  foeman’s  lines  are  swaying ; 

See  how  they  waver  left  and  right ; 
Charge  on,  our  Captain’s  voice  obeying, 
And  put  their  breaking  ranks  to  flight ! 

Arise  !  arise,  ye  brave, 

And  take  your  swords  in  hand ; 
March  on,  march  on,  resolved  to  save 
Our  Union  and  our  land  ! 

ii. 

See  where  our  sacred  flag  is  flying, 

Each  star  and  every  stripe  is  there  ; 

Oh,  s#ear  to  guard  it  well,  relying 
Upon  the  cause  that  bids  us  swear. 

It  guards  us  well  on  land  and  water, 

And  speaks  a  mighty  Union’s  praise  ; 
Defend  it  now  ’mid  smoke  and  slaughter, 
Where  bay’nets  stab  and  muskets  blaze. 

Arise,  arise,  ye  brave, 

And  take  your  swords  in  hand ; 
March  on,  march  on,  resolved  to  save 
Our  Union  and  our  land. 

hi. 

But  is  the  strife  of  our  beginning  ? 

And  do  we  thirst  for  Southern  blood  ? 
Oh,  no  ;  when  traitors  cease  from  sinning, 
We’ll  clasp  the  South  in  brotherhood. 


106 


REBELLION  RECORD,  18G0-G1. 


Though  now  the  battle-shouts  are  ringing, 

And  anger  flames  from  every  eye, 

Yet  are  we  safe  who  join  our  singing, 

“  The  Union — it  shall  never  die.” 

Arise,  arise,  ye  brave, 

And  take  your  swords  in  hand ; 

March  on,  inarch  on,  resolved  to  save 
Our  Union  and  our  land.  C.  B. 

— A'.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  30. 


SONGS  OF  THE  REBELS. 


NORTH  CAROLINA  CALL  TO  ARMS. 

Air — “The  Old  North  Slate” 

BY  MRS.  WILLIS  L.  MILLER. 

Ye  sons  of  Carolina,  awake  from  your  dreaming  ! 

The  minions  of  Lincoln  upon  us  are  streaming  ! 

Oh,  wait  not  for  argument,  call,  or  persuasion, 

To  meet  at  the  onset  this  treacherous  invasion  ! 
Defend,  defend  the  old  North  State  forever ; 
Defend,  defend  the  good  old  North  State. 

Oh,  think  of  the  maidens,  the  wives,  and  the  mothers ! 
Fly  ye  to  the  rescue,  sons,  husbands,  and  brothers, 
And  sink  in  oblivion  all  party  and  section ; 

Your  hearthstones  are  looking  to  you  for  protection  ! 
Defend,  defend  the  old  North  State  forever,  &c. 

“  Her  name  stands  the  foremost  in  Liberty’s  story !  ” 
Oh,  tarnish  not  now  her  fame  and  her  glory  ! 

Your  fathers  to  save  her  their  swords  bravely  wielded, 
And  she  never  yet  has  to  tyranny  yielded. 

Defend,  defend  the  old  North  State  forever,  &c. 

The  babe  in  its  sweetness,  the  child  in  its  beauty, 
Unconsciously  urge  you  to  action  and  duty  ! 

By  all  that  is  sacred,  by  all  to  you  tender, 

Your  country  adjures  you,  arise  and  defend  her  ! 
Defend,  defend  the  old  North  State  forever,  &c. 

The  national  eagle  above  us  now  floating, 

Will  soon  on  the  vitals  of  loved  ones  be  gloating  ; 
His  talons  will  tear,  and  his  beak  will  devour ; 

Oh,  spurn  ve  his  sway,  and  delay  not  an  hour  ! 
Defend,  defend  the  old  North  State  forever,  &c. 

“  The  Star-spangled  Banner,”  dishonored,  is  streaming 
O’er  bands  of  fanatics— their  swords  are  how  gleam¬ 
ing  ; 

Thev  thirst  for  the  life-blood  of  those  you  most 
cherish, — 

With  brave  hearts  and  true,  then  arouse,  or  they 
perish ! 

Defend,  defend  the  old  North  State  forever,  &c. 

Round  the  flag  of  the  South,  oh,  in  thousands  now 
rally, 

For  the  hour’s  departed  when  freemen  may  dally  ! 
Your  all  is  at  stake — then  go  forth,  and  God  speed 
you, 

And  onward  to  glory  and  victory  lead  you  ! 

“  Hurrah  !  hurrah  !  the  old  North  State  forever  ! 
Hurrah  !  hurrah  !  the  good  old  North  State.” 
Thomabtille,  N.  C.,  April  15, 1861. 


DIXIE. 

SOUTIIRONS,  HEAR  YOUR  COUNTRY  CALL  YOU 

BY  ALBERT  PIKE. 

Southrons,  hear  your  country  call  you  ! 

Up,  lest  worse  than  death  befall  you  ! 

To  arms  !  To  arms  !  To  arms,  in  Dixie  ! 

Lo  !  all  the  beacon-fires  are  lighted, — 

Let  all  hearts  be  now  united  ! 

To  arms  !  To  arms  !  To  arms,  in  Dixie  ! 
Advance  the  flag  of  Dixie  ! 

Hurrah  !  hurrah ! 

For  Dixie’s  land  we  take  our  stand, 

And  live  or  die  for  Dixie  ! 

To  arms  !  To  arms  ! 

And  conquer  peace  for  Dixie  ! 

To  arms  !  To  arms  ! 

And  conquer  peace  for  Dixie  ! 

Hear  the  Northern  thunders  mutter ! 

Northern  flags  in  South  wind  flutter ; 

To  arms !  kc. 

Advance  the  flag  of  Dixie  !  &c. 

Fear  no  danger !  Shun  no  labor ! 

Lift  up  rifle,  pike,  and  sabre  ! 

To  arms  !  &c  . 

Shoulder  pressing  close  to  shoulder, 

Let  the  odds  make  each  heart  bolder  ! 

To  arms !  kc. 

Advance  the  flag  of  Dixie  !  kc. 

How  the  South’s  great  heart  rejoices, 

At  your  cannons’  ringing  voices  ! 

To  arms !  &e. 

For  faith  betrayed,  and  pledges  broken. 
Wrongs  inflicted,  insults  spoken, 

To  arms !  &c. 

Advance  the  flag  of  Dixie  !  kc. 

Strong  as  lions,  swift  as  eagles, 

Back  to  their  kennels  hunt  these  beagles  ! 

To  arms !  &c. 

Cut  the  unequal  words  asunder  ! 

Let  them  then  each  other  plunder  ! 

To  arms !  kc. 

Advance  the  flag  of  Dixie  !  kc. 

Swear  upon  your  country’s  altar, 

Never  to  submit  or  falter  ! 

To  arms !  kc. 

Till  the  spoilers  are  defeated, 

Till  the  Lord’s  work  is  completed. 

To  arms !  &c. 

Advance  the  flag  of  Dixie  !  &c. 

Halt  not,  till  our  Federation 

Secures  among  Earth’s  Powers  its  station  ! 

To  arms !  &c. 

Then  at  peace,  and  crowned  with  glory, 

Hear  your  children  tell  the  story  ! 

To  arms !  &c. 

Advance  the  flag  of  Dixie  !  kc. 

If  the  loved  ones  weep  in  sadness, 

Victory  soon  shall  bring  them  gladness. 

To  arms !  &c. 

Exultant  pride  soon  banish  sorrow  ; 

Smiles  chase  tears  away  to-morrow. 

To  arms !  kc. 

Advance  the  flag  of  Dixie  !  kc. 

—Natchez  {Miss.)  Courier ,  May  30. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


107 


FROM  THE  SOUTH  TO  THE  NORTH. 

BY  C.  L.  S. 

There  is  no  union,  when  the  hearts 
That  once  were  bound  together, 

Have  felt  the  stroke  that  coldly  parts 
All  kindly  ties  forever. 

Then,  oh  !  your  cruel  hands  draw  back, 
And  let  us  be  divided 
In  peace,  since  it  is  proved  we  lack 
The  grace  to  live  united. 

We  cannot  bear  your  scorn  and  pride, 

Your  malice  and  your  taunting, 

That  have  for  years  our  patience  tried — 
Your  hypocritic  canting. 

We  will  not  bow  our  necks  beneath 
The  yoke  that  you  decree  us ; 

We  will  be  free,  though  only  death 
Should  have  the  power  to  free  us  ! 

Oh,  Southern  sons  are  bold  to  dare, 

And  Southern  hearts  courageous ; 

Nor  meekly  will  they  longer  bear 
Oppression  so  outrageous. 

And  you  shall  feel  our  honest  wrath, 

If  hearts  so  cold  can  feel ; 

Shall  meet  us  in  your  Southern  path, 

And  prove  our  Southern  steel. 

We  ask  no  favor  at  your  hand — 

No  gifts,  and  no  affection — 

But  only  peace  upon  our  land, 

And  none  of  your  protection. 

We  ask  you  now,  henceforth,  to  know 
We  are  a  separate  nation ; 

And  be  assured,  we’ll  fully  show 
We  scorn  your  “  proclamation.” 

We  were  not  first  to  break  the  peace 
That  blessed  our  happy  land  ; 

We  loved  the  quiet,  calm,  and  ease, 

Too  well  to  raise  a  hand, 

Till  fierce  oppression  stronger  grew, 

And  bitter  were  your  sneers — 

Then  to  our  land  we  must  be  true, 

Or  show  a  coward’s  fears  ! 

We  loved  our  banner  while  it  waved 
An  emblem  of  our  Union  ; 

The  fiercest  danger  we  had  braved 
To  guard  that  sweet  communion. 

But  when  it  proved  that  “  stripes  ”  alone 
Were  for  our  sunny  South, 

And  all  the  “stars”  in  triumph  shone 
Above  the  chilly  North ; 

Then — not  till  then — our  voices  rose 
In  one  tumultuous  wave — ' 

W e  will  the  tyranny  oppose, 

Or  find  a  bloody  grave  ! 

Another  flag  shall  lead  our  hosts 
To  battle  on  the  plain  ; 

The  “ rebels”  will  defy  your  boasts, 

And  prove  your  sneering  vain  ! 

There  is  no  danger  we  could  fear — 

No  hardship  or  privation, 

To  free  the  land  we  hold  so  dear, 

From  tyrannous  dictation. 


Blockade  her  ports, — her  seas  shall  swell 
Beneath  your  ships  of  war, 

And  every  breeze  in  anger  tell 
Your  tyranny  afar. 

Her  wealth  may  fail — her  commerce  droop 
With  every  foreign  nation  ; 

But  mark  you,  if  her  pride  shall  stoop, 

Or  her  determination  ! 

The  products  of  her  fields  will  be 
For  food  and  raiment  too  ; — 

From  mountain  cliff  to  rolling  sea, 

Her  children  will  be  true. 

Her  banner  may  not  always  wave 
On  victory’s  fickle  breath ; 

The  young,  the  chivalrous  and  brave, 

May  feel  the  hand  of  death  ; 

But,  when  her  gallant  sons  have  died, 

Her  daughters  will  remain — 

Nor  crushed  will  be  her  Southern  pride, 

Till  they  too  all  are  slain  ! 

Stacntos,  Va.,  May  7,  1SG1. 

— Richmond  Whig ,  May  13. 


REVERIES  OF  WAR. 

by  c.  j.  n. 

Mantle  my  heart  with  the  damp,  dark  pall, 

Black  as  the  midnight,  and  heavy  as  sin ; 

Over  my  spirit  let  misery  fall ; 

Windows  of  hope,  let  no  daylight  in  ; 

Memory  sink,  and  close  out  the  tone 
Of  olden  days  ;  or  of  treasured  past, 

Light  the  great  blaze  of  our  wrongs  alone  ; 

Into  the  scales  let  their  weight  be  cast. 

Mantle  my  heart  with  the  garb  of  steel ; 

Sing  her  the  songs  of  revenge  and  right ; 

Iron  of  rage,  through  my  veins  may  I  feel 
Thy  strength  to  flow  with  the  crimson  bright. 
Energy,  wake  !  and  courage,  come  ! 

With  stirring  chant  of  camp  and  field, 

Blaze  on  the  altars  of  hearts  and  home, 

Courage,  and  Honor,  and  Right,  our  shield. 

Mantle  my  heart  in  the  soldier’s  attire, 
Powder-blacked,  soiled,  and  dusty  with  use ; 
Nerve  my  arm  to  its  truest  fire, 

And  in  its  scabbard  my  sabre  loose ; 

Breathe  on  my  spirit  thy  hot  breath,  War  ! 

Fire  my  heart  with  thy  honest  pride  ; 

Shine  in  my  face  like  a  bright  golden  star, 

And  muster  the  surge  of  the  battle’s  tide. 

Mantle  my  heart  with  the  garb  of  strength  ! 

Justice,  and  Honor,  and  Truth,  awake  ! 

Nerve  on  to  conquest,  until  at  length 
The  dawn  of  our  noble  peace  shall  break. 

Sons  of  the  South  !  the  grass  is  green, 

The  shadows  are  full,  and  the  shade  is  strong  ; 
The  graves  of  our  manly  fathers  are  seen, 

And  their  courage  and  honor  can  fill  our  song. 

The  dead  of  the  South  drops  its  tears  on  the  grave 
Where  Washington,  Jackson,  and  Clay  repose ; 
As  fresh  as  the  dew-drop,  the  honest  and  brave 
Will  carry  their  virtues,  or  scatter  their  foes ; 


108 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


The  land  of  their  love— of  our  hearts— is  our  pride, 
And  we  will  stand  by  it  and  cherish  its  sod, 
Though  we  pour  to  protect  it  our  hearts’  crimson 
tide, 

And  dying,  will  beg  its  protection  from  God. 

Mantle  my  heart  with  thy  stern  garb,  War  ! 

Thrill  through  my  veins  with  thy  clarion  tone  ! 
Like  a  “  pillar  of  cloud,”  and  a  bright  blazing  star, 

Is  the  flag  of  our  bold  and  our  new  nation  thrown , 
The  kind  breeze  of  heaven  will  kiss  its  bright  folds, 
And  float  them  out  grandly  upon  the  pure  air ; 

It  emblems  the  pride  of  many  brave  souls, 

And  carries  the  incense  of  many  a  prayer. 

— A.  O.  Picayune. 


LAND  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

BY  A.  F.  LEONARD. 

Air — “ Friend,  of  My  Soul." 

Land  of  the  South  !  the  fairest  land 
Beneath  Columbia’s  sky ! 

Proudly  her  hills  of  freedom  stand, 

Her  plains  in  beauty  lie. 

Her  dotted  hills,  her  traversed  streams, 
Their  annual  wealth  renew. 

Land  of  the  South  !  in  brightest  dreams, 
No  dearer  spot  we  view. 

Men  of  the  South  !  a  free-born  race, 
They  vouch  a  patriot  line ; 

Ready  a  foeman’s  van  to  face, 

And  guard  their  country’s  shrine. 

By  sire  and  son  a  haloing  light 
Through  time  is  borne  along ; 

They  “  nothing  ask  but  what  is  right, 
And  yield  to  nothing  wrong.” 

Fair  of  the  South !  rare  beauty’s  crown 
Ye  wear  with  matchless  grace ; 

No  classic  fair  of  old  renown 
Deserve  a  higher  place. 

Your  vestal  robes  alike  become 
The  palace  and  the  cot ; 

Wives,  mothers,  daughters !  every  home 
Yet  make  a  cherished  spot. 

Flag  of  the  South  !  aye,  fling  its  folds 
Upon  the  kindred  breeze ; 

Emblem  of  dread  to  tyrant  holds — 

Of  freedom  on  the  seas  ! 

Forever  may  its  stars  and  stripes 
In  cloudless  glory  wave. 

Red,  white,  and  blue — eternal  types 
Of  nations  free  and  brave. 

States  of  the  South  !  the  patriot’s  boast ! 
Here  equal  laws  have  sway ; 

No  tyrant  lord,  nor  despot  host, 

Upon  the  weak  may  prey. 

Then  let  them  rule  from  sea  to  sea, 

And  crown  the  queenly  isle  ; 

Union  of  love  and  liberty, 

’Neath  Heaven’s  approving  smile. 

God  of  the  South  !  protect  this  land 
From  false  and  open  foes ! 

Guided  by  Thine  all-ruling  hand, 

In  vain  will  that  oppose. 


So  mote  the  Ship  of  State  move  on 
Upon  the  unfathomed  sea ; 
Gallantly  o’er  the  surges  borne, 

The  bulwark  of  the  free  ! 


KENTUCKY. 

BY  “ESTELLE.” 

“Just  send  for  us  Kentucky  hoys, 

And  we’ll  protect  you,  ladies.”  [Old  Soso. 

Then  leave  us  not,  Kentucky  boys, 

Though  thick  upon  thy  border, 

The  vulture  flaps  his  restless  wing, 

And  scowls  the  dark  marauder. 

Kentucky  blood  is  just  as  proud, 

Kentucky  powder  ready, 

Kentucky  hearts  are  just  as  brave, 

Kentucky  nerve  as  steady, 

As  when  the  flag  we  once  revered 
Unfolded  o’er  her  proudly, 

And  for  the  South,  Kentucky’s  voice, 
Undaunted,  echoed  loudly. 

The  lion-hearted  hero  then, 

Who  led  that  gallant  number, 

Must  surely  feel  a  sad  unrest 
Disturb  his  death-cold  slumber. 

And  one  whose  sire  on  history’s  page 
Is  blent  in  proudest  story, 

Fell  on  a  Southern  field,  and  bathed 
His  dying  brow  in  glory ; 

Fell  overcome  by  savage  foes, 

Yet  still  their  rage  defying, 

“  These,  give  my  father,”  cried  the  son, 

“  And  tell  him  how  I’m  dying.” 

But  now  that  flag  is  vilely  stained, 

Its  sacred  rights  invaded  ; 

Wrong  and  dishonor  wield  the  staff, — 

Its  glory’s  sadly  shaded. 

And  when  we  would  its  dying  spark 
Snatch  from  the  blackening  ashes, 

And  worship  once  again  its  light, 

As  through  the  world  it  flashes, 

Kentucky  leans  upon  her  arms, 

And  coldly  looks  about  her, 

Till  hirelings  at  her  very  door 
Dare  threaten  and  to  flout  her. 

Desert  us  now,  Kentucky  boys, 

And  on  the  future  dawning, 

Thy  faded  glory  scarce  will  streak 
The  first  gray  light  of  morning. 

Heed  not  the  starveling  crew  who  hang 
Upon  the  blue  Ohio  ; 

A  craven  heart  each  traitor  bears, 

And  dare  not  venture  nigher. 

And  should  they  ? — Know  ye  not  the  blood 
Within  our  full  hearts  beaming, 

At  once  ten  thousand  scabbards  fly, 

Ten  thousand  blades  are  gleaming. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


109 


Then  waken  from  thy  nerveless  sleep, 

Gird  on  thy  well-tried  armor, 

And  soon  the  braggart  North  will  feel 
That  right  has  strength  to  harm  her. 

Kentucky  boys  and  girls  have  we — 

From  us  ye  may  not  take  them  ; 

Sad-hearted  will  ye  give  them  up, 

And  for  the  foe  forsake  them  ? 

Oh,  Tennessee,  twin-sister,  grieves 
To  take  thy  hand  at  parting, 

And  feel  that  from  its  farewell  grasp 
A  brother’s  blood  is  starting. 

It  must  not  be  ! — Kentucky,  come  1 
Virginia  loudly  calls  thee, 

And  Maryland  defenceless  stands 
To  share  what  fate  befalls  thee. 

Come,  ere  the  tyrant’s  chain  is  forged, 
From  out  the  .war-cloud  looming ; 

Come,  ere  thy  palsied  knee  is  bent, 

To  hopeless  ruin  dooming. 

— Memphis  Appeal 


An  incident  occurred  in  the  United  States  Mar¬ 
shal's  office  at  San  Francisco,  Cal.,  which  is  too  good 
to  be  lost.  It  is  told  on  good  authority,  and  is, 
doubtless,  substantially  correct. 

It  is  well  known  that  there  are  several  small  models 
of  ships  in  the  Marshal’s  office,  which  have  been 
ornamented  with  little  secession  flags  about  half  the 
size  of  one’s  hand.  They  are  made  of  paper,  and 
colored  with  red  and  blue  ink.  One  at  the  mast- 
lmad  of  the  largest  ship  bears  the  name  of  Jeff. 
Davis,  and  the  others  are  the  ordinary  three-striped 
rag,  recently  adopted  as  the  ensigns  of  the  Southern 
Slave  Confederacy.  On  account  of  the  display  of 
these  flags,  the  only  public  place  in  the  city,  we  be¬ 
lieve,  the  Marshal’s  office  is  a  sort  of  privileged  quar¬ 
ters  for  Secessionists,  and  nothing  is  more  common 
than  to  hear  secession  talk  there.  This  has  been 
particularly  the  case  since  the  news  of  the  breaking 
out  of  war. 

The  story  goes,  that  while  several  gen tlemen  were 
sitting  in  the  Marshal’s  office,  attending  to  business, 
a  big  strapping  fellow,  all  the  way  from  South  Caro¬ 
lina,  with  a  revolver  peeping  out  from  under  his 
coat-tail,  strode  into  the  place,  with  the  air  of  a  Tar- 
quin,  and  exclaimed : 

“  Well,  at  last,  thank  God  !  we’ve  got  these - 

d — d  nutmeg-selling,  mackerel-catching,  cod-livered 

Yankee  sons  of  - to  come  to  taw.  That’s  just 

what  I’ve  been  wanting  this  many  a  day ! — the  nig¬ 
ger-thieving,  psalm-singing  abolitionists  !  We’ll  skin 
’em  out  of  their  boots.” 

The  braggart  had  scarcely  finished  his  tirade,  when 

one  of  the  gentlemen,  Captain  - ,  of  the  ship 

- ,  who  was  observed  to  be  getting  nervous, 

suddenly  jumped  up,  and  taking  his  place  in  front  of 
the  fellow,  and  shaking  his  fists,  replied  : 

“  Now,  sir,  I  don’t  know  you,  and  don’t  want  to 
know  you  ;  but  I  suppose  you  designate  me  as  one  of 
those  nutmeg-selling,  mackerel-catching,  cod-livered 

Yankee  sons  of - -.  I  am  captain  of  the  ship 

_ _  and  I  want  you  to  understand  that  I  will  not 

allow  any  man  to  use  such  language  respecting  me 
and  my  people  in  my  presence.  And  if  you  don  t 
recant,  I’ll  whip  you  here  and  now.  I  see  your  pis¬ 


tol,  but  I  don’t  care  for  it.  You  have  insulted  me, 
sir,  and  you  shall  answer  for  it.” 

The  boaster,  seeing  the  captain’s  determined  bear¬ 
ing,  and  finding  that  he  was  in  downright  earnest, 
replied  by  saying  that  his  remarks  were  general  in 
their  nature,  and  not  by  any  means  intended  to  apply 
to  any  particular  person.  Nothing  was  further  from 
his  purpose  than  to  insult  any  person  present,  and 
particularly  a  stranger. 

To  this  the  irate  captain  retorted :  “  The  language, 
sir,  is  an  insult  to  the  American  name,  and  I  for  one 
will  not  stand  it  from  any  living  man.  No  one  but  a 
traitor  and  a  coward  can  talk  in  that  way.  Retract 
it !  retract  it !  ”  and  with  this  he  commenced  advanc¬ 
ing  upon  the  Secessionist,  who  began  weakening  in 
the  knees,  and  finally  wilted,  while  Tarpaulin  raked 
the  traitor’s  fore  and  aft  without  mercy. — Sacramento 
(Cal.)  Lee,  April  29. 

Corporal  Ttler,  of  the  Massachusetts  Sixth  Regi¬ 
ment,  when  describing  his  experience  in  Baltimore, 
says  he  saw  a  man  with  three  stones  under  his  arm 
and  one  in  his  hand,  pelting  away  at  the  troops,  when 
he  fired  at  him,  and — to  use  Mr.  Tyler’s  own  lan¬ 
guage — “  The  man  dropped  the  bricks ,  and  laid 
down." 


The  Charleston  Mercury  calls  the  Yankee  troops, 
now  threatening  the  South,  “  tin  peddlers.”  It  is  true 
that  the  Yankees  have,  generally,  in  their  visits 
South,  peddled  tin,  but  we  guess  they  mean  to  peddle 
lead  this  time.” — Louisville  Journal. 


Greatly  Descended  Men. — The  son  of  Light- 
Horse  Harry  Lee,  of  Revolutionary  renown,  com¬ 
mands  the  forces  of  Virginia.  His  chief  aid  is  J.  A. 
Washington,  the  only  living  representative  of  Wash¬ 
ington.  The  great-grandson  of  Thomas  Jefferson 
commands  the  Howitzer  Battery  at  Richmond.  A 
grandson  of  Patrick  Henry  is  Captain  of  the  Virginia 
forces.  The  descendants  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall 
are  in  the  ranks  and  in  command. — Erie  (Pa.)  Ob¬ 
server,  May  25.  _ 

The  house  of  the  celebrated,  bold-hearted,  and  out¬ 
spoken  Parson  Brownlow,  is  the  only  one  in  Knox¬ 
ville,  Tenn.,  over  which  the  Stars  and  Stripes  are  float- 
in".  A  few  days  ago  two  armed  Secessionists  went, 
at°6  o’clock  in  the  morning,  to  haul  down  the  Stars 
and  Stripes.  Miss  Brownlow,  a  brilliant  young  lady 
of  23,  saw  them  on  the  piazza,  and  stepped  out  and 
demanded  their  business.  They  replied  they  had 
come  to  “  take  down  them  d— n  Stars  and  Stripes.” 
Sho  instantly  drew  a  revolver  from  her  side,  and  pre¬ 
senting  it,  said,  “  Go  on  !  I’m  good  for  one  of  you, 
and  I  think  for  both  !  ” 

“  By  the  looks  of  that  girl’s  eye,  she’ll  shoot,”  one 
remarked.  “  I  think  we  had  better  not  try  it ;  we’ll 
go  back  and  get  more  men,”  said  the  other. 

“  Go  and  get  more  men,”  said  the  noble  lady ; 
“  get  more  men,  and  come  and  take  it  down,  if  you 
dare  1  ” 

They  returned  with  a  company  of  ninety  armed 
men,  and  demanded  that  the  flag  should  be  hauled 
down.  But  on  discovering  that  the  house  was  filled 
with  gallant  men,  armed  to  the  teeth,  who  would 
rather  die  as  dearly  as  possible  than  see  their  coun¬ 
try’s  flag  dishonored,  the  Secessionists  retired. 

When  our  informant  left  Knoxville,  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  still  floated  over  Parson  Brownlow’s  house. 
Long  may  they  wave. — Chicago  Journal. 


110 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


We  find  this  remarkable  paragraph  in  the  editorial 
columns  of  the  Rochester  Union  : — “  This  great  and 
long-standing  conspiracy  was  well  known  in  its  out¬ 
lines  to  Mr.  Buchanan  himself.  We  heard  from  his 
own  lips,  previous  to  his  entering  upon  the  duties  of 
the  Presidency,  that  he  had  been  reliably  informed 
(we  think  he  said  by  Gov.  Wise)  that  the  officers  of 
the  army  and  navy  had  been  polled  on  the  question 
whether,  in  case  of  a  rupture  between  the  two  sec¬ 
tions  of  the  Union,  they  would  respectively  yo  with 
the  North  or  the  South ;  and  that  nearly  every 
Southern  man  answered  he  would  adhere  to  the  sec¬ 
tion  that  gave  him  birth.  Here  we  have  proof  not 
only  that  this  conspiracy  had  assumed  its  present  de¬ 
terminate  shape  five  years  ago,  and  only  waited  for 
opportunity ;  but  that  Mr.  Buchanan  was  perfectly 
well  aware  of  the  fact  at  the  very  time  when  he  took 
some  of  the  leaders  into  his  Cabinet ;  and  when  he 
was  passively  aiding  Cobb,  Floyd,  Thompson,  and 
Toucey,  in  their  plans  to  cripple  "the  Federal  Govern¬ 
ment,  and  assure  the  success  of  the  rebellion.” — 
Ohio  Statesman ,  May  25. 


A  correspondent  of  the  Boston  Journal  gives 
the  following  reminiscence  of  the  attack  upon  the 
Massachusetts  Regiment  by  the  Gorillas  of  Mob- 
town  : — “  There  was  one  man  who  carried  himself  so 
bravely  while  in  the  midst  of  danger,  that  something 
more  than  a  passing  notice  should  be  taken  of  him. 
Two  days  before  that  Friday,  the  Sixth  were  gathered 
in  front  of  the  State-House,  Boston,  to  hear  the 
parting  words  of  Gov.  Andrew.  At  the  end  of  his 
remarks,  the  Governor  presented  the  regiment  with 
a  standard,  telling  them  to  see  to  it  that  no  foe  should 
ever  take  it  from  them.  They  received  it  with 
cheers,  and  swore  to  die  in  its  defence.  Poor  fel¬ 
lows,  they  little  thought  then  how  soon  their  mettle 
would  be  tested.  Well,  when  they  got  out  of  the 
cars  at  Baltimore,  to  march  across  the  city,  the  colors 
were  given  to  the  breeze,  and  borne  aloft  in  defiance 
of  every  foe.  The  standard-bearer,  as  noble  a  fellow 
as  ever  wore  the  uniform  of  the  Old  Bay  State,  was 
Timothy  Crowley.  His  two  aids  were  Sergeants 
Derril  and  Marland.  Unused,  as,  indeed,  all  our  sol¬ 
diers  were,  to  the  rough  usage  of  actual  warfare,  it 
would  not  have  been  strange  if  Crowley  had  shown 
some  signs  of  fear.  Indeed,  he  might  have  rolled 
up  the  colors,  which  would  inevitably  call  down  upon 
him  the  hatred  of  the  vast  and  murderous  mob.  But 
Crowley  was  not  made  of  such  stuff.  He  had  sworn 
to  stand  by  his  standard,  and  with  him  it  was  either 
succeed,  or  die  in  the  attempt.  Pistols  were  freely 
fired,  but  the  company  saw  at  their  head  that  stand¬ 
ard  proudly  leading  them  on.  No  one  who  has  never 
been  in  the  service  can  imagine  how  the  colors  of  a 
regiment  keep  up  its  courage.  So  long  as  they  are 
defiant,  the  company  have  light  hearts;  if  they 
should  bo  taken  away,  a  strange  distrust  runs  through 
the  whole  force.  Well,  the  troops  had  lost  their 
band  ;  they  did  not  have  even  a  fife  and  drum  ;  and 
so  they  kept  their  eyes  fixed  upon  this  standard. 
Tramp,  tramp,  tramp— left,  left,  left — the  music  of 
their  own  steady,  measured  tread — this  was  all  they 
had.  Crowley  was  the  target  for  many  a  missile,  for 
the  mob  knew  that  to  disgrace  the  regiment,  it  was 
only  necessary  to  down  with  the  standard.  Paving- 
stones  flew  thick  and  fast,  some  just  grazing  Crow¬ 
ley’s  head,  and  some  hitting  the  standard  itself,  marks 
ot  which  were  shown  us.  And  this  shows  the  ever¬ 
lasting  pluck  of  Crowley.  One  stone — my  informant 
said  it  seemed  as  large  as  a  hat — struck  him  just  be¬ 


tween  the  shoulders  a  terrible  blow,  and  then  rested 
on  his  knapsack.  And  yet  Crowley  did  not  budge. 
AV  ith  a  firm  step  he  went  on,  carrying  the  rock  on 
his  knapsack  for  several  yards,  until  one  of  the  ser¬ 
geants  stepped  up  and  knocked  it  off.  And,  said 
the  chaplain,  “  Heaven  only  knows  what  our  boys 
would  have  done  if  that  standard  had  been  taken  ; 
they  never  would  have  recovered  from  such  a  dis¬ 
grace.”  Such  a  noble  act,  it  seems  to  me,  is  worthy 
of  record.  Crowley  showed  himself  a  man.  It  was 
not  that  impulsive  kind  of  action  which  we  call 
brave  ;  it  was  something  better.  The  soldier  who  is 
only  simply  brave,  stands  only  on  the  lowest  round  of 
the  ladder  of  heroism.  All  men  may  be  brave.  Crow¬ 
ley  was  cool ;  ho  knew  beforehand  what  the  conse¬ 
quences  might  be  ;  he  reckoned  all  the  chances.  He 
showed  true  courage — an  element  of  character  which 
is  Godlike ;  it  was  not  impulse — it  was  real  manli¬ 
ness.” — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  June  8. 


The  Dying  Words  of  Senator  Douglas. — For  a 
long  time  previous  to  his  death,  Senator  Douglas  had 
been  in  a  semi-conscious  condition.  During  the 
morning  of  his  death  his  mind  and  energies  rallied 
somewhat.  Lying  at  apparent  ease  upon  his  bed,  but 
with  the  mark  of  death  upon  his  pale  countenance, 

Mrs.  Douglas,  who  sat,  soothing  him  gently,  by  his 
bedside,  painfully  aware  that  the  moment  of  final 
separation  was  approaching,  asked  him  what  message 
he  wished  to  send  to  his  sons  Robert  and  Stephen, 
who  were  students  at  Georgetown.  He  answered 
not  at  first,  and  she  tenderly  repeated  the  question. 

“  Tell  them,"  he  then  replied  with  a  full  voice,  and 
an  emphatic  tone,  “  Tell  them  to  obey  the  laws  and 
support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

Let  these  dying  words  be  recorded  upon  the  tablets 
of  undying,  unfading,  and  undecaying  history.  They 
were  the  last  words  of  a  great  man’s  advice  to  his 
beloved  boys ;  and  let  those  who  loved  him,  and 
have  been  moved  by  the  eloquent  words  of  his  lips, 
take  the  advice  to  their  own  hearts,  for  their  guid¬ 
ance  in  the  hour  when  peril  threatens  the  Republic, 
or  disloyal  influences  are  abroad  in  the  land. 

A  short  time  after,  he  desired  to  be  raised,  and  his 
wish  was  complied  with,  so  that  he  might  look  out 
from  his  window  once  more,  upon  that  city  which 
had  loved  and  honored  him  so  long.  One  of  his 
friends  expressed  a  doubt  as  to  the  ease  of  his  posi¬ 
tion,  when  he  simply  replied,  “  He  is — comfortable.” 

In  his  dying  moments  he  faintly  articulated,  “Death, 
death,  death,”  and  his  great  soul  passed  away. — 
Chicago  Journal.  _ 

Contraband  Negroes. — General  Ashley,  member 
of  Congress  from  Ohio,  writes  to  tho  Toledo  (Ohio) 

Blade  the  following  account  of  the  reception  of  the 
“  contraband  ”  slaves  at  Fortress  Monroe  : — 

“  You  will  have  heard,  by  the  time  this  reaches  you, 
of  the  manner  in  which  Gen.  Butler  disposed  of  Col. 
Mallory,  who  came  into  the  fort  under  a  flag  of  truce, 
to  claim  three  of  his  loyal  slaves  who  had  fled  from 
his  kind  and  hospitable  roof,  and  taken  shelter  in 
Fortress  Monroe  among  strangers.  AVho  will  say 
that  General  Butler,  so  far  as  he  went,  was  not  right  ? 

This  Colonel  Mallory  had  met  General  Butler  in  the 
Charleston  and  Baltimore  Conventions,  and  with  that 
impudence  and  assumption  characteristic  of  the  oli¬ 
garchy,  he  came  into  General  Butler’s  camp,  and, 
though  engaged  in  open  treason  against  the  Govern¬ 
ment,  demands  that  he  shall  enforce  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  upon  the  soil  of  Virginia  with  United  A 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


Ill 


States  soldiers,  and  return  him  his  happy  and  con¬ 
tented  slaves. 

“  General  Butler  says,  ‘You  hold  that  negro  slaves 
are  property,  and  that  Virginia  is  no  longer  a  part  of 
the  United  States  ?  ’ 

“  The  Colonel  answered,  ‘  I  do,  sir.’ 

“  General  Butler  then  said,  1  You  are  a  lawyer,  sir, 
and  I  want  to  know  if  you  claim  that  the  Fugitive 
Slave  act  of  the  United  States  is  binding  in  a  foreign 
nation;  and  if  a  foreign  nation  uses  this  kind  ot 
property  to  destroy  the  lives  and  property  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  if  that  species  of  property 
ought  not  to  be  regarded  as  contraband  ?  ’ 

“This  was  too  much  for  the  Colonel,  and  he 
knocked  under  and  withdrew. 

“  This  was  but  the  beginning  at  Fort  Monroe,  and 
is  but  the  beginning  of  a  question  which  this  Admin¬ 
istration  must  meet  and  determine,  viz.,  ‘  What  shall 
be  done  with  the  slaves  who  refuse  to  fight  against 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  escape 
from  the  traitors  and  come  into  our  camps  for  pro¬ 
tection  ?  ’  If  the  Administration  meets  this  question 
as  it  ought,  well ;  if  not,  it  will  prove  its  overthrow. 

It  is  a  question  of  more  magnitude  and  importance 
than  the  rebellion  itself ;  and  woe  to  the  public  man 
or  the  party  who  proves  false  to  the  demands  ol  hu¬ 
manity  and  justice. 

“  On  Sunday,  eight  more  stout,  able-bodied  men 
came  in.  General  Butler  said  to  me,  ‘  As  you  went 
to  see  John  Brown  hung,  and  have  some  claim  to 
control  Virginia  volunteers,  I  authorize  you  to  see 
who  and  what  those  colored  men  are,  and  decide 
what  is  to  be  done  with  them.’  He  added,  ‘  You  had 
better  examine  them  separately,  and  take  down  in 
writing  the  material  part  of  their  answers.’ 

WIIAT  THE  NEGROES  SAID. 

“  Before  doing  so,  I  went  out  to  the  fence  where 
the  slaves  were  standing,  surrounded  by  about  two 
hundred  volunteers.  I  asked  the  colored  men  a  few 
questions,  and  was  about  to  go  into  the  house  to  call 
them  in  separately,  as  suggested  by  the  General,  when 
one  of  the  slaves  said,  ‘  Massa,  what’s  you  gwine  to 
do  wid  us  ?  ’ 

“  I  told  him  that  I  did  not  know,  but  that  we 
would  not  hurt  them. 

“  ‘  Oh,  we  knows  dat,’  quickly  responded  another ; 

‘  we  knows  you’s  our  friends.  What  we  wants  to 
know  is,  whether  you’s  gwine  to  send  us  back.’ 

“  I  answered  that  I  had  no  authority  over  them, 
and  no  power  to  do  any  thing,  but  that  my  opinion 
was  ‘it  would  be  some  time  before  their  masters 
would  see  them  again.’  I  said  this  in  a  low,  conver¬ 
sational  tone  of  voice,  without  noticing  that  all  the 
volunteers  were  eagerly  listening ;  but  no  sooner  had 
the  words  fallen  from  my  lips,  than  a  hundred  voices 
shouted,  ‘  Good  !  good  !  ’  and  some  in  laughter  and 
some  in  tears  clapped  their  hands  and  gave  three 
rousing  cheers,  which  brought  out  the  officers  and 
General,  who  supposed  I  had  been  making  a  speech 
to  the  troops. 

“  This  little  incident  tells  me  more  plainly  than 
ever,  that  what  I  said  last  winter  in  the  House  is 
true,  when  I  declared  that  ‘  the  logic  of  events  told 
me  unmistakably  that  slavery  must  die.’ 

“  If  I  had  time  and  you  the  space,  I  would  give  in 
their  own  words  the  material  portion  of  the  answers 
of  the  most  intelligent  slaves.  There  is  one  thing 
certain ;  every  slave  in  the  United  States  under¬ 
stands  this  rebellion,  its  causes  and  consequences,  far 
better  than  ever  I  supposed.  I  asked  one  old  man, 


who  said  he  was  a  Methodist  class-leader,  to  tell  mo 
frankly  whether  this  matter  was  well  understood  by 
all  the  slaves,  and  he  answered  me  that  it  was,  and 
that  he  had  ‘prayed  for  it  for  many,  many  long 
years.’ 

“  He  said  that  their  masters  and  all  talked  about 
it,  and  he  added,  ‘Lor’  bless  you,  honey— we  don 
give  it  up  last  September  dat  the  North’s  too  much 
for  us,'  meaning,  of  course,  that  Mr.  Lincoln’s  elec¬ 
tion  was  conceded  even  there  by  the  slave  masters, 
and  was  understood  and  hoped  for  by  all  the  slaves. 

I  asked  the  same  man  how  many  more  would  proba¬ 
bly  come  into  the  fort.  He  said,  ‘  A  good  many ; 
and  if  we’s  not  sent  back,  you’ll  see  ’em  ’fore  to¬ 
morrow  night.’ 

“  I  asked  why  so,  and  he  said,  ‘  Dey’ll  understan’, 
if  we’s  not  sent  back,  dat  we’re  ’mong  our  friends ; 
for  if  de  slaveholder  sees  us,  we  gets  sent  right 
back.’  And  sure  enough,  on  Monday  about  forty  or 
fifty  more,  of  all  ages,  colors,  and  sexes,  came  into 
camp,  and  the  guard  was  bound  to  arrest  them.” 

The  capture  of  John  B.  Washington  at  Fairfax 
Court-House  was  a  pleasant  affair.  As  an  infantry 
captain  of  the  rebel  force,  he  was  prominent  in  the 
resistance  to  our  cavalry,  until  a  trooper  rode  up, 
caught  him  by  the  hair,  lifted  him  bodily  upon  the 
pommel  of  his  saddle,  and,  holding  him  in  this  posi¬ 
tion,  charged  twice  through  the  town.  Captain 
Washington  complained  bitterly,  but,  after  having 
been  lectured  by  Gen.  Scotf,  he  concluded  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  was  released.  He  is  now 
with  his  family  in  this  city. 

Capt.  Washington  is  a  son  of  the  late  Col.  John 
A.  Washington,  who  was  lost  overboard  from  the  San 
Francisco. — The  Independent ,  June  6. 

Hardee’s  Tactics. — Hardee  was  Chief  of  a  Board 
to  translate  a  system  of  Light  Infantry  Tactics  from 
the  French.  Lieut.  Bennett  of  the  Ordnance  did  the 
work,  every  word  of  it ;  and  Hardee’s  name  was 
attached  to  the  translation  !  He  never,  in  all  proba¬ 
bility,  saw  or  read  one  word  of  it,  until  called  upon 
to  study  it  for  the  purpose  of  learning  how  to  drill 
the  cadets  at  West  Point,  when  appointed  to  com¬ 
mand  them.  He  was  the  Commandant  of  Cadets, 
not  the  Superintendent  of  the  Institution,  for  four 
years.  As  a  soldier,  his  reputation  in  the  army  was 
never  above  mediocrity ;  to  science  he  never  made 
any  pretension  ;  and  it  we  put  him  down  as  a  toler¬ 
able  cavalry  officer,  full  justice  is  done  him.  As  to 
“  Hardee’s  Tactics,”  that  is  a  French  book,  translated 
by  Lieut.  Bennett— Hardee  being  President  of  the 
Board  which  adopted  it  for  our  service.—  N.  Y. 
Courier  and  Enquirer. 

New  Orleans,  May  1.— That  the  prospect  is  seri- 
ous,  we  arc  not  disposed  to  deny,  but  it  contains 
nothing  to  dishearten  or  create  alarm.  The  South  is 
unconquerable  on  her  own  territory.  Her  armies  arc 
not  composed  of  hired  mercenaries,  nor  of  the 
wretched  offscourings  of  great  cities,  who  are  forced 
to  choose  between  enrollment  and  starvation.  They 
are  made  up  for  the  most  part  of  the  youthful,  the 
vigorous,  the  intelligent  and  devoted  children  of  the 
goil.  The  cause  we  fight  for  is  deemed  sacred,  and 
if  its  justification  should  demand  the  services  of 
every  able-bodied  citizen,  not  one  will  be  found  to 
flinch  from  the  ordeal.  We  may  have  many  sacri¬ 
fices  to  make,  much  suffering  to  endure,  many  pre¬ 
cious  lives  to  lose,  much  pecuniary  and  commercial 


112 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1868-61. 


distress  to  encounter,  but  all  this  and  more  will  be 
cheerfully  sustained,  sooner  than  surrender  our  birth¬ 
right  to  the  despotic  and  fanatical  hosts  of  the  North. 
Nor  must  it  be  imagined  that  these  losses  and  sacri¬ 
fices  will  be  confined  to  us.  The  North  cannot  live 
without  Southern  trade,  and  this  is  gone  from  Tier 
forever.  She  cannot  put  immense  armies  on  a  war 
footing  and  maintain  them  save  at  a  fearful  expense, 
which  will  tax  all  her  resources  to  meet.  Every  blow 
she  aims  at  us  will  recoil  with  terrible  force  upon 
itself.  In  striving  to  conquer  us,  the  North  is  ex¬ 
hausting  her  wealth,  her  strength,  and  her  productive 
energies,  and  will  feel  the  pernicious  consequences 
of  her  folly  and  iniquity  for  countless  years.  Her 
people,  in  the  paroxysm  of  insanity  under  which  they 
labor,  fail  to  perceive  the  desperate  act  of  suicide 
they  are  committing ;  but  when  it  will  have  been 
irretrievably  consummated,  they  will  be  haunted  by 
vain  regrets  for  the  ruin  and  impoverishment  they 
have  brought  upon  themselves — and  all  this,  too, 
without  accomplishing  the  wicked  object  they  have  at 
heart. — Ar.  0.  Bee ,  May  4. 

Another  Roman  Mother. — At  Bangor,  Me.,  a 
young  man  offered  himself  as  a  recruit  at  one  of  the 
offices  in  that  city,  who,  evidently  being  a  minor,  was 
asked  if  he  had  his  father’s  permission  to  volunteer. 
He  replied  that  he  had  no  father ;  but  admitted  that 
his  mother  was  willing.  “  Then  you  must  get  your 
mother’s  consent,”  said  the  officer.  The  young  man 
retired,  and  returned  with  the  following  brief  but 
noble  letter : — uHe  is  my  all ;  but  I  freely  give  him 
to  my  country  /” — Bangor  1  Vh iy,  and  Boston  Tran¬ 
script,  May  4. 

A  Patriotic  Blacksmith. — Before  the  departure 
of  the  14th  N.  Y.  Regiment,  a  man  who  carried  on 
a  blacksmith  shop  in  connection  with  two  of  his 
eons,  went  to  the  head-quarters  and  concluded  to  en¬ 
list.  He  said  that  he  could  leave  the  blacksmith 
business  in  the  hands  of  the  boys — “  he  couldn’t 
stand  it  any  longer,  and  go  he  must.”  He  was  en¬ 
listed. 

Next  day  down  comes  the  oldest  of  the  boys.  The 
blacksmith’s  business  “wasn’t  very  drivin’,  and  he 
guessed  John  could  take  care  of  it.”  “  Well,”  said 
the  old  man,  “  Go  it.”  And  the  oldest  son  went  it. 
But  the  following  day  John  made  his  appearance. 
He  felt  lonesome,  and  had  shut  up  the  shop.  The 
father  remonstrated,  but  the  boy  would  enlist,  and 
enlist  he  did.  Now  the  old  gentleman  had  two  more 
sons  who  “  worked  the  farm  ”  near  Flushing,  Long 
Island.  The  military  fever  seems  to  have  run  in  the 
family,  for  no  sooner  had  the  father  and  two  older 
brothers  enlisted,  than  the  younger  sons  came  in  for 
a  like  purpose.  The  paterfamilias  was  a  man  of 
few  words,  but  he  said  that  he  “  wouldn’t  stand  this 
anyhow.”  The  blacksmith  business  might  go  to — 
some  other  place,  but  the  farm  must  be  looked 
after.  So  the  boys  were  sent  home.  Presently  one 
of  them  reappeared.  They  had  concluded  that  one 
could  manage  the  farm,  and  had  tossed  up  who 
should  go  with  the  Fourteenth,  and  he  had  won  the 
chance. 

This  arrangement  was  finally  agreed  to.  But  on 
the  day  of  departure  the  last  boy  of  the  family  was 
on  hand  to  join  and  on  foot  for  marching.  The  old 
man  was  somewhat  puzzled  to  know  what  arrange¬ 
ment  could  have  been  made  which  would  allow  all  of 
the  family  to  go,  but  the  explanation  of  the  boy 
solved  the  difficulty :  “  Father,”  said  he,  with  a  con¬ 


fidential  chuckle  in  the  old  man’s  ear,  “  I’ve  let  the 
farm  on  shares  !  ”  The  whole  family,  father  and  four 
sons,  went  with  the  Fourteenth  Regiment. — N.  Y. 
Evening  Post,  May  1G. 


For  Wiiat  hoes  the  South  Fight? — For  every 
thing  worth  living  for.  To  resist  aggression,  to  resist 
subjugation,  to  resist  a  military  despotism,  to  protect 
our  lives,  and  the  lives  of  our  women  and  children, 
from  the  brutal  and  infuriate  passions  of  the  mob, 
and  to  maintain  the  doctrine  of  our  Revolutionary 
sires,  that  the  consent  of  the  governed  is  the  only 
true  and  legitimate  source  of  power !  He  that  fal¬ 
ters  is  derelict  to  every  dictate  of  patriotism. — 
Montgomery  Mail ,  May  13. 


There  were  plenty  of  Secessionists  at  Cairo,  Ill., 
but  the  Chicago  soldiers  came,  and  brought  then- 
artillery.  A  farmer  of  that  vicinity  remarked — “  I 
tell  you  what  it  is,  them  brass  missionaries  has  con¬ 
verted  a  heap  of  folks  that  was  on  the  anxious  seat.” 
— Providence  Journal. 


New  York,  May  25. — This  morning,  about  one 
o’clock,  a  party  of  ladies  and  gentlemen,  numbering 
some  forty  in  all,  alighted  from  one  of  the  Third  Avenue 
cars,  and  drew  up  in  line  at  the  southwest  corner  of 
the  Park  Barracks.  The  gentlemen  formed  a  half¬ 
circle,  in  the  centre  of  which  the  ladies  took  their 
position — the  crowd  inside  of  the  barracks  clustering 
about  the  paling,  wondering  what  was  to  come  of  the 
gathering.  The  morning  was  one  of  the  very  love¬ 
liest,  and  well  calculated  to  bring  feelings  of  inspira¬ 
tion  to  the  bosoms  of  the  very  dullest.  The  queen 
of  night  shone  with  its  clearest  ray,  and  under  the 
floods  of  splendid  light  which  it  poured  down  upon 
the  camp  ground,  the  ladies’  silvery  voices  rang  out 
the  ever-cheering  and  patriotic  “Star-spangled  Ban¬ 
ner.” 

The  ladies  sang  unaccompanied  by  male  voices. 
The  effect  produced  by  their  clear,  beautiful  tones, 
was  indescribable.  The  denizens  of  the  Aster,  who 
had  laid  themselves  away  for  the  night  on  couches 
of  luxur)r,  and  the  poor  mendicants,  who  had  sought 
repose  on  the  forsaken  door-steps,  were  alike  charmed 
from  their  resting-places  to  listen  to  this  novel  con¬ 
cert  of  the  early  morning  hour.  As  the  last  strains 
of  the  melody  died  away  in  the  distance,  they,  too, 
sent  up  their  voices  with  the  lusty  cheers  of  the  sol¬ 
diers,  who  complimented  the  ladies  with  three-times- 
tliree  and  a  “  tiger.”  It  was  a  stirring  scene,  and 
one  long  to  be  remembered  by  those  who  witnessed 
it.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  singing,  the  gentlemen 
who  accompanied  the  ladies  stepped  up  to  the  palings, 
and  furnished  the  soldiers  with  an  abundant  supply 
of  cigars  and  tobacco.  The  company  then  took  their 
departure  as  noiselessly  as  they  had  come,  attended 
by  the  best  wishes  of  the  men  they  had  so  generously 
remembered. — X.  Y.  Sunday  Mercury,  May  26. 

Cheering  Signs  in  New  York. — The  N.  Y.  Sun 
proclaims  that  the  rebels  are  already  encamped  in 
New  York.  “Jeff.  Davis  has  succeeded  in  enlisting 
recruits  in  this  city,  and  whoever  passes  through  the 
streets,  within  a  few  blocks  from  our  office,  can  hear 
the  click  of  their  guards  and  the  ring  of  Southern 
steel,  as  they  ground  arms  and  shoulder  arms.  He 
has  sentinels  all  the  way  through  Long  Island,  from 
within  a  mile  of  Fort  Hamilton,  and  through  Man¬ 
hattan  Island,  from  within  hail  of  the  ferry-boats  as 
they  pass.” — Richmond  Whig,  May  13. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


113 


A  letter-writer  in  Southern  Delaware  says — 
“  It  is  said  that  Delaware  lost  one-fifth  of  her  white 
population  in  cementing  the  Union,  and  will,  if  need 
be,  sacrifice  as  many  again  to  preserve  it.  The 
blacks  here  give  us  more  trouble  than  any  thing  else. 
It  is  said  they  will  massacre  the  whites.  I  can  hardly 
believe  it,  but  there  are  some  strong  indications  that 
way.  In  the  western  part  of  this  (‘  Hundred  ’)  town¬ 
ship,  the  negroes  have  had  two  or  three  4  buryings1 
within  a  few  days  of  each  other,  and  as  the  white 
population  in  this  vicinity  could  not  discover  that  any 
darkies  were  missing,  they  thought  something  must 
be  wrong,  and  on  opening  the  newly-made  graves, 
the  coffins  were  all  right,  but  instead  of  a  dead 
darkey,  we  found  them  filled  to  the  brim  with  mus¬ 
kets  and  ammunition.” — V.  Y.  Times ,  May  12. 


Jewels  on  the  Altar  of  Her  Country. — The 
Richmond  Examiner  records  the  following  worthy 
example  of  noble  patriotism : — “  One  of  the  most 
amiable  and  fashionable  young  belles  of  our  city 
placed  in  the  hands  of  a  friend  her  casket  of  jewels, 
valued  at  $1,200,  which  she  instructed  him  to  sell  to 
the  best  account,  and  appropriate  the  proceeds  to  the 
benefit  of  such  volunteer  soldiers  of  the  State  as 
might  require  it.  This  generous  gift  was  not  all, 
however;  she  promised  to  put  by,  from  her  ‘pin- 
money,’  one  dollar  each  day,  as  long  as  the  revolu¬ 
tion  might  continue,  the  aggregate  to  be  handed  over 
quarterly  to  some  responsible  party  for  the  purposes 
the  same  as  above.  Lastly,  she  has  patriotically  de¬ 
termined  never  to  wear  a  jewel  or  an  ornament  of 
any  kind,  until  the  independence  of  the  South  is 
recognized  by  the  Federal  Government  and  the 
world  !” — -N.  0.  Picayune ,  May  12. 


A  correspondent  of  the  Memphis  Argus ,  writing 
from  Lynchburg,  Va.,  says:— “We  have  two  regi¬ 
ments  from  Mississippi  and  one  from  Tennessee  with 
us,  numbering  one  thousand  each.  All  are  well  quar¬ 
tered,  and  in  fine  spirits — and  they  shall  not  want 
for  the  latter  so  long  as  our  ‘  mountain  dew  ’  holds 
out.  You  could  not  find  a  more  cheerful  set  of  fel¬ 
lows  in  a  week’s  travel ;  they  play  the  fiddle,  banjo, 
dance,  and  sing  Dixie.  One  fellow  told  me  his  old 
mammy  cried  the  glasses  clean  out  of  her  spectacles 
the  morning  he  left,  but  on  giving  her  two  bits  to  buy 
another  pair,  she  bid  him  go,  and  return  to  her  cov¬ 
ered  all  over  with  glory.  Another  said  he  didn’t  like 
these  1  breeches  ’  with  a  stripe  down  the  leg,  they 
pinched  him ;  but  just  give  him  his  old  copperas- 
colored  trowsers,  and  his  own  rifle,  and  he’d  bore  a 
hole  thru  Linkin’s  nose,  through  which  to  put  a  ring, 
and  lead  him  about  for  a  show.” — iV.  Y.  Tribune , 
May  20.  _ 

Captain  Lee,  of  the  United  States  Navy,  in  com¬ 
mand  of  the  Yandalia,  ordered  to  the  East  Indies, 
learning  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  that  a  rebel  war 
had  broken  out,  promptly  decided  to  return  home 
with  his  ship,  where  she  and  her  services  are 
wanted.  There  are  times  when  (as  in  the  case  of 
Colonel  Croghan  in  1811)  it  is  the  duty  of  an  officer 
to  disobey  his  orders.  This  was  one  of  those  occa¬ 
sions.  The  Yandalia  is  at  the  Navy  Yard,  ready  for 
her  work.  Captain  Lee’s  orders  were  “  honored  in 
the  breach.”  He  deserves  the  thanks  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment  and  the  people. — N.  Y.  Commercial ,  May  21. 

“  I  wish  I  was  in  Dixie.” — “  So  common  has  be¬ 
come  the  error  that  this  is  a  Southern  song,  and 
Poetry — 15  • 


relates  to  Southern  institutions,  that  I  must  be  par¬ 
doned  if  I  break  the  enchantment,  and  relate  the 
facts  about  it.  I  see,  also,  that  Mr.  Albert  Pike,  of 
Arkansas,  has  written  a  song  recently,  in  which  ho 
suggests  that  we 

“ 4  Advance  the  flag  of  Dixie ; 

Hurrah  !  Hurrah ! 

For  Dixie’s  land  we’ll  take  our  stand, 

And  live  or  die  for  Dixie  !  ’  &c. 


“Now,  I  do  not  wish  to  spoil  a  pretty  illusion,  but 
the  real  truth  is,  that  Dixie  is  an  indigenous  Northern 
negro  refrain,  as  common  to  the  writer  hereof  as  the 
lamp-posts  in  New  York  city,  seventy  or  seventy-five 
years  ago.  It  was  one  of  the  every-day  allusions  of 
boys,  at  that  time,  in  all  of  their  out-door  sports. 
And  no  one  ever  heard  of  Dixie’s  land  being  other 
than  Manhattan  Island  until  recently,  when  it  has 
been  erroneously  supposed  to  refer  to  the  South, 
from  its  connection  with  pathetic  negro  allegory. 

“  When  slavery  existed  in  New  York,  one  4  Dixy  ’ 
owned  a  large  tract  of  land  on  Manhattan  Island,  and 
large  numbers  of  slaves.  The  increase  of  the  slaves 
and  the  increase  of  the  abolition  sentiment  caused  an 
emigration  of  the  slaves  to  more  thorough  and  secure 
slave  sections,  and  the  negroes  who  were  thus  sent 
off  (many  being  born  there)  naturally  looked  back  to 
their  old  homes,  where  they  had  lived  in  clover,  with 
feelings  of  regret,  as  they  could  not  imagine  any 
place  like  Dixy’s.  Hence  it  became  synonymous 
with  an  ideal  locality  combining  ease,  comfort,  and 
material  happiness  of  every  description. _  In  those 
days  negro  singing  and  minstrelsy  were  in  their  in¬ 
fancy,  and  any  subject  that  could  be  wrought  into  a 
ballad  was  eagerly  picked  up  ;  this  was  the  case  with 
4  Dixie.’  It  originated  in  New  York,  and  assumed 
the  proportions  of  a  song  there.  In  its  travels  it  has 
been  enlarged,  and  has  4  gathered  moss ;’  it  has 
picked  up  a  note  here  and  there ;  a  4  chorus  ’  has 
been  added  to  it,  and  from  an  indistinct  4  chant  ’  of 
two  or  three  notes,  it  has  become  an  elaborate  melo¬ 
dy  ;  but  the  fact  that  it  is  not  a  Southern  song  4  can¬ 
not  be  rubbed  out ;’  the  fallacy  is  so  popular  to  the 
contrary,  that  I  have  thus  been  at  pains  to  state  the 
real  origin  of  it.  _  P-” 

— Charleston  Courier.  June  11. 


Jeff.  Davis  boasts  that  44  Cotton’s  King 
Upon  his  throne’s  so  written  ; 

But  he’ll  soon  find,  wffien  on  his  swing, 

That  Hemp  is  King  of  Cotton. 

Washington,  June  8. — Four  soldiers  of  the  Michi¬ 
gan  Regiment  performed  a  very  shrewd  act  to-day, 
twelve  miles  out  from  Alexandria  towards  Manassas 
Junction.  They  were  out  44  prospecting,”  and  got 
away  too  far  from  camp.  The  sight  of  some  rebel 
troopers  warned  them  of  their  situation.  Three  of 
the  four  concealed  themselves  in  a  hedge  or  thicket, 
and  left  one  in  the  highway  unarmed.  Two  rebel 
troopers  soon  came  up  and  arrested  the  Federal  sol¬ 
dier.  They  dismounted,  and  asked  the  Michigan  man 
who  he  was.  44 1  belong  to  the  Michigan  Regiment 
of  Federal  troops,”  was  his  reply.  44  Then  you  are 
our  prisoner,”  said  the  troopers.  At  that  instant  the 
three  concealed  Federal  soldiers  rushed  from  their 
ambush,  with  the  exclamation— 44  No  !  you  are  our 
prisoners !  ”  Sure  enough,  the  Virginians  were  taken 
completely  by  surprise,  and  surrendered.  The  Michi¬ 
gan  boys  are  in  high  glee  over  the  act. — N.  Y.  Even - 
ing  Post,  June  11. 


114 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


The  Massachusetts  troops  at  the  Relay  have  some 
amusing  incidents  in  the  daily  search  of  the  trains  for 
contraband  goods.  A  young  lady,  the  other  day, 
carried  a  large  lunch  basket  by  her  side,  covered  with 
sponge  cake  and  sandwiches,  but  upon  lifting  it,  the 
basket  was  found  to  be  very  heavy,  which  was  soon 
accounted  for,  the  concealed  contents  being  a  large 
number  of  army  buttons  intended  for  the  rebel 
troops. — Idem. 


Grumbling  at  the  Soum. — Grumbling  at  the  dila¬ 
toriness  of  military  movements  is  not  confined  to  the 
North,  where  almost  every  editor  criticizes  Gen.  Scott. 
The  Charleston  Mercury  is  equally  aggrieved  by  the 
Fabian  policy  of  the  Confederate  leaders.  It  says : — 

We  are  not  Generals  in  the  field,  and  we  do  not 
intend  to  be  so  on  paper ;  but  there  are  a  few  plain 
principles  and  facts  which  any  mind  may  understand, 
without  having  fought  battles  or  won  victories. 

In  the  first  place,  delay  is  against  us  in  the  matter 
of  numbers.  The  policy  of  the  Confederate  States, 
it  seems  to  us,  was  and  is,  not  to  wait  until  vast 
masses  are  aggregated  upon  us,  but  to  aet  promptly 
with  such  troops  as  we  possess,  and  to  demoralize  and 
prevent  the  discipline  of  the  troops  of  the  United 
States  by  vanquishing  them. 

for,  in  the  second  place,  our  raw  troops  are  far 
superior  to  the  raw  troops  of  the  United  States.  Our 
people  are  used  to  arms.  They  are  accustomed  to 
the  gun  and  the  horse.  The  people  of  the  North  can 
neither  shoot  a  rifle  nor  ride  a  horse,  unless  trained. 
Is  it  good  policy  to  let  them  bo  trained  ? 

And  in  the  third  place,  no  soldiers,  especially  un¬ 
disciplined  soldiers,  as  the  greater  part  of  all  the  sol¬ 
diers  now  in  the  field  must  be,  can  stand  the  eternal 
agitations  of  apprehended  attacks  in  a  defensive  war¬ 
fare.  To  be  called  out  continually  to  prepare  for 
battle,  and  yet  not  to  fight,  will  chill  the  hearts  of 
the  bravest  troops. 

And  still  further,  instead  of  having  one  point  for 
anxiety,  attention  and  alarm  are  exacted  to  half  a 
dozen.  Troops,  at  a  heavy  expense,  are  scattered 
about  for  the  protection  of  different  points.  This  is 
the  necessary  incident  of  a  defensive  policy.  Ag¬ 
gression  has  its  object  single,  and  carries  fears  before 
it.  Both  the  morale  and  the  economy  are  better. 

But,  more  than  all,  the  Confederate  States  ought 
not  to  allow  one  foot  of  Southern  soil  to  be  the 
battle-field  between  the  two  sections  of  the  Union. 
The  weak  evacuation  of  Alexandria,  and  the  horrors 
perpetrated  upon  its  helpless  w'omen,  shows  the  im¬ 
policy  of  such  a  warfare. 

But  we  are  not  prepared  to  assume  the  aggressive. 
Yi/  ho  says  so  ?  W e  heard  three  weeks  ago  that  there 
were  filteen  or  twenty  thousand  Confederate  troops 
and  sixty  thousand  \  irginia  troops  in  Virginia.  How 
is  it  that  but  six  hundred  of  these  troops  were  in 
Alexandria  to  defend  it,  after  weeks  of  information 
that  it  was  to  be  seized,  and  at  the  last  advices,  there 
were  but  three  regiments  at  Manassas  Junction? 
Are  small  bodies  of  men  to  be  placed  unsupported 
in  positions  to  either  retreat  without  a  fight  or  be 
sacrificed  ?  Where  are  the  ten  thousand  men  of  the 
regular  army  ordered  to  be  raised  by  one  of  the  very 
first  acts  of  the  Confederate  Congress  ?  If  more 
troops  are  needed  in  Virginia,  why  are  they  not 
there  ?  Have  one-third  of  the  volunteers  who  have 
been  eager  to  go  to  Virginia,  been  accepted  ?  Has  a 
regiment  of  horse  been  accepted  to  march  to 
'  irginia-  those  terrible  instruments  of  destruction, 
especially  to  undisciplined  troops 


Suppose  at  this  moment  any  one  of  our  generals 
in  V  irginia  had  an  army  but  of  thirty  thousand  men 
and  ten  thousand  horse  under  his  command,  can  any 
one  doubt  that  it  would  drive  every  Yankee  across 
the  Pennsylvania  line  ?  And  is  it  possible  that  the 
Confederate  Government,  after  months  of  legislation 
and  preparation,  with  offers  of  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  volunteers,  cannot  bring  together  this  small  mili¬ 
tary  force  to  move  on  the  enemies  of  the  South  ? 
Is  it  not  impossible  to  believe  ?  We  cannot  perceive 
the  policy,  alter  war  is  declared,  of  allowing  our 
country  to  suffer  the  ravages  of  war,  and  to  wait  on 
our  enemies  to  make  their  attack  and  ravages  how 
they  please.  If  the  six  hundred  troops  who  fled  from 
Alexandria  had  imitated  the  brave  spirit  of  its  single 
defender,  and  had  laid  it  in  ashes  rather  than  have 
surrendered  it,  Virginia  and  the  South  would  have 
been  in  a  very  different  position  this  day.  Let  us 
give  over  the  silly  idea  of  a  wm*  without  destruction, 
and  like  the  Russians  of  Moscow,  give  our  enemies 
desolation  instead  of  submission  as  the  fruit  of  their 
victories. 

By  assuming  the  position  of  the  defensive,  we 
have  lost  Maryland,  endangered  Missouri,  neutralized 
Kentucky,  and  are  now  making  Virginia  our  battle¬ 
field.  Is  this  wise  statesmanship  ?  Is  it  efficient 
generalship  ?  Fabian  tactics  are  out  of  place.  We 
trust  the  war  policy  of  the  South  is  about  to  become 
aggressive  and  efficient.  It  is  time,  and  we  are  glad 
to  see  that  our  gallant  Commander-in-Chief,  after 
directing  the  preparations  of  the  War  Bureau  for  two 
months,  has  made  Richmond  his  head-quarters. — 
Charleston  Mercury ,  June  2. 


A  correspondent  of  the  Pittsburg  Chronicle 
writes  of  the  results  of  the  capture  of  Philippi  by 
the  Federal  troops  as  follows : — “  The  number  of 
arms  captured  is  seven  hundred  and  eighty  stand, 
quite  a  number  of  horses,  and  all  their  camp  equi¬ 
page  and  provisions.  The  rebel  camp  flag  was 
brought  into  head-quarters  this  afternoon.  It  con¬ 
sists  of  a  blue  field  with  eight  stars,  and  two  brown 
and  one  white  stripe.  The  flag  is  about  ten  feet  long 
and  five  feet  wide.  The  field  is  torn  by  a  cannon 
ball  having  passed  through  it,  from  one  of  Col. 
Kelly’s  six-pounders.  A  gentleman  just  from  their 
camp  informs  me  that  the  privates  of  Col.  Kelly’s 
command  are  amusing  themselves  by  strutting  around 
with  sword  and  small  arms,  cocked  hats,  and  other 
paraphernalia  of  the  secession  camp.  A  train  has 
just  arrived  with  fifteen  boxes  of  flint  muskets,  fur¬ 
nished  by  the  Governor  of  Virginia  to  the  rebels. 
These  arms  have  not  been  used,  and  are  in  good  con¬ 
dition.  The  other  arms  captured  are  not  of  much 
account.  A  great  number  of  boxes  of  blankets  were 
captured,  which  will  be  of  much  service  to  our  men. 
The  amount  of  camp  goods  taken  is  estimated  at 
$25,000.  The  officers  were  well  dressed  and  equipped, 
and  were  what  were  denominated  the  flower  of  the 
chivalry ;  but  the  men,  except  the  dragoons,  were 
badly  equipped,  hastily  got  together,  and  will  not 
fight,  as  there  are  among  them  many  good  Union 
men,  who  have  been  pressed  into  service.  Colonel 
Willy,  the  secession  commander,  is  a  prisoner.” 

The  Hoisting  of  tiif.  Rebel  Flag  in  Liverpool. 
— A  good  deal  of  excitement  was  created  in  Liver¬ 
pool  on  the  24tli  inst.,  by  the  appearance  of  a  seces¬ 
sion  flag  at  the  mast-head  of  an  American  barque 
lying  at  the  Victoria  wharf.  The  vessel  which  lias 
acquired  such  an  unenviable  notoriety  is  the  An- 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


115 


napolis,  Captain  Pickett,  from  Baltimore.  We  un¬ 
derstand  by  private  advices  from  our  agent,  that  the 
American  shippers  at  Liverpool  were  so  incensed  at 
the  gratuitous  insult  offered  to  their  country  by  the 
piratical  skippei’,  that  nothing  but  the  utmost  respect 
for  law  and  order  prevented  them  from  hauling  down 
his  colors  without  leave  or  license.—  London  Ameri¬ 
can >,  May  20.  _ _ 

NEW  REFRAIN  OF  A  SLAVE  SONG. 

For  we’re  a  band  of  niggers, 

For  we’re  a  band  of  niggers, 

A  contraband  of  niggers, 

And  we  can’t  go  to  the  war ! 

—  Vanity  Fair. 


One  of  the  venders  of  Charles  II.  Scott  s  neat 
pamphlet  edition  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  arrested  at  Jeffersonville  for  peddling 
without  a  license.  When  taken  before  the  Mayor, 
the  agent  was  asked  what  wares  he  uas  selling,  and 
when°  the  answer  was  given,  the  Mayor  said,  “  Ihe 
Constitution  of  the  United  States — what  do  you  ask 
for  a  copy  ?  ”  The  reply  was,  “  Only  half  a  dime.” 
His  honor  then  pulled  out  a  dime,  and  said,  “  Well, 
I’ll  take  two  copies,  and  you,  sir,  are  discharged.” 
The  Constitution  of  our  country  is  not  contraband  of 
war  with  our  good  neighbors  over  the  river. — Louis¬ 
ville  Journal ,  June  12. 


An  Incident  of  Fort  Sumter. — Most  of  our  read¬ 
ers  are  aware  that  we  have  in  our  office  a  nine  t\ -six 
pound  shell,  which  was  fired  from  the  steamer  Monti- 
cello  upon  the  Manchester  Artillery,  on  the  occasion 
of  her  attack  on  Sewell’s  Point.  In  connection  with 
this  incident,  a  gentleman  who  was  present  at  the 
battle  of  Fort  Sumter,  states  that  one  of  these  dan¬ 
gerous  missiles  entered  that  fortification  just  above 
the  magazine,  but  outside  of  it,  descended  through  a 
block  of  granite  ten  or  twelve  inches  thick,  and  ex¬ 
ploded,  one  of  its  fragments,  weighing  nearly  twenty 
pounds,  striking  the  door  of  the  magazine,  and.  so 
bending  it  inwards  that  it  was  afterwards  found  im¬ 
possible  to  close  it  without  the  aid  of  a  mechanic. 
Within  a  few  hours  of  this  occurrence  a  red-hot  shot 
from  Fort  Moultrie  passed  through  the  outer  wall  of 
the  magazine,  penetrated  the  inner  wall  to  the  depth 
of  four  inches,  and  then  fell  to  the  ground..  All  this 
time  grains  of  powder,  spilled  by  the  men  in  passing 
to  and  from  the  casemates  and  magazine,  were  lying 
loosely  upon  the  floor,  which,  ignited  by  a  spark, 
would  have  blown  the  structure  into  atoms.  Through¬ 
out  that  entire  engagement,  so  hotly  and  obstinately 
contested,  the  hand  of  Providence  was  everywhere 
equally  visible.  Death-dealing  balls  flew  in  every 
direction.  Men  heard  them  whistle  by  their  ears, 
and  had  the  earth  torn  up  around  their  feet.  Groups 
were  spattered  with  the  mud  and  dust  of  plunging 
thirty-two  pounders,  and  splinters  of  wood  and  iron 
rained  among  the  unflinching  soldiers  with  such  mur¬ 
derous  vehemence,  that  nothing  but  a  higher  power 
could  have  prevented  them  from  harm  ;  yet  “  nobody 
was  hurt.”  Let  us  hope  that  the  God  of  battles,  who 
has  thus  far  been  so  gracious,  may  still  direct  our 
efforts,  and  carry  us  safely  through  the  storm  of 

war.  . 

In  this  connection  we  may  mention  that  Lieut. 
Valentine,  of  the  Confederate  Army,  who  com¬ 
manded  one  of  the  batteries  on  Sullivan’s  Island, 
which  did  most  effective  work  in  this  battle,  is  now 


in  this  city,  at  the  Exchange  Hotel.  On  account  of 
his  labors  in  the  fortifications  around  Fort  Sumter  for 
the  last  four  months  and  a  half,  he  has  received  a  fur¬ 
lough  of  thirty  days  from  General  Beauregard ;  but 
like  a  true  soldier,  he  proposes  to  occupy  liis  time 
upon  the  fields  of  Virginia.  He  has  no  particular 
place  to  fight,  but  will  leave  in  a  day  or  two  for  Ma¬ 
nassas,  as  the  liveliest  scene  of  operations,  to  take  his 
chances  of  “  mixing  in  ”  miscellaneously.  Rich¬ 
mond  Dispatch ,  and  Charleston  Courier ,  June  11. 

DEDICATED  TO  KNAVISH  SPECULATORS  WIIO  HAVE 
ROBBED  THE  STATE. 

Some  folks  may  boast  their  rank  and  birth, 
Descent  and  lofty  station ; 

May  claim  they’re  made  of  better  earth, 

And  hope  to  rule  the  nation  ; 

While  others  brag  upon  their  wealth, 

And  worship  only  Mammon  ; 

Let  honest  men  assert  again 

Such  doctrines  arc  but  “  Gammon.” 

The  world  is  flush  of  rogues  and  knaves, 

Who  sham  the  patriotic, 

And  hope  to  keep  the  people  slaves, 

By  scheme  and  plan  Quixotic  ; 

While  some  are  boasting  what  they’ll  do 
In  “  fuss  and  feathers  ”  dressy, 

Let  honest  men  prepare  again, 

To  give  the  traitors  “  Jessie.” 

From  top  to  toe,  from  head  to  foot, 

Our  politics  are  rotten  ; 

And  those  we  pay  are  bribed  to  boot, 

While  justice  is  forgotten  ! 

For  every  one  that  gets  a  chance 
To  serve  the  State,  is  stealing, 

And  honest  men  must  pay  again 
For  scoundrels’  double-dealing. 

In  court  and  camp  it’s  all  the  same, 

From  Judge  to  Quartermaster ; 

The  devil  takes  the  one  that’s  lame, — 

He  should  have  robbed  the  faster  ! 

For  pork  or  progress,  blankets,  brief, 

The  roguery’s  defended, 

And  honest  men  are  told  again, 

The  system  can’t  be  mended. 

— Philadelphia  Intelligencer. 


To  be  conquered  in  open  and  manly  fight  by  a 
nation  of  gentlemen,  and  subjected  to  their  sway 
might  not  drive  us  raving  distracted  with  rage  and 
shame-  but  for  Yankees— the  most  contemptible 
and  detestable  of  God’s  creation— the  vile  wretches 
whose  daily  sustenance  consists  in  the  refuse  ot  all 
other  people — for  they  eat  nothing  that  anybody  else 
will  buy — for  them  to  lord  it  over  us  the  English 
language  must  be  enlarged,  new  words  must  be  in¬ 
vented?  to  express  the  extent  and  depth  of  our  feel¬ 
ings  of  mortification  and  shame.  They  have  long 
very  properly  looked  upon  themselves  as  our  . social 
inferiors— as  our  serfs— their  mean,  niggardly  lives— 
their  low,  vulgar,  and  sordid  occupations,  have  ground 
this  conviction  into  them.  But  of  a  sudden  they 
have  come  to  imagine  that  their  numerical  strength 
gives  them  power — and  they  have  burst  the  bonds 
of  servitude,  and  are  running  a  riot  with  more  than 
the  brutal  passions  of  a  liberated  wild  beast.  Their 
uprising  has  all  the  characteristics  of  a  ferocious, 
servile  insurrection. — Richmond  Whig. 


116 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


SECEDING  VIRGINIA. 

BY  E.  H.  SIGOURNEY. 

Ho  !  mistress  of  the  rolling  James, 

And  of  its  mountain  strand, 

The  oldest,  noblest,  proudest  one, 

Of  all  our  household  band  ; 

Thou  of  the  stately  form  and  step, 

The  flower-encircled  hair, 

Prime  favorite  of  the  fruitful  earth, 

And  of  the  balmy  air ; 

Thou  who  didst  hold  thy  cresset  forth 
Ere  early  dawn  had  fled, 

The  morning  star  whose  lambent  ray 
Our  constellation  led, 

Yet,  when  a  comet  madly  rushed 
Across  the  argent  plain, 

Why  didst  thou  leave  thy  Ileaven-mark’d  sphere, 
Amd  join  its  flaming  train  ? 

We  loved  thee  well,  Virginia  ! 

And  gave  thee  deferent  place, 

Pleased  with  thine  ancient  dignity, 

And  native,  peerless  grace, 

And  little  deemed  such  sudden  blight 
Would  settle  on  thy  bays, 

And  change  to  discord  and  disgust 
Our  gratulating  praise ; 

For  thou  hadst  given  thy  great  and  good 
Our  helm  of  State  to  guide  ; 

Thy  Palinurus  steered  our  barque 
Safe  through  the  seething  tide  ; 

And  when  we  spake  of  Washington 
With  grateful,  reverent  tone, 

We  called  thine  image  forth,  and  blent 
Thy  memory  with  his  own. 

Our  mother  nursed  thee  at  her  breast 
When  she  herself  was  young ; 

And  thou  shouldst  still  have  succor’d  her, 
Though  fiery  serpents  stung ; 

Virginia  Dare,  the  first-born  bud 
Of  the  true  Saxon  vine, 

And  old  Powhatan,  hoary  chief, 

Who  led  his  warrior-line, 

And  brave  John  Smith,  the  very  soul 
Of  chivalry  and  pride, 

And  Pocahontas,  princess  pure, 

The  font  of  Christ  beside, 

Dreamed  they  that  thou  wouldst  start  aside, 
When  Treachery’s  tocsin  rang  ? 

And  in  her  heaving  bosom  fix 
Thy  matricidal  fling  ? 

Thou  shouldst  around  her  fourscore  years 
Have  bent  with  hovering  care, 

Who  steadfast  by  thy  cradle  watched, 

And  poured  the  ardent  prayer. 

Thou  shouldst  not  to  her  banded  foes 
Have  lent  thy  ready  ear, 

Nor  seen  them  desolate  her  joys 
Without  a  filial  tear ; 

Though  all  beside  her  banner-fold 
Had  trampled  down  and  rent, 

Thou  shouldst  have  propp’d  its  shattered  staff 
With  loyalty  unspent ; 

Though  all  beside  had  recreant  proved, 

Thou  shouldst  have  stood  to  aid, 

Like  Abdiel,  dreadless  seraph, 

Alone,  yet  undismayed. 


Who  sleepeth  at  Mount  Vernon, 

In  the  glory  of  his  fame  ? 

Yet,  go  in  silent  infamy. 

Nor  dare  pronounce  his  name, 

F or  thou  hast  of  their  sacred  force, 

His  farewell  counsels  reft, 

And  help’d  to  scatter  to  the  winds 
The  rich  bequest  he  left ; 

And  in  the  darkest  trial-hour, 

Forsook  the  endangered  side, 

And,  ere  the  cock  crew  thrice,  thy  true 
Discipleship  denied. 

Oh  !  that  the  pitying  Prince  of  Peace 
On  thee  his  glance  might  bend, 

And  from  remediless  remorse 
Preserve  our  long-loved  friend. 

Hartford,  Conn.,  May  21, 1861. 

— National  Intelligencer ,  Juno  8. 


AMERICA  TO  THE  WORLD. 

“You  cannot  Bo  too  decided  or  too  explicit  in  making 
known  to  the  French  Government  that  there  is  not  now, 
or  has  there  been,  nor  will  there  he  any,  the  least  idea  ex¬ 
isting  in  this  Government  of  suffering  a  dissolution  of  this 
Union  to  take  place  in  any  way  whatever.  There  will  ho 
here  only  one  nation  and  one  Government,  and  there  will 
be  the  same  republic  and  the  same  constitutional  Union 
that  have  already  survived  a  dozen  national  changes  and 
changes  of  Government  in  almost  every  other  country 
These  will  sland  hereafter  as  they  are  now,  objects  of  hu¬ 
man  wonder  and  human  afi'ection.”— Willi  aji  H.  Seward. 

I. 

Tell  them  this  Hnion,  so  great,  cannot  sever, 

Though  it  may  tremble  beneath  the  rude  shock  ; 

As  it  hath  lived,  so  it  shall  live  forever, 

Strong  as  the  mountain  oak,  firm  as  the  rock. 

II. 

Others  have  fallen — are  falling  around  us  ; 

Dynasties  tremble  and  sink  to  decay ; 

3ut  the  great  heart  whose  stony  fetters  have  bound  us, 
Never  has  throbbed  as  it’s  throbbing  to-day. 

iii. 

Let  them  not  deem  in  a  moment  of  weakness, 

We  can  surrender  our  birthright  and  name  ; — 
Strike  the  old  flag,  and  with  patience  and  meekness, 
Bear  the  foul  blot  on  our  hardly-earned  fame. 

IV. 

'  )umb  bo  the  tongue  that  would  tell  the  foul  story, 
Blighted  the  brain  could  conceive  it  in  sin  ; 

Crushed  be  the  heart  that  would  tarnish  the  glory 
And  honor  our  country  hath  striven  to  win. 

V. 

.  2ver  and  ever  our  flag  shall  be  streaming, 

Adding  new  glories  of  stripes  and  of  stars  ; 

Though  the  sword  glancing  and  bayonet  gleaming 
Tell  us  of  treasons,  corruptions,  and  wars. 

VI. 

Soon  shall  our  land,  to  its  old  peace  returning, 

Spring  to  the  duties  that  make  nations  great ; 

And  while  in  every  heart  valor  is  burning, 

Calmly  and  bravely  her  destiny  wait. 

—  Vanity  Fair ,  M3y  18. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


117 


THE  VOICES  OF  THE  HOUR. 

BY  S.  P.  D. 

Hark  !  the  rally-call  of  Freedom  !  Hark  !  the  peo¬ 
ple’s  answer  given, 

As  their  thunder-toned  responses  echo  up  the  vaulted 

heaven :  . 

We  will  rally,  we  will  gather,  we  will  muster  in  our 

might,  ... 

For  our  banner  must  be  stainless,  and  our  Cod  will 
shield  the  right ! 

Ay,  though  bloody  may  be  the  conquest  to  which  we 
march  alon°* 

And  though  groans  may  make  a  dissonance  in  our 
grand  victor-song, 

We  will  rally,  we  will  gather,  we  will  muster  in  our 
might, 

And  our  banner  shall  be  stainless,  for  our  God  will 
shield  the  right ! 


What  though  our  sky  is  shrouded  with  the  midnight 

robe  of  shame,  , 

And  the  light  but  faintly  flickers  from  our  Irccdom  s 

altar-flame ;  ... 

Darkest  night  precedes  the  dawning,  and  new  light 

shall  yet  break  through,  , 

And  a  new  day  grandly  open,  bathed  with  heavens 
unquestioned  blue ; 

And  though  stars  are  fleeing  wildly  from  Nights 
cloudy  tournament, 

The  Morning's  bow  of  promise  we  shall  see  above  us 

bent ;  , 

Of  promise  as  it  glimmers  from  the  labor-burthened 

hours, 

When  snow,  to  bare  and  bleeding  feet,  wa3  warm  as 
summer's  flowers ; 

When  days  of  struggle,  and  of  toil,  and  nights  ot 
dark  unrest, 

Made  the  purchase  of  the  bounties,  by  us,  ingrates, 
now  possessed. 


Every  hour  hath  prophet’s  utterance,  and  each  gale 
from  o’er  the  seas 

Brings  the  crash  of  falling  empires,  and  of  tottering 
dynasties ;  „  . 

From  Italia’s  classic  ruins,  to  the  ice-realm  ot  the 
Czar, 

Sounds  the  tramp  of  marshalled  cohorts,  as  they  mus¬ 
ter  to  the  war ; 

And  from  despots’  shattered  altars  Freedom’s  incense- 
cloud  is  curled, 

While  the  people’s  unchained  voices  send  their  Vivas 
round  the  world. 


Then  up,  and  rally  proudly  to  the  foremost  of  the 

fray 

And  let  every  patriot  bo  a  host ,  to  stand  and  strike 
to-day; 

While  the  rally-call  of  Freedom,  and  the  people  s  an¬ 


swer  given, 

Still,  in  thunder-toned  responses,  echo  up  the  vaulted 
heaven, — 

We  will  rally,  we  will  gather,  we  will  muster  m  our 


might,  ... 

And  bear  on  our  stainless  banner,  for  our  God  shall 


shield  the  right ! 


'T’m’n.srrh'if .  *T  11IIO  3. 


Then,  freemen,  shall  we  falter,  as  our  battle  surges 
on  ? 

Shall  we  tamely  yield  the  birthright  by  our  fathers 
valor  won  ?  . 

Give  up  this  glorious  heritage  to  Treason  s  foul  mis¬ 
rule, 

And  serve,  as  willing  pupils,  in  the  anarch  s  villain- 
school  ? 

Shall  we  sit  in  dumb  despairing,  or  but  whispered 
prayers  repeat, 

While  our  banner’s  starry  splendors  shall  be  draggled 
at  our  feet  ? 

Shall  we  hug  pale  phantoms  longer,  all  forgot  each 
patriot  vow, 

And  thus  prove  ourselves  unequal  to  the  stern  de¬ 
mands  of  NOW  ? 

Do  we  hear  no  warning  voices  from  the  Temple  of 
the  Past, 

To  whose  priesthood  earth’s  best  heroes  throng,  and 
through  whose  arches  vast 

They  thunder  still,  the  sturdy  chords  of  Freedom’s 
natal  hymn, 

As  they  sang,  by  hope  inspired,  in  the  twilight  cold 
and  dim  ? 

Do  no  spectres  stalk  before  us,  from  their  heaps  of 
hallowed  dust, 

And,  with  finger  heavenward  pointing,  bid  us  not  be¬ 
tray  our  trust  ? 

Do  the  winds  no  tidings  bring  us  from  the  waves  of 
Congaree, 

As  they  kiss  the  grass-fringed  battle-fields,  and  hurry 
to  the  sea  ? 

Or  from  Bunker’s  storied  hilltop,  whence  the  gray 
stones  seek  the  sky, 

To  mark  the  spot  as  holy  where  our  fathers  dared  to 
die? 


BAY  STATE  SONG. 

“  Thev  bad  sent  word  to  us  from  Philadelphia  that  wo 
ould  not  pass  through  that  city,  (Baltimore,)  but  the 
’olonel  made  up  his  mind  that  we  could;  and  so  ye 
*  ■*  *  *  You  may  depend  upon  it,  that  wherever 
,o  are  ordered,  we  shall  do  our  duty,  and  not  make  a  blot 
n  the  records  of  Massachusetts.”— Letter  from  a  Pri- 
ATE  OF  THE  SlXTU  REGIMENT.  .  , 

“The  cause  of  Baltimore  is  the  cause  of  the  whole 

South.”— A.  H.  Stephens. 

f_“'r/,crc  i.t  rest  for  the  weary,"  (with  spirit.) 


I. 

’Tis  the  Old  Bay  State  a-coming, 

With  the  Pine  Tree  waving  high, 
Foremost  where  the  fight  is  thickest, 
Freedom  still  her  battle-cry. 

From  the  rocky  shore  of  Plymouth, 
From  the  plains  of  Lexington, 
From  beneath  the  shaft  of  Bunker, 
Every  hero  sends  a  son. 

Chorus — To  the  fray  comes  the  Bay  State ! 

Clear  the  way  for  the  Bay  State  ! 
Trust  you  may  in  the  Bay  State  ! 
She  will  do,  or  die. 


ii. 

From  our  dear  old  Berkshire  mountains, 
From  Cape  Cod’s  sea-beaten  sand, 
With  one  cry  we  rush  to  battle — 
Freedom,  and  our  Native  Land  ! 

From  the  quiet  graves  of  Concord, 

Still  as  in  our  fathers’  day, 

Where  her  country’s  need  is  greatest, 
Massachusetts  leads  the  way. 
CnoRUS— To  the  fray,  &c. 


118 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


in. 

Onward  dash  the  Pine-Tree  banner, 
Where  a  threatened  Senate  calls, 
Ere  a  foe  in  Freedom’s  city 
Desecrate  her  sacred  halls. 

Where  a  son  would  strike  a  mother 
With  a  traitor’s  stealthy  blow, 
Forward,  every  loyal  brother  ! 

Fly  to  crush  the  dastard  foe. 
CnoRus — To  the  fray,  &c. 

IT. 

Onward,  then,  our  stainless  banner , 
Let  it  kiss  the  stripe  and  star, 

Till  in  weal  and  woe  united 
They  forever  wedded  are. 

W e  will  plant  them  by  the  river, 

By  the  gulf  and  by  the  strand, 
Till  they  lloat,  to  float  forever, 

O’er  a  free,  united  land. 

Chorus— To  the  fray,  &c. 

v. 

We  have  left  the  plough  and  anvil, 
Left  the  ledger  and  the  loom  ; 

Our  shares  to  swords  are  beaten, 

And  our  pen ’s  the  pen  of  doom. 
But  we’ll  plough  a  deeper  furrow, 
And  we’ll  deal  a  heavier  blow, 
And  upon  the  Nation’s  Ledger 
W e  will  strike  the  balance  now. 
Ciiorus — To  the  fray,  &c. 

VI. 

Lay  the  rails  and  build  the  engines, 
O’er  the  stream  the  bridges  throw, 
These  are  little  Yankee  notions 
Yankees  carry  as  they  go. 

To  the  friends  we  leave  behind  us, 
Oft  we  pledge  a  hearty  health, 

And  one  prayer  to  God  we  offer — 
Save  the  good  old  Commonwealth 
Chorus — To  the  fray,  &c. 

tii. 

See  an  Adams  and  an  Otis 
Look  from  heaven  to  speed  us  on  1 
Hear  a  Warren  and  a  Prescott 
Bid  us  keep  the  fields  they  won  ! 
See  again  Virginia’s  Patriot 
Rise  to  bid  Disunion  stand  ! 

See  the  shade  of  Monticello 
Strike  again  at  Treason’s  hand  ! 
CnoRus — To  the  fray,  &c. 

Till. 

Forward,  then,  the  Pine-Tree  banner  1 
Still  as  in  our  fathers’  day, 

Where  her  country’s  need  is  greatest, 
Massachusetts  leads  the  way  ! 

By  our  brothers’  blood  still  crying 
From  the  streets  of  Baltimore, 

Let  the  foe  who  struck  behind  them, 
Be  struck  down  for  evermore. 
Chorus— To  the  fray,  &c. 

IX. 

Now,  the  Stars  and  Stripes  forever  ! 

Be  he  cursed,  each  traitor  son, 


Who  assails  the  starry  banner 
And  the  flag  of  Washington  1 
For  Mount  Vernon’s  sacred  ashes 
Will  not  rest  within  their  bed, 

W  ith  a  traitor  band  around  it, 

And  a  traitor  flag  o’erhead  ! 

Cnonus — To  the  fray  comes  the  Bay  State  ! 

Clear  the  way  for  the  Bay  State  ! 

Trust  you  may  in  the  Bay  State  1 
She  will  do,  or  die. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  June  9. 


COLONEL  ELLSWORTH. 

EY  CAI>T.  SAM.  WHITING. 

[Dedicated  to  the  Kcw  York  Fire  Zouaves .] 

Columbia  bends  in  sadness  now, 

Above  her  gallant  soldier’s  grave ; 

Laurel  and  cypress  deck  the  brow 

Of  the  dead  Zouave — so  young,  so  brave. 
Cut  down  in  manhood’s  brightest  bloom — 

Of  his  dear  friends  the  hope  and  pride — 

He  sleeps  within  an  honored  tomb, 

Who  for  his  country  bravely  died. 

Not  yet  in  vain  such  heroes  fall ; 

Their  memory  lives  in  every  breast, 

While  streams  of  glory  gild  their  pall, 

And  beautify  their  place  of  rest. 

Oh  !  gallant  Zouave,  ’twas  thy  proud  deed 
To  tear  the  rebel  banner  down ; 

Thy  country  gives  thee  fitting  meed— 

A  soldier’s  grave,  a  hero’s  crown. 

Brave  Fire  Zouaves  !  your  leader’s  name 
Is  left  you  for  a  battle-cry  ; 

Let  Ellsworth’s  pui'e  and  spotless  fame 
Lead  you  to  conquer  or  to  die. 

Strike  bravely  when  the  rebel  rag 
Shall  meet  your  eyes  on  Southern  plain  1 
Strike  !  till  Columbia’s  starry  flag 
O’er  this  whole  land  shall  wave  again. 

When  you  shall  meet  the  traitor  band 
Which  seeks  our  Union  to  o’erthrow, 

Strike  boldly  for  our  glorious  land, 

__  And  call  on  God  to  nerve  the  blow  ! 

Keep  your  dead  Colonel  e’er  in  view, 

Wherever  in  this  war  you  roam, 

And  let  this  shout  your  zeal  renew : 
u  Remember  Ellsworth !  Zouaves,  strike  home  /” 
Hempstead,  June  5,  1801. 


WAR  SONG. 

BY  T.  P.  ROSSITER. 

Come,  rally  round  our  altar; 

No  true  heart  now  will  falter, 

Vr  hen  battles  for  our  freedom  are  to  be 
won ; 

Come,  father,  son,  and  brother, 
Leave  sister,  wife,  and  mother ; 
There  s  work  for  strong  arms  doing,  nor 
’tis  done. 

Chorus — For  equal  right 
We  only  fight, 

But  while  we  breathe  we  will  be  free. 
When  our  dear  land 
Our  lives  demands, 

Die  shouting,  “  God  and  liberty.” 


—Idem. 


fought  and 


peace  until 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


119 


List  how  the  drums  are  beating, 

Their  echoing  tones  repeating, 

Come,  rally !  ho !  come,  rally,  our  hearths  and 
homes  to  save ; 

'  The  blood  our  good  sires  left  us, 

Though  all  else  were  bereft  us, 

Is  heritage  sufficient  to  keep  from  coward’s  grave. 

Come,  flock  around  our  standard ; 

Come,  crowd  into  the  vanguard, 

The  beacons  blazing  brightly  upon  the  hillsides  show 
There’s  need  of  arms  united, 

With  hearts  for  daring  plighted, 

To  grapple  in  the  death-grip  which  hellward  hurls  a  foe. 

On  our  unguarded  borders 
Throng  hordes  of  fell  marauders ; 

And  our  old  flag  base  miscreants  insultingly  would 
seize. 

Still  Stars  and  Stripes  are  streaming, 

Thank  God,  in  glory  gleaming, 

And  patriot  thrills  are  stirring  as  it  flutters  in  the 
.  breeze. 

Our  country  now  would  prove  us, 

While  floats  our  flag  above  us, 

Undaunted  we’ll  give  battle,  nor  drop  the  blade  or 
brand, 

Till  all  in  place  and  station 
Are  loyal  to  the  nation ; 

Till  enemies  and  traitors  are  driven  from  the  land. 

Leave  shuttle,  quit  the  harrow, 

Bring  from  the  mines  strong  marrow — 
Leave  anvil,  plane,  and  compass,  as  the  tocsin  sounds 
alarm ; 

Leave  mills  and  shops  untended, 

Leave  books  with  tasks  unended, 

That  wives  and  weans  may  nestle  securely  from  all 
harm. 

Come,  old,  from  the  desk  and  study ; 

Come,  youth,  with  brawn  arms  ruddy ; 
Come,  rally  !  ho  !  come,  rally,  for  each  altar,  home, 
and  hearth. 

Our  vows  to  each  now  plighting, 

In  life  and  death  uniting, 

For  Union  we  inherited — God-given  at  our  birth. 

— N.  Y.  Evening  Post ,  June  8. 


BATTLE  ANTHEM. 

BY  JOHN  NEAL. 

Up,  Christian  warrior,  up  !  I  hear 
The  trumpet  of  the  North 
Sounding  the  charge  ! 
Fathers  and  sons,  to  horse  ! 
Fling  the  old  standard  forth, 
Blazing  and  large  ! 

And  now  I  hear  the  heavy  tramp 
Of  nations  on  the  march, 
Silent  as  death ! 

A  slowly-gathering  host, 

Like  clouds  o’er  yonder  arch, 
Holding  their  breath ! 

Our  great  blue  sky  is  overcast ; 
And  stars  are  dropping  out, 
Through  smoke  and  flame  ! 


Hail-stoncs  and  coals  of  fire  ! 

Now  comes  the  battle-shout ! 

Jehovah’s  name  ! 

And  now  the  rebel  pomp  !  To  prayer  ! 
Look  to  your  stirrups,  men  ! 

Yonder  rides  death  ! 

Now  with  a  whirlwind-sweep  ! 

Empty  their  saddles  when 
Hot  comes  their  breath ! 

As  through  the  midnight  forest  tears 
With  trumpeting  and  fire 
A  thunder-blast ; 

So,  Reapers,  tear  your  way 
Through  yonder  camp,  until  you  hear, 

“  It  is  enough  !  Put  up  thy  sword  ! 

Oh,  Angel  of  the  Lord  ! 

My  wrath  is  past !  ” 

—Portland  (it/e.)  Transcript. 


NUMBER  ONE. 

BY  II.  D.  SEDGWICK. 

“  I  have  flung  to  the  Night  my  pirate  flag ; 

It  is  black  as  the  deeds  I  love. 

My  merry  men  !  Ho  !  for  beauty  and  swag, 

For  every  foeman  you  seize  and  gag, 

For  every  youth  from  life  betrayed, 

For  the  death-doing  shame  of  every  maid, 

For  each  blue  eye  whose  light  you  quench, 

For  every  babe  whose  neck  you  wrench, 

As  the  reddening  sea  you  rove, 

I’ll  pay  you  in  cash  by  the  bloody  score ; 

I’ll  pay  you  as  Rover  paid  never  before, 

For  that  I  bid  it  shall  be  done  ; 

In  the  land  of  slaves  I  am  Number  One  ! 

I  am  Jefferson  Number  One  !  ” 

At  the  welcome  sound  of  the  Robber’s  cheer, 

Like  jackals  they  creep  from  their  cave  ; 

As  the  wild-cat  springs  at  the  lightsome  deer, 

As  the  viper  crawls  the  babe  to  smear 
With  venom,  and  strike  to  its  tiny  grave, 

They  come  !  they  come  !  the  Corsairs  brave  ! 

Hear  them  scream  with  joy,  to  think 
How  the  cups  will  flow,  and  the  canakins  clink ; 

How  they’ll  turn  men’s  blood  to  the  wine  they  drink, 
And  how  their  pockets  will  chink,  will  chink ! 

And  the  first  thief  cries,  “  It  shall  be  done 
And  I’ll  be  Pirate  Number  One  ! 

I  will  be  Number  One  !  ” 

He  has  filched  and  rigged  a  snake-like  bark ; 

He  has  armed  it  with  stolen  guns. 

Forth  from  the  bay  it  swims  like  a  shark, 

Wrapped  in  the  shrouds  of  its  kindred  dark. 

All  things  good  and  strong  it  shuns. 

How  slily  it  steers  1  How  slowly  it  steals  !  Hark  ! 
What  whisper  they  in  their  dreary  lark  ? 

“  Stay !  Are  we  right  ?  Aye  1  Our  letters  of  marque 
Are  signed  and  sealed.  All’s  rightly  done 
They  are  signed  by  Jefferson  Number  One ; 
They  are  numbered  Number  One !  ” 

no  !  Ho  !  Cheerily  ho ! 

No  longer  sly  !  No  longer  slow, 

The  snaky  bark  takes  wing. 

No  longer  it  creeps  like  a  slimy  rat, 

But  it  flies  like  a  loathsome,  lickerish  bat, 

It  flies  like  a  venomous  vampire,  that 


120 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


Sets  his  teeth  and  sharpens  his  sting, 

Ere  he  plunge  his  beak  in  the  life-blood’s  spring. 

“  Ho  !  Ho  !  Cheerily  ho  !  ” 

The  Pirates  cry,  “  Merrily,  so 
To  our  weltering  feast  of  blood  we  go. 

How  we  long  for  its  gurgling  flow  ! 

That  we  dare,  that  shall  be  done  ; 

Hurrah  for  the  victim  Number  One  ! 

Hurrah  for  Number  One  !  ” 

“  What  ho  !  What  ho  !  A  sail  on  the  lee  ! 
Mind  you  your  helm,  my  helmsman  stout ; 

About  with  the  ship,  sail  her  fast  and  free. 

About  with  the  ship  !  About !  about ! 

Up  to  the  maintop,  you  lubberly  lout ! 

Don’t  step  as  if  you  were  cramped  with  gout, 
Nor  handle  the  ropes  so  dainty  and  soft ; 

Set  every  stitch  alow  and  aloft ! 

Nearer,  now  !  nearer  !  the  chase  appears  ! 
Bloody  boys,  ready  !  the  runaway  nears  ! 

See  her  there  plain  on  the  larboard  bow , 

Sharp  must  she  be  to  weather  us  now. 

Look  to  your  cutlasses  !  Look  to  the  gun  ! 

We’ll  give  her  a  taste  of  Number  One  ! 

We’ll  give  her  Number  One  ! 

“  Ship  ahoy !  Ship  ahoy  !  We’ll  have  her  this  tack ; 

She’ll  save  us  a  lingering  chase  ! 

Ship  ahoy  !  Yankee  Dogs  !  Be  a  trifle  less  slack  ; 
Down  your  Black-a-moor  Stripes  and  Stars  ! 
We’ll  up,  instead,  the  Confederate  Bars  ! 

Down,  down  with  the  rag ! — Ha !  what  is  that  crack  ? 
What  meaneth  the  lubber  ?  He  answereth  back. 

We’ve  a  fight  instead  of  a  race  ! 

Curse  the  impudent  Yankees !  For  quarter  and  grace 
They  may  sue  and  be  damned.  They  shall  have  none. 
Short  be  their  shrift  from  Number  One  ! 

Short  shrift  from  Number  One  !  ” 

Ah  !  Sooth  said  the  Pirate  !  The  answer  came 
From  the  brig  like  an  outburst  of  hell ! 

It  came  in  a  sheet  of  glancing  flame  ! 

In  an  iron  sleet  of  deadly  aim  ! 

And  with  sheet  and  sleet,  shot  the  burning  shame 
To  his  craven  breast,  to  learn  too  late 
From  the  Yankee’s  arm,  and  the  voice  of  Fate, 
The  truth  which  now  he  learns  too  well : 

That  plot  it  long,  and  moil  in  the  dark, 

And  cover  it  over  with  letters  of  marque, 

Murder  is  still  a  dangerous  game  ! 

Begin  it,  and  two  can  play  at  the  same. 

At  this  dark  game,  the  rovers’  luck 
Was  little  to  score,  and  less  their  pluck. 

For  the  felon  blows  to  strike  they  meant, 

When  on  their  errand  of  greed  they  went, 

The  Buccaneer  flag  instead  they  struck. 

Those  dogs  of  the  Perry  who  would  not  run, 

Have  spoiled  the  Pirate’s  slaughtering  fun  ; 

The  tale  of  their  prizes  they  have  featly  begun. 

It  heads  to-day  with  Number  One  ! 

It  heads  with  Number  One  ! 

In  the  North  there  frowns  a  darksome  pile — 

So  darksome,  men  call  it  the  Tombs. 

Who  arc  guarded  there,  ah  !  seldom  they  smile  ! 

But  spectred  thoughts  of  fruitless  wile, 

And  ghosts  of  schemes  of  deadly  guile, 

Are  their  comrades  drear  in  those  doleful  rooms, 
Where  Darkness  and  Sin  spread  kindred  glooms. 
There’s  water  instead  of  wine  to  drink  ! 

And  chains  instead  of  canakins  clink ! 


And  there,  with  those  comrades  drear,  they  think 
Of  a  past  that  sears  and  a  fate  that  dooms  ! 

In  a  fitful  sleep  they  fain  would  hide 
From  the  phantoms  that  fill  the  world  outside. 

But  again  that  answering  cannon  booms  ; 

Again  their  souls  are  fevered  with  fear. 

By  victim  vanquished  again,  they  hear 
His  dread  summons  ring  in  their  throbbing  ear. 

They  start  in  their  dream  as  called  by  Fate  ! 
They  start  and  shrink  !  They  hear  the  gate 
Of  the  cell  on  its  rusty  hinges  grate ! 

Through  the  portal  whispers  the  voice  they  hate. 
’Tis  the  voice  of  the  headsman  ;  he  calls,  “  I  wait 
For  the  first  of  the  pirates  !  The  gibbet  is  done. 
Come  forth  to  your  reckoning,  Number  One  ! 
Come  forth,  doomed  Number  One  !  ” 

— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  July  14. 


A  NEW  VERSION  OF  AN  OLD  SONG. 

[Respectfully  Dedicated  to  the  London  Tunes.] 

God  save  Cotton,  our  King  ! 

God  save  our  noble  King  ! 

God  save  the  King  ! 

Send  him  the  sway  he  craves, 

Britons  his  willing  slaves. 

“  Rule,”  Cotton  !  “  Rule  the  waves  !  ” 

God  save  the  King  ! 

Outweighing  truth  and  fame, 

Cotton  shall  cloak  our  shame, 

Freedom  an  empty  name. 

God  save  the  King  ! 

Careless  of  good  or  ill, 

Cotton  is  sovereign  still, 

While  we  our  pockets  fill. 

God  save  the  King  ! 

Lowly  we  bend  the  knee 
To  his  autocracy ; 

Cotton  shall  rule  the  free  ! 

God  save  the  King  ! 

.  — N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  29. 

ALL  FORWARD! 

WRITTEN  FOR  TIIE  SECOND  REGIMENT  CON¬ 
NECTICUT  VOLUNTEERS,  BY  REQUEST 

Air — “  Garibaldi's  Ilymn." 

All  forward  !  All  forward  ! 

All  forward  to  battle  !  the  trumpets  are  crying, 
Forward  !  All  forward  !  our  old  flag  is  flying. 

When  Liberty  calls  us  we  linger  no  longer ; 

Rebels,  come  on  !  though  a  thousand  to  one  ! 
Liberty  !  Liberty  !  deathless  and  glorious, 

Under  thy  banner  thy  sons  are  victorious, 

Free  souls  are  valiant,  and  strong  arms  are  stronger — 
God  shall  go  with  us  and  battle  be  won. 

Hurrah  for  the  banner  ! 

Hurrah  for  the  banner  ! 

Hurrah  for  our  banner,  the  flag  of  the  free  ! 

All  forward  !  All  forward  ! 

All  forward  for  Freedom !  In  terrible  splendor 
She  comes  to  the  loyal  who  die  to  defend  her : 

Her  stars  and  her  stripes  o’er  the  wild  wave  of  battle 
Shall  float  in  the  heavens  to  welcome  us  on. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


121 


All  forward  !  to  glory,  though  life-blood  is  pouring, 
Where  bright  swords  are  flashing,  and  cannon  are 
roaring, 

W elcome  to  death  in  the  bullets’  quick  rattle — 
Fighting  or  falling  shall  Freedom  be  won. 

Hurrah  for  the  banner  !  &c. 

All  forward  !  All  forward  ! 

All  forward  to  conquer !  Where  free  hearts  are 
beating, 

Death  to  the  coward  who  dreams  of  retreating ! 
Liberty  calls  us  from  mountain  and  valley ; 

Waving  her  banner,  she  leads  to  the  fight. 

Forward  1  all  forward  1  the  trumpets  are  crying ; 

The  drum  beats  to  arms,  and  our  old  flag  is  flying ; 
Stout  hearts  and  strong  hands  around  it  shall 
rally — 

Forward  to  battle  for  God  and  the  Right ! 

Hurrah  for  the  banner  1 
Hurrah  for  the  banner  1 
Hurrah  for  our  banner,  the  flag  of  the  free  1 

—  The  Independent ,  J une  6. 


TO  THE  FLAG  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  AMERI¬ 
CAN  SECESSIONISTS, 

FLYING  IN  A  BRITISH  PORT. 

In  the  place  of  thy  pride,  from  the  mast’s  topmost 
height, 

Thou  art  bathing  thy  folds  in  the  sky’s  azure  light ; 

The  winds  are  at  play  ’midst  thy  red-flowing  bars, 

And  the  sunbeams  repose  on  thy  circlet  of  stars. 

With  the  sunshine  around  thee — the  blue  heaven 
above, 

’Midst  things  that  are  telling  of  freedom  and  love, 

But  where  tempests  in  clouds  and  in  darkness 
career, 

Where  the  chain  and  the  fetter  with  clanging  re¬ 
sound, 

Where  the  slave-curse  hath  blasted  the  fruits  of  the 
ground, — 

’Tis  there,  and  there  only,  thy  waving  should  be  ; 

How  com’st  thou  to  darken  the  Isles  of  the  Free  ? 

Herald  of  ruin,  and  banner  of  doom  ! — 

For  the  day  of  thy  triumph  may  finish  in  gloom, 

And  thou  from  the  place  of  thy  pride  may’st  be 
reft, 

And  in  blood  and  in  ashes  thy  trail  may  be  left. 

Ensign  of  tyranny  1  emblem  of  woe  1 

Type  to  the  nations  of  honor’s  o’erthrow  ! 

Standard  of  Mammon,  and  Might  leagued  with 
Wrong — 

Down  from  our  sight ! — thou  hast  mocked  us  too 
long  1 

April  18,  1861.  — Waterford  ( Ireland )  Mail. 


TnE  UPRISING  OF  TnE  NORTH. 

BY  J.  C.  HAGEN. 

The  Northern  men  are  up  in  arms, 

To  wage  no  servile  fight ; 

They’ve  risen  at  their  Country’s  call, 
To  battle  for  the  right. 

Poetry — 16 


The  city  echoes  with  their  tread ; 

Their  hosts  the  valleys  fill ; 

Their  shout  is  borne  on  every  stream, 

And  rings  from  every  hill. 

An  hundred  thousand  men  are  out ; 

A  word  has  called  them  forth  ; 

A  million  more,  if  need  there  be, 

Are  ready  at  the  North  1 

The  merchant  leaves  his  counting-house, 
The  husbandman  his  plough  ; 

All  ranks,  all  callings  rally  round 
Their  Country’s  standard  now. 

All  minor  discords  are  forgot ; 

All  party  feuds  have  flown  ; 

Each  heart  beats  for  its  Country  now, 

And  beats  for  her  alone. 

In  Freedom’s,  and  their  Country’s  cause, 
Thus  bravely  rushing  forth, 

Oh  !  ’tis  a  glorious  sight  to  see 
The  uprising  of  the  North  ! 

Our  sacred  Flag,  the  people’s  boast 
And  pride  throughout  the  world, 

With  scoff  and  scorn,  has,  to  the  dust, 

By  traitor  hands  been  hurled  1 
But  woe  to  those  who  dared  to  treat 
Our  glorious  flag  with  scorn — 

That  flag  that  so  triumphantly 
In  Freedom’s  cause  was  borne  1 
The  nation  hails  with  ecstasy 
Her  champions  rushing  forth, 

While  Southern  traitors  tremble  at 
The  uprising  of  the  North. 

Oh  1  well  our  hardy  Northern  sire3 
Their  sturdy  sons  may  boast ; 

And  well  may  craven  traitors  quail 
Before  the  gathering  host. 

No  rest  they  ask  while  despots’  hands 
May  freemen’s  homes  despoil, 

Or  while  the  traitor  foot  remains 
To  desecrate  the  soil. 

And  ne’er  again,  to  insult  our  flag, 

Their  hordes  shall  venture  forth, 

While  memory  to  their  vision  holds 
The  uprising  of  the  North. 

— Boston  Transcript ,  June  19. 


THE  MARRIED  VOLUNTEER. 

BY  “  SALLIE  S.  MCC.” 

A  little  shooting-trip,  he  said 
That  he  was  going  upon, 

And  yet  my  darling  turned  his  head, 
And  on  his  shining  gun, 

I  saw  a  glistening  tear ; 

And  in  my  heart  of  hearts  I  said, 
God  bless  my  darling  and  my  pride, 
And  keep  my  soul  from  fear. 

For  his  dear  sake  I  seemed  brave, 
And  said,  “  Bring  lots  of  game.” 
He  answered,  “  By  my  soul  I  will, 

Or  leave  a  noble  name.” 

Then  back  again  he  came, 

And  kissing  me  on  lip  and  brow, 


122 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-01. 


lie  said,  “  Remember,  love,  I  go 
To  keep  our  flag  from  shame.” 

It  seemed  so  like  a  pleasure  prank, 

“  The  boys”  were  going  too  ; 

There  was  Mac,  and  Van,  and  Frank, 

And  almost  all  the  crew 
That  went  yachting  long  ago  ; 

And  the  flag  then  floating  from  the  mast, 

They  swear  shall  be  their  country’s  last, 

Or  death  shall  lay  them  low. 

Now  Ileaven  be  with  those  noble  boys, 

Who,  at  their  Country’s  call, 

Leave  stern  pursuits  and  happy  joys, 

And  home,  and  friends,  and  all, 

For  the  banner  of  the  free. 

God  speed  them  all  who  thus  defend 
Their  country’s  cause,  and  safely  send 
My  husband  back  to  me. 

— V.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  4. 


THE  MASSACHUSETTS  LINE. 

BY  THE  AUTHOR  OF  “  THE  NEW  PRIEST.” 

Air — “  Yankee  Doodle." 

I. 

Still  first,  as  long  and  long  ago, 

Let  Massachusetts  muster ; 

Give  her  the  post  right  next  the  foe  ; 

Be  sure  that  you  may  trust  her. 

She  was  the  first  to  give  her  blood 
For  freedom  and  for  honor ; 

She  trod  her  soil  to  crimson  mud : 

God’s  blessing  be  upon  her. 

ii. 

She  never  faltered  for  the  right, 

Nor  ever  will  hereafter ; 

Fling  up  her  name  with  all  your  might, 
Shake  roof-tree  and  shake  rafter. 

But  of  old  deeds  she  need  not  brag, 

IIow  she  broke  sword  and  fetter ; 

Fling  out  again  the  old  striped  flag  ! 

She'll  do  yet  more  and  better. 

hi. 

In  peace  her  sails  fleck  all  the  seas, 

Her  mills  shake  every  river ; 

And  where  are  scenes  so  fair  as  these 
God  and  her  true  hands  give  her  ? 

Her  claim  in  war  who  seeks  to  rob  ? 

All  others  come  in  later — 

Hers  first  it  is  to  front  the  Mob, 

The  Tyrant,  and  the  Traitor. 

IY. 

God  bless,  God  bless  the  glorious  State  ! 

Let  her  have  way  to  battle  ! 

She’ll  go  where  batteries  crash  with  fate, 

Or  where  thick  rifles  rattle. 

Give  her  the  Right,  and  let  her  try, 

And  then,  who  can,  may  press  her ; 

She’ll  go  straight  on,  or  she  will  die  ; 

God  bless  her  !  and  God  bless  her  ! 
Dcanesbcrgh,  May  7, 1861. 

— N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  £0. 


THE  SEVENTY-NINTH. 

BY  THOS.  FRAZER. 

Air — “  Here's  to  the  year  that's  aica'." 

Come,  muster,  my  bonnie  brave  Scots, 

An’  muster  your  clans  one  an’  a’, 

Nor  heed  who  else  lags,  so  the  free  Thistle  wags, 
When  Treason  drives  Right  to  the  wa’ ; 

For  Freedom,  for  Union,  an’  Law, 

We’ll  do  a’  that  true  men  may  dare  ; 

An’  come  weal  or  come  scaithe,  for  these  to  the 
death — 

The  Seventy-ninth  will  be  there  ! 

Come,  stir,  then,  an’  trim  for  the  work  ; 

Come,  Borderer,  Lowlander,  Celt, 

An’  wi’  firelock  in  hand,  our  tartan-clad  band 
Will  soon  mak  the  auld  grit  be  felt. 

We’ll  show  how  auld  Scotland  for  Truth 
Has  bluid  in  her  heart  yet  to  spare ; 

An’  let  us  but  ken  when  the  Truth  may  want  men — 
The  Seventy-ninth  will  be  there  ! 

Then  heeze  out  the  pipes  wi’  a  cheer, 

An’  up  wi’  6ome  lieart-thrillin’  strain, 

To  mind  us  the  field  is  where  Scots  never  yield, 
While  ae  chance  to  win  may  remain. 

Syne  shout,  lads,  the  auld  battle-cry — 

“  Saint  Andrew  !  ” — an’  let  them  beware 
When  doure  Southron  knaves  wad  mak  North-folk 
their  slaves — 

The  Seventy-ninth  will  be  there  ! 

The  Union,  the  Nation,  an’  Name, 

The  “  Stars  and  the  Stripes,”  an’  the  Laws  ! 
Oh  !  never  can  hand  wave  the  death-dealing  brand 
In  what  could  be  holier  cause  ! 

Then  muster,  my  bonnie  brave  Scots, 

An’  swear  by  the  tartan  we  wear, 

Where’er  be  the  van,  one  in  heart  to  a  man — 

The  Seventy-ninth  will  be  there  ! 

— A.  Y;  Commercial  Advertiser,  May  2. 


LOYAL  DELAWARE. 

In  all  the  range  of  Border  States, 

To  whom  we’ve  ne’er  been  crusty, 

The  staunch,  unflinching  Delaware’s 
The  only  one  that’s  trusty. 

While  wicked  Treason  rages  wild 
All  up  and  down  her  borders, 

She  still  defends  the  Stars  and  Stripes, 
And  waits  for  further  orders. 

Not  all  Virginia’s  treachery, 

Nor  Maryland’s  distraction, 

Can  make  her  quit  her  Uncle  Sam, 

For  any  Traitor  faction. 

And  Delaware  has  had  her  share 
Of  treason-agitators ; 

But  then  there’s  something  in  her  soil 
That  don’t  agree  with  Traitors  ! 

The  Union  will  remember  her, 

When  force  of  arms  it  uses, 

And  give  to  her  of  Maryland 
As  much  as  e’er  she  chooses  1 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


123 


And  when  to  future  Peace  we  pledge 
A  bumper,  rare  and  loyal, 

We’ll  say  of  gallant  Delaware, 

“  She’s  little,  but  she’s  loyal !  ” 

—N.  Y.  Sunday  Mercury. 


JEFFERSON  D. 

BY  H.  S.  CORNWELL, 

You’re  a  traitor  convicted,  you  know  very  well ! 

Jefferson  D.,  Jefferson  D.  ! 

You  thought  it  a  capital  thing  to  rebel, 

Jefferson  D.  ! 

But  there’s  one  thing  I’ll  say : 

You’ll  discover,  some  day, 

When  you  see  a  stout  cotton  cord  hang  from  a  tree. 
There’s  an  accident  happened  you  didn’t  foresee, 
Jefferson  D.  ! 

What  shall  be  found  upon  History’s  page  ? 

Jefferson  D.,  Jefferson  D.  ! 

When  the  student  explores  the  Republican  age? 
Jefferson  D.  ! 

He  will  find,  as  is  meet, 

That  at  Judas’s  feet 

You  sit  in  your  shame,  with  the  impotent  plea, 

That  you  hated  the  land  and  the  law  of  the  free, 
Jefferson  D.  ! 

What  do  you  see  in  your  visions  at  night  ? 

Jefferson  D.,  Jefferson  D.  ! 

Does  the  spectacle  furnish  you  any  delight  ? 

Jefferson  D. ! 

Do  you  feel,  in  disgrace, 

The  black  cap  o’er  your  face, 

While  the  tremor  creeps  down  from  your  heart  to 
your  knee, 

And  Freedom  insulted  approves  the  decree  ? 
Jefferson  D.  ! 

Oh,  long  have  we  pleaded,  till  pleading  is  vain ! 

Jefferson  D.,  Jefferson  D.  ! 

Your  hands  are  imbued  with  the  blood  of  the  slain! 
Jefferson  D. ! 

And  at  last,  for  the  Right, 

We  arise  in  our  might — 

A  people  united,  resistless,  and  free, 

Ami  declare  that  rebellion  no  longer  shall  be ! 
Jefferson  D. ! 

New  London,  Conn. 

— A.  Y.  Tribune ,  Juno  17. 


THE  CRISIS. 

BY  J.  G.  WIIITTIER. 

The  crisis  presses  on  us;  face  to  face  with  us  it 
stands, 

With  solemn  lips  of  question,  like  the  Sphynx  in 
Egypt’s  sands ! 

This  day  we  fashion  Destiny,  our  web  of  fate  we 
spin ; 

This  day  for  all  hereafter  choose  we  holiness  or  sin  ; 

Even  now  from  starry  Gerizim,  or  Ebal’s  cloudy 
crown, 

We  call  the  dews  of  blessing,  or  the  bolts  of  cursing 
down ! 


By  all  for  which  the  Martyrs  bore  their  agony  and 
shame ; 

By  all  the  warning  words  of  truth  with  which  the 
Prophets  came ; 

By  the  Future  which  awaits  us ;  by  all  the  hopes 
which  cast 

Their  faint  and  trembling  beams  across  the  blackness 
of  the  Past, 

And  in  the  awful  name  of  Him  who  for  earth’s  free¬ 
dom  died ; 

0  ye  people  !  0  my  brothers !  let  us  choose  the 
righteous  side ! 

So  shall  the  Northern  pioneer  go  joyfully  on  his 
way, 

To  wed  Penobscot’s  waters  to  San  Francisco’s  bay ; 

To  make  the  rugged  places  smooth,  and  sow  the  vales 
with  grain, 

And  bear,  with  Liberty  and  Law,  the  Bible  in  his 
train ; 

The  mighty  West  shall  bless  the  East,  and  sea  shall 
answer  sea, 

And  mountain  unto  mountain  call :  Praise  God,  for 

WE  ARE  FREE  ! 


OUR  ORDERS. 

Weave  no  more  silks,  ye  Lyons  looms, 

To  deck  our  girls  for  gay  delights ! 

The  crimson  flower  of  battle  blooms, 

And  solemn  marches  fill  the  nights. 

Weave  but  the  flag  whose  bars  to-day 
Drooped  heavy  o’er  our  early  dead, 

And  homely  garments,  coarse  and  gray, 

For  orphans  that  must  earn  their  bread ! 

Keep  back  your  tunes,  ye  viols  sweet, 

That  pour  delight  from  other  lands ! 

Rouse  there  the  dancer’s  restless  feet, — 

The  trumpet  leads  our  warrior  bands. 

And  ye  that  wage  the  war  of  words, 

With  mystic  fame  and  subtle  power, 

Go,  chatter  to  the  idle  birds, 

Or  teach  the  lesson  of  the  hour ! 

Ye  Sibyl  Arts,  in  one  stern  knot 
Be  all  your  offices  combined ! 

Stand  close,  while  Courage  draws  the  lot, 

The  destiny  of  humankind ! 

And  if  that  destiny  could  fail, 

The  sun  should  darken  in  the  sky, 

The  eternal  bloom  of  Nature  pale, 

And  God,  and  Truth,  and  Freedom  die ! 

— Atlantic  Monthly ,  July. 


THE  RISING  OF  THE  NORTn. 

Thank  God !  the  death-like,  strange  repose, 
The  horrid  paralytic  rest 
Is  ended,  and  a  Nation’s  breast, 

Fired  with  the  old-time  spirit,  glows ! 

A  people  long  grown  servile-necked 
With  bowing  under  Mammon’s  yoke, 

Its  bondage  on  a  sudden  broke, 

To-day  stands  haughtily  erect. 


124 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-01. 


It  is  as  when  the  valley  heaped 

With  dry  bones,  at  the  Prophet’s  word, 

A  wind  miraculous  had  stirred  ; 

Such  Life  from  seeming  Death  has  leaped ! 

No  more  supine,  while  traitorous  foes 
Trample  her  rights,  her  prowess  mock, 

But,  roused  for  Battle’s  rudest  shock, 

When  Sumter  fell ,  the  North  arose  ! 

— Madison  (IFi's.)  State  Journal. 


A  Remarkable  Latter-Day  Prophecy. — The 
vision  or  prophecy  of  Joseph  Hoag,  which  we  pub¬ 
lish  below,  is  so  remarkable  in  the  accuracy  of  some 
of  its  details,  that  were  its  authenticity  not  attested 
by  the  most  respectable  and  reliable  living  witnesses, 
we  should  hardly  credit  it.  The  predicted  44  civil 
war,”  now  on  the  threshold  of  fulfilment,  is  not  more 
singular  than  are  several  other  features  in  the  vision 
which  have  already  been  verified.  As  much  as  six 
months  ago,  a  Quaker  gentleman  in  Philadelphia,  well 
acquainted  with  the  history  of  this  “  vision,”  also 
with  some  of  the  children  of  its  venerated  author, 
expressed  to  us  a  desire  to  see  it  published  in  the 
Press.  We  have  been  at  some  pains  to  ascertain 
certain  particulars  respecting  this  remarkable  man, 
some  of  which  we  hei’e  give  as  introductory  to  his 
prophecy. 

Joseph  Iloag  was  an  eminent  minister  of  the  Gos¬ 
pel  in  the  Society  of  Friends.  At  the  date  of  his. 
subjoined  vision,  in  1803,  this  Society  was  a  unit,  the 
division  in  it  not  having  occurred  until  1827.  After 
the  separation,  Hoag  affiliated  with  the  Orthodox 
branch,  in  which  connection  he  continued  until  his 
death,  at  the  age  of  forty-five.  His  ancestors  were 
among  the  early  settlers  of  New  England,  and 
lived  for  several  generations  in  the  State  of  New 
Hampshire,  although  he  was  born  in  Duchess  Coun¬ 
ty,  New  York,  but  in  early  life  removed  to  the  home 
of  his  ancestors.  In  his  services  as  a  minister  he 
travelled  extensively  throughout  the  United  States, 
and  he  is  well  remembered  by  a  large  number  of  the 
old  members  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in  Philadelphia 
as  a  very  gifted  and  spiritual-minded  minister.  Those 
who  knew  him  best  say  that  he  was  a  man  of  great 
piety  and  very  correct  life  and  conversation  from  his 
youth  ;  also,  that  his  spiritual  perceptions  were  very 
deep  and  clear,  so  much  so  that  he  was  often  favored 
with  a  sense  of  the  condition  of  other  people  with¬ 
out  outward  knowledge,  and  in  many  instances, 
known  to  persons  still  living,  foretold  circumstances 
which  occurred  long  afterwards,  and  of  which  he 
could  have  had  no  knowledge  when  he  predicted 
them.  A  journal  of  his  life  exists,  in  which  the 
author  says  Hoag  “  was  a  man  of  good  understand- 
ing,  retentive  memory,  and  a  mind  seasoned  with 
grace.  His  conversation  was  truly  instructive.  He 
appeared  most  conspicuous  in  the  gift  of  the  minis¬ 
try,  and  the  spirit  of  prophecy.”  The  following  is 

Joseph  hoag’s  vision, 

transcribed  by  his  daughter — who  is  still  living — in 
the  year  1805,  since  which  time  many  duplicate  MS. 
copies  have  been  made  and  preserved  by  members  of 
the  Society,  as  a  curious,  interesting,  and,  as  the 
sequel  has  shown,  an  amazingly  premonitory  docu¬ 
ment  : — 

“  In  the  year  1803,  in  the  eighth  or  ninth  month, 

I  was  one  day  alone  in  the  field,  and  observed  that 
the  sun  shone  clear,  but  a  mist  eclipsed  its  brightness. 


“  As  I  reflected  upon  the  singularity  of  the  event, 
my  mind  was  struck  into  a  silence  the  most  solemn  I 
ever  remember  to  have  witnessed,  for  all  my  faculties 
were  low,  and  unusually  brought  into  deep  silence. 
I  said  to  myself,  What  can  all  this  mean  ?  I  do  not 
recollect  ever  before  to  have  been  sensible  of  such 
feelings. 

“  And  I  heard  a  voice  from  heaven,  saying :  4  This 
which  thou  secst  is  a  sign  of  the  present  coming 
times.  I  took  the  forefathers  of  this  country  from  a 
land  of  oppression  ;  I  planted  them  here  among  the 
people  of  the  forest ;  I  sustained  them,  and  while 
they  were  humble  I  blessed  them,  and  fed  them,  and 
they  became  a  numerous  people.  But  they  have 
now  become  proud,  and  forgotten  me,  who  nourished 
them,  and  protected  them  in  the  wilderness,  and  are 
running  into  every  abomination  and  evil  practice  of 
which  the  old  countries  are  guilty,  and  have  taken 
quietude  from  the  land,  and  suffered  a  dividing  spirit 
to  come  among  them — lift  up  thine  eyes,  and  be¬ 
hold.’  And  I  saw  them  dividing  in  great  heat.  The 
division  began  in  the  churches  on  points  of  doctrine. 
It  commenced  in  the  Presbyterian  Society,  and  went 
through  the  various  religious  denominations,  and  in 
its  progress  and  close,  its  effects  were  the  6ame. 
Those  who  dissented  went  oft'  with  high  heads  and 
taunting  language,  and  those  who  kept  to  their  origi¬ 
nal  sentiments  appeared  exercised  and  sorrowful. 
And  when  the  dividing  spirit  entered  the  Society  of 
Friends,  it  raged  in  as  high  degree  as  in  any  I  had 
noticed  or  before  discovered ;  and  as  before,  those 
who  separated  went  off  with  lofty  looks,  and  taunt¬ 
ing,  censuring  language.  Those  who  kept  their 
ancient  principles  retired  by  themselves.  It  next 
appeared  in  the  Lodges  of  the  Free  Masons ;  it  broke 
out  in  appearance  like  a  volcano,  inasmuch  as  it  set 
the  country  in  an  uproar  for  a  time. 

“  Then  it  entered  politics  throughout  the  United 
States,  and  did  not  stop  until  it  produced  a  civil  war. 
An  abundance  of  blood  was  shed  in  the  course  of  the 
combat ;  the  Southern  States  lost  their  power,  and 
slavery  was  annihilated  from  their  borders.  Then  a 
monarchical  power  sprang  up,  took  the  Government 
of  the  States,  established  a  national  religion,  and 
made  all  societies  tributary  to  support  its  expenses. 
I  saw  them  take  property  from  Friends.  I  was 
amazed  at  beholding  all  this,  and  I  heard  a  voice  pro¬ 
claiming  :  4  This  power  shall  not  always  stand,  but 
with  it  I  will  chastise  my  Church  until  they  return  to 
the  faithfulness  of  their  forefathers  ;  thou  seest  what 
is  coming  upon  thy  native  country  for  their  iniquities 
and  the  blood  of  Africa,  the  remembrance  of  which 
has  come  up  before  me.’ 

44  This  vision  is  yet  for  many  days.  I  had  no  idea 
of  writing  it  for  many  years,  until  it  became  such  a 
burden  that,  for  my  own  relief,  I  have  written  it.” — 
Phila.  Press,  31ay  19. 


44  Let  us  Alone.” — So  says  Jeff.  Davis  in  his  Mes¬ 
sage.  So  say  all  the  Southern  rebels.  44  Y\'e  don’t 
want  any  war — only  let  us  alone,  and  wc  will  not 
trouble  you.  We  desire  peace.”  Every  thief  and 
robber  says  the  same  thing.  Every  violator  of  law 
wants  to  be  let  alone.  The  expression  has  an  appro¬ 
priate  origin.  Certain  unclean  spirits  first  used  it  to 
Jesus  of  Nazareth.  They  had  full  possession,  and 
did  not  want  to  be  disturbed.  The  Secessionists  have 
stolen  our  territory,  for  which  wc  paid  millions ;  our 
forts,  and  navy  yards,  and  arsenals,  and  ships,  and 
custom-houses,  and  mints ;  have  cruelly  treated  our 
citizens,  whipping,  tarring  and  feathering,  hanging, 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


125 


and  murdering  them ;  have  opened  their  batteries 
upon  a  little  handful  of  half-starved  men,  and  burned 
them  out  with  red-hot  shot ;  have  undertaken  to 
break  up  the  best  Government  upon  earth  for  no 
other  cause  than  that  they  could  no  longer  rule  it ; 
have  erected  batteries  around  other  forts,  and  only 
wait  an  opportunity  to  batter  them  down  ;  have  put 
the  arms  stolen  from  us  into  the  hands  of  those  who 
threaten  our  destruction,  and  then  coolly  exclaim,  as 
soon  as  they  see  the  uprising  of  millions  of  brave  and 
patriotic  hearts  in  the  defence  of  the  Government, 

“  Let  us  alone !  ”  They  haven’t  let  us  alone,  and 
they  can’t  be  let  alone  till  the  evil  spirit  is  cast  out 
of  them,  even  though  it  be  with  some  “  rending  and 
tearing”  of  the  body. — Cincinnati  Gazette ,  May  15. 

Seizure  of  a  Map. — Months  ago  Governor  Letcher 
caused  surveys  to  be  carefully  made  for  a  military 
map  of  Virginia.  The  memoranda  and  detached 
plans  were  sent  to  a  German  employed  in  the  Coast 
Survey  Office,  to  be  engraved.  He  recommended 
forwarding  them  to  New  T  ork.  A  few  maps  were 
engraved,  and  sent  with  the  plate  and  original  mate¬ 
rials  toward  Richmond,  necessarily  through  Washing¬ 
ton,  where  the  Government  took  charge  of  them. — 
N.  Y.  Commercial ,  May  21. 

Bunker  IIilu  Day  in  Virginia. — Out  a  mile  from 
the  city  of  Alexandria,  Va.,  on  a  beautiful  plain,  is 
the  camp  of  the  Massachusetts  Fifth,  in  which  are 
two  companies  from  Charlestown.  When  at  home, 
the  17th  is  kept  by  them  as  an  anniversary,  and  they 
determined  to  remember  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill 
although  on  Virginia  soil.  A  half  mile  west  from 
the  camp  there  is  a  beautiful  shady  grove  of  oaks, 
and  there  they  spread  their  collation.  Invited  guests 
were  present — citizens  of  Massachusetts  now  in  this 
vicinity,  twenty  or  more.  After  battalion  drill,  the 
companies,  under  command  of  Capt.  Boyd,  proceeded 
to  the  grove.  The  fine  band  of  the  Michigan  Regi¬ 
ment  was  engaged  for  the  occasion,  and  they  filled  the 
surrounding  woods  with  “  Hail,  Columbia,”  and 
“  Yankee  Doodle.”  There  were  long  tables  erected ; 
there  were  cold  meats,  pastry,  fruit,  oranges,  straw¬ 
berries  and  cream,  nuts,  raisins,  tea  and  punch,  but 
no  other  spirituous  liquors.  After  the  feast  came  the 
patriotism — speeches  and  sentiments  from  Captains 
Boyd  and  Swan,  Z.  K.  Pangborn,  J.  M.  Stone,  of 
Charlestown,  Col.  Lawrence,  Col.  Green,  Hon.  J.  M. 
S.  Williams,  of  Cambridge,  and  many  other  gentle¬ 
men  ;  and  then  the  boys  all  joined  in  singing  an  ode 
for  Bunker  Hill,  written  for  the  occasion  by  George 
H.  Dow,  Esq. : — 

“FOR  BUNKER  HILL.” 

Air — “America." 

Though  many  miles  away 
From  home  and  friends,  to-day, 

We’re  cheerful  still ; 

For,  brothers  side  by  side 
We  stand,  in  manly  pride, 

Beneath  the  shadow  wide 
Of  Bunker  Hill. 

The  memory  of  that  spot, 

Ne’er  by  one  man  forgot, 

Protects  us  here ! 

We  feel  an  influence,  lent 
From  its  proud  Monument — 

By  Freedom’s  angel  sent, 

Our  souls  to  cheer ! 


If,  o’er  the  dark’ning  sky, 

The  piercing  battle-cry 
Shall  sound  its  call — 

God  of  our  Native  Land, 

Be  with  this  little  band  ! 

Columbia’s  Guardian,  stand 
By  one  and  all ! 

By  all  that  blesses  life — 

While  ranked  in  Freedom’s  strife — 

With  right  good  will 
For  Victory  we’ll  try, 

With  hope  and  daring  high ; 

Our  cheers  shall  rend  the  sky, 

For  Bunker  Hill ! 

Oh,  how  grandly  it  sounded  through  the  woods  ! 
The  band  took  up  the  harmony  when  they  had  fin¬ 
ished,  and  it  crashed  louder  than  before.  The  young 
Virginians,  and  the  crowd  of  sable  sous  and  daugh¬ 
ters  of  the  Old  Dominion,  listened,  and  were  glad. 
The  stern  features  of  the  little  sons  of  the  chivalry, 
who  had  been  taught  to  hate  the  invaders,  relaxed 
into  smiles  as  they  helped  themselves  to  the  profu¬ 
sion  of  good  things  left,  and  felt  the  soul-stirring 
strains. 

It  was  delightful — the  day,  the  occasion,  the  scene. 
It  was  the  17th  of  June,  the  anniversary  of  the  battlo 
of  Bunker  Hill.  It  was  in  Virginia.  Those  who 
celebrated  it  were  there  because  they  loved  their 
country,  and  were  true  to  the  memory  of  their  Revo¬ 
lutionary  fathers,  the  Constitution,  and  their  flag. 
They  were  ready  to  spring  from  that  festive  table  up 
the  hill  that  rose  above  them  at  the  first  alarm,  and 
fight  as  their  fathers  fought  in  ’75.  It  was  a  lovely 
scene.  In  the  distance  was  the  marble  Capitol  and 
the  unfinished  monument  to  the  ever  blessed  memory 
of  Washington,  and  the  winding  Potomac ;  nearer 
was  the  city  of  Alexandria,  the  bridges,  and  groves, 
and  verdant  fields  red  with  clover  bloom,  or  waving 
with  milk-white  daisies;  the  tents  of  the  encamp¬ 
ments  ;  the  moving  masses  of  men ;  the  red  legged 
Zouaves;  the  dark-blue  Pennsylvanians  and  Michi¬ 
ganders,  their  arms  glistening  in  the  sun  as  they 
wheeled  and  deployed,  or  rushed  across  their  parade ; 
the  hurrahs  of  the’Bunker  Hill  boys  ;  the  roll  of  dis¬ 
tant  drums,  and  up  the  plain  two  miles  distant  were 
the  solid  columns  of  ten  thousand  men  in  review, 
with  their  banners  waving  in  the  air.  It  was  a  scene 
of  indescribable  beauty  and  grandeur. 

Under  such  auspices  and  amid  such  scenes  was  the 
ever-memorable  day  of  victory  in  defeat  nobly  and 
fittingly  celebrated  in  the  Old  Dominion  by  the  ever- 
loyal  sons  whose  home  is  beneath  the  shadow  of 
Bunker  Hill.— “  Carleton ,”  in  the  Boston  Journal. 


SUPPOSED  OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  JEFF. 

DAVIS  AND  GOVERNOR  MAGOFFIN. 

Montgomery,  April  20. 

Dear  Beriaii  Doubtless  ere  this  the  glad  news 
has  reached  you  that  another  star  has  been  added  to 
our  glorious  constellation  ;  that  Old  Virginia  has  an¬ 
nounced  herself  a  member  of  the  Confederacy  of 
States  now  engaged  in  a  struggle  for  Southern  inde¬ 
pendence.  Does  not  your  heart  yearn  to  be  among 
us  ?  Will  Kentucky,  whose  past  history  is  so  indis¬ 
solubly  connected  with  the  grand  achievements  of 
the  sunny  South — will  she  prove  herself  an  excep¬ 
tion  ?  Need  I  remind  you  of  the  promises  made  by 
her  illustrious  son  and  gallant  Senator,  before ^  the 
Charleston  Convention  met?  Need  I  tell  you  of  liia 


12G 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


patriotic  efforts,  in  connection  with  the  illustrious 
Floyd,  during  the  last  four  years,  to  place  the  South 
in  a  defensive  attitude  ?  And  now,  that  the  blow  is 
struck,  where  will  Kentucky  be  found  ?  What  is 
your  duty  in  the  premises  ?  Plainly  this  :  to  call  a 
session  of  the  Legislature,  write  a  message  portraying 
vividly  the  nature  of  the  contest — the  two  alterna¬ 
tives  :  Southern  rights  and  peculiar  institutions,  or 
Northern  fanaticism  and  Abolition  hordes.  Screw 
their  courage  up  to  the  seceding  point.  Advise  a 
secret  session,  and  a  secession  is  sure  to  follow. 
While  they  are  arranging  matters  inside,  you  can  get 
the  State  Guard  ready  to  commence  operations. 
Don’t  trust  the  people — precipitation  is  the  word. 

Yours,  secedingly,  Jeff.  Davis. 

P.  S. — Give  my  love  to  Breckinridge. 

BERIAH  TO  JEFF. 

Frankfort,  May  C. 

Dear  Jeff.  : — I  tako  my  pen  in  hand  to  let  you 
know  that  I  am  well,  as  this  leaves  me  at  present, 
hoping  these  few  lines  will  find  you  in  the  same  con¬ 
dition.  I  have  seen  Breckinridge,  and  he  told  me  to 
tell  you  that  Kentucky  is  all  right — bound  to  secede, 
and  go  South.  He  told  me  to  issue  a  proclamation, 
which  I  did.  I  have  got  the  Legislature  here,  but  I 
can’t  get  them  to  shut  the  doors.  Breck.  told  me  to 
tell  them  to  secede,  and  I  did  so.  Some  of  them  are 
stubborn,  and  say  they  won’t  do  it,  but  Breck.  says 
they’ll  be  all  right  after  a  while.  I  have  sent  Blan¬ 
ton  Duncan  to  you.  He  is  a  good  fellow,  and  I  hope 
you’ll  make  his  acquaintance.  He  has  plenty  of 
money,  which  I  find  is  a  good  thing  to  secesh  with. 
Excuse  haste,  and  believe  me  to  remain, 

Yours,  till  death,  B.  Magoffin. 

P.  S. — Breckinridge  wishes  to  be  remembered  to 
you. 

JEFF.  TO  BERIAII. 

Montgomery,  May  12. 

Dear  Beriah  :• — I  am  glad  to  hear  of  your  progress 
Southward.  We  are  progressing  rapidly  in  Mont¬ 
gomery.  Tell  Breckinridge  that  wTe  will  give  him  a 
place  in  the  Cabinet  as  soon  as  he  secedes.  If  you 
can  only  get  a  Secession  Ordinance  before  the  people, 
we’ll  see  that  it  is  passed.  We  will  send  up  some 
Minute  Men,  who  will  vote  every  hour  until  the  thing 
is  done.  I  saw  Blanton  yesterday.  He  says  Ken¬ 
tucky  is  a  unit  for  us.  He  will  take  some  of  the 
Confederate  loans,  and  I  understand  your  friend, 
James  B.  Clay,  will  do  likewise.  Hoping  soon  to 
welcome  Kentucky  to  our  family  altar,  I  am, 

Yours,  Confederate] y,  Jeff. 

P.  S. — Blanton  sends  his  best  respects. 

BERIAII  TO  JEFF. 

Frankfort,  May  25. 

Dear  Jeff.  : — You’ve  got  me  into  a  devil  of  a 
scrape.  The  Legislature  -won't  secede.  I  haven’t 
seen  Breckinridge  for  a  long  time.  I  don’t  know 
where  ho  is.  I  had  to  issue  a  neutrality  proposition, 
because  the  Lnionists  looked  as  if  they  were  going 
to  carry  things  their  own  way.  I  suppose  Breckin¬ 
ridge  will  be  mad  at  it,  but  I  can’t  help  it.  He  lyasn’t 
here  to  tell  me  what  to  do.  I  think  ho  has  got 
scared  at  the  Union  demonstrations,  and  subsided. 

I  think  we’d  better  not  be  in  too  great  a  hurry  with 
Kentucky.  It  we  get  her  out,  it  must  be  by  a  show 
of  fairness,  otherwise  it  may  cost  us  our  necks.  The 
I  nion  men  swear  they’ll  hang  us  if  we  “precipitate’’ 
her.  Neutrality  is  the  best  wo  can  do  until  the  turn 


of  events  gives  us  a  favorable  opening,  which  we 
shall  keep  a  sharp  look-out  for.  Meantime  we’ll 
keep  you  frequently  posted  as  to  our  progress.’ 
Yours,  undespairingly,  Beriah  Magoffin. 

— Cincinnati  Gazette . 


t  A  Bold  Soldier  Boy,  belonging  to  the  Thirteenth 
New  York  Regiment,  writes  from  Washington  to  his 
sister : — “  I  have  grown  two  feet  in  two  days,  prefer 
gunpowder  to  butter  on  my  bread,  and  have  made 
arrangements  to  sleep  forever  hereafter  in  a  cannon.” 
— Boston  Transcript ,  May  22. 


Equal  to  toe  Emergency.— Benjamin  Acton,  of 
Salem  County,  N.  J.,  has  planted  his  farm  with  cot¬ 
ton,  by  the  advice  of  a  practical  cotton-grower. — JY 
Y.  Sun ,  May  15. 


A  CONTRABAND  REFRAIN, 

Now  much  in  rogue  at  Fortress  Monroe. 

Y  ake  up,  snakes,  pelicans,  and  Sesh’ncrs  1 
Don’t  yer  hear  ’um  cornin’ — 

Cornin’  on  de  run  ? 

\V  ake  up,  I  tell  yer  !  Git  up,  Jefferson  ! 
Bobolishion’s  cornin’ — 

Bob-o-lish-i-on. 


It  is  asked,  Y  here  shall  our  privateers  carry  their 
prizes  while  our  ports  are  blockaded  ?  YTe  answer : 
To  that  neutral  port  wThich  the  captain  shall  prefer— 
that  neutral  port  which  may  be  nearest  at  the  time 
of  the  capture— which  may  be  reached  with  the  least 
danger  of  re-capture— where  his  prize  may  be  sold  at 
the.  best  price.  A  neutral  nation  violates  no  neutral 
obligation  in  receiving  a  captured  prize-ship  into  its 
port.  This  is  a  matter  which  the  laws  of  nations  leave 
to  the  discretion  of  the  neutral,  and  which  it  may 
regulate,  like  any  other  subject  of  internal  police. 
It  is  only  required  that  it  apply  the  same  rule  to  both 
belligerents.  It  is  to  be  expected  that  a  neutral  na¬ 
tion  not  unfriendly  to  us  will  see  with  pleasure  the 
arrival  of  prizes  in  its  ports.  Every  prize  will  benefit 
the  neutral  city  by  giving  employment  and  paying 
money  to  its  inhabitants ;  and  by  selling  among  them 
valuable  stocks  of  merchandise  at  the  lowest  prices. 
When  admitted  into  the  port,  by  the  laws  of  nations 
the  prize  is  under  the  protection  of  the  neutral  power ; 
the  possession  by  the  captor  is  sufficient  proof  of  his 
right,  and  his  title  cannot  there  be  questioned.  But 
the  captor  is  responsible  to  his  own  Government ;  and 
must  show,  in  a  court  of  his  own  country,  that  the 
captured  vessel  was  the  property  of  the  enemy  ;  and 
for  this  purpose,  the  papers  of  the  prize  vessel  are 
sufficient  evidence.  A  district  court  of  the  Confed¬ 
erate  States  will  entertain  jurisdiction  of  the  case, 
and  render  judgment,  in  the  absence  of  the  prize- 
vessel,  and  while  it  remains  in  safe  keeping,  in  the 
neutral  port. — Mobile  Register. 


Col.  W.  H.  Thomas,  Senator  from  Jackson,  North 
Carolina,  has  at  the  service  of  the  State  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  bodies  of  men  in  the  country.  It 
is  a  company  of  200  Cherokee  Indians,  organized  for 
battle,  and  styled  the  “  Junaluske  Zouaves.”  It  ap¬ 
pears  that  Col.  Thomas,  who  is  the  business  agent  of 
the  Cherokees,  lately  called  a  council  of  the  Indians, 
and  explained  to  them  the  condition  of  the  country. 
The  chiefs  discussed  the  matter,  and  said,  after  con¬ 
sultation,  that  although  they  did  not  understand  the 
national  difficulty,  they  did  know  North  Carolina,  and 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


127 


would  stand  by  her.  They  were  ready  for  any  posi¬ 
tion  in  her  defence.  This  is  most  remarkable.  Out 
of  a  nation  of  1,500,  they  muster  200  warriors  for 
the  defence  of  North  Carolina.  The  Cherokces  are 
expert  riflemen.  They  know  nothing  of  military 
tactics,  but  show  them  their  work,  and  then  they 
have  only  to  be  told  when  to  cease  fighting.  They 
fight  their  own  way,  and  every  man  for  himself. 
The  “  Zouaves  ”  are  ready  at  a  moment’s  notice. — 
Charleston  News,  May  10. 

A  Formidable  Foe.— It  will  be  seen  by  the  inter¬ 
esting  letter  of  our  Norfolk  correspondent,  that 
among  the  several  thousand  Confederate  forces  now 
at  that  point,  is  a  body  of  three  hundred  Indians. 
These  stalwart  sons  of  the  forest  are  from  the  county 
of  Cherokee,  N.  C.,  and  under  the  skilful  training  of 
Gen.  Jackson,  a  distinguished  member  of  the  North 
Carolina  Senate  from  Cherokee,  are  now  ready  for 
immediate  action.  A  more  formidable-looking  body 
of  men,  we  are  informed  by  a  gentleman  who  has 
seen  them,  never  have  been  congregated  on  this  con¬ 
tinent.  Not  one  of  them  is  under  six  feet  in  height, 
and  being  built  in  proportion,  they  look  more  like 
modern  Samsons  than  any  thing  else  to  which  we  can 
compare  them.  The  rifle  has  been  their  constant 
companion  almost  from  infancy,  and  they  are  con¬ 
fessedly  the  best  marksmen  the  world  has  ever  seen. 
They  shoot  running  or  standing  with  the  same  unerr¬ 
ing  certainty,  and  load  and  fire  with  a  rapidity  which 
is  really  surprising. — Petersburg  Express. 

It  was  a  little  boy  of  Portsmouth,  Va.,  who  saved 
the  splendid  dry  dock  there  from  destruction  at  the 
hands  of  the  Federal  vandals.  These  had  placed  the 
powder  for  blowing  up  the  dock,  and  laid  a  train  for 
exploding  it.  When  they  fled,  they  lighted  a  fuse 
connecting  with  this  train.  Our  little  hero,  who  had 
been  watching  them  from  a  place  of  concealment, 
turned  over  a  plank  over  which  the  train  had  in  part 
been  laid,  and  thus  “broke  the  connection,”  and 
saved  one  of  the  most  valuable  naval  works  in  the 
United  States  or  in  the  world. — Raleigh  (W.  C.) 
Register.  _____ 

May  15. — The  sacred  remains  of  Washington  have 
been  removed  from  Mount  Yernon  by  Colonel  Wash¬ 
ington,  who  has  recently  joined  the  Confederate  army. 
This  act  may  appear  at  first  sight  no  less  than  an  im¬ 
pious  outrage  ;  but  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  in 
the  sale  of  Mount  Vernon,  Colonel  Washington  re¬ 
served  to  himself  not  only  the  tomb  of  Washington, 
but  also  an  acre  of  ground  around  it.  lie  also  bound 
himself  to  renovate  the  tomb. 

These  details  are  all  contained  in  the  deed  of  sale 
now  in  the  possession  of  George  Riggs,  Trustee  of 
the  Mount  Vernon  Association.  It  is  indisputable, 
therefore,  that  Colonel  Washington  is  the  sole  owner 
of  the  remains  of  his  august  ancestor,  and  has  the 
legal  right  to  remove  them.  But  this  will  hardly 
suffice  to  stifle  those  emotions  of  indignation,  and 
even  horror,  which  will  swell  in  every  Northern  heart 
at  the  shocking  intelligence  that  the  revered  bones 
of  our  sainted  Washington  have  been  secretly  ex¬ 
tracted  from  his  tomb,  and  hid  away  in  some  un¬ 
known  and  unhonored  receptacle.  Whatever  may 
be  the  right  of  Colonel  Washington,  he  has  been 
guilty  of  an  act  of  vandalism,  which,  for  the  first 
moment,  will  chill  the  blood  of  the  North,  and  strike 
every  one  dumb  with  amazement.  Up  to  this  hour 
the  North  has  had  but  one  purpose — to  vindicate  the 


national  flag ;  but  never  can  she  lay  down  her  arms 
till  Washington,  the  common  property  of  the  nation, 
reposes  once  more  calmly  in  the  tomb  on  the  banks 
of  the  Potomac,  which  he  so  loved  in  life,  and  desig¬ 
nated  as  his  final  resting-place.  Sacrilegious  is  the 
hand  that  has  dared  to  violate  the  last  wish  ot  the 
Father  of  his  Country. — V.  V.  Herald ,  May  15. 


THE  BONES  OF  WASHINGTON. 

A  year  ago,  and  by  the  maples  brown, 

O’erhanging  swift  Potomac’s  broadened  wave, 
Bareheaded  stood  the  heir  of  England’s  crown, 

By  the  poor  stone  that  shuts  an  ill-kept  grave, 
Giving  meet  reverence  to  the  dead  that  lay 

Beneath  the  stripes  and  stars  carved  on  that  stone, 
Which  nothing  of  inscription  doth  display, 

To  mar  the  majesty  that  broods  upon 
The  ten  plain  letters  spelling  Washington. 

England’s  crown-prince  at  this  arch-rebel’s  tomb, 

First  Magistrate,  twice-chosen,  of  the  States 
That  rose  impatient  for  more  elbow-room, 

And  flung  the  English  crown  out  of  their  gates. 
The  contrast  of  those  times  and  these  so  shows, 

In  this  respect  of  Prince  for  President, 

That  e’en  the  trite  prize-poem-tnakcr  flows 
Into  some  lines  of  grave  and  deep  intent, 
Describing  that  young  head  in  solemn  reverence 
bent. 

Passed  there  a  stir  from  wasting  bone  to  bone, — 

Ran  there  a  thrill  through  the  great  chief’s  gray 
dust, 

That  the  old  king’s  great-grandson  by  his  stone 
Should  bow  the  head,  owning  him  great  and  just? 
Hovered  his  placid  spirit  near,  and  blest 
That  latest  victory  of  truth  o’er  time, 

When  discords,  slow  but  sure  resolved,  attest 
The  high  and  holy  harmonies  which  chime 
Their  broader  music  through  the  spheres  sublime  ? 

Or  was  there  foresight  of  the  woe  to  be 

Before  the  lapse  of  twelve  months  and  a  day  ? 

Was  that  great  spirit  prescient  to  see 

The  stripes  and  stars  torn  from  that  flag  away  ? 

To  know  the  work  that  he  had  lived  to  do, 

And  saw  and  said,  was  good,  before  he  died, 
Undone — his  glorious  Union  cleft  in  two, 

And  cleaving  more  and  more  on  every  side, 

Till  none  can  say  how  far  the  fragments  may  divide. 

Saw  ho  the  day  that  we  see  with  amaze, 

When  those  to  whom  his  life  from  youth  he  gave, 
His  own  Virginians,  his  dust  should  raise 
Out  of  the  shelter  of  that  sacred  grave, 

Regardless  of  the  curse  that  lies  on  those 

Whose  hands  disturb  even  the  common  dead  ! — 
Brothers,  from  brothers  bearing,  as  from  foes, 

Ilis  bones  that  oft  their  sires  to  battle  led, 

Who  now  draw  impious  swords,  near  his  dishon¬ 
ored  bed  ?  — London  Punch ,  J une  8. 


The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  Philadel¬ 
phia  Inquirer  writes  : — “  In  order  to  determine  the 
truth  or  falsity  of  the  rumor  of  the  removal  of  the 
remains  of  Washington  from  the  tomb  at  Mount 
Vernon,  General  Sickles  despatched  three  messen¬ 
gers  thither  on  Saturday  morning.  They  left  on 
horseback  at  9  o’clock  a.  m.,  and  crossed  the  Long 
Bridge  into  Virginia.  One  quarter  of  a  mile  beyond 


128 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


the  bridge  they  met  the  first  picket  guard.  They 
were  mounted  and  armed  with  breech-loading  car¬ 
bines,  sabres,  and  revolvers.  The  picket  did  not 
molest  the  party,  as  they  stated  they  were  simple 
travellers.  Every  two  miles  they  met  mounted 
scouts,  similarly  armed  to  the  picket  guard.  At 
Alexandria  they  saw  about  six  hundred  troops.  They 
were  all  w'ell  armed  and  equipped,  and  seemed  to 
drill  well. 

“The  party  registered  their  names  at  the  Mansion 
House,  and  ordered  dinner  to  be  ready  at  5  p.  m. 
On  their  return  they  informed  the  landlord  they  were 
going  to  Mount  Vernon,  and  that  one  of  the  party 
would  leave  for  Europe  on  the  following  Wednesday, 
and  was  desirous  of  denying  the  infamous  rumor  of 
the  removal  of  Washington’s  remains.  On  their  de¬ 
parture  they  w'ere  questioned,  and  had  their  attention 
quietly  attracted  to  the  fact  that  one  of  the  party  was 
riding  on  a  United  States  Government  saddle.  They 
pushed  on,  however,  and  were  allowed  to  pass  the 
scouts  without  being  detained  or  suspected,  until 
within  about  four  miles  of  Mount  Vernon. 

“  Here  they  were  overtaken  by  scouts,  and  ordered 
to  halt.  The  scouts  then  informed  them  they  would 
accompany  them,  which  they  did.  In  conversation, 
one  of  them  stated  there  were  seven  thousand  cavalry 
in  Virginia.  At  1  p.  m.  they  arrived  at  Mount  Ver¬ 
non,  went  to  the  house,  and  then  proceeded  to  ex¬ 
amine  the  tomb.  They  found  it  had  never  been 
molested ;  cobwebs  were  on  the  bars  of  the  gate, 
weeds  had  grown  up  from  the  ground  in  the  interior 
of  the  vault,  and  the  party  received  from  Mr. 
Williamson,  who  was  one  of  the  scouts,  and  a  mem¬ 
ber  of  the  Loudon  Cavalry,  a  certificate  that  they  had 
visited  the  tomb,  and  telling  pickets  to  pass  them,  as 
they  were  from  the  South,  and  were  going  to  Wash¬ 
ington  to  contradict  the  infamous  libel  on  the  State 
of  Virginia. 

“  They  also  visited  the  grounds.  They  met  a  car¬ 
penter  who  was  engaged  in  repairing  the  house,  and 
he  stated  that  there  had  been  no  soldiers  there.  The 
party  then  left,  and  took  the  outskirts  of  Alexandria 
on  their  way  home.  They  were  at  last  met  by  the 
picket  near  the  Long  Bridge,  and  showed  the  scout’s 
pass,  after  being  ten  hours  arid  a  half  in  the  saddle, 
and  having  ridden  over  forty-six  miles.  What  will 
the  Virginians  think,  when  they  learn  that  Mr.  Frost, 
a  member  of  the  Sixth  Company  New  York  Seventh 
Regiment,  Captain  Van  Nest,  New  York  Seventy-first 
Regiment,  and  Dr.  A.  Rawlings,  of  Sickles’s  Brigade, 
were  the  party  ? — A".  Y.  Evening  Post ,  Mag  22. 

“  The  Picayune’s  Pedigree  of  Gen.  Butler.” — 
Under  this  heading,  the  Boston  Courier  publishes,  as 
from  the  columns  of  this  journal,  the  following  para¬ 
graph  : — 

“  All  the  Massachusetts  troops  now  in  Washington 
are  negroes,  with  the  exception  of  two  or  three 
drummer-boys.  Gen.  Butler,  in  command,  is  a  na¬ 
tive  of  Liberia.  Our  readers  may  recollect  old  Ben, 
the  barber,  who  kept  a  shop  in  Poydras  street,  and 
emigrated  to  Liberia  with  a  small  competence.  Gen. 
Butler  is  his  son.” 

And  the  Newburyport  (Mass.)  Herald  does  the 
same.  We  can  scarcely  imagine  that  the  editors  of 
either  of  those  journals  really  believe  that  this  para¬ 
graph  was  ever  before  printed  in  the  Picayune.  At 
all  events,  it  never  wTas. — N.  0.  Picayune ,  May  22. 

Torpedoes  and  Submarine  Batteries. — We  are 
happy  to  be  informed  that,  among  the  other  defences 


of  the  Elizabeth  and  Nansemond  rivers,  are  these 
admirable  contrivances  for  giving  an  unexpected 
hoist  to  an  invading  fleet.  In  one  place,  we  are  in¬ 
formed,.  the  work  is  of  a  character  that  would  dam¬ 
age  seriously  the  largest  squadron  that  ever  floated 
on  the  waters.  It  is  also  said  that  the  same  contriv¬ 
ances  either  have  been  or  are  about  to  be  arranged 
at  various  places  along  the  coast.  The  batteries 
around  Norfolk  are  in  tip-top  condition,  and  any 
demonstration  upon  that  point  will  be  met  in  a  man¬ 
ner  that  will  make  the  eyes  of  the  next  generation 
ot  \  irginians  sparkle  with  delight  when  they  open 
that  illumined  page  of  her  history. — Richmond  Pis- 
patch ,  May  17. 


molly’s  dream. 

I  had  a  vision  t’other  night, 

When  all  around  was  rain  ; 

I  dreamt  I  saw  sweet  Willie  B 
A-coming  down  the  lane  ; 

A  cannon-ball  was  in  his  hat, 

A  “  Minnie  ”  in  his  hand  ; 

Says  he,  “  We’re  going  further  South, 

To  make  Jeff.  Davis  stand. 

And  now,  my  dearest  Molly, 

Please  not  to  weep  for  me  ; 

I’m  going  further  South,  you  know, — 
Perhaps  to  Tennessee.” 

He  took  his  hat  from  off  his  head, 

The  whisky  from  his  chin, 

He  laid  his  “  Minnie  ”  on  the  ground, 

And  then  began  to  grin  ; 

He  put  a  kiss  upon  my  lips ; 

I  listened  while  he  spake — 

Says  he,  “  We’re  going  further  South, 

Jeff.  Davis  for  to  take. 

And  now,  my  dearest  Molly, 

Please  not  to  weep  for  us ; 

W  e’re  going  further  South,  you  know, 
To  take  that  Davis  cuss.” 

_ _  — Boston  Post. 


Flunky,  is  a  genuine  Yankee  word.  It  is  only 
found  in  a  Yankee  dictionary,  and  is  there  defined 
by  a  periphrasis.  The  great  Webster,  who  under¬ 
stood  Yankeedom  thoroughly,  says :  “  A  term  of 
contempt  for  one  who  is  mean  and  base-spirited ; 
perhaps  from  the  Scottish  funkie,  a  livery  servant.” 
Worcester,  another  omnipotent  Yankee  authority, 
says  :  “  A  mean-spirited  person,  a  servile  follower- 
used  contemptuously.”  The  word  could  only  have 
had  its  origin  in  a  land  where  the  thing  itself  had 
existence.  The  animal ,  flunky,  is  an  unadulterated 
Yankee  product.  Recent  events  go  to  prove  that  it 
is  not  merely  the  exclusive,  but  universal  growth  of 
that  region. — Charleston  Mercury. 


THE  SHADOW  AND  THE  SUBSTANCE. 

“  Mr.  Editor  : — Did  the  following  facts  ever  occur 
to  all  of  your  numerous  readers,  in  regard  to  the 
true  position  of  the  two  Presidents  now  recognized 
on  North  American  soil  ? 

<  “  Tlie  First — President  Lincoln,  the  Shadow — with 
Lieut. -General  Scott,  and  over  50,000  well-armed 
soldiers  around  him,  at  the  Capital,  to  protect  his 
dear  life ! 

“  The  Second — President  Davis,  the  Substance — 
in  a  country  town,  amid  his  family  associations  and 
among  his  civic  friends — in  daily  intercourse  with  the 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


129 


people,  and  travelling  at  any  and  all  times  from  one 
portion  of  the  Confederacy  to  the  other  ! 

“  Truly,  here  is  a  great  contrast  of  position  ;  one 
that  should  awaken  Northern  fanatics  and  insane 
politicians  to  a  true  sense  of  the  unpopularity  of 
their  war  against  the  South ;  and  fully  picturing  to 
them  the  ‘shadow-’  and  the  ‘substance’  of  North 


American  affairs. 


John.” 


— Natchez  Courier ,  May  21. 


Gen.  Pillow,  who  i3  a  clever  gentleman  in  the 
private  relations  of  life,  and  a  very  companionable 
man,  sent  us  a  message  recently,  which  is  explained 
in  the  following  reply  : — 

“  Gen.  Gideon  Pillow  : — I  have  just  received 
your  message  through  Mr.  Sale,  requesting  me  to 
serve  as  Chaplain  to  your  Brigade  in  the  Southern 
army ;  and  in  the  spirit  of  kindness  in  which  this 
request  is  made,  but  in  all  candor,  I  return  for  an¬ 
swer,  that  when  I  shall  have  made  up  my  mind  to  go 
to  hell,  I  will  cut  my  throat  and  go  direct ,  and  not 
travel  round  by  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

“  I  am  very  respectfully,  &c., 

“  W.  G.  Buownlow.” 


— Knoxville  Whig. 


Under  the  head  of  “  A  Proposition  to  Major  An¬ 
derson,”  the  New  Orleans  Picayune  of  May  1 7 tli 
publishes  the  following,  “  from  a  well-known  citi¬ 
zen  ” : — 

“  New  Orleans,  May  16, 1861. 

“  Major  Robt.  Anderson,  late  of  Fort  Sumter ,  S.  C. : 

“  Sir  : — You  hold  my  three  notes  for  $4,500  each, 
with  about  $1,000  accumulated  interest,  all  due  in 
the  month  of  March,  1862,  which  notes  were  given 
in  part  payment  of  twenty-nine  negroes,  purchased 
of  you  in  March,  1860.  As  I  consider  fair  play  a 
jewel,  I  take  this  method  to  notify  you  that  I  will 
not  pay  those  notes ;  but,  as  I  neither  seek  nor  wish 
an  advantage,  I  desire  that  you  return  me  the  notes 
and  the  money  paid  you,  and  the  negroes  shall  be 
subject  to  your  order,  which  you  will  And  much  im¬ 
proved  by  kind  treatment  since  they  came  into  my 
possession. 

“  I  feel  justified  in  giving  you,  and  the  public,  this 
notice,  as  I  do  not  consider  it  fair  play  that  I  should 
be  held  to  pay  for  the  very  property  you  so  oppor¬ 
tunely  dispossessed  yourself  of,  and  now  seek  to  de¬ 
stroy  both  their  value  and  usefulness  to  me.  I  ask 
no  more  than  to  cancel  the  sale,  restore  to  you  your 
property,  and  let  each  assume  his  original  position ; 
then  your  present  efforts  may  be  considered  less 
selfish,  because  at  your  expense,  and  not  mine. 

John  G.  Cocks.” 


AN  INCIDENT  OF  CAMP  LIFE  AT  WASHINGTON. 

The  Marriage  at  Night. — Six  bold  riflemen  clad 
in  blue,  with  scarlet  doublets  over  the  left  shoulder, 
bearing  blazing  torches ;  six  glittering  Zouaves,  with 
brilliant  trappings,  sparkling  in  the  light ;  and  then 
the  hollow  square,  where  march  the  bridegroom  and 
bride  ;  then  seven  rows  of  six  groomsmen  in  a  row, 
all  armed  cap-a-pie,  with  burnished  weapons,  flashing 
back  the  lustre  of  the  Zouave  uniform ;  and  all 
around  the  grand  regiment  darkening  the  white  tent- 
folds,  as  their  ruddy  faces  are  but  half  disclosed  be¬ 
tween  the  red  and  yellow  glare  of  the  fires,  and  the 
soft,  silver  light  of  the  May-moon.  (This  is  all,  you 
will  bear  in  mind,  out  on  the  broad,  open  air.  The 
encampment  occupies  a  conically-shaped  hill-top, 
Poetry — 17 


flanked  around  the  rear  crescent  by  a  wood  of  fan¬ 
leaved  maples  sprinkled  with  blossoming  dogberries, 
and  looking  out  at  the  cone  upon  the  river-swards 
below.  The  plain  is  full  of  mounds  and  ridges,  save 
where  it  bulges  in  the  centre  to  a  circular  elevation 
perfectly  flat,  around  which,  like  facades  about  a 
court-vard,  are  arrayed  the  spiral  tents,  illuminated 
in  honor  of  the  coming  nuptials.)  The  bride  is  the 
daughter  of  the  regiment;  the  to-be-husband  a 
favorite  sergeant.  Marching  thus,  preceded  by  two 
files  of  sixes,  and  followed  by  the  glittering  rows  of 
groomsmen,  the  little  cortege  has  moved  out  of  the 
great  tent  on  the  edge  of  the  circle,  and  comes 
slowly,  amid  the  bold  strains  of  the  grand  “  Mid¬ 
summer-Night’s  Dream,”  towards  the  regimental 
chaplain.  < 

You  have  seen  the  colored  prints  of  Jenny  Lind 
on  the  back  of  the  music  of  uVive  la  France." 
You  have  noted  the  light-flowing  hair,  the  soft  Swiss 
eye,  the  military  bodice,  the  coquettish  red  skirt,  and 
the  pretty  buskined  feet  and  ankles  underneath.  The 
print  is  not  unlike  the  bride.  She  was  fair-haired, 
blue-eyed,  rosy-cheeked,  darkened  in  their  hue  by 
exposure  to  the  sun,  in  just  the  dress  worn  by  les 
files  du  regiment.  She  was  formed  in  that  athletic 
mould  which  distinguishes  the  Amazon  from  her  op¬ 
posite  extreme  of  frailty.  You  could  not  doubt  her 
capacity  to  undergo  the  fatigues  and  hardships  of  a 
campaign,  but  your  mind  did  not  suggest  to  your  eye 
those  grosser  and  more  masculine  qualities  which, 
whilst  girting  the  woman  with  strength,  disrobe  her 
of  the  purer,  more  effeminate  traits  of  body;  You 
saw  before  you  a  young  girl,  apparently  about  eighteen 
years  of  age,  with  clear,  courageous  eye,  qui vet-less 
lip,  and  soldierly  tread — a  veritable  daughter  of  the 
regiment.  You  have  seen  Caroline  Richings  and 
good  old  Peter  (St.  Peter  !)  march  over  the  stage  as 
the  corporal  and  la  file.  Well,  this  girl,  barring  the 
light  flaxen  hair,  would  remind  you  of  the  latter, 
drilling  a  squad  of  grenadiers. 

The  bridegroom  was  of  the  same  sanguine,  Ger¬ 
manic  temperament,  as  the  bride.  As  he  marched, 
full  six  feet  in  height,  with  long,  light-colored  beard, 
high  cheek-bones,  aquiline  nose,  piercing,  deeply- 
studded  blue  eye,  broad  shoulders,  long  arms,  sturdy 
legs,  feet  and"  hands  of  a  laborious  development, 
cocked  hat  with  blue  plume,  dark  blue  frock,  with 
bright  scarlet  blanket,  tartan  fashion  over  the  shoul¬ 
der,  small  sword,  you  would  have  taken  him  for  a 
hero  of  Sir  Walter.  Faith,  had  Sir  Walter  seen  him, 
he  himself  would  have  taken  him.  In  default,  how¬ 
ever,  of  Sir  Walter,  I  make  bold  to  appropriate  him 
as  a  hero  on  the  present  occasion.  Indeed,  he  was  a 
hero,  and  looked  it,  every  inch  of  him,  leading  that 
self-sacrificing  girl  up  to  the  regimental  chaplain,  with 
his  robe,  and  surplice,  and  great  book,  amid  the  stare 
of  a  thousand  anxious  eyes,  to  the  music  of  glorious 
old  Mendelssohn,  and  the  beating  of  a  thousand 
earnest  hearts ! 

The  music  ceased  ;  a  silence  as  calm  as  the  silent 
moon  held  the  strange,  wild  place  ;  the  fires  seemed 
to  sparkle  less  noisily  in  reverence  ;  and  a  little  white 
cloud  paused  in  its  course  across  the  sky  to  look  down 
on  the  group  below  ;  the  clear  voice  of  the  preacher 
sounded  above  the  suppressed  breathing  of  the  spec¬ 
tators,  and  the  vague  burning  of  the  fagot  heaps ;  a 
few  short  words,  a  few  heartfelt  prayers,  the  formal 
lecral  ceremonial,  and  the  happy  “  Amen.”  It  was 
done.  The  pair  were  man  and  wife.  In  rain  or  sun¬ 
shine  joy  or  sorrow,  for  weal  or  woe,  bone  of  one 
bone  and  flesh  of  one  flesh,  forever  and  ever— amen  I 


130 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-G1. 


The  groom’s  people  formed  a  hollow  square  around 
the  newly-wedded  couple.  In  one  corner  a  gateway 
was  left  for  the  entrance  of  the  men.  Then  came 
one  by  one  the  members  of  that  troop,  with  a  kind 
word  each,  as  each  touched  the  bride  lightly  on  the 
cheek,  and  grasped  the  bridegroom  heartily  by  the 
hand — of  one  the  sworn  fathers,  of  the  other  the 
friends  and  brothers,  comrades  in  arms. — Philadel¬ 
phia  Press.  _ 


Area  of  the  Confederate  States. — We  publish 
the  following  table  in  a  corrected  form  : — 


Total  Population. 

J.X.  l  on, 

States.  in  sqr.  miles. 

Whites. 

Slaves. 

Total. 

Virginia, . 

..61,352 

1,097,373 

495,826 

1,593.199 

North  Carolina. 

,..50,704 

079,965 

328,377 

1,008,342 

South  Carolina, 

..29,385 

308, 1S6 

447,185 

755,371 

Georgia, . . 

...58,000 

615,386 

467.561 

1,082,847 

Florida, . . 

...59,268 

81,885 

63,809 

145,694 

Alabama, . 

..50,722 

520,444 

435,473 

955,917 

Mississippi, . 

..47,156 

407,551 

479,607 

887,158 

Louisiana, . 

..41,255 

354,245 

312,186 

666,431 

Texas, . 

.237,504 

415,999 

181,956 

606.955 

Arkansas,.. . 

.  52,198 

331.710 

109,065 

440,775 

Tennessee, . 

..45,600 

859,528 

287,112 

1,146,640 

733,144 

5,672,272 

3,607,057 

9,279,320 

— N.  0.  Picayune ,  May  26. 

May  22. — In  Nashville,  Tcnn.,  while  secession 
banners  wave  from  every  other  building,  both  public 
and  private,  one  heroic  lady  (Mrs.  McEwin)  has 
placed  the  National  Flag  on  her  house,  and  says  she 
will  shoot  whoever  attempts  to  tear  down  the  glo¬ 
rious  old  Stars  and  Stripes.  Let  her  name  be  en¬ 
graved  on  the  hearts  of  all  loyal  Americans. — Louis¬ 
ville  Journal. 


The  Rebel  Commissioners  in  England. — A  gen¬ 
tleman  who  was  present  and  heard  what  he  reports, 
relates  that  the  Commissioners  from  the  rebel  States 
having  been  formally  introduced  to  Mr.  Bates,  the 
head  of  the  house  of  Baring  Brothers,  the  great 
financier  told  them  to  proceed.  They  commenced 
with  a  most  elaborate  and  glowing  description  of  the 
resources  and  wealth  of  the  rebel  States.  After  a 
pause — 

Mr.  Bates — “  Have  you  finished  ?  ” 
Commissioners — “  Not  quite.”  [Then  a  speech 
from  Commissioner  No.  2,  and  a  pause.] 

Mr.  Bates — “  Have  you  finished  ?  ” 

Commissioners — “  Almost.”  [Then  a  speech  from 
Commissioner  No.  3,  and  a  pause.] 

Mr.  Bates — “  Are  you  through  ?  ” 

Commissioners — “  Yes,  sir ;  you  have  our  case.” 
Mr.  Bates — 41  What  States  did  you  say  composed 
your  Confederacy  ?  ” 

Commissioners — “  Mississippi,  South  Carolina,  Ala¬ 
bama,  Georgia,  Florida,  Texas,  and  Louisiana.” 

Mr.  Bates — “And  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis  is  your 
President  ?  ” 

Commissioners — “  He  is.  We  are  proud  of  him.” 
Mr.  Bates — “  We  know  Mr.  Davis  well  by  reputa¬ 
tion.  He  is  the  same  gentleman  who  stumped  his 
State  for  two  years  in  favor  of  repudiation,  and  justi¬ 
fied  the  conduct  of  Mississippi  in  the  United  States 
Senate.  We  know  the  gentleman  ;  and  although  we 
have  no  reason  to  be  proud  of  him  or  his  antece¬ 
dents,  I  think  I  may  safely  say,  that  if  you  have 
brought  with  you  to  London  the  necessary  funds  to 
pay  off,  principal  and  interest,  the  repudiated  millions 
owing  to  our  people  by  your  States  of  Alabama,  Mis¬ 
sissippi,  and  Florida,  there  is  a  reasonable  prospect  of 


[  your  raising  a  small  amount  in  this  market !  Our 
Mr.  Sturgis  will  be  happy  to  dine  with  you  at  8 
o’clock  to-morrow  evening.”  Exeunt  omnes. 

While  this  scene  was  being  enacted  at  the  Barings, 
Mr.  Dudley  Mann  -waited  upon  our  countryman  Pea¬ 
body,  who  holds  three  hundred  thousand  dollars  of 
repudiated  Mississippi  bonds,  on  which  there  is  due 
more  than  six  hundred  thousand  dollars  of  interest. 
Mr.  Mann  was  very  magnificent  and  grandiloquent, 
but,  withal,  prosy ;  and  Peabody,  suffering  from  gout 
and  Mississippi  repudiation,  lost  his  temper;  and, 
shaking  his  clenched  fist  at  the  rebel,  emphatically 
said  :  “  If  I  were  to  go  on  ’Change  and  hunt  up  the 
suffering  and  starved  widows  and  orphans  who  have 
been  ruined  by  your  infamous  repudiation  of  honest 
debts,  and  proclaim  that  you  are  here  to  borrow  more 
of  our  gold  and  silver  to  be  again  paid  by  repudia¬ 
tion,  (as  I  believe  it  is  my  duty  to  do,)  you  would 
inevitably  be  mobbed,  and  find  it  difficult  to  escape 
with  your  life.  Good  morning,  sir.” — W.  Y.  Courier 
and  Enquirer ,  May  25. 


Do  the  Northerners  begin  to  recognize  the  inevi¬ 
table  decay  of  their  system  of  Government,  and  the 
fact  that  this  sudden  upheaval  has  demonstrated,  that 
law  is  at  an  end,  and  that  by  brute  force  they  must 
keep  in  check  their  antagonistic  forces?  Do  they 
see  faintly,  or  clearly,  that  Government  based  upon 
the  nominal  equality  of  all,  amid  the  ceaseless  war¬ 
fare  of  labor  and  capital,  where  labor  is  indiscrimi¬ 
nately  armed  with  that  terrible  scourge  of  the  ballot, 
and  where  labor  out-votes  capital,  is  an  utter  failure? 
Have  these  people  determined  to  set  in  motion  armed 
men,  preparatory  to  the  grand  change  of  their  form 
of  Government,  in  order  to  save  what  is  worth  sav¬ 
ing,  from  the  carnage  and  the  devastation  that  must 
attend  the  anarchy  which  usually  intervenes  between 
a  free  Government,  and  a  firmly  established  despot¬ 
ism  ?  Have  they  at  last  learned  the  unwilling  lesson, 
that  they  neither  deserve,  nor  can  maintain,  a  free 
Government,  when  deprived  of  the  ballast,  the  con¬ 
servatism  of  domestic  slavery?  Do  they  compre¬ 
hend  the  end  to  which  their  foul  licentiousness,  their 
unbridled  lusts,  are  fatally  hurrying  them,  and  see 
that  the  ballot  cannot  be  taken  from  their  laborers, 
till  first  an  organized  soldiery  is  prepared  to  do  the 
behests  of  property,  and,  under  the  lead  of  some 
strong  will,  to  hold  their  Government  together  in 
some  form,  till  they  can  change  it  to  suit  them  ?  It 
really  seems  that  they  are  waking  up  to  these  great 
facts. — Augusta  ( Ga .)  Chronicle ,  May  1<3. 

The  Charlestonians  tell  a  good  story  at  their  own 
expense,  which  well  illustrates  the  want  of  discipline. 
A  company  was  keeping  guard  at  the  arsenal.  The 
Colonel  of  the  regiment  passing  by,  saw  the  sentinel 
inattentive  to  his  duty.  •  He  took  away  his  gun,  then 
entered  the  arsenal.  A  subordinate  officer  was  con¬ 
cocting  a  cocktail. 

“  Where  is  the  Captain  ?  ”  the  Colonel  asked. 

“Up  stairs.” 

“  Please  say  to  him  that  I  want  to  see  him.” 

“  Well,  after  I  take  a  drink,”  said  the  subaltern. 
After  swallowing  his  toddy,  he  went  up  stairs  to  the 
Captain. 

“  The  Colonel  is  down  stairs,  and  wants  to  see  you, 
Captain.” 

“  Well,  if  he  wants  to  see  me  more  than  I  do  him, 
just  tell  him  to  walk  up,”  said  the  Captain,  who  was 
lying  on  a  bed. 

The  Colonel  went  up  stairs,  and  found  the  Captain 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


131 


taking  things  easy.  “  Sir,  you  ought  to  be  drilling 
your  company.  Your  sentinel  don’t  know  how  to  do 
his  duty,  and  I  took  his  gun  away  from  him.” 

“  Well,  I  dare  say  he  will  be  much  obliged  to  you. 

I  reckon  he  was  tired  of  carrying  it.” 

Another  good  story  was  told,  which  has  not  found 
its  way  into  the  Charleston  papers. 

The  light  boat  which  was  captured,  has  been  an¬ 
chored  at  the  mouth  of  the  creek  which  leads  to  Stono 
River.  Two  guns  have  been  placed  on  board.  The 
one  aiming  down  the  creek  is  kept  loaded  with  shot, 
while  the  one  pointing  toward  the  city  is  used  to  tire 
a  morning  and  evening  gun.  Not  long  since,  when 
the  sunrise  gun  was  fired,  a  twelve-pound  ball  ripped 
through  a  negro’s  shanty,  and  lodged  in  a  hotel, 
greatly  to  the  consternation  of  an  old  negro  and  sev¬ 
eral  boarders.  The  crew  of  the  light  boat  did  not 
discover  that  the  boat  had  turned  with  the  tide  during 
the  night ! — Boston  Journal ,  May  18. 

A  portion  of  the  river  Indus  was  infested  by  a 
large  old  crocodile,  which  had  carried  off  two  or 
three  natives.  His  skin  was  so  thick  that  no  ball 
would  penetrate  it ;  some  young  artillery  officers  en¬ 
gineered  his  destruction  in  the  following  way :  They 
killed  a  sheep,  and  in  its  body  placed  a  bag  filled  with 
powder  and  other  combustible  matter,  to  which  a  long 
wire  was  attached,  with  detonating  powder  at  the  end. 
The  crocodile  seized  the  prey,  and  carried  it  to  his 
hole.  Time  was  allowed  him  to  swallow  the  sheep  ; 
the  wire  was  pulled,  there  was  a  great  explosion,  and 
up  came  the  crocodile  with  his  stomach  blown  open. 

Acting  upon  this  precedent,  a  Hoosier  proposes  to 
get  rid  of  Jeff.  Davis. — Indianola  Star. 

New  Orleans,  May  13. — Already  a  capital  priva¬ 
teering  vessel  has  been  fitted  out  in  this  city,  and  is 
now  ready,  fully  armed  and  ably  officered,  waiting  for 
the  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  which  are  daily 
expected  from  Montgomery.  We  have  the  names  of 
the  vessel  and  officers,  which  we  will  publish  in  due 
time.  The  work  of  fitting  out  another  privateer  is 
going  on,  something  over  one-fourth  of  the  stock  of 
$200,000  having  been  subscribed  up  to  the  hour  of 
the  meeting  at  noon  yesterday  in  the  old  United  States 
Court-room,  for  the  purpose  of  furthering  the  enter¬ 
prise.  For  the  information  of  those  disposed  to  em¬ 
bark  in  the  work,  we  would  state  that  the  officers  of 
the  vessel  are  to  be  appointed  according  to  the  elec¬ 
tion  of  the  stockholders.  In  this  connection  we  have 
heard  mentioned  such  names  as  Capt.  Calendar  Fays- 
soux,  of  this  city,  and  Capt.  Harry  Maury,  of  Mobile, 
and  many  others  suitable  to  command.  Capt  Wilson 
and  others  taking  an  interest  in  this  matter  may  be 
consulted  daily,  at  the  old  United  States  Court-room. 
— iY.  O.  Picayune ,  May  14. 


A  private  letter,  dated  Camp  Defiance,  Cairo,  May 
13,  1861,  contains  the  following: — 

“Your  blood  would  boil  if  you  should  witness 
what  I  have  witnessed.  Persons  are  daily  arriving 
here  who  have  been  driven  away  from  the  South — 
some  for  expressing  love  of  the  Union,  and  others  for 
saying  that  they  did  not  wish  to  fight  against  us. 
Many  such  have  been  whipped,  scourged,  and  treated 
with  all  manner  of  brutalities.  One  man,  a  Philadel¬ 
phian,  called  upon  Gen.  Prentiss,  and  invited  him  to 
his  room  in  the  hotel,  where  he  exhibited  the  welts 
and  wounds  inflicted  by  those  fiends  of  rebellion  upon 
his  person.  The  devils  had  not  only  beaten  him 
black  and  blue,  but  had  slashed  his  arms  and  body 


with  their  knives.  He  was  the  worst  object  I  ever 
saw.  This  man  was  making  collections  in  the  South 
for  a  Philadelphia  house,  and  such  was  the  payment 
received  from  Southern  creditors. 

“  The  game  of  the  villains  is  about  up  here.  Every 
traitor  who  makes  his  appearance  is  arrested.  We 
have  one  dirty  dog  from  Columbus,  Ky.,  under 
arrest,  who  was  one  of  the  seventy-five  who  took 
turns  in  lashing  a  man  because  he  would  not  shout 
for  Jeff  Davis’s  flag.  Mr.  Chivalry  is  very  penitent, 
and  he  don’t  hear  a  pistol  shot  but  he  imagines  it  i« 
for  him.  This  beauty  came  here  to  see  what  the 
‘damned  abolitionists’  were  doing,  and  was  recog¬ 
nized  by  the  victim,  who  reached  Cairo  before.  Vic¬ 
tim  wanted  an  even  show  with  Chivalry  at  any  kind 
of  a  fight,  and  said  if  he  did  not  kill  him,  he  would 
submit  to  be  hung  the  next  minute.  Chivalry  did 
not  want  to  fight — there  were  not  odds  enough — it 
was  not  seventy-five  to  one.  If  Gen.  Prentiss  had 
not  arrested  Chivalry,  he  would  not  have  lived  half 
an  hour.  He  has  been  committed  for  future  trial. 
Every  boat  brings  hundreds  of  people  flying  North 
for  safety.  Such  is  the  state  of  terrorism  in  the  cities 
and  towns  below  us.” — Chicago  (III.)  Post ,  May  16. 

Gen.  Twiggs  and  President  Buchanan. — Gen. 
Twiggs,  late  of  the  United  States  Army,  has  ad¬ 
dressed  a  letter  to  Ex-President  Buchanan,  in  which 
he  says : — “  Your  usurped  right  to  dismiss  me  from 
the  army  might  be  acquiesced  in  ;  but  you  had  no 
right  to  brand  me  as  a  traitor.  This  was  personal, 
and  I  shall  treat  it  as  such — not  through  the  papers, 
but  in  person.  I  shall,  most  assuredly,  pay  a  visit  to 
Lancaster  for  the  sole  purpose  of  a  personal  inter¬ 
view  with  you.  So,  sir,  prepare  yourself.  I  am  well 
assured  that  public  opinion  will  sanction  any  course 
I  may  take  with  you.” — Charleston  Courier ,  May  18. 

Among  the  gallant  fellows  in  Meagher’s  Irish  Zou¬ 
aves,  is  an  ex-member  of  the  “  Pope’s  Irish  Brigade,” 
who  distinguished  himself  in  the  army  of  the  Pontiff 
during  the  late  difficulties  in  Italy.  He  goes  out  as 
Sergeant  to  join  the  Sixty-ninth  Regiment.  His 
name  is  John  Gleeson,  a  six  feet  five  Irishman,  with 
all  the  bearing  of  a  soldier.  He  was  presented  with 
a  gold  medal  by  Lamoriciere  on  the  fith  of  last  Octo¬ 
ber,  for  his  brave  services  at  the  battle  of  Ancona, 
and  was  promoted  from  the  rank  of  Sergeant  to  that 
of  Lieutenant.  This  latter  distinction  was  accorded 
to  him  for  taking  Monte  Moratta  while  in  charge  of 
a  company  of  skirmishers.  He  is  a  gallant  son  of 
Tipperary,  and  was  wounded  three  times  in  action. — 
N.  Y.  Herald ,  May  23. 


Eleven  second  cousins  of  Mrs.  Lincoln  are  mem¬ 
bers  of  the  Caroline  Light  Dragoons.  Mrs.  Lincoln 
was  a  Miss  Todd,  niece  of  the  late  G.  T.  Todd,  Esq., 
of  Caroline  county.  Lincoln’s  “foreign  relations” 
would  be  glad  to  give  him  a  deserved  reception  in 
the  county  of  Caroline. — Fredericksburg  ( Va.)  News. 


Rev.  M.  L.  Weller,  the  young,  zealous,  and  be¬ 
loved  minister  of  the  Episcopal  church  in  Hernando, 
Miss.,  on  last  Tuesday  morning  bade  adieu  to  all  the 
endearments  of  home  and  the  society  of  his  attached 
congregation,  and  left  for  Camp  Davis,  near  Pensa¬ 
cola,  Florida,  there  to  take  his  position  as  an  humble 
private  in  the  ranks  of  Capt.  Tom  White’s  company, 
the  9  th  Regiment  of  Mississippi  Volunteers. 

Few  more  noble  examples  of  patriotism  than  this 
are  recorded  even  in  the  pages  of  Revolutionary 


132 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61 


heroism.  Mr.  Weller  was  anxious  to  have  gone  off 
with  the  company  from  Hernando  when  it  left  for 
Pensacola,  about  six  weeks  since,  but  having  been 
located  here  in  some  sort  by  the  Bishop  of  the  Dio¬ 
cese,  he  disliked  to  leave  his  church  without  the 
sacred  sanction  of  his  permission.  No  opportunity 
offered  for  him  to  obtain  this  until  a  short  time  ago ; 
and  when  he  told  Bishop  Green  that  the  promptings 
of  his  heart  were  constantly  calling  him  by  day  and 
night  to  defend  his  country  upon  the  battle-field,  that 
Rev.  Prelate  told  him  to  go,  and  God’s  blessing  go 
with  him — that  he  (the  Bishop)  already  had  two  sons 
in  the  field,  and  that  he  himself  would  be  there  if 
occasion  called  for  his  services. 

Mr.  Weller  goes  not  as  a  hired  chaplain  or  salaried 
officer  of  any  sort,  but  with  his  rifle  in  his  hand  and 
his  knapsack  on  his  back,  to  do  the  duty  and  the 
whole  duty  of  a  private  in  the  ranks ;  and  we  will 
venture  the  assertion,  that  there  will  be  no  man  in  all 
that  army  who  will  do  it  more  thoroughly,  more 
nobly,  or  more  fearlessly. 

Mr.  Weller  was  very  dear  to  the  hearts  of  his  con¬ 
gregation  before.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  he  will 
not  be  less  dear  in  the  future. 

We  are  pleased  to  learn  that  the  vestry  of  his 
church  have  unanimously  granted  him  leave  of  ab¬ 
sence  for  one  year ;  have  resolved  that  his  position 
shall  be  kept  open  for  him  until  he  returns,  and  have 
continued  his  salary  during  his  absence. — People's 
Press,  Hernando ,  (Miss.,)  May  16. 


The  Portland  (Me.)  Argus  publishes  the  following 
correspondence : — 

“  Dear  Sir  : — I  am  requested  by  Secretary  Mal¬ 
lory  to  indite  you  a  few  lines  soliciting  your  accept¬ 
ance  of  a  commission,  commanding  in  the  Confed¬ 
erate  Navy  of  America ;  your  pay  to  go  on  from  the 
date  of  secession  of  your  native  State,  (South  Caro¬ 
lina.)  Your  high  capabilities  and  qualifications  as  a 
seaman  and  navigator,  and  knowledge  in  angles,  &c., 
Ac.,  and  associations  of  your  honorable  family,  pro¬ 
claim  you  to  be  a  man  of  honor,  consequently  adher¬ 
ing  to  the  great  fundamental  law  of  nature — home 
first,  the  cause  of  your  own  hearth-side  before  that 
of  strangers.  But  worse  than  all,  these  strangers 
have  waged  war  against  us,  and  you  are  abiding 
with  them — thus  endorsing  their  acts ;  can  you  wan¬ 
tonly  abandon  your  country,  by  forming  an  alliance 
with  a  Northern  lady?  *  *  *  *  Here  you  are 

offered  rank,  honor,  station,  and  everlasting  employ  ; 
whilst  the  cold-hearted  Northerners  will  even  refuse 
you,  (employ.) 

“  Answer  in  haste ;  and  if  you  need  funds  to 
almost  any  amount,  fail  not  to  let  me  know.  I  will 
have  you  supplied  by  Southern  friends  at  Portland. 

“  In  haste,  yours  truly, 

“  J.  P.  Benjamin,  Atty-Gen’l,  C.  S.  A. 

“  To  Capt.  C.  Lee  Moses,  Saco,  Me. 

“  Montgomery,  April  9, 1S61.” 


“  Old  Orchard  House,  Saco,  Me., 
April  17,  1S61. 

“  Mr.  J.  P.  Benjamin  : 


1 


“  Sir  : — Y  our  letter  of  the  9th  has  been  received, 
and  I  wish  you  and  Mr.  Mallory  to  distinctly  under¬ 
stand  that  I  hold  no  conference  with  traitors.  The 
banner  stamped  upon  this  slip  of  paper  is  my  adora¬ 
tion  ;  it  has  real  beauty ;  God  bless  it  now  and  for¬ 
ever  ;  and  curses  upon  him  who  tramples  upon  it  in 
the  absence  of  manliness  to  protect  it.  I  am  and 
have  been  since  last  October  the  husband  of  a  Saco 


lady.  *****  j  was  bom  in  South  Caro¬ 
lina,  but,  thank  God,  left  it  in  my  childhood  days 
with  all  my  family.  I  will  take  employ  here  before 
the  mast,  in  preference  to  your  highest  encomiums. 

“  As  a  gentleman,  I  was  in  duty  bound  to  reply  to 
your  letter ;  let  it  be  your  last  to  me. 

“  The  American  Flap — long  may  she  wave 
O’er  the  land  of  the  freo  and  the  traitor’s  grave." 

“  C.  Lee  Moses, 

“A  Northern-made  Sailor  and  Unionist.” 

The  Argus  states  that  Captain  Moses  is  a  relative 
of  Senator  Benjamin. — N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  May  18. 


Charleston,  S.  C.,  May  2. — It  was  the  blasphe¬ 
mous  6aying  of  some  great  warrior — we  forget  now 
who — that  God  always  took  sides  with  strong  regi¬ 
ments.  We  are  satisfied,  from  all  our  readings  of 
history,  that  God’s  justice  prevails  over  all — and, 
whether  it  is  the  weak  or  the  strong,  that,  in  the  end, 
He  will  support  the  truth,  the  right,  the  pure,  the 
just.  We  are  not  to  determine  what  His  judgments 
shall  be  from  the  casualties  of  a  single  hour. 

We  believe  that  God  is  with  us.  We  solemnly  be¬ 
lieve  that  a  most  Providential  care  has  guided  and 
strengthened  us  thus  far  against  the  blind  rages  of 
our  enemy  ;  that,  even  in  those  respects  in  which  we 
fancied  we  had  lost  an  advantage — as  in  Anderson’s 
abandonment  of  Moultrie  and  taking  possession  of 
Sumter — we  were  mistaken  ;  and  that  the  very  strate¬ 
gies  of  our  enemies  became  the  secret  of  their  over¬ 
throw.  And  so  of  all  the  falsehoods  of  the  North¬ 
ern  press,  and  so  of  all  the  mean,  cunning  trickery 
of  the  Government  at  Washington ;  and  so  of  almost 
every  event  since  the  beginning  of  our  struggle  for 
peace  and  independence.  The  strongest  fortress  in 
the  country — supposed  to  be  too  strong  for  all  the 
power  of  South  Carolina,  under  a  siege  of  months — 
is  overthrown  in  thirty-three  hours.  The  fortress,  so 
impregnable,  and  so  eagerly  seized  upon,  becomes  a 
rat-trap,  from  which  the  rats  are  smoked  out.  Even 
the  military  vanity,  which  insists  upon  saluting  its 
flag  at  its  overthrow,  with  one  hundred  guns,  is  re¬ 
buked  by  an  explosion  which  costs  the  garrison  more 
lives  than  were  lost  during  the  bombardment.  Verily, 
if  we  needed  signs  and  auguries,  we  have  had  them, 
and  of  the  most  grateful  character. 

Yes !  we  solemnly  believe  that  a  Providential  inter¬ 
position  is  about  to  rescue  us  from  the  cormorant 
tribes  that  have  been  fattening  so  long  upon  our  sub¬ 
stance.  We  have  made  them  great  and  prosperous ! 
And  they  know  not  the  source  of  their  own  prosper¬ 
ity  !  They  “  crammed,  and  blasphemed  their  feed¬ 
ers.”  By  tariffs,  navigation  laws,  internal  improve¬ 
ments,  and  infernal  appropriations,  they  swallowed  up 
all  our  revenues.  In  their  vanity  and  pride  of  heart 
they  mocked  at  God — forgot  him — mocked  at  us — 
and  now  seek  to  destroy  us  !  Shall  God  suffer  the 
guilty,  the  presumptuous,  the  vain-glorious,  the  usurp- 
ative,  the  aggressive,  to  thrive,  and  triumph  over 
those  who  have  been  only  too  submissive  ?  No  ! 
Their  insolence  nears  its  end  !  They  have  reached 
the  length  of  their  tether  !  Henceforth,  the  South 
alone  shall  reap  the  large  benefits  and  blessings  of 
Southern  culture  and  industry.  May  the  great  Father 
of  the  universe  keep  us,  while  enjoying  the  marvel¬ 
lous  blessings  of  our  own  section,  from  any  undue 
pride  of  heart !  May  He  keep  us  always  duly  mind¬ 
ful  of  Him  who  is  the  great  Source  of  all ! — Charles¬ 
ton  Mercury,  May  8. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


133 


ODE,  FOR  1861. 

BY  REV.  H.  HASTINGS  WELD. 

0  God  of  our  fathers,  Thy  aid  we  implore, 

’Mid  the  storm  of  rebellion,  to  shield  us  from 
danger ; 

The  sunlight  of  union  and  peace  to  restore 

O’er  the  flag  that  defied  the  assault  of  the  stranger. 
To  the  fair  open  foe,  our  gauntlet  we  throw, 

But  the  snares  of  sedition  we  scarcely  can  know. 

Is  the  star-spangled  banner  no  longer  to  wave 
O’er  the  land  of  the  free,  and  the  home  of  the  brave? 

Thy  hand  we  confess  ;  Thou  hast  humbled  our  pride, 
And  we  trust  not  in  chariots,  or  count  upon 
horses, 

But  rest  on  the  might  and  the  wisdom  that  guide 
The  sun  in  his  path,  and  the  stars  in  their  courses. 
From  Thy  people  that  pray,  Lord,  turn  not  away ; 

Let  us  welcome  again  the  glad  national  day, 

When  the  star-spangled  banner  in  triumph  shall  wave 
O’er  the  land  of  the  free,  and  the  home  of  the  brave. 

Away  with  all  fears  that  our  hearts  might  appal, 

For  the  gloom  does  but  herald  a  happier  morrow ; 
Heaven  victory  gives,  if  we  faithfully  call, 

And  the  garment  of  joy,  for  the  spirit  of  sorrow. 
Oh,  then  be  the  praise  to  the  Ancient  of  Days, 

As,  for  God  and  our  Country,  our  voices  we  raise  ; 
And  the  star-spangled  banner  in  triumph  shall  wave 
O’er  the  land  of  the  free,  and  the  home  of  the  brave. 

Religion,  and  virtue,  and  truth  to  maintain, 

We  have  brought  forth  our  flag  before  Heaven's 
high  altar ; 

The  right  to  assert,  and  the  laws  to  sustain, 

Before  God  we  are  bound,  and  we  dare  not  to 
falter. 

Interweave  in  its  fold  the  blest  symbol  of  old, 

And  let  Calvary’s  emblem  the  standard  uphold ; 

And  the  star-spangled  banner  forever  6hall  wave 
O’er  the  land  of  the  free,  and  the  home  of  the  brave. 
Moorestown,  N.  J.,  July  4, 1861. 


THE  NATION’S  VOICE. 

BY  REV.  MARSHALL  B.  SMITH. 

No  longer  shall  our  standard 
Ignobly  trail  in  dust, 

Or  the  sword  within  its  scabbard 
Corroded  be  with  rust ; 

For  the  Nation’s  heart  is  beating 
With  quick  and  mighty  throes, 

And  the  Nation’s  hands  are  ready 
To  subdue  the  Nation’s  foes. 

From  blue  Penobscot’s  waters 
To  Potomac’s  crystal  tide, 

From  the  great  Atlantic  seaboard 
To  Nevada’s  snowy  side, 

One  mighty  voice  is  uttered, 

Like  the  thunders  of  the  sky  : 

“  ’Neath  the  Stars  and  Stripes  we’ll  rally, 
And  for  them  we  will  die. 

Though  the  colors  of  the  rebels 
Float  on  every  Southern  plain, 

We  will  tear  them  from  the  staff-head, 
And  raise  ‘  the  Stripes  ’  again. 


Though  the  enemies  of  Freedom 
Come  forth  in  all  their  might, 

In  the  strength  of  God  we’ll  meet  them, 
And  battle  for  the  right. 

We  will  rally  for  our  country, 

And  for  human  freedom,  too, 

And  bravely  meet  the  traitors 
’Neath  the  old  ‘  Red,  White,  and  Blue.’ 

“  The  spirit  of  our  fathers 
Revives  in  us  to-day, 

For  their  valor  and  their  courage 
Have  not  wholly  died  away ; 

And  the  ingrate  and  the  traitor 
Shall  know  their  power  again, 

Though  the  sands  of  Carolina 
Be  covered  with  the  slain. 

Though  the  blood  of  Northern  freemen 
In  sullen  torrents  flow, 

The  valiant  sons  of  Freedom 
Shall  lay  the  traitors  low.” 

For  God,  then,  and  your  country— 

For  freeman  and  for  slave — 

Go,  brothers,  to  the  conflict ! 

God  bless  the  true  and  brave  ! 

Passaic,  N.  J.  — N.  Y.  Tribunt. 


THE  SOUTHERN  VOLUNTEER’S  FAREWELL 
TO  HIS  WIFE. 

Fresh  from  snuff-dipping  to  his  arms  she  went, 

And  he,  a  quid  removing  from  his  mouth, 

Pressed  her  in  anguish  to  his  manly  breast, 

And  spat  twice,  longingly,  toward  the  South. 

“  Zara,”  he  said,  and  hiccup’d  as  he  spoke, 

“  Indeed,  I  find  it  most  (hie)  ’stremely  hard 

To  leave  my  wife,  my  niggers,  and  my  debts, 

And  march  to  glory  with  the  4  Davis  Guard 

“  But  all  to  arms  the  South  has  called  her  sons, 

And  while  there’s  something  Southern  hands  can 
steal, 

You  can’t  (hie)  ’spect  me  to  stay  here  at  home, 

With  heartless  duns  forever  at  my  heel. 

• 

“  To-night  a  hen-coop  falls ;  and  in  a  week 
We’ll  take  the  Yankee  Capital,  I  think ; 

But  should  it  prove  (hie)  ’spedient  not  to  do’t, 

Why,  then,  we’ll  take — in  short,  we’U  take  a  drink. 

“  I  reckon  I  may  perish  in  the  strife — 

Some  bullet  in  the  back  might  lay  me  low ; 

And  as  my  business  needs  attendin’  to, 

I’ll  give  you  some  directions  ere  I  go : 

“  That  cotton  gin  I  haven’t  paid  for  yet — 

The  Yankee  trusted  for  it,  dear,  you  know ; 

And  it’s  a  most  (hie)  ’stremely  doubtful  thing, 
Whether  it’s  ever  used  again,  or  no. 

“  If  Yankee’s  agent  calls  while  I  am  gone, 

It’s  my  (hie)  ’spress  command  and  wish,  that  you 

Denounce  him  for  an  abolition  spy, 

And  have  him  hung  before  his  note  is  due. 

“  That  octoroon — who  made  you  jealous,  love — 
Who  sews  so  well,  and  is  so  pale  a  thing ; 

She  keeps  her  husband,  Sambo,  from  his  work— 
You’d  better  sell  her — well,  for  what  she’ll  bring. 


134 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


“  In  case  your  purse  runs  low  while  I’m  away — 
There’s  Dinah’s  children  —  two  (hie)  ’spensive 
whelps ; 

They  won’t  bring  much,  the  way  the  markets  are, 

But  then,  you  know  how  every  little  helps. 

“And  there’s  that  Yankee  schoolmistress,  you  know, 
Who  taught  our  darlings  how  to  read  and  spell ; 
Now  don’t  (hie)  ’spend  a  cent  to  pay  her  bill ; 

If  she  arn’t  tarred  and  feathered,  she’ll  do  well ! 

“  And  now,  my  dear,  I  go  where  booty  calls ; 

I  leave  my  whiskey,  cotton-crop,  and  thee  ; 

Pray  that  in  battle  I  may  not  (hie)  ’spire, 

And  when  you  lick  the  niggers,  think  of  me. 

“  If  on  some  mournful  summer  afternoon 

They  should  bring  home  to  you  your  warrior  dead 
(drunk  ?) 

Inter  me  with  a  toothpick  in  my  hand, 

And  write  a  last  (hie)  jacet  o’er  my  head.” 


KENTUCKY. 

“Kentucky — she  was  the  first  State  to  enter  the  Union 
after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  ;  she  will  be  the  last 
to  leave  it.” — [  Words  inscribed  on  Kentucky' s  contribution 
to  the  Washington  Monument. J 

BY  MRS.  SOPHIA  H.  OLIVER. 

“  The  first  to  join  the  patriot  band, 

The  last  bright  star  to  fade  and  die,” 

Oh,  first-born  daughter  of  the  land, 

Wilt  thou  thy  sacred  vow  deny  ? 

By  all  the  lofty  memories  bright 

That  crown  with  light  thy  glorious  past, 

Oh,  speak  again  those  words  of  might — 

“  The  first  to  come,  to  leave  the  last.” 

The  land  for  which  our  fathers  fought, 

The  glorious  heritage  they  gave, 

The  just  and  equal  laws  they  wrought — 

Rise,  in  your  might,  that  land  to  save. 

No  parricidal  daughter  thou, 

No  stain  be  on  thy  fealty  cast, 

But  faithful  to  thy  boast  and  vow, 

“  Be  first  to  come,  to  leave  the  last.” 

Oh,  list  not  to  the  siren  voice 

That  woos  thee  to  a  traitor  cause ; 

But  answer,  “  I  have  made  my  choice ; 

I  will  support  my  country’s  laws.” 

Go,  spurn  disunion’s  foul  cabal ; 

All  party  ties  behind  thee  cast ; 

And  still  at  honor’s,  duty’s  call, 

“  Be  first  to  come,  to  leave  the  last.” 

And  land  of  high  unsullied  fame, 

Hast  thou  no  grievous  wrongs  to  right  ? 

Thy  hero ,  wrapped  in  Sumter’s  flame, 

And  conquered  in  unequal  fight ! 

Thy  banner  trampled  in  the  dust - 

Hark  !  shouts  of  freemen  swell  the  blast, 

“We  will  defend  our  flag — we  must 
*  Be  first  to  come,  to  leave  the  last.’  ” 

Land  of  my  birth  !  how  dear  to  me 
Has  ever  been  thy  spotless  fame ; 

Oh,  may  I  never ,  never  see 

The  brand  of  traitor  on  thy  name. 


Go,  gird  thee  in  thy  armor  bright ; 

Be  faithful  to  thy  glorious  past ; 

And  in  the  battle  for  the  right , 

“  Be  first  to  come,  to  leave  the  last.” 

— Cincinnati  Commercial. 

ALL  OF  THEM.* 

BY  “  S.  R.  K.” 

With  head  erect,  and  lips  compressed, 

He  throws  his  hammer  by  ; 

The  purpose  of  his  manly  breast 
I3  now  to  do  or  die. 

He  seeks  the  camp  :  “  Put  down  my  name, 

(My  boys  will  mind  the  shop  ;) 

If  the  traitors  want  my  heart’s  best  blood, 

I’ll  sell  it  drop  for  drop. 

“  And  here  comes  now  my  oldest  boy  : 

My  son,  what  would  you  do  ?  ” 

“  Father,  my  brother  will  drive  the  trade ; 

I’ve  come  to  fight  with  you.” 

“  God  bless  him  !  Well,  put  down  his  name ; 

I  cannot  send  him  home. 

But  here’s  the  other  boy,  I  see  : 

My  son,  what  made  you  come  ?  ” 

“  Father,  I  could  not  work  alone ; 

The  shop  may  go  to — grass ; 

I’ve  come  to  fight  for  the  good  old  flag ; 

Stand  off  here — let  me  pass.” 

“  Yes,  put  him  down — he’s  a  noble  boy ; 

I’ve  two  that  are  younger  still ; 

They’ll  drive  the  plough  on  the  Flushing  farm, 
And  work  with  a  right  good  will. 

“  My  God  !  and  here  comes  one  of  them  ! 

My  son,  you  must  not  go  !  ” 

“  Father,  when  traitors  are  marching  on, 

I  cannot  plough  or  sow.” 

“  Well,  thank  God,  there  is  one  left  yet; 

He  will  plough  and  sow  what  he  can ; 

But  he’s  only  a  boy,  and  can  never  do 
The  work  of  a  full  grown  man.” 

With  a  proud,  full  heart,  the  blacksmith  turned, 
And  walked  to  the  other  side, 

For  he  felt  a  weakness  he  almost  scorned, 

And  a  tear  he  fain  would  hide. 

They  told  him  then,  his  youngest  boy 
W as  putting  his  name  on  the  roll : 

“  It  must  not  be,”  said  the  brave  old  man ; 

“No,  no,  he’s  the  light  of  my  soul !  ” 

But  the  lad  came  up  with  a  beaming  face, 

Which  bore  neither  fears  nor  cares : 

“  Father,  say  nothing — my  name  is  down  ; 

I  have  let  out  the  farm  on  shares." 

And  now  they’ve  marched  to  the  tented  field, 

And  when  the  wild  battle  shall  come, 

They’ll  strike  a  full  blow  for  the  Stars  and  Stripes, 
For  God,  and  their  Country,  and  Home. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  June  1. 

*  See  page  112,  Rumors  and  Incidents,  ante. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


135 


“THE  RATTLESNAKE  BANNER.” 

BY  “w.  M.  W.” 

Sung  by  the  7,000  “  chivalry"  before  a  small  audience  of 
Northern  mudsills,  at  the  taking  of  Sumter. 

Oh,  say,  can  you  see  by  the  dawn’s  early  light, 

What  so  proudly  we  hailed  at  the  twilight’s  last 
gleaming, 

Whose  serpentine  coilings  through  the  perilous  fight, 
O’er  the  ramparts  we  watched,  were  so  gallantly 
streaming : 

And  the  rocket's  red  glare,  the  bombs  bursting  in  air, 

Gave  proof  through  the  night  that  our  snake  was 
still  there ; 

Oh,  say,  does  the  Rattlesnake  Banner  yet  wave 

O’er  the  land  of  the  Bond. ,  and  the  home  of  the 
Slave  ? 

On  the  isle  dimly  seen  through  the  mists  of  the  deep, 
Where  the  foe’s  starving  host  in  cowardice  shud¬ 
ders , 

What  is  that  which  the  breeze  o’er  the  towering  steep, 
As  it  fitfully  blows,  half  conceals,  half  uncovers  ? 

Now  it  catches  the  gleam  of  the  morning’s  first  beam, 

In  full  glory  reflected,  now  shines  on  the  stream : 

’Tis  his  suakoship,  our  Banner — oh,  long  may  it 
wave 

O’er  the  land  of  the  Bond,  and  the  home  of  the 
Slave ! 

And  where  is  the  band  who  so  Tauntingly  swore 
That  the  havoc  of  war,  and  the  battle’s  confusion, 

A  home  and  a  country  should  leave  us  no  more  ? 

The  “  invincible  South  ”  has  dispelled  their  delu¬ 
sion  ; 

The  mudsills  are  conquered — the  victory's  ours ; 

The  foe  now  acknowledges  our  chivalric  powers, 

And  the  Rattlesnake  Banner  in  triumph  doth  wave 

O’er  the  land  of  the  Bond,  and  the  home  of  the  Slave. 


But  the  Fourth  of  July  is  over, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
But  the  Fourth  of  July  is  over, 

And  Davis  does  not  return. 

Lady  Davis  calls  her  Congress, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
Lady  Davis  calls  her  Congress, 

And  mounts  the  speaker’s  chair. 

She  there  perceives  her  nigger, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
She  there  perceives  her  nigger, 

As  black  as  the  ace  of  spades. 

“  Nigger,  my  high-priced  nigger, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
Nigger,  my  high-priced  nigger, 

What  tidings  do  you  bring  ?  ” 

“  0  Gorra,  missus,  de  tidin’s, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee  ; 
0  Gorra,  missus,  de  tidin’s, 

Dey’ll  make  yer  lily  eyes  weep. 

“  Took  off  yer  summer  muslin, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
Took  off  yer  summer  muslin, 

Also  yer  more  anteek. 

“  Massa  Jeff,  is  done  gone  dead, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
Massa  Jeff,  is  done  gone  dead, 

Dead  an’  buried,  shu-ah  ! 

“  I  seed  him  shove  in  de  ground, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
I  seed  him  shove  in  de  ground, 

By  de  Abolitioners ! 


Oh,  thus  be  it  ever,  when  Slavers  shall  stand 

Between  their  loved  home  and  the  war’s  desola¬ 
tion  ; 

Blest  with  cotton  and  niggers,  may  our  Rattlesnake 
land 

Praise  the  power  that  hath  made  (?)  and  pre¬ 
served  (?)  us  a  nation. 

Then  conquer  we  must,  when  our  cause  is  so  just, 

And  this  be  our  motto — In  Davis  we  trust ! 

And  the  Star-spangled  Banner  no  longer  shall  wave 

O’er  the  land  of  the  Bond,  and  the  home  of  the  Slave. 

—  Galesburg  (.HI.)  Free  Democrat,  May  23. 


THE  SOUTHERN  MALBROOK. 

A  SONG  OF  THE  FUTURE. 

BY  R.  H.  STODDARD. 

Air — ilMulbrough  s'en  va-t-en  guerre .” 

Jeff.  Davis  has  gone  to  battle, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
Jeff.  Davis  has  gone  to  battle, 

Nor  knows  when  he’ll  return. 


“  One  follored  wid  his  message, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
One  follored  wid  his  message, 

Anoder  wid  his  letters  ob  Mark. 

“  One  carried  his  dyin’  ’fession, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
One  carried  his  dyin’  ’fession, 

Anoder  some  ’Fcd’rate  bon’s. 

“  Dey  hung  him  on  de  gallus, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee; 
Dey  hung  him  on  de  gallus, 

Under  de  Stars  an’  Stripes. 

“  Around  his  tomb  dey  planted, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee, 
Around  his  tomb  dey  planted 
De  cussed  Palmetter  tree  I 

“  Upon  de  topmost  branches, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee* 
Upon  de  topmost  branches, 

De  Turkey  buzzard  sung. 


He’ll  return  on  the  first  of  April, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee  • 
He’ll  return  on  the  first  of  April, 

Or  on  the  Fourth  of  July. 


“  We  seed  his  troubled  spirit, 
Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee, 
We  seed  his  troubled  spirit 
Fly  ober  de  Cotton  States. 


136 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


“  Secesshun  fell  to  de  ground, 

Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee ; 
Secesshun  fell  to  de  ground, 

Till  it  got  up  agin, 

“  To  sing  ob  de  victories, 

Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee, 

To  sing  ob  de  victories 
Dat  Massa  Davis  won. 

“  De  sad  occashun  ober, 

Tweedledum,  tweedledum,  tweedledee, 

De  sad  occashun  ober, 

De  folks  went  home  to  bed.” 

—  Vanity  Fair. 

■ - •  *  • - - 


SONGS  OF  THE  REBELS. 


SOUTHERN  WAR-CRY. 

Aik — “  Scots,  icha  hae .” 

Countrymen  of  Washington  ! 

Countrymen  of  Jefferson ! 

By  Old  Hick’ry  oft  led  on 
To  death  or  victory  ! 

Sons  of  men  who  fought  and  bled, 

Whose  blood  for  you  was  freely  shed, 
Where  Marion  charged  and  Sumter  led, 

Eor  freemen’s  rights  1 

From  the  Cowpens  glorious  way, 

Southron  valor  led  the  fray 
To  Yorktown’s  eventful  day, 

First  we  were  free  ! 

At  New  Orleans  we  met  the  foe  ; 

Oppressors  fell  at  every  blow  ; 

There  we  laid  the  usurper  low, 

For  maids  and  wives  ! 

Who  on  Palo  Alto’s  day, 

’Mid  fire  and  hail  at  Monterey, 

At  Buena  Vista  led  the  way  ? 

“  Rough  and  Ready  !  ” 

Southrons  all,  at  Freedom’s  call, 

For  our  homes  united  all, 

Freemen  live,  or  freemen  fall ! 

Death  or  liberty ! 

— V.  O.  Picayune. 


THE  ORDERED  AWAY. 

Dedicated  to  the  Oglethorpe  and  Walker  Light  Infantries. 

BY  MRS.  J.  J.  JACOBUS. 

At  the  end  of  each  street,  a  banner  we  meet, 

The  people  all  march  in  a  mass, 

But  quickly  aside,  they  step  back  with  pride, 

To  let  the  brave  companies  pass. 

The  streets  are  dense  filled,  but  the  laughter  is 
still’d— 

The  crowd  is  all  going  one  way ; 

Their  cheeks  are  blanched  white,  but  they  smile  as 
they  light 

Lilt  their  hats  to  the — Ordered  away. 


They  smile  while  the  dart  deeply  pierces  their  heart, 
But  each  eye  flashes  back  the  war  glance, 

As  they  watch  the  brave  file  march  up  with  a  smile, 
’Neath  their  flag, — with  their  muskets  and  lance ; 

The  cannon’s  loud  roar  vibrates  on  the  shore, 

But  the  people  are  quiet  to-day , 

As,  startled,  they  see  how  fearless  and  free 
March  the  companies — Ordered  away. 

Not  a  quiver  or  gleam  of  fear  can  be  seen, 

Though  they  go  to  meet  death  in  disguise ; 

For  the  hot  air  is  filled  with  poison  distilled 
’Neath  the  rays  of  fair  Florida’s  skies. 

Hark  !  the  drum  and  fife  awake  to  new  life 
The  soldiers  who — “  can’t  get  away 

Who  wish ,  as  they  wave  their  hats  to  the  brave, 

That  they  were  the — Ordered  away. 

As  our  parting  grows  near,  let  us  quell  back  the  tear, 
Let  our  smiles  shine  as  bright  as  of  yore  ; 

Let  us  stand  with  the  mass,  salute  as  they  pass, 

And  weep,  when  we  see  them  no  more. 

Let  no  tear-drop  or  sigh  dim  the  light  of  our  eye, 

Or  move  from  our  lips — as  they  say, 

While  waving  our  band  to  a  brave  little  band — 
Good-by  to  the — Ordered  away. 

Let  them  go,  in  God’s  name,  in  defence  of  their  fame. 
Brave  death  at  the  cannon’s  wide  mouth  ; 

Let  them  honor  and  save  the  land  of  the  brave, 
Plant  Freedom’s  bright  flag  in  the  South. 

Let  them  go  !  While  we  weep,  and  lone  vigils  keep, 
W  e  will  bless  them,  and  fervently  pray 

To  the  God  whom  we  trust,  for  our  cause  firm  but  just, 
And  our  loved  ones — the  Ordered  away. 

When  fierce  battles  storm,  we  will  rise  up  each  mom, 
Teach  our  young  sons  the  sabre  to  wield  ; 

Should  their  brave  fathers  die,  we  will  arm  them  to  fly 
And  fill  up  the  gap  in  the  field. 

Then,  fathers  and  brothers,  fond  husbands  and  lovers, 
March  !  march  bravely  on  ! — we  will  stay, 

Alone  in  our  sorrow,  to  pray  on  each  morrow, 

For  our  loved  ones — the  Ordered  away. 

Augusta,  Ga.,  April  2, 1861. 

— Macon  (Ga.)  Telegraph,  May  2. 


A  SOUTHERN  SONG. 

BY  “L.  M.” 

If  ever  I  consent  to  be  married, 

(And  who  would  refuse  a  good  mate  ?) 

The  man  whom  I  give  my  hand  to, 

Must  believe  in  the  rights  of  the  State. 

To  a  husband  who  quietly  submits 
To  negro  equality  sway, 

The  true  Southern  girl  will  not  barter 
Her  heart  and  affections  away. 

The  heart  I  may  choose  to  preside  o’er, 
True,  warm,  and  devoted  must  be, 

And  have  true  love  for  a  Union 
Under  the  Southern  Liberty  Tree. 

Should  Lincoln  attempt  to  coerce  him 
To  share  with  the  negro  his  right, 

Then,  smiling,  I’d  gird  on  his  armor, 

And  bid  him  God-speed  in  the  fight. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


137 


And  if  he  should  fall  in  the  conflict, 

His  memory  with  tears  I  will  grace ; 

Better  weep  o’er  a  patriot  fallen, 

Than  blush  in  a  Tory  embrace. 

We  girls  are  all  for  a  Union, 

Where  a  marked  distinction  is  laid 
Between  the  rights  of  the  mistress, 

And  those  of  the  kinky-haired  maid. 

—Louisville  Courier ,  June  22. 


TO  THE  WASHINGTON  ARTILLERY. 

BY  A  SOUTHERN  LADY. 

Ye  gallant  men,  march  on,  march  on, 

With  strong,  uplifted  arm, 

For  angel  hands  shall  carve  the  way, 

And  shield  ye  from  all  harm. 


And  Arkansaw,  with  her  tooth-picker, 

Will  help  us  out  a  little  quicker ; 

Get  away  1  get  away  !  get  away  !  Dixie  Land  I 

And  next,  Old  North  Carolina  State, 

And,  after  that,  what’s  good  and  great ; 

Hooray  !  hooray  !  hooray  !  Dixie  Land  ! 

When  Lincoln  gets  on  a  Southern  brake, 

We’ll  give  him  a  touch  of  the  rattlesnake  ; 

Get  away  1  get  away  !  get  away !  Dixie  Land  ! 

May  12. — Mr.  Wigfall  says  in  a  letter  to  a  friend 
in  Washington,  in  great  confidence,  that  the  Confed¬ 
erate  army  will  capture  Washington,  Lincoln,  and 
his  Cabinet,  unless  they  leave  before  the  middle  of 
June.  He  says  they  have  nearly  one  hundred  thou¬ 
sand  well-armed  troops,  and  in  less  than  two  weeks 
will  be  on  their  way  to  Washington,  and  expect  to 
winter  in  Philadelphia. — Charleston  Mercury. 


Oh,  Major  brave,  let  them  not  shrink 
In  peril  or  in  pain ; 

Let  memories  of  their  Southern  birth 
Gird  up  their  hearts  again. 

A.nd  in  the  hour  of  battle  dark, 

When  foes  stand  man  to  man, 

Then  strike,  boys,  strike  !  for  your  firesides ; 
Strike  for  your  native  land  ! 

’Tis  a  watchword  which  will  never  fail 
To  arm  them  with  a  might, 

To  follow  their  proud  leader  through 
The  thickest  of  the  fight. 


Then  onward  march,  ye  gallant  men, 

Nor  let  your  courage  pale  ; 

While  Walton  holds  the  first  command, 
There’s  no  such  word  as  fail ! 

— N.  O.  Delta ,  April  30. 


SECESSION  SONG— DIXIE  LAND. 

The  popular  “Dixie  Land”  has  been  adopted  by  the 
Secessionists,  instead  of  the  “  Star-spangled  Banner,”  as 
their  National  song.  The  Huntsville  (Ala.)  Examiner 
gives  the  version  sung  in  that  State  : — 


Away  down  South,  in  the  Carolina, 

They  have  guns  and  the  ready  rhino  ; 

Look  away  !  look  away  1  look  away  !  Dixie  Land  ! 
They’ve  the  men  to  do  the  fighting — 

There’s  no  use  in  scratchin’  and  bitin’ ; 

Hooray  1  hooray  1  hooray  1  Dixie  Land  ! 


CHORUS. 

Oh,  I’m  glad  I  am  in  Dixie  !  Hooray  !  hooray  ! 
In  Dixie  Land  I  take  my  stand, 

To  live  and  die  in  Dixie  ! 

Away  1  away  !  away  down  South  in  Dixie  ! 
Away  1  away  !  ajvay  down  South  in  Dixie  ! 


The  sovereign  State  of  Alabama 
Will  try  her  hand  before  they  lam  her ; 

Look  away  !  look  away !  look  away  !  Dixie  Land  ! 
So  will  our  Mississippi  brother, 

And  Georgia,  too,  our  mortal  mother ; 

Hooray  !  hooray  1  hooray  1  Dixie  land  ! 


And  Louisiana  then  will  come, 

And  Texas,  too,  will  help  us  some ; 

Look  away  1  look  away  !  look  away  !  Dixie  Land  ! 
Poetry — 18 


The  Two  Armies. — The  Southern  forces  consist 
of  two  distinct  armies— the  Provisional  and  the 
Regular  Confederate  armies.  The  Provisionals  are 
enlisted  for  the  space  of  twelve  months,  to  go 
wherever  they  are  ordered.  Most  of  their  forces 
belong  to  this  class,  which  is  generally  made  up  of  vol¬ 
unteer  State  militia.  Their  uniform  varies,  much  the 
same  as  the  volunteers  of  the  Northern  State  militia. 
Their  pay  is  $11  per  month.  The  services  of  all 
volunteers  who  may  offer  themselves  are  accepted. 
They  are  taken  to  Montgomery  for  inspection.  Large 
numbers  of  the  Provisional  army  are  there  en¬ 
camped,  much  to  the  annoyance  of  the  inhabitants. 
They  get  into  town  and  call  for  what  they  want,  but 
never  pay  for  any  thing.  They  drink  and  carouse 
night  and  day,  and  flourish  their  revolvers  in  the 
streets,  swearing  vengeance  on  all  Northern  men,  or 
any  men  who  dare  oppose  them.  The  citizens  do 
not  dare  to  come  into  the  streets,  as  they  do  not 
know  what  moment  they  might  receive  a  fatal  shot. 
Ladies  are  exceedingly  careful  how  they  make  their 
appearance  in  the  streets. 

The  regulars  are  enlisted  for  three  years.  These 
are  composed  of  the  lowest  class  of  the  white  popu¬ 
lation,  gathered  up  from  the  levee  of  New  Orleans, 
Mobile,  and  other  seaports— men  who  resort  to  this 
as  a  last  means  of  obtaining  a  livelihood.  Every  in¬ 
ducement  is  offered  to  them  to  enlist.  Large  placards, 
announcing  large  bounties — money  in  advance  are 
extensively  circulated  in  the  different  cities  through¬ 
out  the  whole  Southern  country.  Recruiting  offices 
are  established  in  Mobile,  Montgomery,  New  Orleans, 
and  other  smaller  towns  in  that  section,  but  the  re¬ 
cruits  do  not  come  in  as  quickly  as  was  anticipated. . 

Their  uniform  is  indeed  varied  at  present ;  but  it 
is  to  consist  of  red  flannel  shirt,  black  hat,  and  blue 
pants.  Their  pay  is  only  $7  per  month.  They  are 
the  very  hardest-looking  white  men  that  could  be  got 
together— just  like  returned  filibusters.  They  repre¬ 
sent  all  nations,  there  being  very  few  Americans 
among  them.  Men  are  very  frequently  impressed 
into  the  service. — N.  Y.  Tribune ,  May  28. 

Southern  Ideas  of  Northern  Bravery.— The 
Chinese  and  the  Yankees  are  exceedingly  alike,  and 
we  have  always  thought  that  they  were  much  more 
nearly  related  than  the  Japmese  and  the  almond- 
eyed  people  of  the  Flowery  Kingdom. 

When  a  Chinaman  prepares  for  war — measuring 
his  enemy’s  courage  by  his  own — he  attempts  to  work 
upon  his  fears.  He  puts  on  a  hideous  mask,  arms 


138 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


himself  with  a  huge  shield,  upon  which  he  paints 
some  unearthly  monster ;  and,  when  thus  accoutred, 
he  goes  forth  in  cold  sweat  to  encounter  the  enemy. 
As  soon  as  he  beholds  his  adversary,  he  utters  a  fear¬ 
ful  roar,  broadsides  his  shield,  and  if  his  opponent 
does  not  at  once  take  to  his  heels,  John  Chinaman 
always  does. 

The  wars  of  New  England  have  .always  been  con¬ 
ducted  upon  the  Chinese  plan.  To  hear  their  orators 
and  read  their  newspapers,  one  would  suppose  that 
he  was  looking  at  a  Chinaman  clothed  with  all  the 
pomp  and  circumstance  of  mask,  shield,  and  stink¬ 
pot.  The  Yankee  orators  are  only  equalled  by  the 
Yankee  editors  in  deeds  of  valor.  Let  war  be 
breathed,  and  they  first  swear  to  a  man  that  they  are 
ready  and  anxious  to  exterminate  creation,  whilst  the 
latter,  not  content,  like  Alexander,  to  sigh  for  more 
worlds  to  conquer,  threaten  to  destroy  the  laws  of 
gravity  and  lay  violent  hands  upon  the  whole  planet¬ 
ary  system.  Yet,  these  war  mandarins  are  all  mem¬ 
bers  of  the  Peace  Society,  and  would  no  more  think 
of  resenting  a  blow  on  the  cheek,  the  seduction  of  a 
wife,  or  the  dishonor  of  a  daughter,  than  they  would 
of  flying.  We  have  not  forgotten  how  all  Massachu¬ 
setts  collected  in  Boston  when  Anthony  Burns  was  to 
be  delivered  to  his  Virginia  master,  and  swore  that  it 
should  not  be  done.  A  single  file  of  soldiers,  how¬ 
ever,  marched  the  fugitive  from  State  street  to  the 
lower  end  of  Long  Wharf,  through  miles  of  streets 
packed  with  valorous  fanatics,  who  did  nothin"  but 
sing  old  Puritan  hymns,  with  a  most  hideous  and 
barbarous  disregard  to  metre. — Richmond  Exam¬ 
iner. 


The  Three  Swords. — That  indomitable  patriot, 
President  Jackson,  had,  in  his  day,  to  deal  with  se¬ 
cession.  It  was  then  called  Nullification  ;  but  it  was 
in  its  elements  secession  pure  and  simple.  He  desig¬ 
nated  it  by  its  right  name  when  he  denounced  it  as 
treason,  and  he  appreciated  its  nature  when  he  dealt 
with  it  as  such.  Had  he  been  made  of  different  stuff; 
had  he  been  less  imbued  with  patriotism;  had  he 
lacked  courage ;  had  he  been  weak  of  purpose,  or 
imbecile  from  age ;  had  he  sympathized  with  their 
objects,  or  for  years  associated  with  the  conspirators, 
taken  them  to  his  counsels,  or  yielded  to  their  influ¬ 
ences  ;  had  he  been  content  with  entreaty  where  he 
had  the  right  to  command  ;  there  would  have  been 
rebellion  in  his  time  under  the  auspices  of  Calhoun 
and  his  followers,  as  we  have  it  now  under  the  guid¬ 
ance  of  Jeff.  Davis  and  his  associates.  But  a  Jack- 
son,  and  not  a  Buchanan,  was  at  the  head  of  the 
State,  and  he  waited  not  an  hour  for  treason  to  gather 
strength.  He  throttled  it  at  once.  The  sword  and 
the  gallows  were  waiting  the  conspirators,  and  sharp 
justice  was  ready  with  its  retribution.  Treason  shrunk 
dismayed  at  these  preparations,  and  the  repose  of  the 
country  was  secured  by  the  man  who  saved  it  at  New 
Orleans. 

Jackson’s  life  was  full  of  opportunities  for  the  dis¬ 
play  of  patriotism  and  courage,  if  not  always  of  prac¬ 
tical  wisdom  and  calm  statesmanship.  lie  was  cer¬ 
tainly  to  an  unexampled  degree  an  object  of  popular 
idolatry.  Tennessee  presented  him  with  a  sword ; 
the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  gave  him  another ;  and 
the  riflemen  of  New  Orleans  endowed  him  with  a 
third.  We  mention  only  these  among  the  hundred 
other  testimonials  that  honored  his  active  career  or 
graced  his  retirement,  because  they  have  a  history 
connected  with  the  present  as  well  as  the  past, — a 
history  which,  were  the  dead  permitted  to  speak, 


would  evoke  a  voice  of  indignant  denunciation  from 
the  old  hero’s  grave. 

By  his  will,  Gen.  Jackson  bequeathed  the  first  of 
these  three  swords  to  his  nephew  and  adopted  son 
Andrew  Jackson  Donelson,  the  second  to  his  grand¬ 
son,  Andrew  Jackson,  and  the  third  to  his  grand¬ 
nephew,  Andrew  Jackson  Coffee.  The  clause  rela¬ 
tive  to  the  first  runs  thus : — 

“  Seventh— I  bequeath  to  my  well-beloved  nephew, 
Andrew  J.  Donelson,  son  of  Samuel  Donelson,  de¬ 
ceased,  the  elegant  sword  presented  to  me  by’  the 
State  of  Tennessee,  with  this  injunction ,  that  he  fail 
not  to  use  it,  when  necessary,  in  support  and  protec¬ 
tion  of  our  glorious  Union,  and  for  the  protection  of 
toe  constitutional  rights  of  our  beloved  country, 
should  they  be  assailed  by  foreign  enemies  or  domes¬ 
tic  traitors .” 

V  here  is  Andrew  J.  Donelson  now,  and  to  what 
uses  is  he  applying  this  legacy  of  his  great  kinsman, 
confided  to  his  presumed  patriotism,  accompanied  with 
so  solemn  an  injunction  ?  In  the  ranks  of  rebellion, 
fighting  against  “  our  glorious  Union  !  ”  Among 
domestic  traitors,”  battling  for  the  overthrow  of 
the  constitutional  rights  of  our  country,”  through 
the  destruction  of  the  Constitution  itself.  Again 
“  I  bequeath  to  my  beloved  grandson,  Andrew 
Jackson,  son  of  Andrew  Jackson,  Jr.,  and  Sarah,  his 
wife,  the  sword  presented  to  me  by  the  citizens  of 
Philadelphia,  with  this  injunction ,  that  he  will  always 
use  it  in  defence  cf  the  Constitution  and  our  glorious 
Union ,  and  the  perpetuation  of  our  Republican  sys¬ 
tem .” 

And  where  is  this  Andrew  Jackson,  honored  by  his 
patriotic  grandfather,  and  where  the  sword  intrusted 
to  his  keeping  ?  It  is  rusting  in  its  scabbard  at  home, 
while  treason  is  hewing  at  the  Constitution,  and  the 
cannon  of  rebellion  thundering  against  the  Union. 
The  degenerate  grandson  is  himself  on  the  side  of 
the  traitors,  aiding  by  his  influence  and  his  money  the 
conspirators  who  are  thus  in  arms  against  both,  and 
who  are  battling  for  the  overthrow  of  “  cur  republican 
system.” 

And  again : — 

“  To  my  grand-nephew,  Andrew  Jackson  Coffee,  I 
bequeath  the  elegant  sword  presented  to  me  by  the 
Rifle  Company  of  New  Orleans,  commanded  by  Capt 
Beal,  as  a  memento  of  my  regard,  and  to  bring  to  his 
recollection  the  gallant  services  of  his  deceased  father, 
Gen.  John  Coffee,  in  the  late  Indian  and  British  wars, 
under  my  command,  and  his  gallant  conduct  in  de¬ 
fence  of  New  Orleans  in  1814— ’15,  with  this  injunc¬ 
tion,  that  he  wield  it  in  protection  of  the  rights  se¬ 
cured  to  the  American  citizen  under  our  glorious 
Constitution ,  against  all  invaders,  whether  foreign 
foes  or  intestine  traitors .” 

Where,  again,  is  Andrew  Jackson  Coffee,  and  in 
what  cause  is  he  wielding  the  gift  of  his  benefactor  ? 
He  too  is  among  the  traitors,  and  the  sword  placed  in 
his  hands  for  the  “  protection  of  the  rights  secured 
to  American  citizens  under  our  glorious  Constitution,” 
is  pointed  at  the  hearts  of  loyal  men,  and  whetted  for 
the  destruction  of  that  “  glorious  Constitution  ”  that 
he  was  so  solemnly  enjoined  to  defend. 

Such  is  thus  far  the  melancholy  history  of  these 
three  swords,  each  the  legacy  of  a  great  man  to  his 
kinsmen,  and  such  the  uses  to  which  they  are  applied. 
If  facts  were  wanting  to  illustrate  the  commonplace 
touching  the  degeneracy  of  the  successors  of  great 
men,  how  abundantly  are  they  furnished  in  the  story 
of  this  will  and  its  consequences? — N.  Y.  Railv 
Times,  May  81. 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


139 


Appalachicola,  Florida. — Captain  S.  G.  Sexton, 
of  Savannah,  pilot  of  the  steamship  Florida,  and  Mr. 
William  Philips,  pilot  of  the  new  steamship  Missis¬ 
sippi,  not  yet  completed,  arrived  in  Macon  from  New 
York,  having  fled  from  New  York  for  their  lives. 
They’came  by  the  way  of  Cincinnati  and  Nashville. 
They  report  hard  times  with  some  of  the  Southern 
steamship  captains.  The  Alabama  was  seized  and 
pressed  into  Government  service,  and  Captain  Schenck 
offered  the  alternative  of  the  yard-arm  or  to  retain 
command  of  his  vessel  as  a  United  States  transport. 
He  took  the  latter,  and  is  now  carrying  troops  to  An¬ 
napolis.  Commodore  Michael  Berry,  of  the  Charles¬ 
ton  steamship  Columbia,  had  a  narrow  escape  with 
his  life.  His  ship  was  seized  in  like  manner,  and 
when  he  refused  to  go  into  service,  they  proceeded 
summarily  to  the  work  of  execution ;  but  by  good 
luck  he  slipped  his  neck  out  of  the  rope,  jumped 
overboard,  was  taken  up  by  a  steam-tug,  and  es¬ 
caped. 

A  blood-thirsty  spirit  runs  riot  in  New  York,  and 
no  man’s  life  is  safe  who  does  not  shout  for  Southern 
invasion  and  massacre.  Every  thing  which  would 
float  was  being  seized  for  the  transportation  of  troops 
South,  and  the  idea  was  to  wipe  us  all  out  in  three  to 
six  months.  Mr.  Sexton  brought  New  York  dates  to 
the  24th,  and  important  despatches  to  the  owners  of 
the  Savannah  and  New  York  steamship  lines. — Appa¬ 
lachicola  Times.  _ _ 


The  Banqor  Whig  says  that  during  a  drill  of  Capt. 
Burton’s  six-footers,  at  Oldtown,  a  few  days  ago, 
while  marching  upon  a  platform  toward  the  river, 
where  the  platform  ended,  no  order  to  halt  being 
given,  they  kept  on  until  ten  had  jumped  into  the 
river,  and  commenced  swimming.  Had  not  the  order 
been  given,  the  whole  company  would  have  followed 
them,  and  probably  kept  on  swimming  to  this  day. — 
— Boston  Transcript ,  May  23. 

A  private  of  the  U.  S.  Dragoons  engaged  in  the 
skirmish  at  Fairfax  Court  House,  says  : — “  We  were 
up  to  the  Court  House  at  3  o’clock  in  the  morning. 
On  approaching  it,  the  rebels  challenged  us  by  ask¬ 
ing,  “  Who  comes  there  ?  ”  The  answer,  “  Cavalry,’’ 
was  given.  The  next  question  was,  “  What  cavalry  ?  ” 
To  this  we  replied,  “  United  States  cavalry,”  and  at 
the  same  time  we  fired  a  volley  into  the  secessionists. 
They  then  took  to  their  heels  and  fled  through  the 
village  like  so  many  deer.  They  were  all  mounted, 
but  proved  themselves  very  inefficient  dragoons. 
We  then  returned  through  the  village,  when  we  no¬ 
ticed  in  the  twilight  a  company  of  infantry,  with  a 
field-piece,  drawn  up  to  receive  us.  Nothing  daunted, 
however,  we  immediately  charged,  and  cut  our  way 
through  them.  At  this  time  the  people  were  firing 
on  us  from  the  Court  House  and  tavern  ;  but  owing 
to  the  early  hour — it  not  yet  being  daybreak — and  to 
the  dust  which  our  horses  raised,  most  of  their  shots 
were  at  random,  and  took  no  effect.  For  the  same 
reason  we  cannot  be  positive  how  many  men  we 
killed,  although  we  do  not  think  that  the  number 
(27)  set  down  in  the  public  prints  is  exaggerated, 
from  the  fact  that  one  of  our  men,  who  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  enemy  for  a  short  time  as  a  prisoner, 
says  that  he  saw  a  great  many  bodies  taken  into  the 
Court  House.  Each  of  us  was  armed  with  a  sabre, 
carbine,  and  two  revolvers.  The  rebels  did  not  ap¬ 
pear  to  be  well  equipped,  although,  on  the  whole, 
they  ought  to  have  made  a  better  fight  of  it  than 
they  did,  as  they  outnumbered  us  six  to  one.  As 


before  remarked,  their  cavalry  ran  away  from  us  in 
the  wildest  confusion. — N.  Y.  Herald ,  June  5. 


Canadian  Opinion.— A  Quebec  paper  has  the  fol¬ 
lowing  singular  article  on  the  progess  of  events  in 
the  United  States.  Taking  this  startling  statement, 
with  some  late  editorial  remarks  of  New  York  jour¬ 
nals  in  the  extreme  Democratic  and  radical  Repub¬ 
lican  interests,  the  reader  will  feel  some  interest  in 
the  communication : — 

“  We  warn  our  readers  against  placing  implicit  re¬ 
liance  in  the  accounts  of  the  civil  war  which  come  by 
telegraph.  We  have  private  letters  from  Charleston 
and  New  Orleans,  and  we  have  others  from  St.  Louis 
and  Baltimore,  which  put  a  very  different  face  on 
matters  from  that  given  by  the  telegraphic  de¬ 
spatches.  They  all  represent  the  feeling  in  the  South 
as  one  of  the  most  intense  hatred  towards  the  North  ; 
they  speak  of  the  Baltimoreans  as  outraged  by  the 
presence  of  so  many  detested  Massachusetts  soldiers; 
they  express  the  utmost  confidence  in  the  ultimate 
victory  of  the  South,  and  they  make  light  of  the 
blockade  and  of  the  chance  of  servile  insurrection. 

“  The  telegraph  wires  all  pass  through  the  North¬ 
ern  States.  The  press  despatch  published  this  morn¬ 
ing  shows  how  the  Administration  controls  the  lines. 
And  under  these  circumstances  there  is  more  faith  to 
be  placed  in  one  letter  than  in  half  a  dozen  tele¬ 
grams.  While  the  telegraphic  despatches  from  New 
York  indicate  nothing  but  ardor  for  war,  private  ad¬ 
vices  represent  the  people  even  there  as  tired  of  the 
contest,  which  can  lead  to  nothing  but  discontent  and 
disaster.  Already  are  the  Democrats  of  the  North 
beginning  to  argue  among  themselves  that  a  strong 
central  Government  is  not  what  they  have  been  advo¬ 
cating.  Already  are  the  sympathizers  iv  ith  the  South 
beginning  to  multiply.  Already,  before  the  first 
battle,  are  the  spirits  of  the  Northerners  beginning  to 
sink.  Meanwhile,  both  in  the  North  and  the  South, 
republican  institutions  are  failing,  and  the  advocates 
of  a  change  to  a  dictatorship,  if  not  to  a  monarchy, 
are  gaining  ground.” — N.  Y.  Illustrated  NeicSy  July  6. 

Forts  and  Fortresses. — There  is  but  one  fortress 
in  the  United  States— Fortress  Monroe  ;  all  the  other 
fortified  places  defending  our  harbors  are  called  forts. 
The  distinction  betwixt  these  two  terms  is  very  wide. 
All  fortresses  are  forts  or  fortified  places ;  but  all 
forts  are  not  fortresses.  A  fort  may  be  simply  an 
advanced  work  to  protect  the  extended  lines  or  walls 
of  a  fortress.  Generally  fortresses  are  extensive  en¬ 
ceintes  for  the  reception  of  garrisons,  and  built  for 
the  protection  of  cities.  In  the  United  States  no 
extensive  fortified  places,  with  large  garrisons,  have 
been  constructed  for  the  defence  of  cities.  .  Fortin- 
cations  in  this  country  have  had  reference  principally 
to  harbor  defence. 

Fortress  Monroe,  with  its  capacity  for  a  garrison, 
(it  includes  75  acres,)  was  constructed  for  the  defence 
of  the  important  Navy  Yard  of  Gosport  and  Norfolk, 
now  in  possession  of  Virginia  or  the  Confederate  States. 
The  construction  of  the  extensive  walls  of  a  fortress 
involves  the  highest  science  of  engineering.  Not  so 
with  the  forts.  The  former  implies  polygons,  bas¬ 
tions,  curtains,  glacis,  covered  ways,  planks,  scarps 
and  counter-scarps,  ravelins,  redans,  redoubts,  and  the 
whole  vocabulary  of  engineering  science.  Add  to  this 
idea  a  vast  enceinte ,  or  circumvallation,  to  contain  a 
large  garrison  of  troops,  and  a  fortress  rises  to  its  pro¬ 
portionate  majesty.  A  full  garrison  for  Fortress  Mon¬ 
roe  is  3,000  men. — National  Intelligencer ,  June  6. 


140 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


PATRIOTIC  SONG. 

Tune — “  British  Grenadiers." 

Up,  up,  ye  gallant  freemen  ! 

Hear,  hear  the  traitors  call : 

“  We’ll  plant  our  flag  at  Washington, 

Float  it  o’er  Faneuil  Hall !  ” 

“  Never  !  ”  from  out  a  million  throat ; 

Leaps  ready  answer  true  ; 

Huzza  !  huzza  !  huzza !  huzza ! 

For  the  Stripes  and  Starry  blue  ! 

The  sun,  in  rising,  touches 
The  6pire  on  Bunker  Hill, 

And  on  the  Heights  of  Dorchester 
At  eve  lies  calm  and  still, 

And  as  of  old,  beneath  their  shades 
Beat  loyal  hearts  and  true  ; 

Huzza  !  huzza  !  huzza  !  huzza  ! 

For  the  Stripes  and  Starry  blue  ! 

Green  lie  the  plains  of  Lexington, 

Watered  with  patriot  gore  ; 

Sires  of  such  sons  as  lately  fell 
In  traitorous  Baltimore ; 

And  hearts  like  theirs  by  thousands  come, 
And  freedom’s  vow  renew  ; 

Huzza  !  huzza !  huzza !  huzza ! 

For  the  Stripes  and  Starry  blue  ! 

Our  faith,  and  love,  and  patience, 

Have  long  been  sorely  tried  ; 

“  Let  us  alone,”  the  haughty  South 
With  insolence  have  cried  ; 

And  while  they  cry,  the  murderous  shot 
O’er  gallant  Sumter  flew ; 

Huzza  !  huzza  !  huzza  !  huzza  ! 

For  the  Stripes  and  Starry  blue  ! 

From  city,  farm,  and  workshop, 

Now  countless  legions  pour, 

To  stand  beneath  the  noble  flag 
Raised  by  their  sires  of  yore ; 

Their  country  calls,  they  onward  press, 

And  still  the  shout  renew ; 

Huzza  !  huzza  !  huzza  !  huzza  ! 

For  the  Stripes  and  Starry  blue  ! 

— Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  Jane  1. 


THE  BATTLE-CRY. 

Look  there  !  the  beacon’s  crimson  light 
Is  blazing  wide  and  far, 

And  sparkles  in  its  towering  height 
The  rocket’s  signal-star. 

Rise  !  rise  !  the  cannon  rolls  at  last 
Its  deep  and  stern  reply, 

And  heavier  sleep  is  coming  fast, 

Than  seals  the  living  eye. 

And  now  the  warning  trumpet  peals  ! 
The  battle’s  on  the  way ; 

The  bravest  heart  that  moment  feels 
The  thrilling  of  dismay ; 

Around  the  loved,  in  shrinking  fear, 
Love’s  straining  arms  are  cast ; 

The  heart  is  in  that  single  tear, 

That  parting  is  the  last. 


A  thousand  windows  flash  with  fires, 

To  light  them  through  the  gloom, 

Before  the  taper’s  flame  expires, 

To  glory  or  the  tomb  ; 

Tar  down  the  hollow  street  rebounds 
The  charger’s  rattling  heel ; 

And,  ringing  o’er  the  pavement,  sounds 
The  cannon’s  crushing  wheel. 

Then  answers  to  the  echoing  drum 
The  bugle’s  stormy  blast ; 

With  crowded  ranks  the  warriors  come, 

And  bands  are  gathering  fast ; 

Red  on  their  arms  the  torch-light  gleams, 

As  on  their  footsteps  spring, 

To  perish  ere  the  morning  beams, 

For  death  is  on  the  wing. 

The  courier,  in  his  arrowy  flight, 

Gives  out  the  battle-cry ; 

And  now  march  on  with  stern  delight, — 

To  fall  is  not  to  die. 

Already  many  a  gallant  name 
Your  country’s  story  bears  ; 

Go,  rival  all  your  fathers’  fame, 

Or  earn  a  death  like  theirs. 

— 2V.  Y.  Express,  J tune  12. 


HYMN  FOR  A  F  L  A  G  -  R  A I S I N  G . 

BY  MRS.  HARRIET  BEECHER  STOWE. 

At  the  raising  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes  over  Andover 
Seminary,  on  the  5th,  the  following  hymn,  written  for  the 
occasion  by  Mrs.  H.  B.  Stowe,  was  sung  to  the  tune  of 
“America”  : 

Here,  where  our  fathers  came, 

Bearing  the  holy  flame 
To  light  our  days — 

Here,  where  with  faith  and  prayer 
They  reared  these  walls  in  air, 

Now,  to  the  heavens  so  fair, 

Their  flag  we  raise. 

Look  ye,  where  free  it  waves 
Over  their  hallowed  graves, 

Blessing  their  sleep ; 

Now  pledge  your  heart  and  hand, 

Sons  of  a  noble  land, 

Round  this  bright  flag  to  stand, 

Till  death  to  keep. 

God  of  our  fathers  !  now 
To  Thee  we  raise  our  vow — 

Judge  and  defend ; 

Let  Freedom’s  banner  wave, 

Till  there  be  not  a  slave — 

Show  Thyself  strong  to  save 
Unto  the  end. 


THE  SOLDIER’S  HYMN. 

Tune — “Old  Hundred." 

0  God  of  our  fathers,  on  the  earth, 

Girt  for  the  fight,  Thy  servants  stand  ; 
Oh,  bless  us,  ere  the  trumpet  sound, 

With  strength  from  Thy  almighty  hand. 

The  cloud  of  war  comes  from  the  South  ; 

The  battle-storm  bursts  o’er  our  heads  ; 
Our  starry  flag  a  rainbow  bright, 

A  glory  round  our  pathway  sheds. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


141 


Our  fathers’  spirits  watch  that  flag, 

They  left  to  us  without  a  stain  ; 

We  take  their  motto  in  our  hearts — 

“  To  die  for  Liberty  is  gain.” 

And  when  victorious  we  return, 

Oh,  may  those  folds  be  pure  and  free, 

As  when  our  father  W ashington 
Gave  us  our  Flag  and  Liberty. 

Thou  God  of  Battles,  hear  our  prayer  ! 

From  Western  plains  to  Eastern  coasts, 
Strong  in  Thy  blessing  forth  we  march, — 

Our  trust  is  in  the  Lord  of  Hosts. 

— Hampshire  (Mass.)  Gazette ,  June  11. 


GENERAL  HARNEY. 

BY  “LEXINGTON.” 

Come,  now,  a  cheer  for  Harney, 

The  valiant  and  the  true  ! 

Faithful  among  the  faithless, 

Give  him  the  honor  due. 

Rebellion  wooed  and  threatened  ; 

Friends,  kindred,  claimed  his  aid ; 

And  soon  the  wronging  whisper  ran, 

“  By  him,  too,  we’re  betrayed  1 

“  And,  like  the  hoary  traitor 
Of  Pascagoula’s  shore, 

Like  Lee,  and  Chase,  and  Beauregard, 

He  breaks  the  oath  he  swore  1  ” 

But  he  wavered  not  an  instant ; 

On  the  old  flag  he  gazed, 

With  thoughts  of  those  old  battle-fields 
Where  its  Stars  and  Stripes  had  blazed  ; 

And  he  swore  by  all  that  touches 
A  loyal  soldier’s  heart, 

To  stand  by  that  bright  banner 
Till  life  and  he  should  part. 

So,  then,  a  cheer  for  Harney  ! 

Long  may  he  live  to  see 
The  flag  he  perils  all  to  save, 

Wave  o’er  a  people  free ! 

—Boston  Transcript. 


THE  CHARGE  ON  THE  TWELVE  HUNDRED; 

OB,  THE 

FAIRFAX  STAMPEDE. 

Twelve  hundred  “  gentlemen,”  real  F.  F.  V.’s, 
Taking  at  Fairfax  their  elegant  ease, 

Early  one  morning,  aroused  by  a  drum, 

Mustered  to  slay  forty-five  of  “  the  scum." 

Daring  Twelve  Hundred ! 

What  did  those  fire-eating  gentlemen  do, 

Who  were  in  numbers  as  fifty  to  two  ? 

Say,  did  they  pitch  the  vile  underbred  foe 
Straight  to  the  place  where  the  bad  people  go  ? 

Furious  Twelve  Hundred ! 

Oh,  not  at  all ;  and  that  wasn’t  the  worst : 

Into  their  camp  the  vulgarians  burst, 

This  way  and  that  way  like  centaurs  they  wheeled, 
While  from  the  battle-shock  helplessly  reeled 
Treason’s  Twelve  Hundred ! 


Some  of  the  “  heroes”  broke  cover,  and  fled  ; 
Several  who  didn’t,  were  knocked  on  the  head  ; 
Others,  caught  up  by  their  soap-locks,  were  borne 
Off  from  the  battle-ground  captives  forlorn. 

Hapless  Twelve  Hundred ! 

Twenty  or  thirty  were  “  wiped  out,”  and  five  _ 
Sneaked  from  the  village,  much  scared,  but  alive ; 
What  of  the  rest  of  those  Bayards  became, 

Has  not  been  breathed  by  the  trumpet  of  Fame, 
Ill-used  Twelve  Hundred ! 

Brave  F.  F.  V.’s,  how  your  passions  must  boil ! 
Scattered  like  sheep  on  that  “  sacredest  soil,” 
Upset  by  “  mudsills,”  unpedigreed  loons, 

Twelve  hundred  licked  by  a  troop  of  dragoons ! 

Nonplussed  Twelve  Hundred ! 

Henceforth,  0  “  chivalry,”  be  not  so  proud  ; 

If  you  are  panic-proof,  don’t  say  it  loud ;  ^ 

Don’t  call  us  Northmen  mere  “dastardly  hordes;” 
Think,  how  from  forty-five  Northerners’  swords, 
Fled  your  Twelve  Hundred  ! 

Though  we  may  not  be  all  “  gentlemen  born,” 
Don’t  upon  that  account  laugh  us  to  scorn ; 
Scoffers,  believe  us,  “  elite  ”  of  the  South 
Oftentimes  laugh  on  the  wrong  side  the  mouth ; 

Ask  the  Twelve  Hundred  ! 

Look  at  our  muscles,  all  strung  for  the  right ; 
Look  in  our  eyes,  full  of  terrible  light ; 

Though  we’ve  no  serfs  to  turn  pale  at  our  nod, 
Yet  we  can  fight  for  home,  Freedom,  and  God, 
Four  to  One  Hundred  ! 

—  Vanity  Fair. 


PRO  PATRIA. 

INSCRIBED  TO  TEEE  SECOND  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 
REGIMENT. 

BY  rnOMAS  BAILEY  ALDRICH. 

I. 

The  grand  old  earth  shakes  at  the  tread  of  the  Norse¬ 
men, 

Who  meet,  as  of  old,  in  defence  of  the  true ; 

All  hail  to  the  stars  that  are  set  in  their  banner ! 

All  hail  to  the  red,  and  the  white,  aDd  the  blue  ! 

As  each  column  wheels  by, 

Hear  their  hearts’  battle-cry, — 

It  was  Warren’s, — 'Tis  sweet  for  our  country  to  die  1 

ii. 

Lancaster  and  Coos,  Laconia  and  Concord, 

Old  Portsmouth  and  Keene,  send  their  stalwart 
young  men ; 

They  come  from  the  plough,  and  the  loom,  and  the 
anvil, 

From  the  marge  of  the  sea,  from  the  hill-top  and 
glen. 

As  each  column  wheels  by, 

Hear  their  hearts’  battle-cry, — 

It  was  Warren’s, — 'Tis  sweet  for  our  country  to  die  l 

hi. 

The  prayers  of  fair  women,  like  legions  of  angel3, 
Watch  over  our  soldiers  by  day  and  by  night ; 


142 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


And  the  King  of  all  Glory,  the  Chief  of  all  Armies, 
Shall  love  them  and  lead  them  who  dare  to  be  right ! 
As  each  column  wheels  by, 

Hear  their  hearts’  battle-cry, — 

It  was  Warren’s, — ’ Tis  sweet  for  our  country  to  die  ! 

— A".  Y.  Tribune,  June  21. 


TO  THE  THIRD  REGIMENT  OF  MAINE. 

BY  W.  C.  BAKER. 

When  the  robber  and  assassin 
Stealthily  at  midnight  crept 
On  each  dear  and  sacred  object 
That  beside  us  fondly  slept, 

How  we  rouse  us  to  protect  them, 

Springing  on  to  their  defence — 

All  unheeding  our  own  safety, 

Till  we  drive  the  robber  hence. 

Thus  did  you,  brave  sons  of  Maine-land, 
When  you  heard  your  country’s  call, 

Rise,  and  in  one  mighty  accent, 

Answer,  “We  are  ready,  all.” 

Ready  now,  and  all  united, 

To  repel  the  rebel  foe, 

From  the  wood,  the  field,  the  workshop, 
Came  the  glad  response,  “  We  go.” 

On,  ye  gallant  sons  Dirego  ! 

Help  sustain  our  drooping  flag ; 

Meet  the  traitor  at  his  threshold ; 

Down  his  rebel  ensign  drag. 

On  your  arms  our  nation’s  fate  hangs; 

Rally  for  its  flag  and  laws ; 

The  God  of  Battles  will  go  with  you, 

In  this  glorious,  holy  cause. 

—N.  Y.  Herald,  June  7. 

“GOOD-BYE,  BOYS— I’M  GOING!” 
TIIE  DYING-  WORDS  OF  A  VOLUNTEER. 
BY  MARY  A.  DENISON. 

The  battle  raged  with  fiercest  heat ; 

The  guns  unloosed  their  thunder ; 

Shame  on  the  cowardly  retreat ! 

Shame  for  the  cruel  blunder  ! 

Along  the  ground  the  hissing  ball 
Ploughed  deep — black  furrows  throwing, 
When  faintly  came  the  dying  call 
Of  “  Good-bye,  boys— I’m  going !  ” 

Brave  volunteer  !  Upon  his  brow 
Death’s  chilly  dews  were  creeping ; 

The  lagging  blood  ran  slower  now, 

And  many  a  man  was  weeping ; 

Yet,  as  they  knelt,  ’mid  bullet-rain, 

Their  eyes  with  vengeance  glowing, 

Came  up  the  sobbing  cry  again, 

Ot  “  Good-bye,  boys — I’m  going  !  ” 

Great  soul !  No  wish,  no  coward  word, 

No  vain  regret  was  spoken  ; 

And  they  who  loved  him,  silent  heard — 

Their  very  hearts  were  broken. 

Oh,  let  it  be  their  warrior-cry, 

The  vilest  traitor  showing 
How  calmly  brave  our  men  can  die, 

ith  “  Good-bye,  boys — I’m  going  !  ” 

—Boston  Transcript,  J  uno  21. 


THE  HEMPEN  CRAVAT. 

BY  R.  H.  STODDARD. 

The  Southern  costume — have  you  heard  of  it,  6irs  ? _ 

Is  a  single  shirt-collar,  and  a  big  pair  of  spur’s  ; 

’Tis  airy  for  summer,  there’s  no  doubt  of  that,’ 

But  not  half  so  neat  as  a  hempen  cravat. 

To  begin  with  the  collar :  suppose  a  long  march 
In  the  hot,  broiling  sun,  what  becomes  of  the  starch  ? 
M  hy,  it  wilts  down  with  sweat, — a  nasty  thing,  that, 
Which  is  never  the  case  with  the  hempen  cravat ! 

Their  spurs  may  be  good  till  a  battle  begins, 

But  won’t  they  be  likely  to  scratch  their  own  shins 
When  they  come  to  retreat  ?  for  they  may  come  to 
that, 

But  they  cannot  retreat  with  the  hempen  cravat ! 

Oh,  the  hempen  cravat  is  an  elegant  thing  ! 

For,  once  on  your  neck,  it  gives  you  full  swing ; 

These  hot  Southern  gentlemen  ought  to  like  that, 

I  or  they  all  want  to  swing — in  the  hempen  cravat ! 

’Tis  as  cheap  as  ’tis  useful,— a  blessing,  to-day, 
hen  the  South,  owing  millions,  has  nothing  to  pay; 
So,  to  show  our  good  will,  (they’ve  but  little  of 
that,) 

We’ll  furnish  them,  gratis,  the  hempen  cravat ! 

We  try  it  on  Pat,  when  he  snatches  a  knife, 

And  slithers  the  wind-pipe  of  mother,  or  wife ; 

He  was  crazy  with  whiskey, — no  matter  for  that ; 

He  must  die  like  a  dog  in  the  hempen  cravat ! 

V  hat  is  Pat’s  little  frolic,  to  what  they  have  done? 
’Tis  the  foulest  conspiracy  under  the  sun  : 

The  treason  of  Arnold  was  nothing  to  that, 

Yet  he  richly  deserved  the  hempen  cravat ! 

They  plotted,  like  him,  with  no  wrongs  to  repay ; 

How  could  they  be  wronged,  when  they  had  their  own 
way? 

They  bullied  the  North, — we  submitted  to  that, 

And,  once  in  a  while,  to  the  hempen  cravat ! 

They  wasted  our  treasure,  by  putting  in  Cobb 
To  shell  it  out  freely,— in  other  words,  rob  ; 

When  the  country  was  bankrupt— he  brought  us  to 
that—  b 

He  resigned,  and  ran  off  from  the  hempen  cravat ! 

We  had  a  few  arsenals,  so  they  employed 
A  traitor  to  empty  them — Brigadier  Floyd ; 

He  sent  our  arms  South,  for  this  and  for  that, 

And  stripped  us  of  all — but  the  hempen  cravat ! 

Our  gold  in  their  pockets,  our  guns  in  their  hands, 

Of  course  we  must  listen  to  all  their  demands : 

They  will  break  up  the  Union — what  say  ye  to  that  ? 
My  answer,  brave  boys,  is,  the  hempen  cravat ! 

By  the  blood  of  our  sires,  that  on  Bunker’s  old  hill 
W  as  poured  out  like  water,  (it  flows  in  us  still !) 

We  will  crush  them  or  perish,  (no  danger  of  that !) 

™  ith  sword,  and  with  shot,  and  the  hempen  cravat ! 

Should  we  happen  to  meet  with  these  bold  pirateers, 
They  11  find  a  queer  slip-knot  tied  under  their  ears, 

And  swift  at  the  yard-arm — a  gallus  place,  that ! — 

They  11  dance  a  gay  jig  in  the  hempen  cravat ! 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


143 


Then  work  all  your  rope-walks,  and  working  them, 
sing, 

“  Oh,  the  hempen  cravat  is  a  wonderful  thing  !  ” 
Who  can  mention  a  better,  may  take  my  old  hat, 

But  till  then  I  go  in  for  the  Hempen  Cravat ! 


How  the  B’s  Stung  the  Chivalry. — An  intelli¬ 
gent  officer  of  the  28th  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  H.,  writ¬ 
ing  from  Arlington  Heights,  gives  an  interesting  ac¬ 
count  of  an  interview  he  had  with  the  five  rebel 
prisoners  brought  into  camp  by  Lieut.  Tompkins  and 
his  dragoons,  of  Company  B,  on  the  morning  of  their 
capture.  He  says  the  “  chivalry  ”  behaved  in  a  very 
unmanly  manner,  begging  in  the  most  abject  style  for 
their  lives,  and  protesting  that  they  only  served  in 
the  rebel  ranks  upon  compulsion.  One  of  their 
officers  declared,  if  he  could  only  be  liberated  this 
time,  he  would  swear  fealty  to  the  Union,  and  never 
set  his  foot  in  a  slave  State  again. 

We  give  an  extract  from  the  letter,  from  which  it 
will  be  perceived  that  the  charge  of  the  dragoons  left 
a  lively  impression  upon  the  minds  of  the  secession¬ 
ists  : — 

“  Their  account  of  the  fight  was  amusing.  I  will 
give  you  one,  from  notes  written  secretly  twenty 
minutes  after  I  heard  it.  It  is  nearly  verbatim  : — 

“  ‘  Talk  about  fighting  !  whew,  my  G-d  !  One 
company  of  them  reg’lars,  or  you  New  York  fellows, 
can  whip  a  thousand  of  our  men ;  by  G-d,  that’s  so  ; 
I’ll  swar  it  on  a  Bible.  You  ought  to  have  seen  ’em. 
Look  heyar,  reckon  I  wanted  to  get  out  of  the  way. 
Sure’s  you’re  born,  they’re  just  like  devils — they  don’t 
mind  shots.  Lord,  they  went  down  the  street,  where 
they  cut,  an’  slashed,  an’  shot  Our  boys  run  like  the 

devil — then,  J - s,  you  ought  to  have  seen  ’em  cut 

up  the  street  again — like  blue  devils — it  makes  my 
blood  cold  to  think  of  it.  They  shot  every  way — 
knocked  us  from  our  hosses,  took  our  pistols  and 
sabres  away — my  G-d,  how  they  fit.  Why,  sir,  I’ll 
swar  on  a  Bible,  them  South  and  North  Carolina  fel¬ 
lows  that’s  with  us  ain’t  no  account.  They  won’t 
obey  nobody — no  discipline — you’ll  lick  them  every 
time.’ 

“  There  was  much  more  of  the  same  sort,  and  I  send 
you  this  specimen,  profanity  and  all  included,  so  you 
may  know  what  the  rebel  prisoners  think,  and  how 
they  talk.  I  asked  him  what  the  rebels  thought  of  our 
volunteers. 

“  ‘  Well,’  said  he  in  reply,  ‘  they  think  you  New 
York  men  are  just  as  bad  as  the  reg’lars,  but  they 
hain’t  much  opinion  of  the  rest.’  ” — V.  Y.  Tribune , 
June  8. 


RICHMOND  TnE  SOUTHERN  CAPITAL. 

May  23. — The  Capital  of  the  Southern  Confed¬ 
eracy  is  to  be  removed  to  Richmond.  A  more  ad¬ 
mirable  location  could  not  be  found.  Its  beautiful 
and  commanding  position,  its  facilities  for  ready  com¬ 
munication  with  all  parts  of  the  South,  its  healthful 
climate,  and  its  obvious  advantages  in  a  military  point 
of  view,  commend  the  soundness  of  the  selection 
which  has  been  made. 

Nature  seems  to  have  designed  Richmond  for  the 
central  seat  of  a  great  empire.  Its  advantages  for 
commercial  and  manufacturing  greatness  are  unri¬ 
valled  on  this  continent.  As  the  Capital  of  the  Old 
Dominion,  it  has  claims  which  will  appeal  to  multi¬ 
tudes  of  Southern  hearts.  Virginia  may  not  have 
been  first  in  the  present  Southern  movement,  but  she 
was  first  in  the  great  movement  which  established  the 


liberties  and  independence  of  America,  and  she  is 
behind  no  other  in  maintaining  a  position  which  she 
has  once  assumed.  If  a  majority  of  Union  men  was 
at  one  time  found  in  her  borders,  it  is  no  less  true 
that,  when  the  real  purposes  of  Lincoln  were  made 
known  to  Virginia,  that  majority,  with  exceptions  so 
few  and  contemptible  that  they  do  not  deserve  to  be 
noticed,  threw  themselves  at  once  in  solid  mass  into 
the  front  rank  of  resistance,  where  they  may  now  be 
found,  as  every  camp  will  testify,  and  this  day’s  vote 
will  prove,  as  intrepid  and  as  loyal  friends  ot  South¬ 
ern  independence  as  gallant  South  Carolina  ever  was 
in  the  hottest  days  of  secession. 

We  shall  welcome  with  great  pleasure  the  arrival 
in  Richmond  of  that  eminent  body  of  statesmen  and 
soldiers  who  compose  the  Montgomery  Government. 
The  President,  Jefferson  Davis,  is  a  tower  of  strength 
in  himself.  He  has  the  iron  will  of  Andrew  Jack- 
son,  all  of  Jackson’s  nerve,  energy,  and  decision,  and 
even  more  than  his  military  knowledge  and  general 
education.  Indeed,  apart  from  his  great  qualities  as 
a  commander,  he  is  a  statesman  in  every  way  quali¬ 
fied  to  guide  the  helm  of  the  ship  of  State  in  the 
wildest  storm  that  ever  swept  the  ocean.  He  has  not 
only  great  foresight,  judgment,  and  fertility  of  re¬ 
sources,  but  a  wonderful  composure  of  spirit,  keep¬ 
ing  self-poised  and  self-possessed  in  the  most  agitating 
moments ;  and  there  is  about  the  man,  evident  in 
every  line  of  the  firm  and  lofty  countenance,  an  ele¬ 
vation  of  soul  which  attests  him  a  gentleman,  and 
commands  universal  respect  and  confidence.  A  bril¬ 
liant  civic  and  military  staff  will  probably  accompany 
the  President,  including,  perhaps,  the  famous  Beau¬ 
regard,  who,  we  understand,  will  soon  take  command 
on  an  important  line  of  operations  in  Virginia.  Our 
city,  therefore,  bids  fair  to  become,  before  long,  a 
scene  of  stirring  interest,  worthy  of  inaugurating  the 
magnificent  history  of  the  future  Capital  of  the  South¬ 
ern  Confederacy. — Richmond  (Fa.)  Dispatch ,  May 
23. 


Southern  Repudiation. — The  Legislature  of  Ten¬ 
nessee  has  passed  the  following  repudiation  bill : — 

“  Sec.  1.  Be  it  enacted  by  the  General  Assembly 
of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  That  no  persons  in  any 
non-slaveholding  State,  their  agents  or  attorneys  in 
this  State,  shall  have  power  to  sue  or  collect  any 
moneys  owing  to  or  any  property  claimed  by  the  citi¬ 
zens  of  any  such  State  in  Tennessee  during  hostilities 
between  Tennessee  and  the  Federal  Government. 

“  Sec.  2.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  it  may  and 
shall  be  lawful  for  such  debtors  to  pay  such  moneys 
into  the  Treasury  of  the  State,  which  sums  shall  be 
receipted  for  by  the  Treasurer,  and  shall  be  refunded 
with  interest  upon  the  cessation  of  hostilities.” 

A  similar  bill  has  been  passed  by  the  Legislature 
of  Arkansas.  Georgia  adopted  a  similar  course  of 
dishonesty  a  month  ago. — N.  Y.  Evening  Dost, 
May  27.  _ 

June  20. — A  new  spy  system  has  been  discovered 
and  broken  up  at  Washington.  It  appears  that  let¬ 
ters  have  been,  nearly  every  day,  collected  and  car¬ 
ried  down  the  Potomac,  to  a  point  some  thirty  miles 
from  the  Capital,  whence  they  have  been  sent  off  in 
small  ferry  boats,  and  so  forwarded  to  Jeff.  Davis. 
The  Government  has  also  detected  the  presence  of  a 
lot  of  female  spies  at  Washington,  in  the  pay  of 
Beauregard.  This  latter  is  certainly  a  most  danger¬ 
ous  class  of  public  enemies,  and  one  that  ought  to  be 
rigorously  suppressed.  “A  thing  of  beauty”  is  by 


144 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


no  means  “  a  joy  forever,”  when  it  undertakes  to  do 
the  dirty  work  of  a  very  dirty  rebellion. 

When  lovely  woman  6toops  to  folly, 

And  strives  her  country  to  betray, 

It  is  not  a  proceeding  jolly, 

However  Southern  rebels  pay. 

Because,  if  lovely  woman’s  taken 
In  such  a  base  and  shameful  sin, 

Her  chance  is  slim  to  save  her  bacon, 

And  very  slim  to  get  her  tin. 

— Boston  Sat.  Evening  Express ,  June  29. 

A  Lesson  to  Secessionists. — A  thrilling  incident 
occurred  when  the  secession  steamer  came  down  to 
Fortress  Monroe  with  the  refugees  from  Norfolk. 
There  were  several  secessionists  on  board  as  passen¬ 
gers,  under  the  flag  of  truce,  beside  the  commander 
and  officers,  who  were  formerly  in  the  well-paid  and 
honorable  service  of  the  United  States.  Soon  after 
she  had  come  alongside  the  noble  old  Cumberland, 
Commodore  Pendergrast,  in  full  view  of  the  Stars 
and  Stripes  on  the  ship  and  at  Fortress  Monroe,  the 
State  of  Georgia  came  steaming  in,  with  her  decks, 
upper  works,  wheel-houses,  and  rigging  covered  with 
a  fresh  arrival  of  brave  Union  troops.  She  passed 
close  by  the  Cumberland,  almost  jamming  in  the  se¬ 
cession  craft,  and  hiding  her  little  flag  under  the 
shadow  of  the  two  great  vessels.  Then  arose  such 
cheers  as  patriots  only  can  give,  rolling  along  over 
the  waters  until  they  were  heard  far  up  along  the 
ramparts  of  the  fortress  and  the  camps  of  the  shore. 

The  rigging  of  the  Cumberland  was  instantly 
manned  in  reply,  and  such  vociferous  shouts  as  the 
Yankee  tars  gave  back  !  It  would  have  made  your 
venerable  senior  editor’s  heart  grow  young  again  to 
have  heard  them.  Then,  to  crown  the  whole,  the 
splendid  marine  band  of  the  Cumberland  struck  up 
with  spirit  the  “  Star-spangled  Banner,”  and  played 
it  gloriously  as  the  troops  steamed  by  to  the  soil  of 
the  Old  Dominion.  It  was  a  good  work  for  the  State 
of  Georgia  to  do,  and  well  done  for  the  Empire 
State. 

There  stood  little  ex-Lieutenant  Hunter,  in  com¬ 
mand  of  his  small  secession  craft,  with  his  diminished 
and  dishonored  flag  cast  entirely  into  the  shadow  of 
the  Stripes  and  Stars.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
miserable-looking  men  you  ever  saw — trotting  to  and 
fro  over  his  Lilliputian  decks,  from  wheel-house  to 
wheel-house,  now  looking  here,  now  there,  as  if  he 
wanted  to  find  the  smallest  kind  of  a  knot-hole  into 
which  to  creep. — Baltimore  American ,  June  15. 


The  following  significant  circular  has  been  issued 
from  Charleston,  S.  C. : — 

“  Whenever  the  slaves  in  the  Gulf  States  arc  in¬ 
cited  to  servile  insurrections,  and  the  prospect  bids 
fair  for  their  being  converted  into  demons  incarnate, 
then  the  slave-owners  in  the  South  wTill  be  found 
ready  to  sacrifice  every  slave  from  whom  danger  may 
be  apprehended.  Willing  hands  will  be  found  ready 
to  execute  the  bloody  deed.  Before  Southern  men 
will  suffer  themselves,  their  wives  and  little  ones  to 
be  butchered,  and  their  daughters  worse  than  butch¬ 
ered,  by  fiends  in  human  form  ;  before  they  will  suf¬ 
fer  to  any  considerable  extent  the  horrors  of  servile 
insurrections,  the  Gulf  streams  will  be  crimson  with 
the  gore,  and  every  Southern  river  choked  with  the 
festering  carcasses  of  slaves.” — Boston  Sat.  Evening 
Express ,  June  29. 


The  following  bit  of  rhyme  is  thought  to  explain 
“  the  fitness  of  things”  in  Jeff.  Davis’s  Proclamation 
of  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer: — 

“  Jeff.  Davis’s  last  Proclamation  shows  reason _ 

A  thing  very  rare  in  Jefferson’s  mouth — 

For  the  “  birthday  of  Scott  ”  he  appoints  as  a  season 
Of  fasting  and  prayer— /or  the  South." 

— Boston  Sat.  Evening  Express ,  June  29. 

The  Last  American  Flag  in  New  Orleans.— Mr. 
Richard  lairchild,  lately  from  New  Orleans,  mentions 
the  following  incident “  As  late  as  the  22d  of  Febru¬ 
ary  last,  Mr.  Fairchild  saw  a  gentleman  proceed  from  St. 
Charles  street,  down  to  Front  Levee  street,  and  there 
raise  a  large  American  flag,  on  which  was  inscribed, 
under  two  hands  clasped,  the  words,  “  United  we 
stand,  divided  we  fall.”  The  announcement  of  this 
defiant  act  created  intense  excitement  among  the  se¬ 
cessionists,  who  assembled  in  front  of  the  St.  Charles 
Hotel,  and  proceeded  in  a  body  to  the  levee  with  the 
purpose  of  taking  down  the  flag.  They  found,  how¬ 
ever,  some  hundreds  of  determined  men  surrounding 
the  flag-staff,  all  armed,  and  many  with  rifles,  and 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  keeping  the  old  flag  fly¬ 
ing  on  the  birthday  of  the  Father  of  his  Country. 
They  were  undisturbed,  and  the  bunting  waved  until 
night,  when  it  was  voluntarily  taken  down.  This  is 
the  last  instance,  so  far  as  Mr.  F.  is  aware,  of  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  being  displayed  in  New  Orleans.” — 
Banner  of  the  Covenant ,  June  15. 


TnE  Saver  of  Fort  Pickens  in  Prison. — Silently 
awaiting  his  doom,  in  the  prison  of  Montgomery,  is 
an  officer  of  the  U.  S.  Navy,  whose  existence  seems 
to  be  forgotten  by  his  country  and  his  friends.  A 
sad,  brief  note  about  him  was  placed  in  my  hands 
ten  minutes  since,  and  I  cannot  resist  the  impulse  to 
put  the  statement  of  his  case  at  the  head  of  my  let¬ 
ter.  “  The  poor  fellow,”  writes  an  Alabama  seces¬ 
sionist,  “  has  no  money  and  no  friends  here.  The 
little  capital  he  had  has  been  paid,  from  time  to  time, 
for  food  and  trivial  comforts  to  the  family  of  his 
jailer.”  The  subject  of  this  paragraph  is  one  of  the 
most  efficient  officers  in  the  service,  and  came  to  be 
imprisoned  in  this  way : — The  Government  at  Wash¬ 
ington— which  never  mentions  him  in  his  despatches 
— sent  Mr.  Worden  from  the  National  Capital  ex¬ 
pressly  to  order  the  reinforcement  of  Fort  Pickens. 
His  despatches  were  addressed  to  Capt.  Adams,  of 
the  Sabine. 

He  arrived  safely  at  Pensacola — at  Warrington — at 
the  head-quarters  of  Gen.  Bragg,  on  the  very  dav 
that  Gen.  Bragg,  Commodore  Ingraham  of  the  Con¬ 
federate  Navy,  and  Capt.  Adams  of  the  Sabine,  had 
dined  together.  Worden,  fearing  trouble,  read  his 
orders  two  or  three  times,  committed  them  to  mem¬ 
ory,  and  tore  them  up.  He  told  Bragg  he  was  a 
courier  from  the  U.  S.  Government  to  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  United  States  naval  forces  in 
Florida,  and  wanted  to  go  on  board  the  Sabine. 
“  You  can  go  on  one  condition,  sir,”  said  the  General. 
“I  cannot  observe  any  condition,  General  Bragg,” 
replied  the  officer ;  “  my  position  in  the  United  States 
service  forbids  it.”  “  But  I  have  an  understanding 
with  Capt.  Adams,”  said  the  General.  “  I  cannot 
help  it,”  interrupted  the  Lieutenant ;  “  I  merely 
asked  to  go  on  board  that  vessel,  and  if  you  can  allow 
me,  I  would  deem  it  a  great  favor.” 

After  some  consultation,  Mr.  Worden  was  permit¬ 
ted  to  go  on  board.  He  delivered  his  instructions 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


145 


verbally  on  a  certain  morning.  At  10  o’clock  that 
night  they  were  obeyed.  Pickens  was  reinforced. 
A'miscellaneous  collection  of  army  soldiers,  marines, 
and  sailors,  augmented  Lieut.  Slemmer’s  command  ; 
and  Worden  did  his  duty.  But,  very  rashly,  he 
thought  Bragg  would,  on  his  return,  let  him  outside 
the  Southern  line  unmolested.  He  proposed  to  go 
on  shore  ;  Capt.  Adams  first  objected,  but  finally  ac¬ 
quiesced. 

The  brave  Worden  shoved  off  in  his  little  boat, 
and  landed.  A  complete  change  had  taken  place  in 
the  spirit  of  the  chivalrous  Bragg.  The  reinforce¬ 
ment  enraged  him.  Just  while  a  spy  was  narrating 
the  circumstances  of  the  midnight  adventure  swell¬ 
ing  out  hundreds  into  thousands — the  Lieutenant 
appeared.  He  was  secured,  imprisoned,  sent  to 
Montgomery,  and  there  he  is.  No  one  has  spoken 
or  written  any  thing  about  him ;  and  no  one  seems 
to  care  whether  he  lives  or  dies. — N.  Y.  Tribune. 

- - •  e  - - 


SONGS  OF  THE  REBELS. 


PENSACOLA— TO  MY  SON. 

by  “m.  s.” 

Beautiful  the  land  may  be, 

Its  groves  of  palm,  its  laurel  trees ; 

And  o’er  the  smiling,  murm’ring  sea, 

Soft  may  blow  the  Southern  breeze — 
And  land,  and  sea,  and  balmy  air, 

May  make  a  home  of  beauty  there. 

And  bright  beneath  Floridian  sky, 

The  world  to  thy  young  fancy  seems : 

I  see  the  light  that  fills  thine  eye  ; 

I  know  what  spirit  rules  thy  dreams ; 

But  flower-gemmed  shore,  and  rippling  sea, 
Are  darker  than  the  grave  to  me. 

For  storms  are  lowering  in  that  sky, 

And  sad  may  be  that  fair  land’s  doom  ; 
Full  soon,  perhaps,  the  battle-cry 

May  wake  the  cannon’s  fearful  boom, 
And  shot  and  shell  from  o’er  the  waves, 
May  plough  the  rose’s  bed  for  graves. 


And  I  will  not  retract — ah,  no  ! — 

What,  in  my  pride  of  home,  I  said, 

That  “/  would  give  my  son  to  go 
Where'er  our  Hero  Ruler  led!" 

The  mother’s  heart  may  burst,  but  still 
Make  it,  0  God,  to  know  Thy  will ! 

New  Orleans,  May  1, 1861.  — A.  O.  Delta. 


A  MOTHER  SENDING  THREE  SONS  TO  THE 
ARMY. 

BY  “L.  F.” 

A  mother  sends  her  jewels, 

Three  gems  from  out  her  store ; 

What  would  you  ask,  0  countrymen  ! 

What  coulcl  she  give  you  more  ? 


0  soldiers,  then,  who  leave  your  homes, 

For  battle-field  and  strife, 

Remember  her  who  gave  her  three ! 

The  jewels  of  her  life. 

She’ll  pray  for  you,  for  them,  for  all ; 

Her  heart  is  brave  and  true ; 

Be  honor  yours  throughout  the  fight, 

The  victor’s  wreath  your  due. 

She’d  go  with  you  to  heal  your  wounds. 

But  daughters  hold  her  here  ; 

Their  brothers’  swords  they’ve  girded  on, 
Though  not  without  a  tear. 

Their  prayers  will  waft  you  on  your  way, 
The  prayers  of  sisters  true  ; 

May  God’s  protecting  care  surround 
The  patriot’s  cause  anew. 

New  Orleans,  April  25.  —A.  O.  Picayune. 


A  BEAUTIFUL  POEM. 


The  rare  merit  and  appositeuees  of  the  following  mas¬ 
terpiece  of  Mr.  Hope’s  patriotic  muse  will  strike  every 
mind  The  author  is  one  of  the  most  gifted  of  the  poets 
of  America,  and  has  a  heart  as  true  and  bold  as  his  pen  is 
briclit  and  beautiful. 


A  POEM  WHICH  NEEDS  NO  DEDICATION. 
BY  JAMES  BARRON  HOPE. 


And  we,  whose  dear  ones  cluster  there, 

We  mothers,  who  have  let  them  go — 

Our  all,  perhaps — how  shall  we  bear 
That  which  another  week  may  show  ? 

The  love  which  made  our  lives  all  gone, 

Our  hearts  left  desolate  and  lone ! 

Country  ! — what  to  me  that  name, 

Should  I  in  vain  demand  my  son  ? 

Glory  ! — what  a  nation’s  fame  ? 

Home  ! — home  without  thee,  I  have  none. 
Ah,  stay — this  Southern  land  not  mine  ? 

The  land  that  e’en  in  death  is  thine ! 

A  country’s  laurel  wreath  for  thee, 

A  hero's  grave — my  own !  my  own ! 

And  neither  land  nor  home  for  me, 

Because  a  mother's  hope  is  gone  ? 

Traitor  I  am  !  God’s  laws  command, 

That,  next  to  Heaven,  our  native  land  ! 
Poetry — 19 


What !  you  hold  yourselves  as  freemen! 

Tyrants  love  just  such  as  ye  ! 

Go  !  abate  your  lofty  manner  ! 

Write  upon  the  State’s  old  banner, 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  ! " 

Ii. 

Sink  before  the  Federal  altars, 

Each  one,  low,  on  bended  knee ; 
Pray,  with  lips  that  sob  and  falter, 

This  prayer  from  a  coward’s  Psalter : 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  l  ” 

hi. 

But  you  hold  that  quick  repentanco 
In  the  Northern  mind  will  be ; 


146 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


This  repentance  comes  no  sooner 
Than  the  robber’s  did  at  Luna.* 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

IV. 

lie  repented  him  ;  the  Bishop 
Gave  him  absolution  free — 

Poured  upon  him  sacred  chrism 
In  the  pomp  of  his  baptism. 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

v. 

He  repented  ;  then,  he  sickened — 

Was  he  pining  for  the  sea? 

In  extremis  he  was  shriven, 

The  Viaticum  was  given  :• 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

VI. 

Then,  the  old  cathedral’s  choir 
Took  the  plaintive  minor  key, 

With  the  Host  upraised  before  him, 

Down  the  marble  aisle  they  bore  him. 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

VII. 

And  the  Bishop,  and  the  Abbot, 

And  the  monks  of  high  degree, 

Chanting  praise  to  the  Madonna, 

Came  to  do  him  Christian  honor. 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

VIII. 

Now,  the  Miserere’s  cadence 
Takes  the  voices  of  the  sea ; — 

As  the  music-billows  quiver, 

See  the  dead  freebooter  shiver  ! 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

IX. 

Is  it  that  those  intonations 
Thrill  him  thus  from  head  to  knee  ? 

So  !  his  cerements  burst  asunder  ! 

’Tis  a  sight  of  fear  and  wonder  ! 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

x. 

Fierce  he  stands  before  the  Bishop — 

Dark  as  shape  of  Destinie  ! 

Hark  !  a  shriek  ascends,  appalling  ! 

Down  the  prelate  goes,  dead — falling ; 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

XI. 

Hasting  lives  !  He  was  but  feigning  ! 

What !  Repentant !  Never  he  ! 

*  The  incident  with  which  I  have  illuEtrated  my  opinion 
of  the  policy  of  those  who  would  have  ua  wait  for  a  “  reac¬ 
tion  at  the  North,”  may  be  found  in  Milmaris  Latin 
Christianity,  vol.  iii.,  p.  183. 


Down  he  smites  the  priests  and  friars, 

And  the  city  lights  with  fires. 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

XII. 

Ah  !  the  children  and  the  maidens, 

’Tis  in  vain  they  strive  to  flee  ! 

Where  the  white-haired  priests  lie  bleeding, 
Is  no  place  for  tearful  pleading. 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

XIII. 

Louder  swells  the  frightful  tumult ; 

Pallid  Death  holds  reverie  ; 

Dies  the  organ’s  mighty  clamor, 

By  the  Norseman’s  iron  hammer. 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

XIV. 

And  they  thought  that  he  repented ! 

Had  they  nailed  him  to  a  tree. 

He  had  not  deserved  their  pity, 

And — they  had  not  lost  their  city. 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

xv. 

There’s  a  moral  in  this  story, 

Which  is  plain  as  truth  can  be : 

If  we  trust  the  North’s  relenting, 

We  will  shriek,  too  late,  repenting: 

“  A  furore  Normanorum, 

Libera  nos,  0  Domine  !  ” 

— •H’.  O.  Picayune. 


A  WAR  SONG  FOR  VIRGINIA. 

Sound,  Virginia,  sound  your  clarion, 

From  your  serried  ranks  of  war  ! 

Fall  in  line  with  State  of  Marion, 

And  your  glittering  falchion  draw  ! 

Onward,  onward,  then,  to  battle  ! 

For  bright  freedom  points  the  way ; 

Though  the  grape-shot  thickly  settle, 
Onward,  onward,  to  the  fray  ! 

Though  each  Northern  squadron  dashes 
On,  as  wave  up  to  the  rock — 

Though  each  foeman’s  sword-blade  flashes, 
Onward,  onward,  meet  the  shock  ! 

Love  of  freedom,  honor,  glory, 

Makes  each  freeman’s  arm  a  host ; 

This  we  are  taught  by  minstrel  story, 
Tyrants  learn  but  at  their  cost. 

Look,  and  see  “  proud  Edward’s  power,” 
Crushed  by  Bruce  at  Bannockburn ; 

See  of  Austria’s  host,  the  flower 
Bite  the  dust  by  Lake  Lucerne. 

Mark  the  Persian  hordes  parading, 
Rushing,  flee  from  Marathon  ! 

And  the  British  lion  invading, 

Crouching  to  your  Washington. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


147 


So,  Virginia,  sound  your  clarion, 

From  your  serried  ranks  of  war  ! 

Fall  in  line  with  State  of  Marion, 

And  your  glittering  falchion  draw  ! 

For  the  banner  which  once  floated 
Over  Freedom’s  native  land — 

Flag,  to  which  you  are  devoted, 

Is  borne  by  a  tyrant’s  band. 

Save,  oh,  save  it  from  pollution, 

Though  your  noblest  sons  fall  dead  ! 

Save  it,  though  in  revolution 
All  its  stars  with  blood  be  red  ! 

Then,  with  “  Southern  Cross  ”  emblazon 
Its  blue  field  in  colors  bold, 

So  that  we  may  proudly  gaze  on 
Fifteen  clustering  stars  of  gold. 

— Richmond  Enquirer. 


TO  TEE  TORIES  OF  VIRGINIA. 

“  I  speak  this  unto  your  shame.” 

In  the  ages  gone  by,  when  Virginia  arose 
Her  honor  and  truth  to  maintain, 

Her  sons  round  her  banner  would  rally  with  pride, 
Determined  to  save  it  from  stain. 

No  heart  in  those  days  was  so  false  or  so  cold, 

That  it  did  not  exquisitely  thrill 
With  a  love  and  devotion  that  none  would  withhold, 
Until  death  the  proud  bosom  should  chill. 

Was  Virginia  in  danger  ?  Fast,  fast  at  her  call, 

From  the  mountains  e’en  unto  the  sea, 

Came  up  her  brave  children  their  mother  to  shield, 
And  to  die  that  she  still  might  be  free. 

And  a  coward  was  he,  who  when  danger’s  dark  cloud 
Overshadowed  Virginia’s  fair  sky, 

Turned  a  deaf,  careless  ear,  when  her  summons  was 
heard, 

Or  refused  for  her  honor  to  die. 

Oh  !  proud  are  the  mem’ries  of  days  that  are  past, 
And  richly  the  heart  thrills  whene’er 
We  think  of  the  brave,  who,  their  mother  to  save, 
Have  died,  as  they  lived,  without  fear. 

But,  now ,  can  it  be  that  Virginia’s  name 
Fails  to  waken  the  homage  and  love 
Of  e’en  one  of  her  sons  ?  Oh  !  cold,  cold  must  be 
The  heart  that  her  name  will  not  move. 

When  she  rallies  for  freedom,  for  justice,  and  right, 
Will  her  sons,  with  a  withering  sneer, 

Revile  her,  and  taunt  her  with  treason  and  shame, 

Or  say  she  is  moved  by  foul  fear  ? 

Will  they  tell  her  her  glories  have  fled,  or  grown 
pale  ? 

That  she  bends  to  a  tyrant  in  shame  ? 

Will  they  trample  her  glorious  flag  in  the  dust, 

Or  load  with  reproaches  her  name  ? 

Will  they  fly  from  her  shores,  or  desert  her  in  need  ? 

Will  Virginians  their  backs  ever  turn 
On  their  mother,  and  fly  when  the  danger  is  nigh, 
And  her  claim  to  their  fealty  spurn  ? 


False,  false  is  the  heart  that  refuses  to  yield 
The  love  that  Virginia  doth  claim  ; 

And  base  is  the  tongue  that  could  utter  the  lie, 

That  charges  his  mother  with  shame. 

A  blot  on  her  ’scutcheon  !  a  stain  on  her  name  ! 

Our  heart’s  blood  should  wipe  it  away ; 

We  should  die  for  her  honor,  and  count  it  a  boon, 
Her  mandates  to  heed  and  obey. 

But  never,  oh,  never,  let  human  tongue  say 
She  is  false  to  her  honor  or  fame  ! 

She  is  true  to  her  past — to  her  future  she’s  true — 
And  Virginia  has  never  known  shame. 

Then  shame  on  the  dastard,  the  recreant  fool, 

That  would  strike ,  in  the  dark ,  at  her  now ; 

That  would  coldly  refuse  her  fair  fame  to  uphold, 
That  would  basely  prove  false  to  his  vow. 

But  no !  it  cannot — it  can  never  be  true, 

That  Virginia  claims  one  single  child, 

That  would  ever  prove  false  to  his  home,  or  his  God, 
Or  be  with  foul  treason  defiled. 

And  the  man  that  could  succor  her  enemies  now , 
Even  though  on  her  soil  he  were  born, 

Is  so  base,  so  inhuman,  so  false,  and  so  vile, 

That  Virginia  disowns  him  with  scorn ! 

— Richmond  Examiner ,  May  18. 


Lieut.  Greble’s  Gallant  Conduct  at  Great 
Bethel. — The  Philadelphia  Inquirer  has  details  of 
the  part  borne  by  Lieut.  Greble  in  the  Great  Bethel 
affair.  It  is  printed  verbatim  from  the  rough  notes 
of  a  friend  of  Lieut.  Greble,  who  kindly  furnished 
them  for  the  purpose  : — 

As  soon  as  the  confusion  arising  from  the  mistake 
(the  cross  firing)  was  over,  Gen.  Pierce  ordered  the 
troops  to  advance.  No  scouts  were  thrown  out,  nor 
were  troops  aware  of  the  vicinity  of  the  enemy’s  bat¬ 
teries  until  they  came  within  their  fire.  Lieut.  Gre¬ 
ble  was  ordered  to  unlimber  his  gun.  He  advanced, 
firing  his  gun  alternately,  until  he  came  within  two 
hundred  yards  of  the  masked  battery  of  the  rebels. 

Soon  after  the  firing  commenced,  he  was  left  alone 
with  his  original  command  of  eleven  men,  in  an  open 
road,  the  volunteers  having  retreated  before  the  tell¬ 
ing  fire  of  the  rifled  cannon. 

He  worked  his  guns  until  he  had  silenced  all  those 
of  the  enemy,  except  one  rifled  cannon. 

The  Zouaves  made  a  demonstration,  and  only  de¬ 
sired  permission  to  storm  the  fort,  but  no  general 
officer  was  seen  from  the  commencement  of  the  ac¬ 
tion,  and  1,500  were  kept  lying  on  the  ground,  for 
an  hour  and  forty  minutes,  waiting  for  a  command. 

Lieut.  Greble  stood  the  brunt  of  the  action  for  two 
hours  ;  he  was  begged  by  several  officers  to  retreat, 
but  he  refused.  Lieut.  Butler  asked  him  at  least  to 
take  the  same  care  of  himself  that  the  rest  did,  and 
dodge.  He  replied,  “  I  never  dodge,  and  when  I 
hear  the  notes  of  the  bugle  calling  a  retreat,  I  shall 
retreat,  and  not  before.”  The  enemy  made  a  sortie. 
Lieut.  Greble  said  to  Capt.  Bartlett,  who  was  standing 
alongside  of  him,  “  Now,  Charley,  I  have  something 
to  fire  at,  just  see  how  I  will  make  them  scamper.” 
He  immediately  loaded  with  grape,  and  fired,  when 
the  enemy  at  once  retreated  behind  their  intrench- 
ment. 

Seeing  himself  left  entirely  alone,  with  five  men  at 
his  own  gun,  he  turned  to  Corporal  Peoples,  and  said; 


148 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


“  All  he  could  do  would  be  useless — limber  up 
the  gun  and  take  it  away.”  At  this  moment  a  shot 
struck  him  on  the  left  temple.  He  immediately  fell, 
and  his  only  exclamation  was,  “  Oh  !  my  gun  !  ”  The 
same  ball  went  through  the  body  of  another  man,  and 
took  the  leg  off  a  third. 

Throughout  the  firing  he  had  sighted  every  gun 
himself,  and  examined  the  effect  of  every  shot  with 
his  glass.  It  was  remarked  by  his  own  men,  that 
every  ball  was  placed  in  the  very  spot  that  he  aimed 
for.  The  men  say  that  he  exhibited  the  same  cool¬ 
ness  that  he  would  on  parade. 

The  enemy  did  not  come  out  again  until  the  Fede¬ 
ral  troops  had  been  withdrawn  a  half  hour. 

Lieut.  _  Greble  did  not  spike  his  gun,  but  kept  it 
charged  in  preparing  to  withdraw  his  command.  The 
sergeant  spiked  it  after  the  lieutenant  was  killed. 


hauled  down  from  where  it  had  so  long  waved  and 
the  renegade  Renshaw  run  his  sword  through  it 
venting  his  spleen  upon  the  flag  which  had  so  long 
kept  him  from  starvation.  Human  nature  could  not 
stand  it,  and  the  brave  woman,  seizing  the  flag  took 
her  scissors  and  cut  from  it  the  Union,  telling  them 
that  the  time  was  not  far  distant  when  she  would  re¬ 
place  it  unsullied  ;  but  for  the  stripes,  she  left  them  as 
their  legacy,  being  their  just  deserts.— Phila.  Press. 


Tiie  Mobile  Tribune  proposes  “  Cousin  Sally  ”  as  a 
pet  name  for  the  Confederate  States.  The  name  is 
rather  efteminate,  but  then  her  male  fire-eating  cou¬ 
sins  could  very  appropriately  be  called  Sally-manders. 
— Louisville  Journal,  June  17. 

REPUDIATION. 

’Neath  a  ragged  palmetto,  a  Southerner  sat, 
A-twisting  the  band  of  his  Panama  hat, 

And  trying  to  lighten  his  mind  of  a  load, 

By  humming  the  words  of  the  following  ode : 

“  !  for  a  nigger  !  and  oh  !  for  a  whip  ; 

Oh  !  for  a  cocktail !  and  oh  !  for  a  nip  ; 

Oh  !  for  a  shot  at  old  Greeley  and  Beecher  ! 

Oh  !  for  a  crack  at  a  T  ankee  school-teacher  ! 

Oh  !  for  a  captain  !  and  oh  !  for  a  ship  ; 

Oh  !  for  a  cargo  of  niggers  each  trip  !  ” 

And  so  he  kept  oh-ing  for  all  he  had  not, 

Not  contented  with  owing  for  all  that  he’d  got. 

— N.  Y.  Tribune ,  June  17. 

Memphis,  Tenn.,  June  6. — John  Beman  is  the 
name  of  the  watchman  on  the  steamer  Morrison,  who 
was  hung  near  Mound  City.  He  was  a  native  of  Nor¬ 
way,  came  to  this  county  in  1811,  and  lived  in  Bos¬ 
ton,  where  he  has  children.  He  was  first  examined 
by  a  committee,  was  proven  to  have  said  that  he 
hoped  Lincoln  would  come  down  the  river  and  take 
every  thing ;  that  he  would  die  rather  than  live  in  the 
Southern  States,  and  much  more  of  the  same  sort, 
that  it  is  needless  to  repeat.  The  committee  proposed 
to  forgive  him  if  he  would  take  an  oath  to  support 
the  Southern  States.  He  indignantly  repelled  the 
proposition,  and  said  he  would  die  first.  Finding 
that  he  was  determined  and  malignant,  they  threw  a 
rope  over  the  limb  of  a  tree,  and  strung  him  up  25 
feet,  where  he  was  hanging  last  night.— Jfemphis 
( lenn .)  Bulletin,  June  7. 


a  heroine. 

June  10. — A  short  time  since,  Mr.  Harry  Robins 
from  Illinois,  settled  with  his  family  in  Y ork  county5 
near  lork  River,  Ya.  A  few  weeks  since  he  was 
waited  upon  by  a  company  of  secessionists,  and  ac¬ 
cused  of  entertaining  views  friendly  to  the  Union. 

.  "^'®r  teaping  insults  upon  him,  and  threatening 
him  with  violence,  the  rebels  quitted  the  place.  For 
two  days,  however,  parties  were  seen  lurking  about 
the  place,  and  at  last  Mr.  Robins,  not  feeling  safe 
managed  to  make  his  escape  to  Fortress  Monroe,  and 
claimed  protection  from  Gen.  Butler,  which  was  cor¬ 
dially  granted. 

On  the  day  of  the  engagement  at  Bethel.  Mr. 
Robins  took  his  place  in  the  ranks,  acted  as  a  guide 
and  did  the  duty  of  a  soldier  on  the  field  in  the  thick- 
fs*  %ht  on  that  occasion,  hoping,  as  he  said, 

We  might  be  able  to  get  far  enough  up  into  the 
country  to  enable  him  to  get  his  family ;  ”  but  he  was 
doomed  to  be  disappointed,  as  the  retreat  cut  off  all 
hopes  of  accomplishing  his  object. 

On  the  night  of  the  11th  inst.,  Mrs.  Robins,  finding 
her  house  was  still  watched,  and  that  Col.  Magrudei^ 
at  Yorktown,  had  offered  a  thousand  dollars  reward 
lor  her  husband,  dead  or  alive,  and  that  it  was  the 
intention  of  the  rebels  to  take  her  and  her  three  little 
children  to  Yorktown  and  incarcerate  them  in  the 
jail,  fled  from  the  house.  For  two  nights  she  slept 
under  a  bridge,  and  on  the  second  night,  about  two 
o  clock  in  the  morning,  while  her  children  lay  under 
the  bridge  asleep,  she  sallied  out  and  succeeded  in 
finding  a  small  boat,  into  which  she  put  her  three 
children,  and,  with  the  aid  of  her  little  boy,  only 
twelve  years  of  age,  succeeded  in  rowing  across  the 
lork  river,  a  distance  of  three-fourths  of  a  mile 
against  a  strong  current.  ’ 

On  landing,  she  made  her  way  to  the  house  of  a  Mr. 

1  hilhps,  whom  she  found  to  be  the  rankest  kind  of  a 
secessionist.  Knowing  her  company,  she  was  sud¬ 
denly  taken  with  an  implacable  hatred"  to  the  Northern 
xankees,  and  finally  left  her  warm  secession  friends 
without  being  suspected. 

She  then  made  her  way  through  the  woods,  a  dis¬ 
tance  of  some  seven  miles  to  Fortress  Monroe  and 
laying  down  on  the  sand  on  the  beach,  with  her’chil- 
dren,  she  slept  until  daylight,  and  then  reported  her¬ 
self  to  Gen.  Butler. 


There  are  many  little  incidents  illustrating  the  love 
displayed  by  some  for  the  power  under  which  they 
have  been  nurtured  from  the  cradle  to  the  present 
time,  and  gives  some  assurance  that  all  will  soon  be 
’‘veil.  One  incident  so  reminded  me  of  the  spirit  of 
the  women  of  ’76,  that  I  must  relate  it.  It  may  be  that 
you  have  heard  it  before,  but  it  will  bear  repetition : 

It  appears  that  when  Captain  Armstrong  was  about 
to  surrender  the  yard  at  Pensacola,  his  daughter,  after 
vain  endeavors  to  persuade  him  not  so  to  act  de¬ 
manded  of  him  a  dozen  men,  and  she  would  protect 
•  a,ce  unt*l  aid  came ;  but  no — he  was  a  traitor 
m  his  heart,  and  must  so  act ;  the  dear  old  flag  was 


In  passing  through  the  woods,  she  had  to  take  one 
ot  her  little  children  and  carry  it  on  a  piece,  and  lay 
it  down,  and  then  go  back  for  the  other— the  little 
boy  keeping  watch  over  the  little  one  while  his  moth¬ 
er  went  ahead  with  the  other. 

Mrs.  Robins  reports  that  there  are  about  thirty 
thousand  men  between  Yorktown  and  Big  Bethel; 
that  several  companies  had  come  down  from  Rich¬ 
mond  to  assist  the  rebels  in  case  of  another  attack 
upon  Big  Bethel. 

Her  statement  about  the  number  of  the  troops  be¬ 
tween  l  orktown  and  Big  Bethel  is  also  corroborated 
by  the  flag  of  truce  which  was  sent  out  by  Col.  Dur- 
yea  to  look  after  the  dead  and  wounded  which  were 


RUMORS  AND  INCIDENTS. 


149 


left  behind,  at  the  time  of  the  retreat. — N.  Y.  Ex¬ 
press,  June  19. _ 

FIDDLESTRING  NOTES. 

BY  FIDELIA. 

Oh,  most  puissant  General  Pillow, 

Just  hang  that  gun  upon  a  willow, 

Or  else  prepare  yourself  instead, 

To  be  a  Pillow  without  a  head. 

Beriah  Magoffin, 

You  traitorous  ruffin , 

I’m  sure  the  community  think  that  you  ought, 
With  kickin’  and  cuffin’, 

Laid  flat  as  a  muffin, 

To  have  a  good  stuffin’ 

Of  powder  and  shot.  -Buffalo  Courier. 


FLAG-RAISING  AT  FORT  CORCORAN. 

Arlington  Heights,  May  30. — The  Sixty-ninth 
New  York  regiment,  having  transplanted  their  flag¬ 
staff  from  Georgetown  College  to  their  new  camp  on 
Arlington  Heights,  celebrated  the  raising  of  the  Stars 
and  Stripes.  Near  sun-set,  Col.  Corcoran  having  as¬ 
sembled  all  the  troops,  numbering  over  thirteen  hun¬ 
dred,  not  on  duty,  he  introduced  Col.  Hunter,  of  the 
Third  Cavalry  U.  S.  Army,  who  has  j  ust  been  assigned 
the  command  of  the  brigade  of  the  aqueduct,  consist¬ 
ing  of  the  Fifth,  Twenty-eighth,  and  Sixty-ninth  New 
York  regiments,  and  the  detachments  in  the  vicinity. 
Col.  Hunter  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm,  and 
Col.  Corcoran  made  some  patriotic  allusions  to  the 
Flag,  and  was  loudly  cheered.  Capt.  Thos.  F. 
Meagher,  having  been  called  upon,  made  a  brief  but 
high-toned  and  patriotic  address,  showing  the  devo¬ 
tion  Irishmen  should  bear  to  that  flag  which  brought 
succor  to  them  in  Ireland  ;  and  to  which,  upon  land¬ 
ing  in  this  country,  they  swore  undivided  allegiance. 
He  was  heartily  applauded  throughout. 

Col.  Corcoran,  having  announced  that  Mr.  Savage’s 
new  national  song  would  be  sung,  introduced  the 
author,  who  was  received  with  loud  cheering.  After 
it  subsided,  he  sung  the  following,  the  whole  regi¬ 
ment  present  joining  in  the  choruses  : — 

the  starry  flag. 

A  NATIONAL  SONO,  BY  JOHN  SAVAGE. 

Air — “  Dixie's  Land." 

Oh,  the  Starry  Flag  is  the  flag  for  me  ! 

’Tis  the  flag  of  life  !  the  flag  of  the  free  ! 

Then  hurrah,  hurrah ! 

For  the  Flag  of  the  Union ! 

Oh,  the  Starry  Flag,  &c. 

We’ll  raise  that  starry  banner,  boys, 

Hurrah,  hurrah ! 

We’ll  raise  that  starry  banner,  boys. 

Where  no  power  in  wrath  can  face  it ! 

On  town  and  field, 

The  people’s  shield, 

No  treason  can  erase  it ! 

O’er  all  the  land 
That  flag  must  stand, 

Where  the  people’s  might  shall  place  it. 

That  flag  was  won  through  gloom  and  woe  ! 

It  has  blessed  the  brave  and  awed  the  foe ! 

Then  hurrah,  hurrah ! 

For  the  Flag  of  the  Union. 

That  flag  was  won,  &c. 


We’ll  raise  that  starry  banner,  boys — 

Hurrah,  hurrah ! 

We’ll  raise  that  starry  banner,  boys, 

Where  the  Stripes  no  hand  can  sever ! 

On  fort  and  mast 
We’ll  nail  it  fast, 

To  balk  all  base  endeavor  ! 

O’er  roof  and  spire, 

A  living  fire, 

The  Stars  shall  blaze  forever. 

’Tis  the  people’s  will,  both  great  and  small, 

The  rights  of  the  States,  the  Union  of  all ! 

Then  hurrah,  hurrah ! 

For  the  Flag  of  the  Union  ! 

’Tis  the  people’s  will,  &c. 

We’ll  raise  that  starry  banner,  boys — 

Hurrah,  hurrah ! 

We’ll  raise  that  starry  banner,  boys — 

Till  it  is  the  world’s  wonder  ! 

On  fort  and  crag 
We’ll  plant  that  flag, 

With  the  people’s  voice  of  thunder  ! 

We’ll  plant  that  flag, 

Where  no  hand  can  drag 
Its  immortal  folds  asunder  ! 

We  must  keep  that  flag  where  it  e’er  has  stood, 
In  front  of  the  free,  the  wise,  and  the  good  ; 
Then  hurrah,  hurrah  ! 

For  the  Flag  of  the  Union  ! 

We  must  keep  that  flag,  &c. 

We’ll  raise  that  starry  banner,  boys — 

Hurrah,  hurrah ! 

We’ll  raise  that  starry  banner,  boys, 

On  field,  fort,  mast,  and  6teeple  ! 

And  fight  and  fall, 

At  our  country’s  call, 

By  the  glorious  flag  of  the  people  ! 

In  God,  the  just, 

We  place  our  trust, 

To  defend  the  flag  of  the  people. 

The  effect  of  some  foui’teen  hundred  voices  thun¬ 
dering  forth  the  refrain,  was  one  of  the  most  exciting 
and  inspiriting  we  have  ever  witnessed.  At  the  close 
the  utmost  enthusiasm  prevailed,  and  three  cheers  for 
John  Savage  were  given.  Lieut. -Col.  Nugent,  Lieut. 
E.  K.  Butler,  and  Father  T.  J.  Mooney,  the  popular 
chaplain  of  the  Sixty-ninth,  by  song  and  sentiment 
contributed  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  occasion. — 
National  Intelligencer ,  June  1. 


If  the  impending  war  be  the  most  ruthless  ever 
waged,  the  consciences  of  our  enemies  must  bear  the 
guilt  of  the  anguish,  and  misery,  and  blood.  Their 
course  from  the  beginning  of  the  great  movement 
has  been  marked  by  the  meanest  arts,  the  hugest 
falsehoods,  the  most  indecent  abuse,  the  harshest  ac¬ 
cusations.  They  have  exhausted  their  cunning  by 
diplomatic  trickery,  stultified  themselves  by  absurd 
reasoning,  excited  contempt  by  the  long  views  they 
have  persistently  taken  of  high  questions,  and  enven¬ 
omed  hatred  by  the  cool  avowal  of  purposes  as  base 
as  they  are  bloody.  The  feelings  now  raging  fiercely 
in  the  bosom  of  every  Southerner  have  been  blown 
into  a  tempest  by  the  untold  insults,  indignities, 
and  wrongs,  inflicted  since  we  severed  the  ties  that 
bound  us  to  despotism  and  disgrace.  Not  content 
with  refusing  to  concede  rights  guaranteed  by  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  they  make  the  tyranny  more  odious  by  de- 


150 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


ception  and  perfidy.  They  force  upon  us  the  alter¬ 
native  of  resistance,  and  because  we  placed  our  flag 
where  theirs  once  waved,  they  rush  to  arms  and 
threaten  us  with  extermination.  At  first,  when  gnash¬ 
ing  their  teeth  over  their  miserable  discomfiture,  they 
affected  a  beautiful  sentiment.  The  symbol  of  their 
grandeur  and  greatness  had  been  lowered  at  the  com¬ 
mand  of  a  foe  they  had  taunted  with  weakness  and  folly. 
Swollen  with  pride,  infuriate  with  passion,  and  embol¬ 
dened  by  the  eager  rush  of  numbers  to  their  capitol, 
they  have  ceased  prating  about  the  honor  of  their  Gov¬ 
ernment  ;  they  no  longer  make  specious  appeals  to  pa¬ 
triotism,  but,  ignoring  these  high  and  potent  motives, 
they  address  brute  passions,  and  deliberately  concoct 
and  propose  schemes  which  would  shock  and  disgust 
savages.  Their  brutal  soldiery  are  to  possess  our 
fair  fields  ;  one  class  of  our  population  are  reckoned 
upon  as  allies  in  the  execution  of  their  fiendish  pur¬ 
poses;  Louisiana  is  to  be  conquered  by  letting  in 
upon  her  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the  victors 
are  to  prey  upon  the  virtue  of  our  wives  and  daugh¬ 
ters.  These  are  the  motives  and  objects  loudly  pro¬ 
claimed  by  the  gathering  hordes. 

Fierce  will  be  the  coming  strife.  Steel,  and  lead, 
and  iron  will  be  clothed  with  all  their  murderous 
power.  The  sword  will  drink  its  full  of  blood.  Vic¬ 
tory  will  be  slaughter. — Charleston  Courier ,  May  16. 


A  Wonderful  Conversion. — The  New  York  Ob¬ 
server  of  this  week,  in  its  report  of  the  daily  Fulton 
street  Prayer-meeting,  states  facts  which  we  presume 
will  be  new  to  a  great  many  readers  in  this  city.  The 
report  runs : 

One  day  the  meeting  was  near  closing,  when  a 
man  in  the  uniform  of  an  officer  of  the  army  arose 
and  said  :  “  I  cannot  let  this  meeting  close  without 
saying  a  word.  I  came  home  from  the  battle-field  at 
Bull  Run  injured,  and  saved  from  instant  death  as 
almost  by  a  miracle.  I  was  in  the  battle  of  the  21st 
of  July,  and  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  and  such 
were  the  circumstances  of'  my  escape,  that  I  was  led 
to  think  on  my  ways.  I  have  been  a  wicked  man. 
When  there  was  any  wickedness  going  on,  I  was  sure 
to  be  foremost  in  it.  Coming  home  wounded,  I  had 
time  to  ask  myself  why  I  had  been  spared.  I  was 
struck  down  by  a  squad  of  the  Black  Horse  cavalry. 
I  never  expected  to  get  away  alive.” 

The  witness  goes  on  to  relate  his  religious  expe¬ 
rience,  and  implore  the  prayers  of  the  faithful.  The 
writer  says : — 

After  the  meeting,  we  asked  some  of  the  particu¬ 
lars  of  his  peril  and  deliverance.  He  said :  “  I  was 
surrounded  by  the  Black  Horse  men,  and  two  of  them 
seized  me,  one  on  each  side  laying  hold  of  me,  and 
running  at  full  gallop  about  half  a  mile,  when  both 
were  shot,  and  fell  from  their  horses  dead.  A  Black 
Horse  man,  galloping  behind  me,  gave  me  a  severe 
blow  in  the  back — intended  to  kill  me — which  brought 
me  to  the  ground.  The  whole  of  the  troop  were  on 
the  retreat,  and  many  galloped  over  me,  and  I  was 
injured  by  the  hoofs  of  the  horses ;  but,  blessed  be 
God,  I  was  spared.” 

“  Had  you  pious  parents  ?  ” 

“  The  most  godly  people  that  ever  lived,  and  I 
firmly  believe  I  was  spared  in  answer  to  their  prayers. 

I  arose  from  the  ground  with  that  conviction,  and  I 
believed  I  was  spared,  too,  that  I  might  have  space 
lor  repentance,  and  become  a  good  earnest  Christian, 
and  then  and  there  I  resolved  to  become  one,  and 
here  I  am,  hoping  in  God’s  mercy.” 


“  Where  did  your  parents  attend  church  ?  ”  we  in¬ 
quired. 

“  My  father  and  mother  were  members  of  the  old 
Garden  street  Reformed  Dutch  church.” 

“  Do  you  know  Jim  Irving,  of  your  regiment  ?  ” 

“  What !  the  old  comrade  of  the  worst  fighters  of 
the  city  ? — he  and  Orville  Gardner  at  their  head  ?  I 
guess  I  know  him.” 

“  What  sort  of  a  man  is  he  in  the  camp  ?  ” 

“  His  is  the  most  beautiful  Christian  character  I 
ever  saw.  I  never  saw  any  thing  like  it.” 

“  Does  he  drink  rum  ?  ” 

“  Not  a  drop.” 

“  Does  he  attend  prayer-meetings  ?  ” 

“  Always  will  have  one  going.” 

“  Where  is  he  now  ?  ” 

“  In  prison  at  Richmond,  because  he  considered  it 
his  duty  to  stand  to  the  last,  and  he  was  taken.” 

“  Did  you  know  he  was  accustomed  to  attend  these 
meetings  ?  ” 

“  I  have  often  heard  him  speak  of  these  meetings 
with  the  profoundest  delight.  If  Jim  Irving  is  not  a 
changed  man,  I  do  not  know  who  is.  Not  a  man  in 
the  regiment  could  be  found  who  does  not  know  him 
and  does  not  believe  him  to  be  a  Christian.” 

James  Irving  was  once  a  notoriously  wicked  man 
in  this  city,  and  became,  by  the  grace  of  God,  a  most 
interesting  Christian — a  meek,  humble,  modest  man 
as  to  his  spirit,  but  of  towering  strength  as  to  the 
mortal  part,  and,  before  going  to  the  army,  almost 
daily  in  the  prayer-meeting. — N.  Y.  Tribune. 


“e  pluribus  unum.” 

We  have  received  the  following  noble,  fervid, 
and  patriotic  lyric  for  publication,  from  its  author, 
Rev.  John  Pierpont.  It  proves  that  the  unwearied 
fire  of  genius  still  glows,  undinnned  by  age,  in  the 
soul  of  an  honored  American  poet,  whose  first  pro¬ 
duction  was  published  half  a  century  ago.  Mr. 
Pierpont  is  76  years  old,  and  his  poem  has  the 
“spirit  of ’76.”  As  regards  mere  age,  however, 
time  practices  on  us  a  deception  in  regard  to  him  ; 
for  his  form  seems  to  grow  more  erect,  his  gait 
more  vigorous,  his  mind  more  vivid  and  creative, 
as  he  advances  in  years.  The  soul  of  youth 
breathes  and  burns  in  his  verse,  and  animates  his 
his  frame.  Indeed,  he  promises  in  body  to  survive 
even  the  literary  reputation  of  many  of  his  younger 
contemporaries  ;  and  the  hyperbole  of  good  feeling, 
“  may  he  live  a  thousand  years,”  is  not  so  extrava¬ 
gant  a  wish  in  respect  to  him  as  it  is  to  others.— 
Boston  Transcript. 

i. 

Tho  harp  of  tho  minstrel  with  melody  rings, 

When  tho  muses  have  taught  him  to  touch  and  to  tune  it ; 
But  though  it  may  have  a  full  octave  of  strings. 

To  both  maker  and  minstrel  the  harp  is  a  unit. 

So  the  power  that  creates 
Our  Republic  of  States, 

Into  harmony  brings  them  at  different  dates ; 

And  the  thirteen  or  thirty,  the  Union  once  done, 

Are  “E  Pluribus  Unum” — of  many  made  one. 

IL 

Tho  science  that  weighs  in  her  balance  the  spheres, 

And  has  watched  them  since  first  the  Chaldean  began  it. 
Now  and  then,  as  she  counts  them  and  measures  their  years. 
Brings  into  our  system,  and  names  a  new  planet. 

Vet  the  old  and  new  stars, 

Venus,  Neptune,  and  Mars, 

As  they  drive  round  the  sun  their  invisible  cars, 

Whether  faster  or  slower  their  races  they  run. 

Are  “  E  Pluribus  Unum”— of  many  made  one. 


POETRY  AND  INCIDENTS. 


151 


hi. 

Of  that  system  of  spheres,  should  but  one  fly  the  track, 

Or  with  others  conspire  for  a  general  dispersion, 

By  the  great  central  orb  they  would  all  be  brought  back, 
And  held  each  in  her  place  by  a  wholesome  coercion. 
Should  one  daughter  of  light 
Be  indulged  in  her  flight, 

They  would  all  be  engulfed  by  old  Chaos  and  Night. 

So  must  none  of  our  sisters  be  suffered  to  run ; 

For,  “  E  Pluribus  Unum” — wo  all  go,  if  one. 

IT. 

Let  the  demon  of  discord  our  melody  mar, 

Or  treason’s  red  hand  rend  our  Union  asunder; 

Break  one  string  from  our  harp,  or  extinguish  one  star, 

The  whole  system’s  ablaze  with  its  lightning  and  thunder. 
Let  the  discord  be  hushed ! 

Let  the  traitors  be  crushed  1 
Though  “  Legion”  their  name,  all  with  victory  flushed ! 
For  aye  must  our  motto  stand,  fronting  the  sun  : 

“  E  Pluribus  Unum” — though  many ,  we're  one. 


THE  RISING  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

POEM  DELIVERED  BEFORE  THE  PHI  BETA  KAPPA  SO¬ 
CIETY  OF  HARVARD  UNIVERSITY,  JULY,  1861. 

BY  ELBRIDGE  JEFFERSON  CUTLER. 

The  drum’s  wild  roar  awakes  the  land ;  the  fife  is 
calling  shrill ; 

Ten  thousand  starry  banners  blaze  on  town,  and  bay, 
and  hill ; 

Our  crowded  streets  are  throbbing  with  the  soldiers’ 
measured  tramp ; 

Among  our  bladed  corn-fields  gleam  the  white  tents 
of  the  camp. 

The  thunders  of  the  rising  war  hush  labor’s  drowsy 
hum, 

And  heavy  to  the  ground  the  first  dark  drops  of  battle 
come. 

The  souls  of  men  flame  up  anew ;  the  narrow  heart 
expands ; 

And  woman  brings  her  patient  faith  to  nerve  her 
eager  hands. 

Thank  God !  we  are  not  buried  yet,  though  long  in 
trance  we  lay ; 

Thank  God  !  the  fathers  need  not  blush  to  own  their 
sons  to-day. 

Oh  !  sad  and  slow  the  weeks  went  by ;  each  held  his 
anxious  breath, 

Like  one  who  waits,  in  helpless  fear,  some  sorrow 
great  as  death. 

Oh  !  scarcely  was  there  faith  in  God,  nor  any  trust  in 
man, 

While  fast  along  the  Southern  sky  the  blighting 
shadow  ran.  • 

It  veiled  the  stars,  one  after  one ;  it  hushed  the 
patriots’  song ; 

And  stole  from  men  the  sacred  sense  that  parteth 
right  and  wrong. 

Then  a  red  flash — the  lightning  across  the  darkness 
broke, 

And  with  a  voice  that  shook  the  land,  the  guns  of 
Sumter  spoke  : 

Wake !  sons  of  heroes,  wake  !  the  age  of  heroes 
dawns  again ; 

Truth  takes  in  hand  her  ancient  sword,  and  calls  her 
loyal  men. 

Lo  !  brightly  o’er  the  breaking  day  shines  Freedom’s 
holy  star, 

Peace  cannot  cure  the  sickly  time.  All  hail,  the 
healer,  War! 


That  call  was  heard  by  Plymouth  rock ;  ’twas  heard 
in  Boston  bay ; 

Then  up  the  piny  streams  of  Maine  sped  on  its  ring¬ 
ing  way ; 

New  Hampshire’s  rocks,  Vermont’s  green  hills,  it 
kindled  into  flame ; 

Rhode  Island  felt  her  mighty  soul  bursting  her  little 
frame : 

The  Empire  City  started  up,  her  golden  fetters  rent, 

And,  meteor-like,  across  the  North,  the  fiery  message 
sent ; 

Over  the  breezy  prairie  lands,  by  bluff  and  lake  it  ran, 

Till  Kansas  bent  his  arm,  and  laughed  to  find  himself 
a  man ; 

Then  on,  by  cabin  and  by  camp,  by  stony  wastes  and 
sands, 

It  ran  exultant  down  the  sea  where  the  Golden  City 
stands. 

And  wheresoe’er  the  summons  came,  there  rose  an 
angry  din, 

As  when  upon  a  rocky  coast  a  stormy  tide  comes  in. 

Straightway  the  fathers  gathered  voice,  straightway 
the  sons  arose, 

With  flushing  cheek,  as  when  the  east  with  day’s  red 
current  glows. 

Hurrah  1  the  long  despair  is  past ;  our  fading  hopes 
renew ; 

The  fog  is  lifting  from  the  land,  and  lo  !  the  ancient 
blue  ! 

We  learn  the  secret  of  the  deeds  the  sires  have  hand¬ 
ed  down, 

To  fire  the  youthful  soldier’s  zeal,  and  tend  his  green 
renown. 

Who  lives  for  country,  through  his  arm  feels  all  her 
forces  flow. 

’Ti3  easy  to  be  brave  for  truth,  as  for  the  rose  to 
blow. 

Oh,  Law  !  fair  form  of  Liberty  !  God’s  light  is  on  thy 
brow, 

Oh,  Liberty !  thou  soul  of  Law,  God’s  very  self  art 
thou. 

One  the  clear  river’s  sparkling  flood  that  clothes  the 
bank  with  green ; 

And  one  the  line  of  stubborn  rock  that  holds  the 
water  in — 

Friends,  whom  we  cannot  think  apart,  seeming  each 
other’s  foe  : 

Twin  flowers  upon  a  single  stalk  with  equal  grace 
that  grow. 

Oh,  fair  ideas  !  we  write  your  names  across  our  ban¬ 
ner’s  fold ; 

For  you,  the  sluggard’s  brain  is  fire ;  for  you,  tho 
coward  bold. 

Oh  !  daughter  of  the  bleeding  Past !  Oh  !  hope  the 
prophets  saw  ! 

God  give  us  Law  in  Liberty,  and  Liberty  in  Law  ! 

Full  many  a  heart  is  aching,  with  mingled  joy  and 
pain, 

For  those  who  go  so  proudly  forth,  and  may  not 
come  again ; 

And  many  a  heart  is  aching  for  those  it  leaves  be¬ 
hind, 

As  a  thousand  tender  histories  throng  in  upon  the 
mind. 

The  old  men  bless  the  young  men,  and  praise  their 
bearing  high ; 

The  women  in  the  doorways  stand  to  wave  them 
bravely  by. 


152 


REBELLION  RECORD,  1860-61. 


One  threw  her  arms  about  her  boy,  and  said,  “  Good 
bye,  my  son ; 

God  help  thee  do  the  valiant  deeds  thy  father  would 
have  done.” 

One  held  up  to  a  bearded  man  a  little  child  to  kiss, 

And  said,  “  I  shall  not  be  alone,  for  thy  dear  love 
and  this.” 

And  one,  a  rosebud  in  her  hand,  leant  at  a  soldier’s 
side ; 

“  Thy  country  weds  thee  first,”  she  said,  “be  I  thy 
second  bride.” 

Oh,  mothers !  when,  around  your  hearths,  ye  count 
your  cherished  ones, 

And  miss  from  the  enchanted  ring  the  flower  of  all 
your  sons ; 

Oh,  wives !  when  o’er  the  cradled  child  ye  bend  at 
evening’s  fall, 

And  voices  which  the  heart  can  hear  across  the  dis¬ 
tance  call ; 

Oh,  maids  !  when,  in  the  sleepless  nights,  ye  ope  the 
little  case, 

And  look  till  ye  can  look  no  more  upon  the  proud 
young  face, 

Not  only  pray  the  Lord  of  Life,  who  measures  mortal 
breath, 

To  bring  the  absent  back  unscathed  out  of  the  fire  of 
death ; 

Oh,  pray  with  that  divine  content  which  God’s  best 
favor  draws, 

That,  whosoever  lives  or  dies,  he  save  his  holy  cause  ! 

So  out  of  shop  and  farmhouse,  from  shore  and  inland 
gkn, 

Thick  as  the  bees  in  clover  time,  are  swarming  armed 
men ; 

Along  the  dusty  roads  in  haste  the  eager  columns 
come, 

With  flash  of  sword  and  musket’s  gleam,  the  bugle 
and  the  drum. 

Ho  !  comrades  !  see  the  starry  flag,  broad  waving  at 
our  head ; 

Ho  !  comrades  !  mark  the  tender  light  on  the  dear 
emblems  spread  ! 

Our  fathers’  blood  has  hallowed  it ;  ’tis  part  of  their 
renown ; 

And  palsied  be  the  caitiff  hand  would  pluck  its  glories 
down  ! 

Hurrah  !  hurrah  !  it  is  our  home  where’er  thy  colors 
fly; 

^  0  win  with  thee  the  victory,  or  in  thy  shadow  die  ! 

Oh,  women  !  drive  the  rattling  loom,  and  gather  in 
the  hay ; 

For  all  the  youth  worth  love  and  truth  are  marshalled 
for  the  fray. 


Southward  the  hosts  are  hurrying,  with  banners  wide 
unfurled, 

From  where  the  stately  Hudson  floats  the  wealth  of 
half  the  world ; 

From  where,  amid  his  clustered  isles,  Lake  Huron’s 
waters  gleam ; 

From  where  the  Mississippi  pours  an  unpolluted 
stream ; 

From  where  Kentucky’s  fields  of  com  bend  in  the 
Southern  air ; 

From  broad  Ohio’s  luscious  vines ;  from  Jersey’s 
orchards  fair ; 

From  where,  between  his  fertile  slopes,  Nebraska’s 
rivers  run ; 

From  Pennsylvania’s  iron  hills ;  from  woody  Oregon; 

And  Massachusetts  led  the  van,  as  in  the  days  of 
yore, 

And  gave  her  reddest  blood  to  cleanse  the  stones  of 
Baltimore. 

Oh,  mothers  !  sisters  !  daughters  !  spare  the  tears  ye 
fain  would  shed ; 

Who  seem  to  die  in  such  a  cause,  ye  cannot  call  them 
dead ; 

They  live  upon  the  lips  of  men,  in  picture,  bust,  and 
song, 

And  nature  folds  them  in  her  heart,  and  keeps  them 
safe  from  wrong. 

Oh !  length  of  days  is  not  a  boon  the  brave  man 
prayeth  for ; 

There  are  a  thousand  evils  worse  than  death  or  any 
war — 

Oppression,  with  his  iron  strength,  fed  on  the  souls 
of  men, 

And  License,  with  the  hungry  brood  that  haunt  his 
ghastly  den. 

But  like  bright  stars  ye  fill  the  eye  ;  adoring  hearts 
ye  draw ; 

Oh  !  sacred  grace  of  Liberty  !  oh,  majesty  of  Law  ! 

Hurrah  !  the  drums  are  beating ;  the  fife  is  calling 
shrill ; 

Ten  thousand  starry  banners  flame  on  town,  and  bay, 
and  hill ; 

The  thunders  of  the  rising  war  drown  labor’s  peace¬ 
ful  hum ; 

Thank  God  that  we  have  lived  to  see  the  saffron 
morning  come — 

The  morning  of  the  battle  call,  to  every  soldier  dear  ! 

Oh  joy  !  the  cry  is  “  Forward  !  ”  Oh,  joy  !  the  foe  is 
near ! 

For  all  the  crafty  men  of  peace  have  failed  to  purge 
the  land ; 

Hurrah !  the  ranks  of  battle  close !  God  takes  his 
cause  in  hand ! 


